French judges have dropped their long-running investigation into the deadly 1994 attack on former Rwandan president Juvenal Habyarimana, which sparked the country's genocide, a legal source told AFP on Wednesday.&nbsp;

The probe has been a major source of tension between the two countries after seven people close to current Rwandan President Paul Kagame were charged in the French investigation.

Philippe Meilhac, a lawyer for Habyarimana's widow Agathe, told AFP that plaintiffs in the case would appeal the decision to scrap the investigation.

French prosecutors had requested the probe be dismissed in October due to insufficient evidence against the seven suspects.

At the time, lawyers for Habyarimana's widow called the prosecutors' move "unacceptable" and "largely politically motivated".

Habyarimana, an ethnic Hutu, was killed in a missile strike on his plane near Kigali's airport in April 1994.

His assassination triggered 100 days of bloodshed that left an estimated 800,000 people dead, mostly members of the Tutsi minority.

Kigali has long accused France of complicity in the genocide by supporting the Hutu regime, training the soldiers and militiamen who carried out the killings.

The French probe into Habyarimana's execution was opened in 1998 on the request of relatives of French crew members killed in the attack on the plane.

The first judge to lead the probe, Jean-Louis Bruguiere, backed the theory that it was Tutsi militants from the former rebellion led by Kagame, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (FPR), who shot down the plane.&nbsp;

The French probe was closed but eventually reopened in 2016 before hitting a series of legal obstacles over the past two years.

A Rwandan commission had in 2009 found Hutu extremists responsible for the assassination of Habyarimana.

French judges have dropped their long-running investigation into the deadly 1994 attack on former Rwandan president Juvenal Habyarimana, which sparked the country's genocide, a legal source told AFP on Wednesday.

French judges have dropped their long-running investigation into the deadly 1994 attack on former Rwandan president Juvenal Habyarimana, which sparked the country's genocide, a legal source told AFP on Wednesday. The probe has been a major source of tension between the two countries after seven people close to current Rwandan President Paul Kagame were charged in the French investigation. Philippe Meilhac, a lawyer for Habyarimana's widow Agathe, told AFP that plaintiffs in the case would appeal the decision to scrap the investigation. French prosecutors had requested the probe be dismissed in October due to insufficient evidence against the seven suspects. At the time, lawyers for Habyarimana's widow called the prosecutors' move "unacceptable" and "largely politically motivated". Habyarimana, an ethnic Hutu, was killed in a missile strike on his plane near Kigali's airport in April 1994. His assassination triggered 100 days of bloodshed that left an estimated 800,000 people dead, mostly members of the Tutsi minority. Kigali has long accused France of complicity in the genocide by supporting the Hutu regime, training the soldiers and militiamen who carried out the killings. The French probe into Habyarimana's execution was opened in 1998 on the request of relatives of French crew members killed in the attack on the plane. The first judge to lead the probe, Jean-Louis Bruguiere, backed the theory that it was Tutsi militants from the former rebellion led by Kagame, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (FPR), who shot down the plane. The French probe was closed but eventually reopened in 2016 before hitting a series of legal obstacles over the past two years. A Rwandan commission had in 2009 found Hutu extremists responsible for the assassination of Habyarimana.

France drops probe into attack that sparked Rwanda genocide: legal source

A bipartisan group of US&nbsp;senators on Wednesday called on Secretary of State Mike Pompeo to designate the Myanmar military's campaign against the Rohingya Muslim minority a genocide.&nbsp;

More than 700,000 Rohingya have fled Myanmar's Rakhine state for neighbouring Bangladesh since August last year, when attacks on security posts by Rohingya insurgents triggered a military crackdown that the United Nations, the United States, Britain and others described as ethnic cleansing.

Myanmar denies the accusations of ethnic cleansing.

"We are deeply concerned that despite clear evidence of genocide amassed by the Department`s own report ... that the Department has not made a formal determination that the crime of genocide has been committed," said a letter to Pompeo from the senators, a copy of which was seen by Reuters.&nbsp;

In September, leaders of the US&nbsp;House of Representatives Foreign Affairs Committee called on the Trump administration to declare the military campaign a genocide, days after a State Department report stopped short of that description.

A declaration of genocide by the US&nbsp;government could have legal implications of committing Washington to stronger punitive measures against Myanmar's government, which is led by Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. This has made some in the Trump administration wary of issuing such an assessment.

The areas where the Rohingya lived in Myanmar's western Rakhine State before the army ousted them were being dramatically transformed, making their return increasingly unlikely, Reuters reported on Tuesday.&nbsp;

The senators asked Pompeo to provide a formal determination about the actions of Myanmar`s military.&nbsp;

"There is no question that the violence in northern Rakhine State – intended to terrorise, drive out, and exterminate Rakhine`s Rohingya population – meets the definition of genocide," the letter said.

Led by Senator Bob Menendez, the top Democrat on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, the letter was also signed by Republican Senators Marco Rubio and Susan Collins and

Democratic Senators Ed Markey, Tim Kaine, Ben Cardin and Jeff Merkley.

Failing to officially label the actions a genocide would "deny truth-telling and accountability" for the Rohingya and "... would leave an indelible stain on our nation`s legacy of promoting and advancing human rights, dignity, and accountability," the letter said.

The United Nations Security Council is mulling a resolution that the council could consider further steps, including sanctions, if there was not enough progress made by Myanmar in returning refugees, diplomats said. &nbsp;

A bipartisan group of US senators on Wednesday called on Secretary of State Mike Pompeo to designate the Myanmar military's campaign against the Rohingya Muslim minority a genocide.

A bipartisan group of US senators on Wednesday called on Secretary of State Mike Pompeo to designate the Myanmar military's campaign against the Rohingya Muslim minority a genocide. More than 700,000 Rohingya have fled Myanmar's Rakhine state for neighbouring Bangladesh since August last year, when attacks on security posts by Rohingya insurgents triggered a military crackdown that the United Nations, the United States, Britain and others described as ethnic cleansing. Myanmar denies the accusations of ethnic cleansing. "We are deeply concerned that despite clear evidence of genocide amassed by the Department`s own report ... that the Department has not made a formal determination that the crime of genocide has been committed," said a letter to Pompeo from the senators, a copy of which was seen by Reuters. In September, leaders of the US House of Representatives Foreign Affairs Committee called on the Trump administration to declare the military campaign a genocide, days after a State Department report stopped short of that description. A declaration of genocide by the US government could have legal implications of committing Washington to stronger punitive measures against Myanmar's government, which is led by Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. This has made some in the Trump administration wary of issuing such an assessment. The areas where the Rohingya lived in Myanmar's western Rakhine State before the army ousted them were being dramatically transformed, making their return increasingly unlikely, Reuters reported on Tuesday. The senators asked Pompeo to provide a formal determination about the actions of Myanmar`s military. "There is no question that the violence in northern Rakhine State – intended to terrorise, drive out, and exterminate Rakhine`s Rohingya population – meets the definition of genocide," the letter said. Led by Senator Bob Menendez, the top Democrat on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, the letter was also signed by Republican Senators Marco Rubio and Susan Collins and Democratic Senators Ed Markey, Tim Kaine, Ben Cardin and Jeff Merkley. Failing to officially label the actions a genocide would "deny truth-telling and accountability" for the Rohingya and "... would leave an indelible stain on our nation`s legacy of promoting and advancing human rights, dignity, and accountability," the letter said. The United Nations Security Council is mulling a resolution that the council could consider further steps, including sanctions, if there was not enough progress made by Myanmar in returning refugees, diplomats said.

US senators call on Pompeo to label Myanmar killings 'genocide'

A human rights law group contracted by the State Department to interview refugees as part of an investigation into atrocities against Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar has found that there is a reasonable basis to conclude that genocide was committed - even though the US government stopped short of saying so.

A report due to be released on Monday by the Washington-based Public International Law and Policy Group (PILPG) will also say there was a reasonable basis to conclude that the Myanmar military committed crimes against humanity and war crimes, as well as genocide.

A US State Department report released in September, which relied on PILPG research, found that Myanmar's military waged a "well-planned and coordinated" campaign of mass killings, gang rapes and other atrocities against the Rohingya.

But it stopped short of describing the crackdown as genocide or crimes against humanity, an issue that US officials said was the subject of fierce internal debate that delayed the report's rollout for nearly a month.

A declaration of genocide by the US government, which has only gone as far as labeling the crackdown "ethnic cleansing," could have legal implications of committing Washington to stronger punitive measures against Myanmar. This has made some in the Trump administration wary of issuing such an assessment.

In an advisory on Thursday announcing the planned release of the legal analysis of its investigation, PILPG said it would reveal that "there is a reasonable basis to conclude that war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide were committed against the Rohingya population."

PILPG based its report on more than 1,000 interviews with Rohingya refugees who fled to Bangladesh. The group said its mission was conducted in March and April "to provide an accurate accounting of the patterns of abuse and atrocity crimes."

The September State Department report was released in low-key fashion nearly a month after UN investigators issued a report accusing Myanmar’s military of acting with "genocidal intent" and calling for the country’s commander-in-chief and five generals to be prosecuted under international law.

State Department officials have said the objective of the US government investigation was not to determine genocide but to "document the facts," and it would be up to Secretary of State Mike Pompeo to make a "legal" designation in the future.

Pompeo has urged Myanmar's government to investigate abuses against the Rohingya and hold accountable members of its security forces and others who were responsible.

A top State Department official said in September those responsible could be held accountable for genocide and crimes against humanity.

The military in Myanmar, previously known as Burma, where Buddhism is the main religion, has denied accusations of ethnic cleansing and says its actions were part of a fight against terrorism.

A human rights law group contracted by the State Department to interview refugees as part of an investigation into atrocities against Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar has found that there is a reasonable basis to conclude that genocide was committed - even though the US government stopped short of saying so.

