Is Rahul Gandhi's position on social Justice representation and affirmation action contrary to Congress's historical stance? Congress Working Committee Member and Senior leader Anand Sharma says that the party's recent emphasis on cast contradicts the position taken by former Prime Ministers Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi.

Congress divided over caste census, Anand Sharma writes to Congress President

Mamata Banerjee and Arvind Kejriwal bowled a google this week. They wanted Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge to lead the INDIA bloc as its prime ministerial candidate. It initiated conversations about India getting its first-ever Dalit prime minister referring to Kharge’s caste. Dalit activist Kancha Ilaiah decodes the caste considerations required to win 2024 Lok Sabha polls.

2024 Lok Sabha polls: Push for caste survey ahead of polls

Mamata Banerjee and Arvind Kejriwal bowled a google this week. They wanted Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge to lead the INDIA bloc as its prime ministerial candidate. It initiated conversations about India getting its first-ever Dalit prime minister referring to Kharge’s caste. To know more watch this interview with BJP Spokesperson, Shehzad Poonawalla.

2024 Lok Sabha polls: Kharge to lead I.N.D.I.A bloc?

2024 Lok Sabha polls: Caste considerations important strategy?

“This is the story of my reckoning with myself and the world around me...” These are the words with which social activist and writer Gita Ramaswamy starts narrating the journey of her life that started with becoming a revolutionary at home and eventually finding a pedestal to fight and struggle for the basic rights of the deprived labourers in her book “Land Guns Caste Woman: The Memoir of a Lapsed Revolutionary”. 
 
The book is awash with anecdotes of her struggle against societal dogmas, growing involvement with the Naxalite movement in the 1970s and the battle for landless Dalits of Ibrahimpatnam in Telangana in the 1980s. As she speaks about the caste diktats and deprivation faced by the powerless people, the book emerges like a bundle of a dreamer's tale of hardship and struggle sewn by courage, belief and hope to see a better and changed future someday. 
 
But Gita Ramaswamy says collating a memoir was never the plan. “I never planned to collate it as a memoir. My husband died six years ago and after he passed away, I went through a very difficult time. At that time, I thought if I wrote about the times which were good and joyous, it would help me come out of that depression. So, I wrote the first draft in 2018 and I just kept it to myself. It was during the&nbsp;pandemic, when we had time in our hand, that I went back to the script and worked over it, after which it emerged as a full-fledged book,” Ramaswamy said&nbsp;while speaking to WION.

Also Read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/opinions-blogs/dreaming-through-poverty-children-from-rural-india-deserve-meaningful-careers-that-matter-658551">Dreaming through poverty: Children from rural India deserve meaningful careers that matter</a>

Today, the book has made it to the Shortlist of Kamaladevi Chattopadhyay NIF Book Prize 2023 and has a fair chance to clinch the title. After the decades-long journey, which took her from being a part of the Naxalite movement to fighting against the powerful Reddys in Ibrahimpatnam, today as she looks back at those struggle years, she calls herself “a lapsed revolutionary”. 
 
“Revolutionary means to me those who have joined the militant struggle. I was part of the Naxalite movement from 1973-76. After that, I left the Naxalite movement and hence, I see myself as a lapsed revolutionary,” Ramaswamy said. 
 
The memoir stands at a different place with Ramaswamy's unabashed acceptance of misjudgements and failures and gives readers a very honest understanding of the ground realities. Speaking about her dismay and wish to run away from Ibrahimpatnam, she said, “In Ibrahimpatnam, if I had a group of people like me, who were educated and had resources and network, and were willing to work in rural areas that would have certainly helped me to continue.”

<h2>A 'crazy' feminist turned communist</h2>

Her feminist ideals speak throughout the memoir as she talks about the struggles of wearing a bra and being considered a 'slut' and the Dalit women being denied to repudiate their debts by the landlords. But interestingly, at one given point in time, Ramaswamy expresses how she didn't see any contradiction between feminism and communism.

Watch:&nbsp;Indian state of Telangana goes to polls

<div class="videoWrapper trancodeVideo"><iframe allowfullscreen="" autoplay="1" class="includeVideo" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/videos/indian-state-of-telangana-goes-to-polls-664482/embed" style="width:100%;max-width:560px;" width="560"></iframe></div>

“It was really in the early 70s when I did not see any contradiction between feminism and communism. Because I came to communism through feminism. I was a feminist because of the conditions at home and I was rebellious. At that time communist texts were not available to me but feminist texts were. I had read the feminist texts before I came to college and it had a great impact on me. In college, when I talked about issues of feminism I was considered very odd, almost crazy. Only the leftists, accepted my ideas and did not see me as a crazy woman,” explains Ramaswamy. 
 
“And for me, it was a great relief to find a group that did not think I was crazy. So, that's how I came to work on both issues. At that time, I did think feminism addressed inner life and Marxism addressed outer life, although I don't perceive it that way now,” she added.

<h2>Shadows of Emergency</h2>

Ramaswamy's memoir also traces back to the days when India was under Emergency and it was perceived as a dominant movement that overshadowed other political movements for restoration of democracy back in the day. 
 
Speaking about her struggle through those dark days, she said, “There was no hope at the time of Emergency. We really thought the Emergency won't be lifted and so we prepared for the long haul which is why we wrote exams in Punjabi. My husband and I wrote exams in Punjabi to create a new identity and in a way disappear. We got the 10th class certificate as Jyoti and Vijay and we decided to go to Chattisgarh and work there. However, the Emergency was lifted. But many of the activists had given up and gone back to family and career.” 
 
Today, the book has made it to the Shortlist of New India Foundation's Kamaladevi Chattopadhyay NIF Book Prize 2023 which is India’s largest and most respected Book Prize for non-fiction in the area of modern and contemporary Indian history. The prize was instituted in 2018 and carries an award of Rs 1.5 million ($17997 approx.) as well as a citation at the Bangalore Literature Festival. The final winner will be announced on December 1. 
 
Speaking about the book being part of the Shortlist of NIF Book Prize 2023, Ramaswamy said, “My publishers have put in a lot of work and I would like to see their work also being rewarded. This award is for the book and not for me. If the award helps me connect with the younger generation who like and resonate with the book, it will be really thrilling and wonderful.” 
&nbsp;

“This is the story of my reckoning with myself and the world around me...” These are the words with which social activist and writer Gita Ramaswamy starts narrating the journey of her life that started with becoming a revolutionary at home and eventually finding a pedestal to fight and struggle for the basic rights of the deprived labourers in her book “Land Guns Caste Woman: The Memoir of a Lapsed Revolutionary”.

“This is the story of my reckoning with myself and the world around me...” These are the words with which social activist and writer Gita Ramaswamy starts narrating the journey of her life that started with becoming a revolutionary at home and eventually finding a pedestal to fight and struggle for the basic rights of the deprived labourers in her book “Land Guns Caste Woman: The Memoir of a Lapsed Revolutionary”. The book is awash with anecdotes of her struggle against societal dogmas, growing involvement with the Naxalite movement in the 1970s and the battle for landless Dalits of Ibrahimpatnam in Telangana in the 1980s. As she speaks about the caste diktats and deprivation faced by the powerless people, the book emerges like a bundle of a dreamer's tale of hardship and struggle sewn by courage, belief and hope to see a better and changed future someday. But Gita Ramaswamy says collating a memoir was never the plan. “I never planned to collate it as a memoir. My husband died six years ago and after he passed away, I went through a very difficult time. At that time, I thought if I wrote about the times which were good and joyous, it would help me come out of that depression. So, I wrote the first draft in 2018 and I just kept it to myself. It was during the pandemic, when we had time in our hand, that I went back to the script and worked over it, after which it emerged as a full-fledged book,” Ramaswamy said while speaking to WION. Also Read: Dreaming through poverty: Children from rural India deserve meaningful careers that matter Today, the book has made it to the Shortlist of Kamaladevi Chattopadhyay NIF Book Prize 2023 and has a fair chance to clinch the title. After the decades-long journey, which took her from being a part of the Naxalite movement to fighting against the powerful Reddys in Ibrahimpatnam, today as she looks back at those struggle years, she calls herself “a lapsed revolutionary”. “Revolutionary means to me those who have joined the militant struggle. I was part of the Naxalite movement from 1973-76. After that, I left the Naxalite movement and hence, I see myself as a lapsed revolutionary,” Ramaswamy said. The memoir stands at a different place with Ramaswamy's unabashed acceptance of misjudgements and failures and gives readers a very honest understanding of the ground realities. Speaking about her dismay and wish to run away from Ibrahimpatnam, she said, “In Ibrahimpatnam, if I had a group of people like me, who were educated and had resources and network, and were willing to work in rural areas that would have certainly helped me to continue.” A 'crazy' feminist turned communist Her feminist ideals speak throughout the memoir as she talks about the struggles of wearing a bra and being considered a 'slut' and the Dalit women being denied to repudiate their debts by the landlords. But interestingly, at one given point in time, Ramaswamy expresses how she didn't see any contradiction between feminism and communism. Watch: Indian state of Telangana goes to polls “It was really in the early 70s when I did not see any contradiction between feminism and communism. Because I came to communism through feminism. I was a feminist because of the conditions at home and I was rebellious. At that time communist texts were not available to me but feminist texts were. I had read the feminist texts before I came to college and it had a great impact on me. In college, when I talked about issues of feminism I was considered very odd, almost crazy. Only the leftists, accepted my ideas and did not see me as a crazy woman,” explains Ramaswamy. “And for me, it was a great relief to find a group that did not think I was crazy. So, that's how I came to work on both issues. At that time, I did think feminism addressed inner life and Marxism addressed outer life, although I don't perceive it that way now,” she added. Shadows of Emergency Ramaswamy's memoir also traces back to the days when India was under Emergency and it was perceived as a dominant movement that overshadowed other political movements for restoration of democracy back in the day. Speaking about her struggle through those dark days, she said, “There was no hope at the time of Emergency. We really thought the Emergency won't be lifted and so we prepared for the long haul which is why we wrote exams in Punjabi. My husband and I wrote exams in Punjabi to create a new identity and in a way disappear. We got the 10th class certificate as Jyoti and Vijay and we decided to go to Chattisgarh and work there. However, the Emergency was lifted. But many of the activists had given up and gone back to family and career.” Today, the book has made it to the Shortlist of New India Foundation's Kamaladevi Chattopadhyay NIF Book Prize 2023 which is India’s largest and most respected Book Prize for non-fiction in the area of modern and contemporary Indian history. The prize was instituted in 2018 and carries an award of Rs 1.5 million ($17997 approx.) as well as a citation at the Bangalore Literature Festival. The final winner will be announced on December 1. Speaking about the book being part of the Shortlist of NIF Book Prize 2023, Ramaswamy said, “My publishers have put in a lot of work and I would like to see their work also being rewarded. This award is for the book and not for me. If the award helps me connect with the younger generation who like and resonate with the book, it will be really thrilling and wonderful.”