A human rights law group contracted by the State Department to interview refugees as part of an investigation into atrocities against Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar has found that there is a reasonable basis to conclude that genocide was committed - even though the US government stopped short of saying so. A report due to be released on Monday by the Washington-based Public International Law and Policy Group (PILPG) will also say there was a reasonable basis to conclude that the Myanmar military committed crimes against humanity and war crimes, as well as genocide. A US State Department report released in September, which relied on PILPG research, found that Myanmar's military waged a "well-planned and coordinated" campaign of mass killings, gang rapes and other atrocities against the Rohingya. But it stopped short of describing the crackdown as genocide or crimes against humanity, an issue that US officials said was the subject of fierce internal debate that delayed the report's rollout for nearly a month. A declaration of genocide by the US government, which has only gone as far as labeling the crackdown "ethnic cleansing," could have legal implications of committing Washington to stronger punitive measures against Myanmar. This has made some in the Trump administration wary of issuing such an assessment. In an advisory on Thursday announcing the planned release of the legal analysis of its investigation, PILPG said it would reveal that "there is a reasonable basis to conclude that war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide were committed against the Rohingya population." PILPG based its report on more than 1,000 interviews with Rohingya refugees who fled to Bangladesh. The group said its mission was conducted in March and April "to provide an accurate accounting of the patterns of abuse and atrocity crimes." The September State Department report was released in low-key fashion nearly a month after UN investigators issued a report accusing Myanmar’s military of acting with "genocidal intent" and calling for the country’s commander-in-chief and five generals to be prosecuted under international law. State Department officials have said the objective of the US government investigation was not to determine genocide but to "document the facts," and it would be up to Secretary of State Mike Pompeo to make a "legal" designation in the future. Pompeo has urged Myanmar's government to investigate abuses against the Rohingya and hold accountable members of its security forces and others who were responsible. A top State Department official said in September those responsible could be held accountable for genocide and crimes against humanity. The military in Myanmar, previously known as Burma, where Buddhism is the main religion, has denied accusations of ethnic cleansing and says its actions were part of a fight against terrorism.

Law group that helped US probe says Rohingyas victims of genocide

Two senior Khmer Rouge leaders were sentenced to life imprisonment for genocide for their part in the regime's 1975-1979 reign of terror, a UN-backed war crimes court said Friday in a historic ruling.

"The chamber... finds that Nuon Chea is responsible for all the crimes," presiding judge Nil Nonn told the court.

"This includes the case of genocide" against Cham Muslims and ethnic Vietnamese.&nbsp;

"The chamber sentenced Nuon Chea to life imprisonment," he added.

Head of state Khieu Samphan was found guilty of genocide against ethnic Vietnamese and would also receive a life term, he added.&nbsp;

Two senior Khmer Rouge leaders were sentenced to life imprisonment for genocide for their part in the regime's 1975-1979 reign of terror, a UN-backed war crimes court said Friday in a historic ruling.

Two senior Khmer Rouge leaders were sentenced to life imprisonment for genocide for their part in the regime's 1975-1979 reign of terror, a UN-backed war crimes court said Friday in a historic ruling. "The chamber... finds that Nuon Chea is responsible for all the crimes," presiding judge Nil Nonn told the court. "This includes the case of genocide" against Cham Muslims and ethnic Vietnamese. "The chamber sentenced Nuon Chea to life imprisonment," he added. Head of state Khieu Samphan was found guilty of genocide against ethnic Vietnamese and would also receive a life term, he added.

Video: Two top Khmer Rouge leaders get life imprisonment for 'genocide': Court

Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi became the first person to be stripped of honorary Canadian citizenship on Tuesday over her refusal to call out atrocities by her nation's military against the Rohingya Muslim minority.

The move was made official after Canada's Senate voted to revoke the symbolic honour.

The lower house had already approved a motion to the same effect last week.

The House of Commons granted the privilege to Suu Kyi in 2007, but her international reputation has since been tarnished by her refusal to call on the Burmese army to put an end to the atrocities committed against the Rohingya.

Canadian lawmakers described the violence against them as a "genocide" in a resolution passed in September.

The ethnic group are treated as foreigners in Burma, a country that is more than 90 per cent Buddhist.&nbsp;

A brutal military campaign that started last year drove more than 700,000 Rohingya Muslims from Myanmar into neighbouring Bangladesh, where they now live in cramped refugee camps -- fearful of returning despite a repatriation deal.

Many have given accounts of extrajudicial killings, sexual violence and arson.

Canada has granted honorary citizenship only to five other personalities, including Nelson Mandela, the Dalai Lama and Malala Yousafzai.

Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi became the first person to be stripped of honorary Canadian citizenship on Tuesday over her refusal to call out atrocities by her nation's military against the Rohingya Muslim minority.

Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi became the first person to be stripped of honorary Canadian citizenship on Tuesday over her refusal to call out atrocities by her nation's military against the Rohingya Muslim minority. The move was made official after Canada's Senate voted to revoke the symbolic honour. The lower house had already approved a motion to the same effect last week. The House of Commons granted the privilege to Suu Kyi in 2007, but her international reputation has since been tarnished by her refusal to call on the Burmese army to put an end to the atrocities committed against the Rohingya. Canadian lawmakers described the violence against them as a "genocide" in a resolution passed in September. The ethnic group are treated as foreigners in Burma, a country that is more than 90 per cent Buddhist. A brutal military campaign that started last year drove more than 700,000 Rohingya Muslims from Myanmar into neighbouring Bangladesh, where they now live in cramped refugee camps -- fearful of returning despite a repatriation deal. Many have given accounts of extrajudicial killings, sexual violence and arson. Canada has granted honorary citizenship only to five other personalities, including Nelson Mandela, the Dalai Lama and Malala Yousafzai.

Aung San Suu Kyi becomes first person stripped of honourary Canadian citizenship

Myanmar wants to see clear evidence to support accusations that ethnic cleansing or genocide has been perpetrated against its Muslim minority in Rakhine state, National Security Adviser Thaung Tun said on Thursday.

&quot;The vast majority of the Muslim community that was living in Rakhine remain,&quot; he told reporters in Geneva. &quot;If it was a genocide, they would all be driven out.&rdquo;

Nearly 700,000 Rohingya have fled Rakhine into neighbouring Bangladesh since insurgent attacks sparked a security crackdown in August, joining 200,000 refugees from a previous exodus.

On Wednesday, UN&nbsp;human rights chief Zeid Ra&#39;ad al-Hussein said he strongly suspected &quot;acts of genocide&quot;, while Myanmar&#39;s military published a lengthy response to widespread allegations over its campaign in Rakhine, saying its investigations had cleared troops of almost all alleged abuses.

Zeid told the UN&nbsp;Human Rights Council that reports of bulldozing of alleged mass graves were a &quot;deliberate attempt by the authorities to destroy evidence of potential international crimes, including possible crimes against humanity&quot;.

Thaung Tun said charges of ethnic cleansing and genocide were very serious and should not be bandied about lightly.

&quot;We have often heard many accusations that there is ethnic cleansing or even genocide in Myanmar. And I&rsquo;ve said it before and I&rsquo;ll say it again &ndash; it is not the policy of the government, and this we can assure you. Although there are accusations, we would like to have clear evidence,&quot; he said.

&quot;We should look into that before making a pronouncement on whether there is ethnic cleansing or genocide.&quot;

Myanmar has not allowed UN&nbsp;investigators into the country to investigate. A U.N. fact-finding mission is due to report on Monday on its initial findings, based on interviews with victims and survivors in Bangladesh and other countries.

Thaung Tun added that Myanmar was willing to accept back people who had fled and provide safety and dignity for them, showing that it did not want them out of the country, and that only a minority of Rakhine&#39;s population of 3 million had left.

He said the Muslims who fled largely did so because the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) armed group had sowed fear. He accused ARSA of having forced villagers to join their attacks on the security forces and had insisted on a scorched earth policy, burning villages in retreat.

Rohingya trace their presence in Rakhine back centuries. But most people in majority-Buddhist Myanmar consider them to be unwanted Muslim immigrants from Bangladesh. The army refers to the Rohingya as &quot;Bengalis,&quot; and most lack citizenship.

Thaung Tun said former residents would be welcomed back if they were willing to &quot;participate in the life of the nation&quot;, for example by learning the Burmese language.

&quot;Those who want to become citizens of Myanmar, we are happy to welcome them, but they have to go through a process. There cannot be automatic citizenship,&quot; he said.

On Wednesday, UN human rights chief Zeid Ra'ad al-Hussein said he strongly suspected 'acts of genocide'

Myanmar wants to see clear evidence to support accusations that ethnic cleansing or genocide has been perpetrated against its Muslim minority in Rakhine state, National Security Adviser Thaung Tun said on Thursday. "The vast majority of the Muslim community that was living in Rakhine remain," he told reporters in Geneva. "If it was a genocide, they would all be driven out.” Nearly 700,000 Rohingya have fled Rakhine into neighbouring Bangladesh since insurgent attacks sparked a security crackdown in August, joining 200,000 refugees from a previous exodus. On Wednesday, UN human rights chief Zeid Ra'ad al-Hussein said he strongly suspected "acts of genocide", while Myanmar's military published a lengthy response to widespread allegations over its campaign in Rakhine, saying its investigations had cleared troops of almost all alleged abuses. Zeid told the UN Human Rights Council that reports of bulldozing of alleged mass graves were a "deliberate attempt by the authorities to destroy evidence of potential international crimes, including possible crimes against humanity". Thaung Tun said charges of ethnic cleansing and genocide were very serious and should not be bandied about lightly. "We have often heard many accusations that there is ethnic cleansing or even genocide in Myanmar. And I’ve said it before and I’ll say it again – it is not the policy of the government, and this we can assure you. Although there are accusations, we would like to have clear evidence," he said. "We should look into that before making a pronouncement on whether there is ethnic cleansing or genocide." Myanmar has not allowed UN investigators into the country to investigate. A U.N. fact-finding mission is due to report on Monday on its initial findings, based on interviews with victims and survivors in Bangladesh and other countries. Thaung Tun added that Myanmar was willing to accept back people who had fled and provide safety and dignity for them, showing that it did not want them out of the country, and that only a minority of Rakhine's population of 3 million had left. He said the Muslims who fled largely did so because the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) armed group had sowed fear. He accused ARSA of having forced villagers to join their attacks on the security forces and had insisted on a scorched earth policy, burning villages in retreat. Rohingya trace their presence in Rakhine back centuries. But most people in majority-Buddhist Myanmar consider them to be unwanted Muslim immigrants from Bangladesh. The army refers to the Rohingya as "Bengalis," and most lack citizenship. Thaung Tun said former residents would be welcomed back if they were willing to "participate in the life of the nation", for example by learning the Burmese language. "Those who want to become citizens of Myanmar, we are happy to welcome them, but they have to go through a process. There cannot be automatic citizenship," he said.