NIF Book Prize 2023: In a tell-a-tale, Gita Ramaswamy narrates her journey of a 'lapsed revolutionary'

The results of a caste survey by the government of Bihar have been made public. More than 63 per cent of the east Indian state's population belongs to the Other Backward Classes (OBCs) and Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs), as per the data. How significant is this data for the state and national politics?

The Bihar legislature unanimously approved a resolution on the caste-based survey, said the state's Chief Minister Nitish Kumar.&nbsp;

The survey took into account a person's economic situation in addition to their caste, which will help build new policies and programmes for the advancement of all classes.

<h2 dir="ltr">Caste Census: A contentious issue</h2>

Data on Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes were published following every independent India census from 1951 to 2011, but no information on other castes. Before that, caste information was included in every Census up until 1931.

Caste-based data, however, was gathered but not released in 1941. There would not have been an all-India caste table, according to MWM&nbsp;Yeats, the census commissioner at the time.

The contention was that the time has passed for this large, expensive table to be a part of the main project.

As a result, there is now no accurate estimate for the population of OBCs, different groupings within the OBCs, and other disadvantaged groups.&nbsp;

<h2 dir="ltr">What is the caste survey in Bihar?</h2>

The caste survey results were made public by the Bihar government on Monday (Oct 2).&nbsp;

The national census, which was intended to be performed in 2021 but has yet to begin, was only going to include members of the scheduled castes (SCs) and scheduled tribes (STs), but the Nitish government decided to survey on its own last year.

The Bihar assembly had unanimously approved the caste survey idea twice, first in 2019 and once in 2020. Nitish Kumar, the chief minister from the Janata Dal United (JD-U) party, was working with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) at the time, which now sits in the Opposition.

The state administration began the survey procedure this year.&nbsp;

In the interim, Nitish severed connections with the BJP and established a coalition government with erstwhile enemy the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and others in what is known as the "Mahagatbandhan" (Grand Alliance) to rule the state.

The Grand Alliance is part of a 28-party national opposition alliance, INDIA, which aims to unseat Prime Minister Narendra Modi in the general elections of 2024.

The caste census got off to a rocky start in January and was put on hold by the Patna High Court due to petitions opposing it. However, once the courts approved the exercise in August and dismissed the pleas, the exercise was continued.&nbsp;

The exercise was funded with Rs 1 billion by the Nitish government last year, and the deadline was set for February 2023. However, the exercise started in January instead of February, and the results were released nine months later than expected.&nbsp;

Although it is officially referred to as a "caste survey," in all actuality, it is a census because the exercise tallied the state's population and recorded it according to the caste identification of the people enumerated.&nbsp;

<h2 dir="ltr">The Bihar caste survey's results</h2>

According to the Bihar caste survey, the 'backward communities' make up about 63 per cent of the state's population.&nbsp;

Out of Bihar's estimated population of 130 million,&nbsp; the largest group is the extremely backward classes (EBCs), which make up about 36 per cent.&nbsp;

With roughly 27.13 per cent, the other backward classes (OBCs) come in second.&nbsp;

According to the caste study, the Yadavas, an OBC group that includes the family of former Bihar chief minister and Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) leader Lalu Prasad Yadav, make up the largest social group in the state with a 14.27 per cent share of the population. The Janata Dal-United (JD-U) of Nitish is in coalition with the RJD, and Tejashwi, the son of Lalu, is the deputy chief minister of Bihar.&nbsp;

According to the caste study, scheduled castes (SCs), also known as Dalits, make up 19.65 per cent of the state's population, and scheduled tribes (STs) make up roughly 1.68 per cent of the population of Bihar.

About 15.52 per cent of the people in the state fall under the "unreserved category," often known as the "general" category. This group is referred to as the "upper castes" in general.&nbsp;

<h2 dir="ltr">The caste survey's sociopolitical importance</h2>

The demand for adequate representation of historically underrepresented communities in public institutions and politics is linked to the call for the caste survey.&nbsp;

Currently, there is a 15 per cent reservation for scheduled castes (SCs) in government employment and higher education, a 7 per cent reservation for scheduled tribes (STs), and a 22 per cent reservation for other backward classes (OBCs).&nbsp;

Political parties make their estimates in states and for Lok Sabha and Assembly seats during elections. The Mandal Commission put the OBC population at 52 per cent; other estimates have been based on data from the National Sample Survey.&nbsp;

The question arises, is this a political motive? If yes, then who shall benefit from it? To understand the nuances, Wion spoke to Dr. Sajjan Kumar, political analyst, and researcher.

“An updated caste data is required not because to promote caste system but for proper implementation of the government schemes. So, it should have been done way before, as caste is a reality," he said.

"The problem comes with how you utilise the data, What are the intentions?&nbsp; there lies the policy and politics."

Kumar noted that there are different ways of reading the data.

The EBCs&nbsp;constitute the majority, he pointed out, adding that the opposition party will try to make it upper-class versus the OBCs "but it may also snowball into dominant OBCS, the middle-class OBCs, and the extremely backward class OBCs."

There has been no significant representation of the EBCs in the last 33 years, Kumar pointed out.

"Since 1990, Bihar has been ruled by an OBC politician. Lalu Yadav, Rabri Devi, and Nitish Kumar belong to Yadav and Kurmis. Then what about EBCs? What is their credential?

"Now the BJP may use this data to play against the Yadav and Kurmis for OBCs and the EBCs because in terms of representation. The BJP gets votes from the weaker OBCs and EBCs,” he added.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/explained-what-led-to-kevin-mccarthys-exit-and-what-happens-next-642314">Explained | What led to Kevin McCarthy’s exit and what happens next?</a>

The most intriguing part is that caste numbers has been released but not the socio-economic data.

And that is something that tells you why there is a hesitation.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/55-chinese-sailors-die-of-poisoning-asphyxiation-in-catastrophic-nuclear-submarine-accident-642315">55 Chinese sailors die of poisoning in catastrophic nuclear submarine accident</a>

If there are 85 per cent of weaker communities, why has the Bihar government not released the socio-economic data associated with it?

Kumar said, “Since the 1970s, the pattern in Bihar has been the upper class, who were the major land-holding community, have been selling the land and among the major beneficiaries of the new land holding community happen to be two castes: the Yadav and the Kurmis."

"That is why in the last 33 years they never tried to implement land reforms, neither Lalu Prasad Yadav nor Nitish Kumar. That will expose the contradictions between the OBCs. The BJP already is the beneficiary of the larger chunk of the lower-class OBCs. The BJP has the advantage,” he pointed out.

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The results of a caste survey by the government of Bihar have been made public. More than 63 per cent of the east Indian state's population belongs to the Other Backward Classes (OBCs) and Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs), as per the data.

The results of a caste survey by the government of Bihar have been made public. More than 63 per cent of the east Indian state's population belongs to the Other Backward Classes (OBCs) and Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs), as per the data. How significant is this data for the state and national politics? The Bihar legislature unanimously approved a resolution on the caste-based survey, said the state's Chief Minister Nitish Kumar. The survey took into account a person's economic situation in addition to their caste, which will help build new policies and programmes for the advancement of all classes. Caste Census: A contentious issue Data on Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes were published following every independent India census from 1951 to 2011, but no information on other castes. Before that, caste information was included in every Census up until 1931. Caste-based data, however, was gathered but not released in 1941. There would not have been an all-India caste table, according to MWM Yeats, the census commissioner at the time. The contention was that the time has passed for this large, expensive table to be a part of the main project. As a result, there is now no accurate estimate for the population of OBCs, different groupings within the OBCs, and other disadvantaged groups. What is the caste survey in Bihar? The caste survey results were made public by the Bihar government on Monday (Oct 2). The national census, which was intended to be performed in 2021 but has yet to begin, was only going to include members of the scheduled castes (SCs) and scheduled tribes (STs), but the Nitish government decided to survey on its own last year. The Bihar assembly had unanimously approved the caste survey idea twice, first in 2019 and once in 2020. Nitish Kumar, the chief minister from the Janata Dal United (JD-U) party, was working with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) at the time, which now sits in the Opposition. The state administration began the survey procedure this year. In the interim, Nitish severed connections with the BJP and established a coalition government with erstwhile enemy the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and others in what is known as the "Mahagatbandhan" (Grand Alliance) to rule the state. The Grand Alliance is part of a 28-party national opposition alliance, INDIA, which aims to unseat Prime Minister Narendra Modi in the general elections of 2024. The caste census got off to a rocky start in January and was put on hold by the Patna High Court due to petitions opposing it. However, once the courts approved the exercise in August and dismissed the pleas, the exercise was continued. The exercise was funded with Rs 1 billion by the Nitish government last year, and the deadline was set for February 2023. However, the exercise started in January instead of February, and the results were released nine months later than expected. Although it is officially referred to as a "caste survey," in all actuality, it is a census because the exercise tallied the state's population and recorded it according to the caste identification of the people enumerated. The Bihar caste survey's results According to the Bihar caste survey, the 'backward communities' make up about 63 per cent of the state's population. Out of Bihar's estimated population of 130 million, the largest group is the extremely backward classes (EBCs), which make up about 36 per cent. With roughly 27.13 per cent, the other backward classes (OBCs) come in second. According to the caste study, the Yadavas, an OBC group that includes the family of former Bihar chief minister and Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) leader Lalu Prasad Yadav, make up the largest social group in the state with a 14.27 per cent share of the population. The Janata Dal-United (JD-U) of Nitish is in coalition with the RJD, and Tejashwi, the son of Lalu, is the deputy chief minister of Bihar. According to the caste study, scheduled castes (SCs), also known as Dalits, make up 19.65 per cent of the state's population, and scheduled tribes (STs) make up roughly 1.68 per cent of the population of Bihar. About 15.52 per cent of the people in the state fall under the "unreserved category," often known as the "general" category. This group is referred to as the "upper castes" in general. The caste survey's sociopolitical importance The demand for adequate representation of historically underrepresented communities in public institutions and politics is linked to the call for the caste survey. Currently, there is a 15 per cent reservation for scheduled castes (SCs) in government employment and higher education, a 7 per cent reservation for scheduled tribes (STs), and a 22 per cent reservation for other backward classes (OBCs). Political parties make their estimates in states and for Lok Sabha and Assembly seats during elections. The Mandal Commission put the OBC population at 52 per cent; other estimates have been based on data from the National Sample Survey. The question arises, is this a political motive? If yes, then who shall benefit from it? To understand the nuances, Wion spoke to Dr. Sajjan Kumar, political analyst, and researcher. “An updated caste data is required not because to promote caste system but for proper implementation of the government schemes. So, it should have been done way before, as caste is a reality," he said. "The problem comes with how you utilise the data, What are the intentions? there lies the policy and politics." Kumar noted that there are different ways of reading the data. The EBCs constitute the majority, he pointed out, adding that the opposition party will try to make it upper-class versus the OBCs "but it may also snowball into dominant OBCS, the middle-class OBCs, and the extremely backward class OBCs." There has been no significant representation of the EBCs in the last 33 years, Kumar pointed out. "Since 1990, Bihar has been ruled by an OBC politician. Lalu Yadav, Rabri Devi, and Nitish Kumar belong to Yadav and Kurmis. Then what about EBCs? What is their credential? "Now the BJP may use this data to play against the Yadav and Kurmis for OBCs and the EBCs because in terms of representation. The BJP gets votes from the weaker OBCs and EBCs,” he added. Also read | Explained | What led to Kevin McCarthy’s exit and what happens next? The most intriguing part is that caste numbers has been released but not the socio-economic data. And that is something that tells you why there is a hesitation. Also read | 55 Chinese sailors die of poisoning in catastrophic nuclear submarine accident If there are 85 per cent of weaker communities, why has the Bihar government not released the socio-economic data associated with it? Kumar said, “Since the 1970s, the pattern in Bihar has been the upper class, who were the major land-holding community, have been selling the land and among the major beneficiaries of the new land holding community happen to be two castes: the Yadav and the Kurmis." "That is why in the last 33 years they never tried to implement land reforms, neither Lalu Prasad Yadav nor Nitish Kumar. That will expose the contradictions between the OBCs. The BJP already is the beneficiary of the larger chunk of the lower-class OBCs. The BJP has the advantage,” he pointed out. WATCH WION LIVE HERE

Explained | How Bihar caste survey, showing 63% of population as OBCs and EBCs, is significant

Months before the Lok Sabha election, the Bihar government conducted a caste survey in the state. Bihar has become the first state to release data from a caste-based survey. What are its findings and political reactions?

Bihar Caste Survey: What are the findings and political reactions?

An Indian online food delivery service named Zomato withdrew its advertisement on recycling trash, following complaints over how it depicted a Dalit&nbsp;character.&nbsp;Dalits, formerly&nbsp;referred to as "untouchables",&nbsp;are a historically underprivileged population in the country.&nbsp;

The character&nbsp;appeared as recycled rubbish in a Zomato commercial for World Environment Day.

The company took down the video, saying it had "unintentionally" hurt some&nbsp;communities.&nbsp;The ad featured actor Aditya Lakhia, who famously played a character called Kachra in the 2001 Bollywood film Lagaan, reported the BBC.

The movie, which features Aamir Khan, is about peasants who challenge their British overlords to a game of cricket in order to avoid paying a harsh tax. The movie received an Oscar nomination, and Time magazine named it one of the top 25 sports films ever made.

The character of Kachra, who in Hindi means "garbage",&nbsp;is shown in the movie as being crippled and rejected by his fellow villagers until he is chosen to play for the squad. He ultimately plays a crucial part in helping his side pull off an unexpected victory.

The figure in Zomato's advertisement played with goods manufactured from recycled garbage, including a lamp, table, paper, and watering can, in an effort to highlight the company's voluntary waste recycling.

Also watch |&nbsp;Byju's to cut jobs, sales, and marketing teams to face the heat

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Zomato was condemned for airing a "repulsive" ad by Bollywood director Neeraj Ghaywan.

In a tweet, he criticised "Kachra from Lagaan," calling it "one of the most dehumanised voiceless depictions of Dalits ever in cinema".

Development expert Radha Khan stated in The Indian Express that "using a character who is a Dalit and showing him to be made from actual waste is extremely problematic and insensitive".

"To depict a person as being recycled trash 'rescued'&nbsp;from the dung heap to be used as utility 'objects'&nbsp;dehumanises him. It shows how corporate boardrooms and ad agencies have no diversity in their staff and are clearly completely dominated by upper castes who have little or no understanding of how to perceive and depict those who are from marginalised and socially-ostracised groups." Khan said.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/mumbai-murder-man-accused-of-brutally-killing-partner-claims-to-be-hiv-police-reveals-the-two-were-married-602619">Mumbai Murder: Man accused of brutally killing partner claims to be HIV+, police reveals the two were married</a>

<h2>Calls to boycott Zomato</h2>

On Friday, social media users called for a&nbsp;boycott of the company.&nbsp;Zomato tried a play on the word "kachra",&nbsp;according to communications strategist Karthik Srinivasan, but failed to consider how it would appear to have the figure execute "seemingly dehumanising and menial tasks", reported the BBC.

The advertisement has been removed from all of Zomato's social media platforms.

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An Indian online food delivery service named Zomato withdrew its advertisement on recycling trash, following complaints over how it depicted a Dalit character. Dalits, formerly referred to as "untouchables", are a historically underprivileged population in the country.