Myanmar says it would like to see 'clear evidence' of genocide

It is unimaginable that a place which witnessed genocide is being considered safe and beautiful. Whatever the reasons, Rwanda with all its history of violence has turned out to be a pretty manicured country.

It took us 5 hours to reach Congo border as cars travelling outside the city could not be driven more than 60 km per hour. It was irritating but surprising that cars have been fitted with GPS system which alerts the authorities when the rule is violated.

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What also stuck my eye was the impressive roads built by the Rwandan government. This is the shape of a country which is not resource rich. It does not produce gold but exports it. The joke is that it all comes from Congo which produces it but cannot export it properly as it gets pilfered away. Another striking detail was the absence of waste and rubbish on the roadside. Mountains looked green and roadsides were clean. I could not spot a plastic on the Rwandan highway.

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Rwanda with all its history of violence has turned out to be a pretty manicured country. (WION)
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&nbsp;

I was told that plastic has been banned by the Rwandan government. It is not that success in some areas have changed the fundamental structure of society or killed equality in Rwanda. It&rsquo;s just that some good decisions have been made. But in Kigali, the hilltops continue to be occupied by the rich and poor in the valley. So, there are somethings which don&rsquo;t change.

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Rwanda (WION)
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&nbsp;

Crossing into Congo was easy but the difference was stark. Suddenly beautiful houses dotting lake Kivu gave away to poor housing areas. The well-maintained infrastructure of the other side gave way to shanty towns. I saw hundreds of young men sitting ideally on the roadsides, a clear sign that jobs are few.

You move out of Goma and you realise that roads are a luxury. Few roads have been built in last three years but vast areas of Congo are unconnected.&nbsp; Taxis run on two-wheelers and their areas where it takes 2 days to cover 250 kilometres. Imagine what UN Peace Keeping Mission have to go through in when they are asked to intervene in an area 150 km away.

The condition of the road is also a good indicator. It tells you which part of the city you are travelling in. Congo continues to suffer from the curse of resource. Despite abundant resources, people have not benefitted.&nbsp; Loyalties are divided on tribal identities and roads are considered dangerous as they can unite people and make a nation out of multiple tribes and may even prevent economic plunder. It is for this reason, roads are non-existent in Congo. Congo and Rwanda are a study in contrast. Rwanda is not perfect. It has its inequality and ugliness but Rwanda also demonstrates resilience and political will to make a comeback. Congo, on the other hand, continues to battle the basics.&nbsp;

It is unimaginable that a place which witnessed genocide is being considered safe and beautiful. Whatever the reasons, Rwanda with all its history of violence has turned out to be a pretty manicured country

It is unimaginable that a place which witnessed genocide is being considered safe and beautiful. Whatever the reasons, Rwanda with all its history of violence has turned out to be a pretty manicured country. It took us 5 hours to reach Congo border as cars travelling outside the city could not be driven more than 60 km per hour. It was irritating but surprising that cars have been fitted with GPS system which alerts the authorities when the rule is violated. × What also stuck my eye was the impressive roads built by the Rwandan government. This is the shape of a country which is not resource rich. It does not produce gold but exports it. The joke is that it all comes from Congo which produces it but cannot export it properly as it gets pilfered away. Another striking detail was the absence of waste and rubbish on the roadside. Mountains looked green and roadsides were clean. I could not spot a plastic on the Rwandan highway. Rwanda with all its history of violence has turned out to be a pretty manicured country. (WION) × I was told that plastic has been banned by the Rwandan government. It is not that success in some areas have changed the fundamental structure of society or killed equality in Rwanda. It’s just that some good decisions have been made. But in Kigali, the hilltops continue to be occupied by the rich and poor in the valley. So, there are somethings which don’t change. Rwanda (WION) × Crossing into Congo was easy but the difference was stark. Suddenly beautiful houses dotting lake Kivu gave away to poor housing areas. The well-maintained infrastructure of the other side gave way to shanty towns. I saw hundreds of young men sitting ideally on the roadsides, a clear sign that jobs are few. You move out of Goma and you realise that roads are a luxury. Few roads have been built in last three years but vast areas of Congo are unconnected. Taxis run on two-wheelers and their areas where it takes 2 days to cover 250 kilometres. Imagine what UN Peace Keeping Mission have to go through in when they are asked to intervene in an area 150 km away. The condition of the road is also a good indicator. It tells you which part of the city you are travelling in. Congo continues to suffer from the curse of resource. Despite abundant resources, people have not benefitted. Loyalties are divided on tribal identities and roads are considered dangerous as they can unite people and make a nation out of multiple tribes and may even prevent economic plunder. It is for this reason, roads are non-existent in Congo. Congo and Rwanda are a study in contrast. Rwanda is not perfect. It has its inequality and ugliness but Rwanda also demonstrates resilience and political will to make a comeback. Congo, on the other hand, continues to battle the basics.

WION in Congo: Goma, where roads are considered dangerous

Mladic was convicted by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia of crimes committed against Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats in the former Yugoslavia during the 1990s. The tribunal declared that the crimes he committed were &ldquo;among the most heinous known to humankind&rdquo;.

Trials of former high-ranking war criminals are often peppered with drama, and this week&rsquo;s verdict announcement was no exception. Disruption of trials is a way for previously powerful people - usually men - to reclaim some of their lost power.

Halfway through the verdict summary announcement, Mladic requested a break. After a lengthy break, the court was informed that Mladic had high blood pressure, but on medical advice, deemed it appropriate to continue. At this point, Mladic refused to sit and began shouting at the judges: &ldquo;this is a lie&rdquo; and &ldquo;shame on you&rdquo;.

He was thrown out of court and watched the rest of the proceedings from another room. This, unfortunately, meant that victims were unable to see his reaction to the long-awaited verdict and sentencing.

Long road to justice

First indicted by the Tribunal in 1995, Mladic stayed in military resorts, protected even though a fugitive. He later went into hiding until his arrest in Serbia in 2011. Mladic&rsquo;s trial began in 2012, concluded in 2016, with the verdict delivered on November 22.

Mladic, who came to be known as the &ldquo;Butcher of Bosnia&rdquo;, rose through the ranks to become the commander of the Bosnian Serb army in 1992, participating in atrocities committed under Serbian leader Slobodan Milo&scaron;evic&rsquo;s regime. Milo&scaron;evic was also tried by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, but died before he could be convicted.

Mladic played a leadership role in these atrocities, commanding the army as it committed crimes across the regime. He has been convicted of &ldquo;Joint Criminal Enterprise&rdquo; &ndash; the international equivalent of conspiracy &ndash; alongside other leaders such as Milo&scaron;evic and Bosnian Serb politician Radovan Karad?ic. The tribunal found that Mladic was instrumental in the crimes and they would not have taken place without his involvement.

The atrocities included the siege of Sarajevo, which lasted for 44 months from 1992-95. Some 10,000 people died during the siege, including many children. Some of Mladic&rsquo;s other crimes were committed at internment camps such as Omarska and Foca, where thousands were tortured and raped. He has also been held responsible for the kidnapping of UN peacekeepers in order to leverage NATO to stop air strikes.

Convicting the high-ranking Mladic is symbolic and momentous, as he was the commander of the soldiers who carried out these actions.

Perhaps most significant is the conviction for genocide over mass killings at Srebrenica in July 1995. Some 8,000 Bosnian Muslim men and boys were killed and buried in mass graves. Identification of remains is ongoing, with thousands of bones and personal belongings still being analysed in hope of a match for families that continue to seek the whereabouts of loved ones. Identification is hampered by the fact that two months after the killings, bodies were moved to alternative mass grave locations.

A welcome day for survivors

The many survivors have waited a long time justice, both for themselves and for their lost loved ones. Some victims travelled to The Hague to hear the verdict first hand.

It is particularly poignant, given that some of the war criminals convicted by the tribunal have already served their sentences and returned to Serbia and Bosnia, now living in communities with their victims. A life sentence for Mladic is a source of satisfaction to the victims; a minimum justice for their suffering and loss.

Legal consequences of this ruling are also substantial. Proving genocide in court is challenging for prosecutors, with the requirement of a &ldquo;special intent&rdquo; to eliminate part or whole of a specific population. Convictions for genocide are rare; only a handful of convicted perpetrators at the ICTY were found guilty of genocide, including Karad?ic and Radislav Krstic, a deputy commander in the Bosnian Serb army.

The confirmation that the Srebrenica massacre was indeed a genocide is important because many Bosnian Serbs continue to deny the fact. Victims hope the ruling will contribute to a broader acknowledgement, which in turn could help the reconciliation process.

Yet others have little hope that the ruling will change things. Srebrenica&rsquo;s Serb mayor Mladen Grujicic still denies the genocide, and many Serbian nationalists still laud Mladic and his fellow war criminals as heroes.

Mladic was found not guilty of one count of genocide, in reference to a broader spate of killings throughout Bosnia. This is in keeping with previous decisions, where Srebrenica has been deemed genocide, but the overall objective of the leadership for the whole of the Yugoslav territory has not.

This verdict is the final judgement to be delivered by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, slated to close at the end of this year. Since it was established in 1993, the tribunal has indicted 161 individuals and convicted 84 perpetrators of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide.

Some 4,650 witnesses have appeared, more than 1,000 of whom testified about the Srebrenica genocide. There are only seven proceedings remaining, with the UN Mechanism for International Criminal Tribunals finalising cases. The tribunal has undoubtedly contributed to justice and reconciliation in the former Yugoslavia.

However, success has not been absolute, with criticism that sentences have been too short. There is also an inevitable post-atrocity denial of crimes committed by perpetrators and their communities, with continued rejection by Serbian communities and politicians of the validity and decisions of the Tribunal.

These 84 convictions are clearly only a small proportion of the thousands of perpetrators. With the wind-up of the tribunal, remaining perpetrators will continue to be tried at local war crimes courts in Bosnia.