An Indian online food delivery service named Zomato withdrew its advertisement on recycling trash, following complaints over how it depicted a Dalit character. Dalits, formerly referred to as "untouchables", are a historically underprivileged population in the country. The character appeared as recycled rubbish in a Zomato commercial for World Environment Day. The company took down the video, saying it had "unintentionally" hurt some communities. The ad featured actor Aditya Lakhia, who famously played a character called Kachra in the 2001 Bollywood film Lagaan, reported the BBC. The movie, which features Aamir Khan, is about peasants who challenge their British overlords to a game of cricket in order to avoid paying a harsh tax. The movie received an Oscar nomination, and Time magazine named it one of the top 25 sports films ever made. The character of Kachra, who in Hindi means "garbage", is shown in the movie as being crippled and rejected by his fellow villagers until he is chosen to play for the squad. He ultimately plays a crucial part in helping his side pull off an unexpected victory. The figure in Zomato's advertisement played with goods manufactured from recycled garbage, including a lamp, table, paper, and watering can, in an effort to highlight the company's voluntary waste recycling. Also watch | Byju's to cut jobs, sales, and marketing teams to face the heat Zomato was condemned for airing a "repulsive" ad by Bollywood director Neeraj Ghaywan. In a tweet, he criticised "Kachra from Lagaan," calling it "one of the most dehumanised voiceless depictions of Dalits ever in cinema". Development expert Radha Khan stated in The Indian Express that "using a character who is a Dalit and showing him to be made from actual waste is extremely problematic and insensitive". "To depict a person as being recycled trash 'rescued' from the dung heap to be used as utility 'objects' dehumanises him. It shows how corporate boardrooms and ad agencies have no diversity in their staff and are clearly completely dominated by upper castes who have little or no understanding of how to perceive and depict those who are from marginalised and socially-ostracised groups." Khan said. Also read | Mumbai Murder: Man accused of brutally killing partner claims to be HIV+, police reveals the two were married Calls to boycott Zomato On Friday, social media users called for a boycott of the company. Zomato tried a play on the word "kachra", according to communications strategist Karthik Srinivasan, but failed to consider how it would appear to have the figure execute "seemingly dehumanising and menial tasks", reported the BBC. The advertisement has been removed from all of Zomato's social media platforms. WATCH WION LIVE HERE:

India: Zomato takes down 'Kachra' campaign video after major backlash

The city of Seattle, in the US, recently passed a law that bans discrimination based on caste. Seattle City Councilmember Kshama Sawant, an Indian-American, was the driving force behind the legislation. Discrimination based on caste is a centuries-old social evil in India. In an exclusive interaction with WION's Manas Joshi, Sawant explained how the issue is fast becoming a concern in the US where there are thousands of Indian Americans.

WION: Is casteism so bad in the US that a legislation was required to specifically tackle it?

Kshama Sawant: What we've observed in the United States is that as number of South Asian immigrants went up, as it reached a certain threshold, the issue of casteism and oppression became more pervasive. If you look at statistical data that was available to us from two different sources, one study was from Equality Lab while the other was from Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, both studies had different methodologies but they reached similar conclusions that caste discrimination is quite pervasive in the US.

If you look at organisations where the caste discrimination is happening, it runs a spectrum. You name it, and the corporation is there. Dalit (lower caste) workers from Facebook, Google, Amazon, Microsoft, IBM, Cisco have said that they have experienced caste discrimination.

The type of discrimination ranges from very serious instances where you are actually denied raises or promotions to things like being kept out of meetings or being made a target of derogatory remarks. All of these things are happening.

WION: How do you see caste and race in American context? Are existing laws against racism in US enough to tackle casteism?

Kshama Sawant: I don't think that they are enough. The law we passed in Seattle has not only made it first city in the US to pass such a law, it made Seattle first city in the world outside South Asia to legally ban caste-based discrimination.

Fundamentally, racial discrimination is no different than caste-based discrimination or discrimination based of gender.

WION: Seattle City Council was not unanimous during passage of this law. The result of the voting was 6-1. Who could be against legislation that seeks to promote equality?

Kshama Sawant: I am glad that you asked this question, and in this way. Who are against it? It was a quite clear demarcation as to who was for it and who was against it. One councilmember voted against it. And if you look at her track record of voting, it's not that she voted in alignment with the right wing on just this issue, she is generally conservative and pro-big business on most issues.

WION: Tell us about your life before America. You grew up in Mumbai...

Kshama Sawant: We grew up in working class/ middle class family. We were not well-off but we were also not poor. My earliest memories growing up were filled with anger and outrage about the overall economic and social situation I observed around me. And it was not just a feeling but also an intellectual process for me thinking that surely human society can achieve better than this.

WION: Leaders of South Asian heritage have been getting greater representation in politics of Western countries lately. Is Kshama Sawant a rising star? What next for Kshama Sawant?

Kshama Sawant: I wouldn't think of my personal career as being of any importance. However, your question is important. By December this year, I will have served in Seattle Council for 10 years, a whole decade. We have won four elections, despite the opposition from big business including Amazon and Jeff Bezos themselves. We have shown that this is possible in one city. We need to share these ideas nationally and globally. This year I am not running for a re-election. We are launching a national movement called Workers Strike Back.

You can now write for wionews.com and be a part of the community. Share your stories and opinions with us <a href="https://www.wionews.com/content-contribution-registration-form">here</a>.

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The city of Seattle, in the US, recently passed a law that bans discrimination based on caste. Seattle City Councilmember Kshama Sawant, an Indian-American, was the driving force behind the legislation.

The city of Seattle, in the US, recently passed a law that bans discrimination based on caste. Seattle City Councilmember Kshama Sawant, an Indian-American, was the driving force behind the legislation. Discrimination based on caste is a centuries-old social evil in India. In an exclusive interaction with WION's Manas Joshi, Sawant explained how the issue is fast becoming a concern in the US where there are thousands of Indian Americans. WION: Is casteism so bad in the US that a legislation was required to specifically tackle it? Kshama Sawant: What we've observed in the United States is that as number of South Asian immigrants went up, as it reached a certain threshold, the issue of casteism and oppression became more pervasive. If you look at statistical data that was available to us from two different sources, one study was from Equality Lab while the other was from Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, both studies had different methodologies but they reached similar conclusions that caste discrimination is quite pervasive in the US. If you look at organisations where the caste discrimination is happening, it runs a spectrum. You name it, and the corporation is there. Dalit (lower caste) workers from Facebook, Google, Amazon, Microsoft, IBM, Cisco have said that they have experienced caste discrimination. The type of discrimination ranges from very serious instances where you are actually denied raises or promotions to things like being kept out of meetings or being made a target of derogatory remarks. All of these things are happening. WION: How do you see caste and race in American context? Are existing laws against racism in US enough to tackle casteism? Kshama Sawant: I don't think that they are enough. The law we passed in Seattle has not only made it first city in the US to pass such a law, it made Seattle first city in the world outside South Asia to legally ban caste-based discrimination. Fundamentally, racial discrimination is no different than caste-based discrimination or discrimination based of gender. WION: Seattle City Council was not unanimous during passage of this law. The result of the voting was 6-1. Who could be against legislation that seeks to promote equality? Kshama Sawant: I am glad that you asked this question, and in this way. Who are against it? It was a quite clear demarcation as to who was for it and who was against it. One councilmember voted against it. And if you look at her track record of voting, it's not that she voted in alignment with the right wing on just this issue, she is generally conservative and pro-big business on most issues. WION: Tell us about your life before America. You grew up in Mumbai... Kshama Sawant: We grew up in working class/ middle class family. We were not well-off but we were also not poor. My earliest memories growing up were filled with anger and outrage about the overall economic and social situation I observed around me. And it was not just a feeling but also an intellectual process for me thinking that surely human society can achieve better than this. WION: Leaders of South Asian heritage have been getting greater representation in politics of Western countries lately. Is Kshama Sawant a rising star? What next for Kshama Sawant? Kshama Sawant: I wouldn't think of my personal career as being of any importance. However, your question is important. By December this year, I will have served in Seattle Council for 10 years, a whole decade. We have won four elections, despite the opposition from big business including Amazon and Jeff Bezos themselves. We have shown that this is possible in one city. We need to share these ideas nationally and globally. This year I am not running for a re-election. We are launching a national movement called Workers Strike Back. You can now write for wionews.com and be a part of the community. Share your stories and opinions with us here. WATCH WION LIVE HERE ×

Exclusive: Meet the Indian-American behind anti-caste discrimination law in Seattle

Google was accused of having hostile and casteist workplace practices after a talk by Dalit rights activist to Google News employees was cancelled by the tech giant, reports The Washington Post.

A Dalit rights activist based in the US&nbsp;and the founder and executive director of Equality Labs, a nonprofit that advocates for Dalits, Thenmozhi Soundararajan, was scheduled to give a talk to Google News employees for the Dalit History Month (April). However, it was cancelled after some of the employees expressed their apprehensions, the report said.

Some employees then began spreading misinformation against the activist, calling her “Hindu-phobic” and “anti-Hindu” in emails to the company’s leaders, the report said citing Google’s intranet and mailing lists and current Google employees.

Soundararajan then urged Google CEO Sundar Pichai to allow her presentation to resume, but her plea was ignored. This led some employees to conclude that Google was willfully ignoring caste bias, the report added.

“During this time, opponents to caste equity internally circulated disinformation about Soundararajan and Equality Labs to derail the civil rights event until its ultimate cancellation,” Equality Labs said in a statement.

“The movement towards caste equity is one rooted in love, empathy and justice,” said Soundararajan.

“I cannot find the words to express just how traumatic and discriminatory Google’s actions were towards its employees and myself, as the company unlawfully cancelled a talk about caste equity. Google must address the casteism within its workforce that allows for these attacks to occur and continue,” she said.

She also slammed Pichai and sought an answer from the Google CEO on the controversy.

“(He) is Indian and he is Brahmin and he grew up in Tamil Nadu. There is no way you grow up in Tamil Nadu and not know about caste because of how caste politics shaped the conversation,” Soundararajan told The Washington Post.

However, Google has denied these allegations.

“Caste discrimination has no place in our workplace. We also have a very clear, publicly shared policy against retaliation and discrimination in our workplace,” Google spokesperson Shannon Newberry told The Washington Post.

Following the incident, an Indian American employee, Tanuja Gupta, who works as the senior Google News executive and the one who invited Soundararajan to speak, resigned over the incident, according to a copy of her farewell email published internally on Wednesday and seen by The Washington Post.

In her June 1, 2022 resignation email to over 15,000, Gupta said, “Having been at the company for 11 years, I had many reasons for leaving, but this was the only one I needed. In the process of doing my job and promoting caste equity at the company, I saw four women of colour harassed and silenced.”

“The reality is that these are not isolated events, this is a pattern.”

(With inputs from agencies)

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Google was accused of having hostile and casteist workplace practices after a talk by Dalit rights activist to Google News employees was cancelled by the tech giant, reports The Washington Post.

Google was accused of having hostile and casteist workplace practices after a talk by Dalit rights activist to Google News employees was cancelled by the tech giant, reports The Washington Post. A Dalit rights activist based in the US and the founder and executive director of Equality Labs, a nonprofit that advocates for Dalits, Thenmozhi Soundararajan, was scheduled to give a talk to Google News employees for the Dalit History Month (April). However, it was cancelled after some of the employees expressed their apprehensions, the report said. Some employees then began spreading misinformation against the activist, calling her “Hindu-phobic” and “anti-Hindu” in emails to the company’s leaders, the report said citing Google’s intranet and mailing lists and current Google employees. Soundararajan then urged Google CEO Sundar Pichai to allow her presentation to resume, but her plea was ignored. This led some employees to conclude that Google was willfully ignoring caste bias, the report added. “During this time, opponents to caste equity internally circulated disinformation about Soundararajan and Equality Labs to derail the civil rights event until its ultimate cancellation,” Equality Labs said in a statement. “The movement towards caste equity is one rooted in love, empathy and justice,” said Soundararajan. “I cannot find the words to express just how traumatic and discriminatory Google’s actions were towards its employees and myself, as the company unlawfully cancelled a talk about caste equity. Google must address the casteism within its workforce that allows for these attacks to occur and continue,” she said. She also slammed Pichai and sought an answer from the Google CEO on the controversy. “(He) is Indian and he is Brahmin and he grew up in Tamil Nadu. There is no way you grow up in Tamil Nadu and not know about caste because of how caste politics shaped the conversation,” Soundararajan told The Washington Post. However, Google has denied these allegations. “Caste discrimination has no place in our workplace. We also have a very clear, publicly shared policy against retaliation and discrimination in our workplace,” Google spokesperson Shannon Newberry told The Washington Post. Following the incident, an Indian American employee, Tanuja Gupta, who works as the senior Google News executive and the one who invited Soundararajan to speak, resigned over the incident, according to a copy of her farewell email published internally on Wednesday and seen by The Washington Post. In her June 1, 2022 resignation email to over 15,000, Gupta said, “Having been at the company for 11 years, I had many reasons for leaving, but this was the only one I needed. In the process of doing my job and promoting caste equity at the company, I saw four women of colour harassed and silenced.” “The reality is that these are not isolated events, this is a pattern.” (With inputs from agencies) Watch WION's live TV here:

Google accused of hostile and casteist workplace practices: Report

Google has been indulged in a caste discrimination row. Google manager has accused Google of toxic work culture and has quit over scrapped lecture.

Google caste discrimination row: Manager accuses Google of toxic work culture

California State University’s decision to include caste in its non-discriminatory policy is facing a backlash from a section of faculty members who are calling the order a “misguided overreach”.

More than 80 faculty members have shot off a letter to the CSU Board of Trustees opposing the move, claiming that the new policy will “cause more discrimination by unconstitutionally singling out and targeting Hindu faculty of Indian and South Asian descent.”

The signatories also expressed disappointment about not being consulted by the California Faculty Association (CFA) before the decision to adopt this policy was made.

"We had previously met with the CFA president in May 2021 about this possibility and were assured that no such decision would be made without consulting those of us who would be directly impacted by the addition of caste in the protected category. To our great disappointment, CFA did not consult any of us."

Adding caste as a specific and separate protected category would apply only to the faculty of Indian and South Asian descent, they said.

“The addition of caste is a misguided overreach given the existence of comprehensive policies that already protect against various forms of discrimination,” Praveen Sinha, professor of accountancy at CSU, Long Beach, told PTI news agency.

“We cannot but oppose the unique risk that CSU's move puts on us as they add a category that is only associated with people of Indian descent such as myself and thousands of other faculty and students in the CSU system. It is going to create divisions where they simply do not exist,” he added.

The faculty members have written that there are more than 600 CSU faculty of Indian and South Asian origin who would be rendered vulnerable should the collective bargaining agreement be passed as currently written, according to a media release.

Earlier, lawyers at the Hindu American Foundation (HAF), Suhag Shukla, Samir Kalra and Nikhil Joshi, also sent a letter to the CSU Board of Trustees, the CSU Office of General Counsel, the CSU chancellor and the president of the California Faculty Association on behalf of the CSU faculty.

Caste oppression has been documented in the United States by Equality Labs, an organization focused on ending white supremacy and casteism, the Los Angeles Times newspaper reported.

In 2016, the non-profit agency conducted a survey of 1,500 South Asians in the United States and found that 1 in 3 Dalit students surveyed reported being discriminated against during their education in the US and 2 out of 3 Dalits said they had been treated unfairly at their workplace.

(With inputs from agencies)

California State University’s decision to include caste in its non-discriminatory policy is facing a backlash from a section of faculty members who are calling the order a “misguided overreach”.

California State University’s decision to include caste in its non-discriminatory policy is facing a backlash from a section of faculty members who are calling the order a “misguided overreach”. More than 80 faculty members have shot off a letter to the CSU Board of Trustees opposing the move, claiming that the new policy will “cause more discrimination by unconstitutionally singling out and targeting Hindu faculty of Indian and South Asian descent.” The signatories also expressed disappointment about not being consulted by the California Faculty Association (CFA) before the decision to adopt this policy was made. "We had previously met with the CFA president in May 2021 about this possibility and were assured that no such decision would be made without consulting those of us who would be directly impacted by the addition of caste in the protected category. To our great disappointment, CFA did not consult any of us." Adding caste as a specific and separate protected category would apply only to the faculty of Indian and South Asian descent, they said. “The addition of caste is a misguided overreach given the existence of comprehensive policies that already protect against various forms of discrimination,” Praveen Sinha, professor of accountancy at CSU, Long Beach, told PTI news agency. “We cannot but oppose the unique risk that CSU's move puts on us as they add a category that is only associated with people of Indian descent such as myself and thousands of other faculty and students in the CSU system. It is going to create divisions where they simply do not exist,” he added. The faculty members have written that there are more than 600 CSU faculty of Indian and South Asian origin who would be rendered vulnerable should the collective bargaining agreement be passed as currently written, according to a media release. Earlier, lawyers at the Hindu American Foundation (HAF), Suhag Shukla, Samir Kalra and Nikhil Joshi, also sent a letter to the CSU Board of Trustees, the CSU Office of General Counsel, the CSU chancellor and the president of the California Faculty Association on behalf of the CSU faculty. Caste oppression has been documented in the United States by Equality Labs, an organization focused on ending white supremacy and casteism, the Los Angeles Times newspaper reported. In 2016, the non-profit agency conducted a survey of 1,500 South Asians in the United States and found that 1 in 3 Dalit students surveyed reported being discriminated against during their education in the US and 2 out of 3 Dalits said they had been treated unfairly at their workplace. (With inputs from agencies)

Over 80 faculty members oppose move to add caste in California University’s anti-discrimination policy

California regulators sued Cisco Systems Inc (CSCO.O) on Tuesday, accusing it of discriminating against an Indian-American employee and allowing him to be harassed by two managers because he was from a lower Indian caste than them.