Throughout Europe, 14 countries have housed convicted tribunal war criminals in their prisons. Mladic will serve his sentence in a country yet to be determined.

While it may not bring their loved ones back, survivors can have some comfort in knowing the man who ordered and oversaw the atrocities will spend the rest of his life in prison.

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com" rel="nofollow" target="blank">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/ratko-mladic-the-butcher-of-bosnia-to-spend-life-in-prison-for-genocide-and-war-crimes-87927" rel="nofollow" target="blank">original article</a>.

(Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity).

Survivors can have some comfort in knowing the man who ordered and oversaw the atrocities will spend the rest of his life in prison

Mladic was convicted by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia of crimes committed against Bosnian Muslims and Bosnian Croats in the former Yugoslavia during the 1990s. The tribunal declared that the crimes he committed were “among the most heinous known to humankind”. Trials of former high-ranking war criminals are often peppered with drama, and this week’s verdict announcement was no exception. Disruption of trials is a way for previously powerful people - usually men - to reclaim some of their lost power. Halfway through the verdict summary announcement, Mladic requested a break. After a lengthy break, the court was informed that Mladic had high blood pressure, but on medical advice, deemed it appropriate to continue. At this point, Mladic refused to sit and began shouting at the judges: “this is a lie” and “shame on you”. He was thrown out of court and watched the rest of the proceedings from another room. This, unfortunately, meant that victims were unable to see his reaction to the long-awaited verdict and sentencing. Long road to justice First indicted by the Tribunal in 1995, Mladic stayed in military resorts, protected even though a fugitive. He later went into hiding until his arrest in Serbia in 2011. Mladic’s trial began in 2012, concluded in 2016, with the verdict delivered on November 22. Mladic, who came to be known as the “Butcher of Bosnia”, rose through the ranks to become the commander of the Bosnian Serb army in 1992, participating in atrocities committed under Serbian leader Slobodan Miloševic’s regime. Miloševic was also tried by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, but died before he could be convicted. Mladic played a leadership role in these atrocities, commanding the army as it committed crimes across the regime. He has been convicted of “Joint Criminal Enterprise” – the international equivalent of conspiracy – alongside other leaders such as Miloševic and Bosnian Serb politician Radovan Karad?ic. The tribunal found that Mladic was instrumental in the crimes and they would not have taken place without his involvement. The atrocities included the siege of Sarajevo, which lasted for 44 months from 1992-95. Some 10,000 people died during the siege, including many children. Some of Mladic’s other crimes were committed at internment camps such as Omarska and Foca, where thousands were tortured and raped. He has also been held responsible for the kidnapping of UN peacekeepers in order to leverage NATO to stop air strikes. Convicting the high-ranking Mladic is symbolic and momentous, as he was the commander of the soldiers who carried out these actions. Perhaps most significant is the conviction for genocide over mass killings at Srebrenica in July 1995. Some 8,000 Bosnian Muslim men and boys were killed and buried in mass graves. Identification of remains is ongoing, with thousands of bones and personal belongings still being analysed in hope of a match for families that continue to seek the whereabouts of loved ones. Identification is hampered by the fact that two months after the killings, bodies were moved to alternative mass grave locations. A welcome day for survivors The many survivors have waited a long time justice, both for themselves and for their lost loved ones. Some victims travelled to The Hague to hear the verdict first hand. It is particularly poignant, given that some of the war criminals convicted by the tribunal have already served their sentences and returned to Serbia and Bosnia, now living in communities with their victims. A life sentence for Mladic is a source of satisfaction to the victims; a minimum justice for their suffering and loss. Legal consequences of this ruling are also substantial. Proving genocide in court is challenging for prosecutors, with the requirement of a “special intent” to eliminate part or whole of a specific population. Convictions for genocide are rare; only a handful of convicted perpetrators at the ICTY were found guilty of genocide, including Karad?ic and Radislav Krstic, a deputy commander in the Bosnian Serb army. The confirmation that the Srebrenica massacre was indeed a genocide is important because many Bosnian Serbs continue to deny the fact. Victims hope the ruling will contribute to a broader acknowledgement, which in turn could help the reconciliation process. Yet others have little hope that the ruling will change things. Srebrenica’s Serb mayor Mladen Grujicic still denies the genocide, and many Serbian nationalists still laud Mladic and his fellow war criminals as heroes. Mladic was found not guilty of one count of genocide, in reference to a broader spate of killings throughout Bosnia. This is in keeping with previous decisions, where Srebrenica has been deemed genocide, but the overall objective of the leadership for the whole of the Yugoslav territory has not. This verdict is the final judgement to be delivered by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, slated to close at the end of this year. Since it was established in 1993, the tribunal has indicted 161 individuals and convicted 84 perpetrators of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide. Some 4,650 witnesses have appeared, more than 1,000 of whom testified about the Srebrenica genocide. There are only seven proceedings remaining, with the UN Mechanism for International Criminal Tribunals finalising cases. The tribunal has undoubtedly contributed to justice and reconciliation in the former Yugoslavia. However, success has not been absolute, with criticism that sentences have been too short. There is also an inevitable post-atrocity denial of crimes committed by perpetrators and their communities, with continued rejection by Serbian communities and politicians of the validity and decisions of the Tribunal. These 84 convictions are clearly only a small proportion of the thousands of perpetrators. With the wind-up of the tribunal, remaining perpetrators will continue to be tried at local war crimes courts in Bosnia. Throughout Europe, 14 countries have housed convicted tribunal war criminals in their prisons. Mladic will serve his sentence in a country yet to be determined. While it may not bring their loved ones back, survivors can have some comfort in knowing the man who ordered and oversaw the atrocities will spend the rest of his life in prison. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article. (Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity).

Opinion: Ratko Mladic, the 'Butcher of Bosnia', to spend life in prison

A Baloch delegation under the leadership of Professor Naela Quadri Baloch has urged the Canadian Government to help stop <a href="http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/pakistan-forces-shot-dead-baloch-separatist-commander-involved-in-killing-of-15-men-in-province-24478">the genocide in Balochistan</a>.

The delegation met Canadian Member of Parliament Ron McKinnon on Friday.

They reportedly discussed the role of the Canadian government in attempting to stop the ongoing Baloch genocide and infiltration of state-sponsored religious terrorist groups in the pluralistic peaceful Baloch society.

The Baloch are facing religious and ethnic terrorism at the frontline, and the Baloch delegation felt it is the responsibility of the international community to support the Baloch in the name and spirit of global safety and security.

For decades, in Balochistan, economic exploitation through the plundering of natural resources, and the systematic economic, social and political exclusion of indigenous Baloch people, has become the norm.

In addition to this, enforced disappearances, extra-judicial killings and an escalating crackdown on freedom of expression are used as covert tools to brutally repress the Baloch peaceful struggle for justice, rights, and equality.

Since the construction of<a href="http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/pakistan-turns-down-chinas-bid-to-include-diamer-bhasha-dam-in-cpec-24335"> the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC)</a>has begun, the Baloch have been forcefully cleared, enforcedly disappeared and effectively excluded from the project at all levels - despite plentiful promises made by the Pakistani authorities of development and employment.

The Baloch are facing religious and ethnic terrorism at the frontline, and the Baloch delegation felt it is the responsibility of the international community to support the Baloch in the name and spirit of global safety and security

A Baloch delegation under the leadership of Professor Naela Quadri Baloch has urged the Canadian Government to help stop the genocide in Balochistan. The delegation met Canadian Member of Parliament Ron McKinnon on Friday. They reportedly discussed the role of the Canadian government in attempting to stop the ongoing Baloch genocide and infiltration of state-sponsored religious terrorist groups in the pluralistic peaceful Baloch society. The Baloch are facing religious and ethnic terrorism at the frontline, and the Baloch delegation felt it is the responsibility of the international community to support the Baloch in the name and spirit of global safety and security. For decades, in Balochistan, economic exploitation through the plundering of natural resources, and the systematic economic, social and political exclusion of indigenous Baloch people, has become the norm. In addition to this, enforced disappearances, extra-judicial killings and an escalating crackdown on freedom of expression are used as covert tools to brutally repress the Baloch peaceful struggle for justice, rights, and equality. Since the construction of the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC)has begun, the Baloch have been forcefully cleared, enforcedly disappeared and effectively excluded from the project at all levels - despite plentiful promises made by the Pakistani authorities of development and employment.

Baloch delegates urge Canadian government to help stop genocide in Balochistan

Nobody is safe from the rages of Zimbabwe&rsquo;s First Lady, &ldquo;Dr Amai&rdquo; Grace Mugabe. There was the young South African model Grace lashed with extension cords. 93-year-old President Robert Mugabe&rsquo;s longtime and usually trusted ally Emmerson Mnangagwa, was next in the firing line: He was sacked because his supporters allegedly booed her at a rally.

The consequences of her vengeance may have led to a coup headed by Zimbabwe&rsquo;s army chief General Constantino Chiwenga, who is commonly perceived to be Mnangagwa&rsquo;s prot&eacute;g&eacute;. But ex-freedom fighter Mnangagwa has his own presidential aspirations.

Mnangagwa has been exiled from the party in which he has served since he was a teenager. But he is not just skulking in the political wilderness. On arrival in South Africa, he issued a statement calling those who wanted him out &ldquo;minnows&rdquo;. He promised to control his party &ldquo;very soon&rdquo; and urged his supporters to register to vote in the national elections next July.

As if to back Mnangagwa, on November 13 General Chiwenga announced that he and his officers could not allow the &ldquo;counter-revolutionary infiltrators&rdquo;, implied to be behind Grace Mugabe, to continue their purges.

Factions and purges

Chiwenga declared that the armed forces must ensure all party members attend the extraordinary Zanu-PF congress next month with &ldquo;equal opportunity to exercise their democratic rights&rdquo;. He flashed back through Zanu-PF&rsquo;s history of factionalism, reminding his listeners that although the military &ldquo;will not hesitate to step in&rdquo; it has never &ldquo;usurped power&rdquo;. Chiwenga promised to defuse all the differences &ldquo;amicably and in the ruling party&rsquo;s closet&rdquo;.