US employment law does not specifically bar caste-based discrimination, but California’s Department of Fair Employment and Housing contends in the lawsuit that the Hindu faith’s lingering caste system is based on protected classes such as religion.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/nepalese-govt-forms-high-level-committee-to-investigate-dalit-killings-over-arranged-marriage-dispute-305934">Also read:&nbsp;Nepalese govt forms high-level committee to investigate Dalit killings over arranged marriage dispute</a>

The lawsuit, filed in federal court in San Jose, does not name the alleged victim. It states he has been a principal engineer at Cisco’s San Jose headquarters since October 2015 and that he was born at the bottom of caste hierarchy as a Dalit, once called “untouchables.”

Like other large Silicon Valley employers, Cisco’s workforce includes thousands of Indian immigrants, most of whom were born Brahmins or other high castes.

Former Cisco engineering managers Sundar Iyer and Ramana Kompella also are defendants in the lawsuit, which accuses them of harassment for internally enforcing the caste hierarchy.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/sports/yuvraj-singh-issues-statement-after-alleged-casteist-remark-on-yuvzendra-chahal-303644">Also read:&nbsp;Yuvraj Singh issues statement after alleged casteist remark on Yuvzendra Chahal</a>

\Cisco spokeswoman Robyn Blum said the network gear maker followed its process to investigate employee concerns in this case and would “vigorously defend itself” against the lawsuit.

“Cisco is committed to an inclusive workplace for all,” she said. “We were fully in compliance with all laws as well as our own policies.”

Iyer and Kompella did not immediately respond to requests for comment. It was not immediately known if the two have retained attorneys.

The civil rights group Equality Labs in a 2018 report cited in the lawsuit found that 67% of Dalits surveyed felt treated unfairly at their US workplaces.

At Cisco, the unnamed employee reported Iyer to human resources in November 2016 for outing him as a Dalit to colleagues. Iyer allegedly retaliated, but Cisco determined caste discrimination was not illegal and issues continued through 2018, the lawsuit states.

Cisco reassigned and isolated the employee, rejected a raise and opportunities that would have led to one and denied two promotions, according to the lawsuit.

Hindus traditionally grouped people into four major castes based on ancestry, and Dalits in India still struggle with access to education and jobs 65 years after India banned caste-based discrimination.

California regulators sued Cisco Systems Inc (CSCO.O) on Tuesday, accusing it of discriminating against an Indian-American employee and allowing him to be harassed by two managers because he was from a lower Indian caste than them.

California regulators sued Cisco Systems Inc (CSCO.O) on Tuesday, accusing it of discriminating against an Indian-American employee and allowing him to be harassed by two managers because he was from a lower Indian caste than them. US employment law does not specifically bar caste-based discrimination, but California’s Department of Fair Employment and Housing contends in the lawsuit that the Hindu faith’s lingering caste system is based on protected classes such as religion. Also read: Nepalese govt forms high-level committee to investigate Dalit killings over arranged marriage dispute The lawsuit, filed in federal court in San Jose, does not name the alleged victim. It states he has been a principal engineer at Cisco’s San Jose headquarters since October 2015 and that he was born at the bottom of caste hierarchy as a Dalit, once called “untouchables.” Like other large Silicon Valley employers, Cisco’s workforce includes thousands of Indian immigrants, most of whom were born Brahmins or other high castes. Former Cisco engineering managers Sundar Iyer and Ramana Kompella also are defendants in the lawsuit, which accuses them of harassment for internally enforcing the caste hierarchy. Also read: Yuvraj Singh issues statement after alleged casteist remark on Yuvzendra Chahal \Cisco spokeswoman Robyn Blum said the network gear maker followed its process to investigate employee concerns in this case and would “vigorously defend itself” against the lawsuit. “Cisco is committed to an inclusive workplace for all,” she said. “We were fully in compliance with all laws as well as our own policies.” Iyer and Kompella did not immediately respond to requests for comment. It was not immediately known if the two have retained attorneys. The civil rights group Equality Labs in a 2018 report cited in the lawsuit found that 67% of Dalits surveyed felt treated unfairly at their US workplaces. At Cisco, the unnamed employee reported Iyer to human resources in November 2016 for outing him as a Dalit to colleagues. Iyer allegedly retaliated, but Cisco determined caste discrimination was not illegal and issues continued through 2018, the lawsuit states. Cisco reassigned and isolated the employee, rejected a raise and opportunities that would have led to one and denied two promotions, according to the lawsuit. Hindus traditionally grouped people into four major castes based on ancestry, and Dalits in India still struggle with access to education and jobs 65 years after India banned caste-based discrimination.

California accuses Cisco of job discrimination based on Indian employee's caste

A post on her Facebook wall reads, “Received a No Caste, No Religion Government certificate”. This post is followed by innumerable congratulatory posts by her friends and colleagues.&nbsp;

This is the profile of 35-year old Sneha Parthibaraja, an advocate based out of Tirupattur in Tamil Nadu’s Vellore district. But there is an interesting tale behind this certificate, which leads us to her childhood.&nbsp;

She is the eldest daughter of Aanandkrishnan and Manimozhi, an inter-caste couple who got married without following any wedding rituals or traditions. As opposed to the tradition of using the first letter of the father’s name as one’s initial, she carries the first letters of her mother’s and father’s names respectively. Hence she is M A Sneha. &nbsp;

Her first brush with caste and religion was in school. While she was in her First standard, the school authorities questioned her parents about her caste, when they replied that she had none. They asked for her religion, to which they again replied in the negative. This trend continued all through her formative years, even during college, she had left the Caste and religion columns blank, while filling up the application forms. Speaking to WION she said, “our friends and relatives have always supported this way of life and I was considered a role model in school.”

<img alt="Sneha-certi" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="30e26ecd-66ac-4b48-9632-39d6679febc8" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/certificate.JPG" />

This upbringing wasn’t just limited to her, her younger sisters Mumtaj Suriya and Jennifer were also given names that belonged to different faiths. Sneha added that this upbringing wasn’t without challenges and taunts, their family would often get asked how they would get the girls married off and how they would avail reservation benefits without a caste certificate or faith in religion. Despite all of it, Sneha followed her parent's footsteps, she married Professor Parthiba Raja, in a ceremony sans religious and caste based-rituals.&nbsp;

<img alt="Sneha-family" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="1b2d41f6-d91c-4eb3-9528-457602210930" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/IMG-20190214-WA0063.jpg" />

The couple has three daughters, Aathira Nazreen, Aathila Irene and Aarifa Jessy who have been named in a manner that transcends religion and caste identities. She may be an outlier in a society that demands Caste certificates almost everywhere, but her strong belief in the ideals of Karl Marx, Dr Ambedkar and Periyar has been the prime motivation.&nbsp;

On realizing that there are certificates for those that follow the caste system, but none for those like Sneha who do not follow either religion or caste.&nbsp;

That’s when the quest for a ‘No Caste, No Religion’ Certificate began. In her struggle for the certificate, she was faced with Government officials who claimed that they lacked the power and authority to issue such a certificate.&nbsp;

Sneha said that between 2010-17 she had given 5 requisition letters to seek the Certificate, but all of them went in vain. The scenario changed when she finally applied for a community certificate by following due procedure via the Village Administrative Officer and Tahsildar, while also explaining her objective.&nbsp;

But all of her efforts attained fruition on February 5th when the Tirupattur Tahsildar TS Sathiyamoorthy issued the certificate on 5th February.&nbsp;

“I see this certificate as a recognition of the system that we have been following as a family”, she told WION.&nbsp;

However, she also clarifies that they are in no way against the reservation system. She believes that Reservation has been a boon for the oppressed castes. Our battle is against oppression but not caste reservation, she adds.

Speaking about the certificate, her husband Parthiba Raja said, “This system of not following religion or caste is what brought us together in life. From a young age she has been fighting this battle, now we are delighted that she has got formal recognition. We have also been getting calls and queries from like-minded people on how they could apply for this certificate”.&nbsp;

He adds, “We want a caste-free society that accepts people as they are. We are for social justice. Until we have a truly caste-free society, the oppressed people must assert their caste identity and avail reservations and better opportunities.”&nbsp;

Sneha’s feat has gained more traction after Actor-turned politician Kamal Haasan tweeted out a picture of her and congratulated her. Since then wishes have been pouring in from social media platforms, hailing her revolutionary step. As word spreads about this unique and unprecedented development, many more applicants could follow suit.

A post on her Facebook wall reads, “Received a No Caste, No Religion Government certificate”. This post is followed by innumerable congratulatory posts by her friends and colleagues.