Although, this airbrushed more than it revealed about the party&rsquo;s rough patches when leadership vacuums appeared, the statement appeared more as a cautionary note than a clarion call to arms. It&rsquo;s not often a coup is announced before it starts, but once in motion direction &ndash; and history &ndash; can change. Grace Mugabe may have unleashed a perfect storm and her own undoing.

&nbsp;

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Soldiers stand next to a tank on a road in Harare. (Reuters)
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All the &ldquo;shenanigans&rdquo; that have inspired the generals to consider a coup have set the stage for an extraordinary Zanu-PF congress this December instead of in the expected 2019: That is, before rather than after the July 2018 national elections.

This suggests some people were in a hurry to settle the succession issues for the president, who is now showing every one of his 93 years. Maybe Robert Mugabe won&rsquo;t rule until he is 100-years-old. If not, and members of his family or party wanted to keep their dynasties alive, they had to work quickly lest some similarly inclined contenders are in their way.

These contenders include Mnangagwa and a slew of his &ldquo;Lacoste&rdquo; faction consisting of war veterans and the odd financial liberal. The best-known of these is Patrick Chinamasa. This former finance minister tried to convince the world&rsquo;s bankers he could pull Zimbabwe out of the fire. He was demoted to control cyberspace and then fired. Perhaps he may make a comeback in the wake of the semi-coup.

The pro-Grace faction includes the members of Generation 40, or &ldquo;G-40&rdquo;. Many are well over 40. But in Robert Mugabe&rsquo;s shadow, they appear young, as does the 52-year-old First Lady. Without a base in the liberation-war cohort, they resorted to working with the Mugabe couple: Sometimes their ideology appears radical, espousing indigenous economics and more land to the tillers.

If the history of their best-known member &ndash; the current Minister of Higher Education Jonathan Moyo &ndash; is indicative, however, they are pragmatic; or less politely put, opportunist.

But with Grace Mugabe sans Robert, they would have to muster inordinate amounts of patience and manipulation to steer the sinking ship to the shores of stable statehood and incorporate yet younger generations who cut their political teeth as Robert Mugabe&rsquo;s rule faltered.

Perfidious &lsquo;saviours&rsquo;

Yet the possible plan for the upcoming congress &ndash; to create a third vice-president &ndash; appears not to move far beyond the cold hands of the old. Phelekezela Mphoko would be pushed to third vice-president status. Grace would be the second vice-president.

The current defence minister, Sydney Sekeramayi would be first vice-president and so, next in line for the presidential palace. He is a quiet but no less tarnished member of the Zanu-PF old guard; especially when one remembers the massacre of thousands of Ndebele people during the Gukurahundi.

When performing the calculus necessary to rectify Zimbabwe&rsquo;s graceless imbalances, remember that Mnangagwa was perhaps the key architect of the nearly genocidal Gukurahundi, now chronicled in archival detail in historian Stuart Doran&rsquo;s Kingdom, Power, Glory: Mugabe, Zanu, and the Quest for Supremacy. Among the scores implicated therein are the British, condemned by Hazel Cameron, another meticulous archivist, as exercising &ldquo;wilful blindness&rdquo; during what Robert Mugabe has dismissed as a &ldquo;moment of madness&rdquo;.

Perhaps it&rsquo;s no surprise, then, that many are suspicious of Mnangagwa&rsquo;s relationship with the UK. Many suspects he has been swimming with perfidious Albion for a very, very long time.

Those waters, in the shadow of Mugabe&rsquo;s heritage, will take a few more generations of hard political work to clear. It hardly seems propitious that a coup, and the same generation that has ruled since 1980, starts it off.

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com" rel="nofollow" target="blank">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/a-military-coup-is-afoot-in-zimbabwe-whats-next-for-the-embattled-nation-87528" rel="nofollow" target="blank">original article</a>.

The protracted political crisis in Zimbabwe has worsened since President Mugabe fired vice president Emmerson Mnangagwa also the military has entered the fray, raising fears a coup is imminent

Nobody is safe from the rages of Zimbabwe’s First Lady, “Dr Amai” Grace Mugabe. There was the young South African model Grace lashed with extension cords. 93-year-old President Robert Mugabe’s longtime and usually trusted ally Emmerson Mnangagwa, was next in the firing line: He was sacked because his supporters allegedly booed her at a rally. The consequences of her vengeance may have led to a coup headed by Zimbabwe’s army chief General Constantino Chiwenga, who is commonly perceived to be Mnangagwa’s protégé. But ex-freedom fighter Mnangagwa has his own presidential aspirations. Mnangagwa has been exiled from the party in which he has served since he was a teenager. But he is not just skulking in the political wilderness. On arrival in South Africa, he issued a statement calling those who wanted him out “minnows”. He promised to control his party “very soon” and urged his supporters to register to vote in the national elections next July. As if to back Mnangagwa, on November 13 General Chiwenga announced that he and his officers could not allow the “counter-revolutionary infiltrators”, implied to be behind Grace Mugabe, to continue their purges. Factions and purges Chiwenga declared that the armed forces must ensure all party members attend the extraordinary Zanu-PF congress next month with “equal opportunity to exercise their democratic rights”. He flashed back through Zanu-PF’s history of factionalism, reminding his listeners that although the military “will not hesitate to step in” it has never “usurped power”. Chiwenga promised to defuse all the differences “amicably and in the ruling party’s closet”. Although, this airbrushed more than it revealed about the party’s rough patches when leadership vacuums appeared, the statement appeared more as a cautionary note than a clarion call to arms. It’s not often a coup is announced before it starts, but once in motion direction – and history – can change. Grace Mugabe may have unleashed a perfect storm and her own undoing. Soldiers stand next to a tank on a road in Harare. (Reuters) × All the “shenanigans” that have inspired the generals to consider a coup have set the stage for an extraordinary Zanu-PF congress this December instead of in the expected 2019: That is, before rather than after the July 2018 national elections. This suggests some people were in a hurry to settle the succession issues for the president, who is now showing every one of his 93 years. Maybe Robert Mugabe won’t rule until he is 100-years-old. If not, and members of his family or party wanted to keep their dynasties alive, they had to work quickly lest some similarly inclined contenders are in their way. These contenders include Mnangagwa and a slew of his “Lacoste” faction consisting of war veterans and the odd financial liberal. The best-known of these is Patrick Chinamasa. This former finance minister tried to convince the world’s bankers he could pull Zimbabwe out of the fire. He was demoted to control cyberspace and then fired. Perhaps he may make a comeback in the wake of the semi-coup. The pro-Grace faction includes the members of Generation 40, or “G-40”. Many are well over 40. But in Robert Mugabe’s shadow, they appear young, as does the 52-year-old First Lady. Without a base in the liberation-war cohort, they resorted to working with the Mugabe couple: Sometimes their ideology appears radical, espousing indigenous economics and more land to the tillers. If the history of their best-known member – the current Minister of Higher Education Jonathan Moyo – is indicative, however, they are pragmatic; or less politely put, opportunist. But with Grace Mugabe sans Robert, they would have to muster inordinate amounts of patience and manipulation to steer the sinking ship to the shores of stable statehood and incorporate yet younger generations who cut their political teeth as Robert Mugabe’s rule faltered. Perfidious ‘saviours’ Yet the possible plan for the upcoming congress – to create a third vice-president – appears not to move far beyond the cold hands of the old. Phelekezela Mphoko would be pushed to third vice-president status. Grace would be the second vice-president. The current defence minister, Sydney Sekeramayi would be first vice-president and so, next in line for the presidential palace. He is a quiet but no less tarnished member of the Zanu-PF old guard; especially when one remembers the massacre of thousands of Ndebele people during the Gukurahundi. When performing the calculus necessary to rectify Zimbabwe’s graceless imbalances, remember that Mnangagwa was perhaps the key architect of the nearly genocidal Gukurahundi, now chronicled in archival detail in historian Stuart Doran’s Kingdom, Power, Glory: Mugabe, Zanu, and the Quest for Supremacy. Among the scores implicated therein are the British, condemned by Hazel Cameron, another meticulous archivist, as exercising “wilful blindness” during what Robert Mugabe has dismissed as a “moment of madness”. Perhaps it’s no surprise, then, that many are suspicious of Mnangagwa’s relationship with the UK. Many suspects he has been swimming with perfidious Albion for a very, very long time. Those waters, in the shadow of Mugabe’s heritage, will take a few more generations of hard political work to clear. It hardly seems propitious that a coup, and the same generation that has ruled since 1980, starts it off. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

A military coup is afoot in Zimbabwe. What's next for the embattled nation?

Rohingya children have been beheaded and civlians burned alive by Myanmarese security forces, the British online newspaper the Independent newspaper has reported.&nbsp;

There have been allegations that Myanmar&#39;s army and paramilitary forces are conducting a &quot;pogrom&quot; or &quot;genocide&quot; against the Muslim minority in the country&rsquo;s western Rakhine state.&nbsp;

The Rohingya are reviled in Myanmar, and seen as illegal Bangladeshi immigrants.&nbsp;

The UN has said some 60,000 Rohingya have fled Burma in a week, trying to get across the Naf river which separates Myanmar from Bangladesh.&nbsp;

Earlier news reports have talked of bodies -- of the Rohingya who were not able to make it across -- washing up on Bangladesh soil.&nbsp;

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/as-bodies-wash-up-un-says-27000-rohingya-have-fled-myanmar-19767" target="_blank">Also read:&nbsp;As bodies wash up, UN says 27,000 Rohingya have fled Myanmar</a>

The Independent was quoting witness testimony of survivors.&nbsp;

The Independent said observers believe the number of displaced will increase.&nbsp;

It added the Myanmarese army as saying 400 militants had been killed in clashes with security forces.&nbsp;

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<h5>Abdul Rahim said a group of Rohingya men had been rounded up and held in a bamboo hut, which was then set on fire</h5>
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The Independent said the civilians who did make it across gave horrific accounts of violence and destruction by Myanmarese soldiers and other armed groups.&nbsp;

It recounted the testimony given to Fortify Rights, a charity working in the area, of a man named Abdul Rahim.&nbsp;

Rahim said he had survived a five-hour attack on a village called Chut Pyin.&nbsp;

He told Fortify Rights that a group of Rohingya men had been rounded up and held in a bamboo hut, which was then set on fire.&nbsp;

&quot;My brother was killed, (Burmese soldiers) burned him with the group,&rdquo; the Independent quoted him as saying.&nbsp;

&ldquo;We found (my other family members) in the fields. They had marks on their bodies from bullets and some had cuts.