A post on her Facebook wall reads, “Received a No Caste, No Religion Government certificate”. This post is followed by innumerable congratulatory posts by her friends and colleagues. This is the profile of 35-year old Sneha Parthibaraja, an advocate based out of Tirupattur in Tamil Nadu’s Vellore district. But there is an interesting tale behind this certificate, which leads us to her childhood. She is the eldest daughter of Aanandkrishnan and Manimozhi, an inter-caste couple who got married without following any wedding rituals or traditions. As opposed to the tradition of using the first letter of the father’s name as one’s initial, she carries the first letters of her mother’s and father’s names respectively. Hence she is M A Sneha. Her first brush with caste and religion was in school. While she was in her First standard, the school authorities questioned her parents about her caste, when they replied that she had none. They asked for her religion, to which they again replied in the negative. This trend continued all through her formative years, even during college, she had left the Caste and religion columns blank, while filling up the application forms. Speaking to WION she said, “our friends and relatives have always supported this way of life and I was considered a role model in school.” This upbringing wasn’t just limited to her, her younger sisters Mumtaj Suriya and Jennifer were also given names that belonged to different faiths. Sneha added that this upbringing wasn’t without challenges and taunts, their family would often get asked how they would get the girls married off and how they would avail reservation benefits without a caste certificate or faith in religion. Despite all of it, Sneha followed her parent's footsteps, she married Professor Parthiba Raja, in a ceremony sans religious and caste based-rituals. The couple has three daughters, Aathira Nazreen, Aathila Irene and Aarifa Jessy who have been named in a manner that transcends religion and caste identities. She may be an outlier in a society that demands Caste certificates almost everywhere, but her strong belief in the ideals of Karl Marx, Dr Ambedkar and Periyar has been the prime motivation. On realizing that there are certificates for those that follow the caste system, but none for those like Sneha who do not follow either religion or caste. That’s when the quest for a ‘No Caste, No Religion’ Certificate began. In her struggle for the certificate, she was faced with Government officials who claimed that they lacked the power and authority to issue such a certificate. Sneha said that between 2010-17 she had given 5 requisition letters to seek the Certificate, but all of them went in vain. The scenario changed when she finally applied for a community certificate by following due procedure via the Village Administrative Officer and Tahsildar, while also explaining her objective. But all of her efforts attained fruition on February 5th when the Tirupattur Tahsildar TS Sathiyamoorthy issued the certificate on 5th February. “I see this certificate as a recognition of the system that we have been following as a family”, she told WION. However, she also clarifies that they are in no way against the reservation system. She believes that Reservation has been a boon for the oppressed castes. Our battle is against oppression but not caste reservation, she adds. Speaking about the certificate, her husband Parthiba Raja said, “This system of not following religion or caste is what brought us together in life. From a young age she has been fighting this battle, now we are delighted that she has got formal recognition. We have also been getting calls and queries from like-minded people on how they could apply for this certificate”. He adds, “We want a caste-free society that accepts people as they are. We are for social justice. Until we have a truly caste-free society, the oppressed people must assert their caste identity and avail reservations and better opportunities.” Sneha’s feat has gained more traction after Actor-turned politician Kamal Haasan tweeted out a picture of her and congratulated her. Since then wishes have been pouring in from social media platforms, hailing her revolutionary step. As word spreads about this unique and unprecedented development, many more applicants could follow suit.

Sneha Parthibaraja, India's first woman without religion, without caste

A ruckus occurred in Ahmedabad after Jignesh Mevani's supporters obstructed Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) MPs from putting a garland over BR Ambedkar's statue on Saturday.

The police detained five Dalit activists who attempted to prevent BJP MP Kirit Solanki from putting a garland over BR Ambedkar's statue.&nbsp;

The activists raised slogans against the BJP, according to reports.

Meanwhile, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, President Ram Nath Kovind and Congress President Rahul Gandhi paid their tribute to BR Ambedkar on his 127th birth anniversary at Parliament in New Delhi on Saturday.

Security has been beefed up in Uttar Pradesh in view of Ambedkar Jayanti today to prevent any possible attempt at inciting violence, with political parties drawing up separate plans for the occasion.

The police detained five Dalit activists who attempted to prevent BJP MP Kirit Solanki from putting a garland over BR Ambedkar's statue.

A ruckus occurred in Ahmedabad after Jignesh Mevani's supporters obstructed Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) MPs from putting a garland over BR Ambedkar's statue on Saturday. The police detained five Dalit activists who attempted to prevent BJP MP Kirit Solanki from putting a garland over BR Ambedkar's statue. The activists raised slogans against the BJP, according to reports. Meanwhile, Prime Minister Narendra Modi, President Ram Nath Kovind and Congress President Rahul Gandhi paid their tribute to BR Ambedkar on his 127th birth anniversary at Parliament in New Delhi on Saturday. Security has been beefed up in Uttar Pradesh in view of Ambedkar Jayanti today to prevent any possible attempt at inciting violence, with political parties drawing up separate plans for the occasion.

Jignesh Mevani's supporters obstruct BJP MPs from garlanding BR Ambedkar's statue

Dr Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar, popularly known as Babasaheb was born on April 14, 1891, in town and military cantonment of Mhow in the central provinces (now in Madhya Pradesh).

Today, the nation is celebrating this social reformer’s 127th birth anniversary with great zeal.&nbsp;

With his long and pragmatic vision, Ambedkar drafted the Constitution that makes India a great country and provides citizens with constitutional guarantees.&nbsp;

Born in a poor low Mahar (Dalit) caste, Ambedkar himself was a victim of the social evils since childhood days.&nbsp;

He was so oppressed that throughout his life, he campaigned to eliminate social discrimination against untouchables.

Ambedkar, who went to a government school, witnessed discrimination from a very young age. When he and his other untouchable classmates were thirsty, the people from the higher caste used to pour the water from a height so that they would not come in contact with the vessel. The school peon would do this for Ambedkar and when the peon was not around, Ambedkar had to go without water.

Due to his deep interest in learning, Bhim went on to become the first Dalit to be enrolled into the prestigious Elphinstone High School in Bombay.

He was the also the only one among his siblings to have passed his examinations and complete graduation.

Impressed by his performance, the Maharaja of Baroda funded his doctorate degree in Economics and Ambedkar became the first Indian to get an Economics doctorate from abroad.

He was later appointed as the first Minister of Law and Justice in 1947, but he resigned when his women rights bill was opposed by the Parliament.

The Article 370 of the Indian Constitution has accorded special status to Jammu & Kashmir, but Ambedkar was against Article 370.

Ambedkar was a diabetes patient and died in his sleep December 6, 1956, three days after he completed his manuscript— The Buddha and his Dhamma.

Dr Ambedkar was a reformer whose legacy and relevance continues to grow. His message of social equality continues to reverberate and resonate with passing time.

Today, the nation is celebrating this social reformer’s 127th birth anniversary with great zeal.

Dr Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar, popularly known as Babasaheb was born on April 14, 1891, in town and military cantonment of Mhow in the central provinces (now in Madhya Pradesh). Today, the nation is celebrating this social reformer’s 127th birth anniversary with great zeal. With his long and pragmatic vision, Ambedkar drafted the Constitution that makes India a great country and provides citizens with constitutional guarantees. Born in a poor low Mahar (Dalit) caste, Ambedkar himself was a victim of the social evils since childhood days. He was so oppressed that throughout his life, he campaigned to eliminate social discrimination against untouchables. Ambedkar, who went to a government school, witnessed discrimination from a very young age. When he and his other untouchable classmates were thirsty, the people from the higher caste used to pour the water from a height so that they would not come in contact with the vessel. The school peon would do this for Ambedkar and when the peon was not around, Ambedkar had to go without water. Due to his deep interest in learning, Bhim went on to become the first Dalit to be enrolled into the prestigious Elphinstone High School in Bombay. He was the also the only one among his siblings to have passed his examinations and complete graduation. Impressed by his performance, the Maharaja of Baroda funded his doctorate degree in Economics and Ambedkar became the first Indian to get an Economics doctorate from abroad. He was later appointed as the first Minister of Law and Justice in 1947, but he resigned when his women rights bill was opposed by the Parliament. The Article 370 of the Indian Constitution has accorded special status to Jammu & Kashmir, but Ambedkar was against Article 370. Ambedkar was a diabetes patient and died in his sleep December 6, 1956, three days after he completed his manuscript— The Buddha and his Dhamma. Dr Ambedkar was a reformer whose legacy and relevance continues to grow. His message of social equality continues to reverberate and resonate with passing time.

Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar: A true fighter against caste discrimination in India

Sixty-two years have&nbsp;passed since December 6, 1956 that Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar has passed away. In the meantime, Dalit politics has undergone multiple twists and turns in the face of majoritarian politics in India. As Hindutwa forces gain ground in the country, the Dalits are forced to rethink the symbols and principles representing their collective bargaining presence in the democratic polity.

While the call to reject Hinduism and convert to Buddhism is still there, Dalit leaders of today, such as Jignesh Mevani is urging the Dalits to forego the cow-centric political rhetoric. Instead, the young Dalit leader from Maharashtra advocates gaining land rights as their basis of political action.

In midst of these shifts, however, two aspects of Dalit politics remain cardinal, their fight against culturally enforced discrimination and economic inequality. Starting with Ambedkar, Dalit leaders over the years have emphasised on scientific rationality as a weapon to fight authoritarianism and dogmas.

&nbsp;

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<h5>Ambedkar&rsquo;s trust in Buddhism (as an alternative to Hinduism) and his confidence in reason stemmed from his love of enquiry that disproves the infallibility doctrine.</h5>
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By making science and rational thinking as the basis of their identity and economic regeneration, Ambedkar - the indisputable Dalit leader of the twentieth century - strove to carve a respectable niche for the community in independent modern India.