&quot;My two nephews, their heads were off. One was six years old and the other was nine years old. My sister-in-law was shot with a gun.&rdquo;&nbsp;

The Independent said Sultan Ahmed, 27, from the same village, told Fortify Rights: &ldquo;Some people were beheaded, and many were cut. We were in the house hiding when [armed residents from a neighbouring village] were beheading people.

&quot;When we saw that, we just ran out the back of the house.&rdquo;

The Independent said survivors from other villages in the region also described seeing people being beheaded or having their throats cut.

&ldquo;We can&rsquo;t stress enough the urgency of the situation,&rdquo; the Independent quoted Matthew Smith, the head of Fortify Rights, as saying.&nbsp;

&ldquo;The Myanmar authorities are failing to protect civilians and save lives. International pressure is critically needed.&rdquo;

 
&nbsp;

The British online newspaper the Independent quoted witness testimony of survivors

Rohingya children have been beheaded and civlians burned alive by Myanmarese security forces, the British online newspaper the Independent newspaper has reported. There have been allegations that Myanmar's army and paramilitary forces are conducting a "pogrom" or "genocide" against the Muslim minority in the country’s western Rakhine state. The Rohingya are reviled in Myanmar, and seen as illegal Bangladeshi immigrants. The UN has said some 60,000 Rohingya have fled Burma in a week, trying to get across the Naf river which separates Myanmar from Bangladesh. Earlier news reports have talked of bodies -- of the Rohingya who were not able to make it across -- washing up on Bangladesh soil. Also read: As bodies wash up, UN says 27,000 Rohingya have fled Myanmar The Independent was quoting witness testimony of survivors. The Independent said observers believe the number of displaced will increase. It added the Myanmarese army as saying 400 militants had been killed in clashes with security forces. Abdul Rahim said a group of Rohingya men had been rounded up and held in a bamboo hut, which was then set on fire × The Independent said the civilians who did make it across gave horrific accounts of violence and destruction by Myanmarese soldiers and other armed groups. It recounted the testimony given to Fortify Rights, a charity working in the area, of a man named Abdul Rahim. Rahim said he had survived a five-hour attack on a village called Chut Pyin. He told Fortify Rights that a group of Rohingya men had been rounded up and held in a bamboo hut, which was then set on fire. "My brother was killed, (Burmese soldiers) burned him with the group,” the Independent quoted him as saying. “We found (my other family members) in the fields. They had marks on their bodies from bullets and some had cuts. "My two nephews, their heads were off. One was six years old and the other was nine years old. My sister-in-law was shot with a gun.” The Independent said Sultan Ahmed, 27, from the same village, told Fortify Rights: “Some people were beheaded, and many were cut. We were in the house hiding when [armed residents from a neighbouring village] were beheading people. "When we saw that, we just ran out the back of the house.” The Independent said survivors from other villages in the region also described seeing people being beheaded or having their throats cut. “We can’t stress enough the urgency of the situation,” the Independent quoted Matthew Smith, the head of Fortify Rights, as saying. “The Myanmar authorities are failing to protect civilians and save lives. International pressure is critically needed.”

Rohingya children beheaded, civilians burned alive by Myanmarese security forces: Report

A tragic&nbsp;picture circulated&nbsp;today of a 16-month-old Rohingyan&nbsp;boy named Mohammed Shohayet, who was killed as&nbsp;Burmese guards&nbsp;fired&nbsp;on refugees fleeing a genocide. The&nbsp;image&nbsp;recalls for many the heart-wrenching&nbsp;picture&nbsp;of Alan Kurdi, the dead Syrian refugee&nbsp;whose corpse&nbsp;washed up on Turkey&#39;s shore.&nbsp;

The impossibly sad picture of Kurdi reverberated around the world in the summer of 2016. It seemed to embody the epitome of the horror of war, and increased an already fierce&nbsp;public backlash against the Syrian civil&nbsp;war. &nbsp;

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Tragic photo of <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Rohingya?src=hash">#Rohingya</a> baby reminds&nbsp;us&nbsp;Alan Kurdi. Burmese Border Guard indiscriminately opened fire as they were fleeing from genocide. <a href="https://t.co/JTBEo89tJe">pic.twitter.com/JTBEo89tJe</a>
&mdash; Alisha Binti Hamid (@jaan_alisha) <a href="https://twitter.com/jaan_alisha/status/806750114203082752">December 8, 2016</a></blockquote>
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Shohayet&#39;s family fled to Bangladesh to escape the violence in Myanmar&#39;s Rakhine State. Mohammed, along with his mother, uncle and three-year-old brother drowned on the journey, leaving only the father alive, CNN reported.

&quot;When I see the picture, I feel like I would rather die. There is no point in me living in this world,&quot; Mohammed&#39;s father, Zafor Alam, told CNN.

Whereas the picture of the Syrian boy, Kurdi,&nbsp;seemed to make people feel agonizingly helpless&nbsp;in the face of a catastrophe the world was closely watching, many&nbsp;hope&nbsp;that the picture of Shohayet will increase attention to the plight of the Rohingya Muslims.

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Dec 31, 2015, Alan Kurdi still alive with his mother and brother. Jan 2, 2016, all 3 were dead; 5,000 more died seeking safety in 2016. <a href="https://t.co/Z4Io42mBbz">pic.twitter.com/Z4Io42mBbz</a>
&mdash; Crawford Kilian (@Crof) <a href="https://twitter.com/Crof/status/815393936994775040">January 1, 2017</a></blockquote>
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Myanmar is carrying out <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/myanmar-pursuing-ethnic-cleansing-of-rohingya-un-official-9298">&quot;ethnic cleansing</a>&quot; of Rohingya Muslims, a UN official has reportedly said, as horrifying stories of gang rape, torture and murder emerge from among the thousands who have fled to Bangladesh.&nbsp;

Up to 30,000 of the impoverished ethnic group have abandoned their homes in Myanmar to escape the unfolding violence, the UN says, after troops poured into the narrow strip where they live earlier this month.

Dhaka has resisted urgent international appeals to open its border to avert a humanitarian crisis, instead telling Myanmar it must do more to prevent the stateless Rohingya minority from entering.

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The Muslim minorities in Myanmar continue to flee the violence by security forces. Myanmar is accused of carrying out a systematic cleansing of the minority group also known as Rohingya. WION&#39;s Bangladesh correspondent Saad Hammadi sends this report. (WION)
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(WION)

The boy was killed as Burmese border guards fired indiscriminately on the Muslims fleeing genocide

A tragic picture circulated today of a 16-month-old Rohingyan boy named Mohammed Shohayet, who was killed as Burmese guards fired on refugees fleeing a genocide. The image recalls for many the heart-wrenching picture of Alan Kurdi, the dead Syrian refugee whose corpse washed up on Turkey's shore. The impossibly sad picture of Kurdi reverberated around the world in the summer of 2016. It seemed to embody the epitome of the horror of war, and increased an already fierce public backlash against the Syrian civil war. Tragic photo of #Rohingya baby reminds us Alan Kurdi. Burmese Border Guard indiscriminately opened fire as they were fleeing from genocide. pic.twitter.com/JTBEo89tJe — Alisha Binti Hamid (@jaan_alisha) December 8, 2016 × Shohayet's family fled to Bangladesh to escape the violence in Myanmar's Rakhine State. Mohammed, along with his mother, uncle and three-year-old brother drowned on the journey, leaving only the father alive, CNN reported. "When I see the picture, I feel like I would rather die. There is no point in me living in this world," Mohammed's father, Zafor Alam, told CNN. Whereas the picture of the Syrian boy, Kurdi, seemed to make people feel agonizingly helpless in the face of a catastrophe the world was closely watching, many hope that the picture of Shohayet will increase attention to the plight of the Rohingya Muslims. Dec 31, 2015, Alan Kurdi still alive with his mother and brother. Jan 2, 2016, all 3 were dead; 5,000 more died seeking safety in 2016. pic.twitter.com/Z4Io42mBbz — Crawford Kilian (@Crof) January 1, 2017 × Myanmar is carrying out "ethnic cleansing" of Rohingya Muslims, a UN official has reportedly said, as horrifying stories of gang rape, torture and murder emerge from among the thousands who have fled to Bangladesh. Up to 30,000 of the impoverished ethnic group have abandoned their homes in Myanmar to escape the unfolding violence, the UN says, after troops poured into the narrow strip where they live earlier this month. Dhaka has resisted urgent international appeals to open its border to avert a humanitarian crisis, instead telling Myanmar it must do more to prevent the stateless Rohingya minority from entering. The Muslim minorities in Myanmar continue to flee the violence by security forces. Myanmar is accused of carrying out a systematic cleansing of the minority group also known as Rohingya. WION's Bangladesh correspondent Saad Hammadi sends this report. (WION) × (WION)

Rohingya infant washes up dead, reminds world of Syrian boy Alan Kurdi

A French court on Saturday upheld the 25-year prison sentence handed to a former Rwandan intelligence agent jailed in France&rsquo;s first trial over the African country&rsquo;s 1994 genocide.

56-year-old Pascal Simbikangwa was found guilty of genocide and complicity in crimes against humanity in 2014, a trial that was a turning point in France&rsquo;s approach to genocide suspects living on its soil.

Simbikangwa, a former member of presidential guard, insists he is innocent. He launched an appeal in October prompting a six-week trial that was decided by nine jurors and three magistrates.

Simbikangwa&rsquo;s lawyers dubbed &nbsp;the decision as &quot;botched&quot;.

&quot;We were naive -- we wanted to believe that he would not be sentenced in advance,&quot; his lawyer Fabrice Epstein told AFP as she left the court in Bobigny outside Paris.

She said the proceedings had been treated as a wider trial on the genocide that left more than 800,000 people dead, &quot;rather than the trial of Mr Simbikangwa&quot; alone.

Alain Gauthier, head of the Civil Plaintiffs Collective for Rwanda, welcomed the decision. &quot;This legitimises the fight we&rsquo;ve been leading for 20 years without any glory,&quot; he said, AFP reported.