Ambedkar&rsquo;s trust in Buddhism (as an alternative to Hinduism) and his confidence in reason stemmed from his love of enquiry that disproves the infallibility doctrine. In &quot;Buddha or Karl Marx&quot;, one of his last speeches, Dr. Ambedkar includes the following in his summary of the essential teachings of the Buddha: &ldquo;Nothing is infallible. Nothing is binding forever. Everything is subject to inquiry and examination.&quot;

Ambedkar&rsquo;s passion for democracy - his belief that democracy embodies a state of &quot;liberty, equality and fraternity&quot; - was closely related to his commitment to rationality and the scientific outlook as well. &nbsp;

&nbsp;Ambedkar believed in the utility of scientific spirit to combat authoritarianism; he saw it as essential to liberate and protect oneself from ideological manipulation that had for centuries acted as tools of casteist subjugations. &nbsp;

Throughout Ambedkar&rsquo;s writings and actions there is one common thread, that is, socio-economic progress in India required a cultural revolution; one that will not only destroy the culture of the past, but also build something of value in its place. Like the philosophers of the French Enlightenment, Ambedkar gave primacy to scientific reason as the new standard for a &ldquo;constant revision and revolution of old values&rdquo;. For him, the priority was not making Hinduism or Hindu society &ldquo;shine forth&rdquo; but building a new, equal, free, open, non-hierarchical modern India.

In direct contradiction to Gandhi, Ambedkar believed the modern India needs to have a casteless society. He would use the principles of natural science to build up a theoretical attack on the &ldquo;chaturvarna&rdquo; system of Vedic Hinduism. Hinduism justifies caste hierarchy as being in accordance with the order of nature itself, so Ambedkar turned out to be the most ardent advocates of a de-sacralised understanding of the natural world.

Dalit&rsquo;s attack on the Hindu caste system, therefore, became concomitant with an effort &nbsp;to &ldquo;demystify&rdquo; the elite Hindu understanding of nature as permeated with the divine spirit. Ambedkar was relentless in his advocacy that, scientific knowledge about the natural world cannot remain limited only to specialised technical fields, but must influence the values and purposes of social life.&nbsp;

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<h5>Hinduism justifies caste hierarchy as being in accordance with the order of nature itself, so Ambedkar turned out to be the most ardent advocates of a de-sacralised understanding of the natural world.</h5>
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It was only through nurturing critical and rational thinking, Ambedkar believed, that Indian society could build up a protection against the arbitrary exercise of power.

Along with cultural equality, Ambedkar relentlessly advocated for the end of economic marginalisation of Dalits. He was well aware that economic regeneration of modern India would be incomplete without the economic progress of the Dalits. Just like Nehru, Ambedkar believed that industrialisation is the only way to end India&rsquo;s poverty. But Ambedkar proposed to make industries serve human needs rather than run them as purely profit-making centers.&nbsp;

His vision of industrial society included the goals of equity and justice. Thus, &ldquo;techne&rdquo; was not merely a vocation for him, rather, he gave an ethical interpretation to technological knowledge. In advocating popularisation of vocational training, Ambedkar propped it as a challenge to the brahmajnana of the Brahmins that had always operated outside or above the production process.&nbsp;

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<h5>In advocating popularisation of vocational training, Ambedkar propped it as a challenge to the brahmajnana of the Brahmins that had always operated outside or above the production process.&nbsp;</h5>
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In asking for changes in all aspects of national life, from social to ethical, Ambedkar desired a modern India that would critically revisit its traditions without sacrificing the sacred. In his advocacy for the need of the rational in the national life, he forced the majoritarian community to take an introspective look at the treatment it meted out to the people at the margin. Ambedkar&rsquo;s call for reason was, however, not directed exclusively directed at the powerful; reason and scientific thinking became an avowed &ldquo;weapon&rdquo; of the Dalits to fight cultural and economic subjugation. Thus, the symbols of Dalit resistance may change over time, but the surreptitious flow of logical thinking needs to continuously enrich the identity politics of the community for now as well as in the future.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity).

&nbsp;

In an age of unreason, Ambedkar emphasised the need to fight authoritarianism and dogmas with scientific rationality.

Sixty-two years have passed since December 6, 1956 that Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar has passed away. In the meantime, Dalit politics has undergone multiple twists and turns in the face of majoritarian politics in India. As Hindutwa forces gain ground in the country, the Dalits are forced to rethink the symbols and principles representing their collective bargaining presence in the democratic polity. While the call to reject Hinduism and convert to Buddhism is still there, Dalit leaders of today, such as Jignesh Mevani is urging the Dalits to forego the cow-centric political rhetoric. Instead, the young Dalit leader from Maharashtra advocates gaining land rights as their basis of political action. In midst of these shifts, however, two aspects of Dalit politics remain cardinal, their fight against culturally enforced discrimination and economic inequality. Starting with Ambedkar, Dalit leaders over the years have emphasised on scientific rationality as a weapon to fight authoritarianism and dogmas. Ambedkar’s trust in Buddhism (as an alternative to Hinduism) and his confidence in reason stemmed from his love of enquiry that disproves the infallibility doctrine. × By making science and rational thinking as the basis of their identity and economic regeneration, Ambedkar - the indisputable Dalit leader of the twentieth century - strove to carve a respectable niche for the community in independent modern India. Ambedkar’s trust in Buddhism (as an alternative to Hinduism) and his confidence in reason stemmed from his love of enquiry that disproves the infallibility doctrine. In "Buddha or Karl Marx", one of his last speeches, Dr. Ambedkar includes the following in his summary of the essential teachings of the Buddha: “Nothing is infallible. Nothing is binding forever. Everything is subject to inquiry and examination." Ambedkar’s passion for democracy - his belief that democracy embodies a state of "liberty, equality and fraternity" - was closely related to his commitment to rationality and the scientific outlook as well. Ambedkar believed in the utility of scientific spirit to combat authoritarianism; he saw it as essential to liberate and protect oneself from ideological manipulation that had for centuries acted as tools of casteist subjugations. Throughout Ambedkar’s writings and actions there is one common thread, that is, socio-economic progress in India required a cultural revolution; one that will not only destroy the culture of the past, but also build something of value in its place. Like the philosophers of the French Enlightenment, Ambedkar gave primacy to scientific reason as the new standard for a “constant revision and revolution of old values”. For him, the priority was not making Hinduism or Hindu society “shine forth” but building a new, equal, free, open, non-hierarchical modern India. In direct contradiction to Gandhi, Ambedkar believed the modern India needs to have a casteless society. He would use the principles of natural science to build up a theoretical attack on the “chaturvarna” system of Vedic Hinduism. Hinduism justifies caste hierarchy as being in accordance with the order of nature itself, so Ambedkar turned out to be the most ardent advocates of a de-sacralised understanding of the natural world. Dalit’s attack on the Hindu caste system, therefore, became concomitant with an effort to “demystify” the elite Hindu understanding of nature as permeated with the divine spirit. Ambedkar was relentless in his advocacy that, scientific knowledge about the natural world cannot remain limited only to specialised technical fields, but must influence the values and purposes of social life. Hinduism justifies caste hierarchy as being in accordance with the order of nature itself, so Ambedkar turned out to be the most ardent advocates of a de-sacralised understanding of the natural world. × It was only through nurturing critical and rational thinking, Ambedkar believed, that Indian society could build up a protection against the arbitrary exercise of power. Along with cultural equality, Ambedkar relentlessly advocated for the end of economic marginalisation of Dalits. He was well aware that economic regeneration of modern India would be incomplete without the economic progress of the Dalits. Just like Nehru, Ambedkar believed that industrialisation is the only way to end India’s poverty. But Ambedkar proposed to make industries serve human needs rather than run them as purely profit-making centers. His vision of industrial society included the goals of equity and justice. Thus, “techne” was not merely a vocation for him, rather, he gave an ethical interpretation to technological knowledge. In advocating popularisation of vocational training, Ambedkar propped it as a challenge to the brahmajnana of the Brahmins that had always operated outside or above the production process. In advocating popularisation of vocational training, Ambedkar propped it as a challenge to the brahmajnana of the Brahmins that had always operated outside or above the production process. × In asking for changes in all aspects of national life, from social to ethical, Ambedkar desired a modern India that would critically revisit its traditions without sacrificing the sacred. In his advocacy for the need of the rational in the national life, he forced the majoritarian community to take an introspective look at the treatment it meted out to the people at the margin. Ambedkar’s call for reason was, however, not directed exclusively directed at the powerful; reason and scientific thinking became an avowed “weapon” of the Dalits to fight cultural and economic subjugation. Thus, the symbols of Dalit resistance may change over time, but the surreptitious flow of logical thinking needs to continuously enrich the identity politics of the community for now as well as in the future. (Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity).

Opinion: Why Ambedkar's life and teaching is still relevant

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