The International Federation of Human Rights and Human Rights League said the ruling gave a voice to &quot;victims who have been waiting for justice to be done for more than 20 years&quot;.

France, widely considered to have supported the Rwandan Hutu regime that carried out the bulk of the killings, had earlier been accused of dragging its feet on prosecuting cases.

Two other Rwandans have been prosecuted in France over the genocide since Simbikangwa went on trial.

Simbikangwa was accused of organising roadblocks where Hutu militia murdered many of their victims, mostly from the Tutsi minority.

He was also accused of arming the militia.

The three-month long slaughter in Rwanda began when the plane of then president Juvenal Habyarimana, a Hutu, was shot down in April 1994.

Simbikangwa was arrested in 2008 on the French Indian Ocean island of Mayotte, where he had been living under a false identity.

&nbsp;

(WION with inputs from AFP)

56-year-old Pascal Simbikangwa was found guilty of genocide and complicity in crimes against humanity in 2014

A French court on Saturday upheld the 25-year prison sentence handed to a former Rwandan intelligence agent jailed in France’s first trial over the African country’s 1994 genocide. 56-year-old Pascal Simbikangwa was found guilty of genocide and complicity in crimes against humanity in 2014, a trial that was a turning point in France’s approach to genocide suspects living on its soil. Simbikangwa, a former member of presidential guard, insists he is innocent. He launched an appeal in October prompting a six-week trial that was decided by nine jurors and three magistrates. Simbikangwa’s lawyers dubbed the decision as "botched". "We were naive -- we wanted to believe that he would not be sentenced in advance," his lawyer Fabrice Epstein told AFP as she left the court in Bobigny outside Paris. She said the proceedings had been treated as a wider trial on the genocide that left more than 800,000 people dead, "rather than the trial of Mr Simbikangwa" alone. Alain Gauthier, head of the Civil Plaintiffs Collective for Rwanda, welcomed the decision. "This legitimises the fight we’ve been leading for 20 years without any glory," he said, AFP reported. The International Federation of Human Rights and Human Rights League said the ruling gave a voice to "victims who have been waiting for justice to be done for more than 20 years". France, widely considered to have supported the Rwandan Hutu regime that carried out the bulk of the killings, had earlier been accused of dragging its feet on prosecuting cases. Two other Rwandans have been prosecuted in France over the genocide since Simbikangwa went on trial. Simbikangwa was accused of organising roadblocks where Hutu militia murdered many of their victims, mostly from the Tutsi minority. He was also accused of arming the militia. The three-month long slaughter in Rwanda began when the plane of then president Juvenal Habyarimana, a Hutu, was shot down in April 1994. Simbikangwa was arrested in 2008 on the French Indian Ocean island of Mayotte, where he had been living under a false identity. (WION with inputs from AFP)

French court upholds 25-year jail term for Rwanda genocide convict

A United Nations team tasked with investigating the human rights abuses in Burundi on Tuesday said the violations, including executions and torture were committed primarily by state agents and those linked to them. 
 
Warning of the looming risk of genocide, the investigators said Burundi&#39;s government was behind the systematic human rights violations. 
 
&quot;Given the country&#39;s history, the danger of the crime of genocide also looms large,&quot; the report warned. 
 
The report by three independent experts said some instances of gross human rights violations, in fact, amounted to crimes against humanity.&nbsp; 
 
They obtained satellite images and testimony corroborating the existence of mass graves, as well as several lists of both civilians and military personnel destined for &quot;targeted assassinations&quot; by security forces. 
 
&quot;UNIIB found that the large majority of victims have been identified as people who were opposed or perceived to be opposed to the third mandate of President Nkurunziza or of members of opposition parties,&quot; it said, adding: 
 
&quot;There are worrying signs of a personality cult being built around the president.&quot; 
 
The list of suspects will be handed to the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and be available in the event of any prosecutions. 
 
Burundi had descended into violence in April 2015, over President Pierre Nkurunziza&#39;s controversial decision to run for a third term -- a vote he won in July. 
 
The UN human rights office verified 564 cases of executions between April 26, 2015 and August 30, 2016, calling it &quot;clearly a conservative estimate&quot;. 
 
Thousands have been tortured, suffered sexual abuse or disappeared, while arbitrary detention has happened &quot;on a massive scale&quot;, the report said. 
 
But the government accused the team of bias, saying the investigators were politically motivated and their sources could not be verified.&nbsp; 
 
More than 1,000 people have been killed since the crisis began and nearly 300,000 people have fled the country as refugees. 
 
The UN painted a bleak picture for the state, saying that without dramatic changes from Burundi&#39;s government and robust engagement from the international community, &quot;the country&#39;s downward spiral is unlikely to be reversed,&quot; endangering the entire region. 
 
It called on the UN rights council to create a Commission of Inquiry to investigation the violations in Burundi. 
 
And they also asked the UN General Assembly to consider whether Burundi could remain a Human Rights Council member -- marking a first in the council&#39;s decade-long history. 
 
(WION with inputs from agencies) 
&nbsp;

The UN investigators said they had received evidence of rapes, disappearances, mass arrests as well as torture and murder in Burundi

A United Nations team tasked with investigating the human rights abuses in Burundi on Tuesday said the violations, including executions and torture were committed primarily by state agents and those linked to them. Warning of the looming risk of genocide, the investigators said Burundi's government was behind the systematic human rights violations. "Given the country's history, the danger of the crime of genocide also looms large," the report warned. The report by three independent experts said some instances of gross human rights violations, in fact, amounted to crimes against humanity. They obtained satellite images and testimony corroborating the existence of mass graves, as well as several lists of both civilians and military personnel destined for "targeted assassinations" by security forces. "UNIIB found that the large majority of victims have been identified as people who were opposed or perceived to be opposed to the third mandate of President Nkurunziza or of members of opposition parties," it said, adding: "There are worrying signs of a personality cult being built around the president." The list of suspects will be handed to the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and be available in the event of any prosecutions. Burundi had descended into violence in April 2015, over President Pierre Nkurunziza's controversial decision to run for a third term -- a vote he won in July. The UN human rights office verified 564 cases of executions between April 26, 2015 and August 30, 2016, calling it "clearly a conservative estimate". Thousands have been tortured, suffered sexual abuse or disappeared, while arbitrary detention has happened "on a massive scale", the report said. But the government accused the team of bias, saying the investigators were politically motivated and their sources could not be verified. More than 1,000 people have been killed since the crisis began and nearly 300,000 people have fled the country as refugees. The UN painted a bleak picture for the state, saying that without dramatic changes from Burundi's government and robust engagement from the international community, "the country's downward spiral is unlikely to be reversed," endangering the entire region. It called on the UN rights council to create a Commission of Inquiry to investigation the violations in Burundi. And they also asked the UN General Assembly to consider whether Burundi could remain a Human Rights Council member -- marking a first in the council's decade-long history. (WION with inputs from agencies)

UN probe: Risk of genocide in Burundi, state behind systematic human rights abuses

Wartime Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic on Friday lodged an appeal against his 40-year jail sentence for genocide, accusing UN judges of &quot;subjecting him to a political trial&quot;. 
 
Karadzic, who appealed on 50 grounds before the UN&#39;s Yugoslav war crimes court, &quot;was subjected to a political trial that was simply designed to confirm the demonisation of him and the Bosnian Serb people,&quot; his lawyer Peter Robinson said in a statement. 
 
Once the most powerful Bosnian Serb leader, Karadzic, 71, was sentenced in March for genocide over the 1995 Srebrenica massacre and nine other charges stemming from Bosnia`s bloody three-year war. 
 
More than 100,000 people died and more than 2.2 million others were left homeless in the conflict that followed the break-up of the former Yugoslavia after the fall of communism in the early 1990s. 
 
Judges at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) ruled that Karadzic, the most high-profile figure convicted over the wars that tore the Balkans apart, bore criminal responsibility for murder and persecution during the Bosnian conflict. Almost 8,000 Muslim men and boys were butchered and their bodies dumped in mass graves in Srebrenica in eastern Bosnia in mid-July 1995, when Bosnian Serb forces brushed aside lightly armed UN Dutch peacekeepers protecting a UN safe area. 
 
The massacre was the largest bloodshed on European soil since World War II. 
 
A long-time fugitive from justice until his arrest on a Belgrade bus in 2008, Karadzic was also found guilty of being behind the harrowing 44-month siege of Sarajevo in which 10,000 civilians died in a relentless campaign of sniping and shelling. 
 
He was however found not guilty on a genocide charge relating to killings in seven Bosnian towns and villages two decades ago, with judges saying they did not have enough evidence &quot;beyond reasonable doubt&quot; to convict Karadzic.&nbsp; 
 
Robinson said Karadzic did not receive a fair trial and that UN judges &quot;presumed him guilty and then constructed a judgement to justify its presumption&quot;. 
 
Nowhere was this more apparent &quot;than when the trial chamber found him guilty of genocide by inferring that he shared the intent to kill prisoners from Srebrenica based on (the court`s) interpretation of a cryptic intercepted conversation,&quot; Robinson said.&nbsp;Karadzic himself called the verdict &quot;injust&quot;. 
 
&quot;Having spent eight years in a UN prison and gone through a five-year trial... Karadzic is convinced that international justice is a failed project,&quot; Robinson added.The one-time psychiatrist is the highest-ranking official to face judgement at the ICTY, set up in 1993 to prosecute those who committed crimes during the Balkans wars. 
 
Former Serbian strongman Slobodan Milosevic was also on trial, but died in his prison cell in 2006 before the proceedings could be concluded. 
 
Also still on trial is Karadzic`s military alter ego Ratko Mladic, who was in charge of the Bosnian Serb troops that overran Srebrenica. 
Mladic faces similar charges to Karadzic.&nbsp; 
 
During Karadzic`s marathon trial, which ended in October 2014 after an exhausting 497 days in the courtroom, some 115,000 pages of documentary evidence were presented along with 586 witnesses, while court officials recorded some 47,500 pages of transcripts. 
 
Earlier this year Karadzic revealed that on the day of the judgement he was so convinced he would walk free that he had already packed his bags. 
 
(AFP) 
&nbsp;

Karadzic revealed that on the day of the judgement in March he was so convinced he would walk free that he had already packed his bags

Wartime Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic on Friday lodged an appeal against his 40-year jail sentence for genocide, accusing UN judges of "subjecting him to a political trial". Karadzic, who appealed on 50 grounds before the UN's Yugoslav war crimes court, "was subjected to a political trial that was simply designed to confirm the demonisation of him and the Bosnian Serb people," his lawyer Peter Robinson said in a statement. Once the most powerful Bosnian Serb leader, Karadzic, 71, was sentenced in March for genocide over the 1995 Srebrenica massacre and nine other charges stemming from Bosnia`s bloody three-year war. More than 100,000 people died and more than 2.2 million others were left homeless in the conflict that followed the break-up of the former Yugoslavia after the fall of communism in the early 1990s. Judges at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) ruled that Karadzic, the most high-profile figure convicted over the wars that tore the Balkans apart, bore criminal responsibility for murder and persecution during the Bosnian conflict. Almost 8,000 Muslim men and boys were butchered and their bodies dumped in mass graves in Srebrenica in eastern Bosnia in mid-July 1995, when Bosnian Serb forces brushed aside lightly armed UN Dutch peacekeepers protecting a UN safe area. The massacre was the largest bloodshed on European soil since World War II. A long-time fugitive from justice until his arrest on a Belgrade bus in 2008, Karadzic was also found guilty of being behind the harrowing 44-month siege of Sarajevo in which 10,000 civilians died in a relentless campaign of sniping and shelling. He was however found not guilty on a genocide charge relating to killings in seven Bosnian towns and villages two decades ago, with judges saying they did not have enough evidence "beyond reasonable doubt" to convict Karadzic. Robinson said Karadzic did not receive a fair trial and that UN judges "presumed him guilty and then constructed a judgement to justify its presumption". Nowhere was this more apparent "than when the trial chamber found him guilty of genocide by inferring that he shared the intent to kill prisoners from Srebrenica based on (the court`s) interpretation of a cryptic intercepted conversation," Robinson said. Karadzic himself called the verdict "injust". "Having spent eight years in a UN prison and gone through a five-year trial... Karadzic is convinced that international justice is a failed project," Robinson added.The one-time psychiatrist is the highest-ranking official to face judgement at the ICTY, set up in 1993 to prosecute those who committed crimes during the Balkans wars. Former Serbian strongman Slobodan Milosevic was also on trial, but died in his prison cell in 2006 before the proceedings could be concluded. Also still on trial is Karadzic`s military alter ego Ratko Mladic, who was in charge of the Bosnian Serb troops that overran Srebrenica. Mladic faces similar charges to Karadzic. During Karadzic`s marathon trial, which ended in October 2014 after an exhausting 497 days in the courtroom, some 115,000 pages of documentary evidence were presented along with 586 witnesses, while court officials recorded some 47,500 pages of transcripts. Earlier this year Karadzic revealed that on the day of the judgement he was so convinced he would walk free that he had already packed his bags. (AFP)

Wartime Bosnian Serb leader Karadzic appeals against 40-year genocide sentence at UN court

Turkey&#39;s president warned Germany on Tuesday that its plans to declare the 1915 mass killing of Armenians a genocide would damage bilateral ties, raising new concerns about an EU-Turkey migrant deal championed by Chancellor Angela Merkel.

German lawmakers are expected to approve a symbolic resolution on Thursday that labels the killings of up to 1.5 million Armenians by Ottoman forces &quot;genocide&quot;, a description that Turkey strongly rejects.

The vote had been scheduled to take place over a year ago, on the 100th anniversary of the massacre, but Merkel&#39;s allies in parliament pushed it back repeatedly out of concern that it could hurt relations with Ankara.

Now they have run out of time and may be wishing they had let the vote take place sooner.

The opposition Greens have pushed the resolution onto the agenda at an extremely awkward time for Merkel, the driving force behind an agreement between the EU and Ankara that has helped slash the number of illegal migrants entering Europe.

The deal has eased political pressure on Merkel at home. But it has been under a cloud since its strongest proponent in the Turkish government, Ahmet Davutoglu, was pushed out as prime minister this month. Since then, President Tayyip Erdogan has questioned aspects of the agreement and some of his allies have even threatened to unleash a new wave of refugees on Europe.

In comments to reporters before he left for an official visit to&nbsp;Africa, Erdogan lashed out at those who he said were trying to &quot;deceive&quot; Germany over the 1915 events, without accusing anyone in particular.

&quot;If Germany is to be deceived by this, then bilateral diplomatic, economic, trade, political, and military ties - we are both NATO countries - will be damaged,&quot; he said.

The comments came after he spoke to Merkel by telephone to express his concern about the resolution. Sources in both capitals said Erdogan had initiated the call.

&nbsp;

GERMAN HISTORY

The resolution, which is formally supported by Merkel&#39;s conservative bloc, the centre-left Social Democrats and the Greens, uses the word &quot;genocide&quot; in the headline and text.

&quot;The fate of the Armenians is exemplary in the history of mass exterminations, ethnic cleansing, deportations and yes, genocide, which marked the 20th century in such a terrible way,&quot; it reads.

The resolution also touches on the &quot;inglorious&quot; role of the German Empire, a military ally of the Ottomans, because it did nothing to stop the massacre.

Turkey argues that the there was no organised campaign to wipe out the Armenians, who are Christian, and no evidence of any such orders from the Ottoman authorities.

Cem Oezdemir, a leader of the Greens with Turkish roots, told Reuters he had experienced weeks of personal attacks from Turkish nationalists on social media and via email because of his role in championing the resolution.

&quot;It wasn&#39;t our goal to hold this vote now,&quot; Oezdemir said. &quot;But the timing is not that important. The Bundestag is doing this because this is also a part of German history. The Ottoman and German empires were essentially brothers in arms.&quot;

The vote coincides with deepening public scepticism in Germany towards Turkey and Erdogan in particular. Critics accuse Merkel of going soft on Ankara over human rights because of her desire to stem the flow of migrants.

Last month she drew fire for allowing German prosecutors to look into charges against a comedian who mocked Erdogan in a crude poem. The comedian, Jan Boehmermann, has accused Merkel of serving him &quot;up for tea to a highly strung despot&quot;.

Merkel and other top ministers are expected to vote for the resolution, although some, including Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier, have questioned the wisdom of it in public.

Some officials fear it could stir tensions with the roughly 3 million people of Turkish origin who live in Germany.

Last year, German President Joachim Gauck condemned the killings of Armenians as &quot;genocide&quot; in a speech to mark the 100th anniversary of the massacres. Germany had previously avoided using the term in connection with the massacre.

Turkey's president warned Germany on Tuesday that its plans to declare the 1915 mass killing of Armenians a genocide would damage bilateral ties, raising new concerns about an EU-Turkey migrant deal championed by Chancellor Angela Merkel

Turkey's president warned Germany on Tuesday that its plans to declare the 1915 mass killing of Armenians a genocide would damage bilateral ties, raising new concerns about an EU-Turkey migrant deal championed by Chancellor Angela Merkel. German lawmakers are expected to approve a symbolic resolution on Thursday that labels the killings of up to 1.5 million Armenians by Ottoman forces "genocide", a description that Turkey strongly rejects. The vote had been scheduled to take place over a year ago, on the 100th anniversary of the massacre, but Merkel's allies in parliament pushed it back repeatedly out of concern that it could hurt relations with Ankara. Now they have run out of time and may be wishing they had let the vote take place sooner. The opposition Greens have pushed the resolution onto the agenda at an extremely awkward time for Merkel, the driving force behind an agreement between the EU and Ankara that has helped slash the number of illegal migrants entering Europe. The deal has eased political pressure on Merkel at home. But it has been under a cloud since its strongest proponent in the Turkish government, Ahmet Davutoglu, was pushed out as prime minister this month. Since then, President Tayyip Erdogan has questioned aspects of the agreement and some of his allies have even threatened to unleash a new wave of refugees on Europe. In comments to reporters before he left for an official visit to Africa, Erdogan lashed out at those who he said were trying to "deceive" Germany over the 1915 events, without accusing anyone in particular. "If Germany is to be deceived by this, then bilateral diplomatic, economic, trade, political, and military ties - we are both NATO countries - will be damaged," he said. The comments came after he spoke to Merkel by telephone to express his concern about the resolution. Sources in both capitals said Erdogan had initiated the call. GERMAN HISTORY The resolution, which is formally supported by Merkel's conservative bloc, the centre-left Social Democrats and the Greens, uses the word "genocide" in the headline and text. "The fate of the Armenians is exemplary in the history of mass exterminations, ethnic cleansing, deportations and yes, genocide, which marked the 20th century in such a terrible way," it reads. The resolution also touches on the "inglorious" role of the German Empire, a military ally of the Ottomans, because it did nothing to stop the massacre. Turkey argues that the there was no organised campaign to wipe out the Armenians, who are Christian, and no evidence of any such orders from the Ottoman authorities. Cem Oezdemir, a leader of the Greens with Turkish roots, told Reuters he had experienced weeks of personal attacks from Turkish nationalists on social media and via email because of his role in championing the resolution. "It wasn't our goal to hold this vote now," Oezdemir said. "But the timing is not that important. The Bundestag is doing this because this is also a part of German history. The Ottoman and German empires were essentially brothers in arms." The vote coincides with deepening public scepticism in Germany towards Turkey and Erdogan in particular. Critics accuse Merkel of going soft on Ankara over human rights because of her desire to stem the flow of migrants. Last month she drew fire for allowing German prosecutors to look into charges against a comedian who mocked Erdogan in a crude poem. The comedian, Jan Boehmermann, has accused Merkel of serving him "up for tea to a highly strung despot". Merkel and other top ministers are expected to vote for the resolution, although some, including Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier, have questioned the wisdom of it in public. Some officials fear it could stir tensions with the roughly 3 million people of Turkish origin who live in Germany. Last year, German President Joachim Gauck condemned the killings of Armenians as "genocide" in a speech to mark the 100th anniversary of the massacres. Germany had previously avoided using the term in connection with the massacre.

Erdogan warns Germany ahead of Armenian genocide vote

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