The reluctance to concede ground to allies and its choice of candidates are sufficient indications that Congress is experimenting with the 2019 general elections to revive its organisational structure, rather than halt BJP’s march. &nbsp;

This is particularly pronounced in politically crucial UP. &nbsp;

Political pundits want to know why Congress has changed its strategy from consolidating secular and democratic forces, to going alone in key states. &nbsp;

Even its earlier plans to prevent the consolidation of Hindu votes in favour of Prime Minister Narendra Modi by adopting soft Hindutva, has been ignored. &nbsp;&nbsp;

Unlike Sonia Gandhi’s strategy that led to the defeat of Atal Bihari Vajpayee-led NDA government in 2004, Rahul Gandhi has chosen to rebuild the mortgaged and depleted Congress 'haveli’, instead of dealing with the real situation on the ground.&nbsp;

At a time, when the grand old party faces a real political threat, it is surprising that it was still not ready to concede ground to like-minded allies.

Even in Jammu and Kashmir, where the party has no base, it has refused to part with two seats in the Kashmir Valley to ally National Conference or the PDP. Both these parties left two seats in the Jammu region to the Congress, making the contest a cliff hanger for the BJP. &nbsp;

Instead, the Congress has fielded candidates from the north and south Kashmir seats. &nbsp; &nbsp;

In stitching alliances, the NDA has taken the lead, cobbling together 40 parties. It has succeeded in bringing in estranged partners like Shiv Sena and Asom Gana Parishad, who were critical of Modi over the years. &nbsp;

Alliances need sacrifices and BJP has shown the way by sacrificing its ministers and sitting MPs to concede seats to its allies. &nbsp;

In the words of analyst Anurag Modi, the common village voter is hardly influenced by TV debates. His voice may not be heard by those sitting at the highest pedestals, but his time comes when India votes. &nbsp;

Congress’s main challenge is to avoid the fragmentation of this vote. This can only be possible if Rahul Gandhi ignores sycophants around him and toes his mother’s tried and tested line.

Rahul Gandhi’s experiment fits in with the resolution adopted at the September 1998 Congress session at the scenic Pachmarhi hills in Madhya Pradesh. &nbsp;

The party decided to reclaim its lost ground by going to the polls alone, with the exception of few states like Tamil Nadu.

Leaders, more sycophantic than visionary, told Sonia Gandhi in 1998 that the NDA will disappear and meet a fate similar to the Janata Party in 1979, which had ousted the Congress under powerful Indira Gandhi for just two years. &nbsp;

It would appear that Rahul Gandhi has reached similar conclusions about the secular and regional parties thriving at the expense of the Congress. &nbsp;

A senior Congress leader bluntly confided to this writer that while BJP is a political rival, regional secular parties were enemies. “They have eaten into our vote base, making us non-existent in West Bengal, Bihar, UP and Tamil Nadu,” he said. &nbsp;

Sonia learned that going alone will harm the party. In the 1999 Lok Sabha elections, fighting solo under Sonia Gandhi, the Congress lost more ground, depleting its numbers further. &nbsp;

Thereafter, the party lost state after state in the assembly elections. Following the 2002 Gujarat riots, CPI(M) general secretary Harkishan Singh Surjeet approached Sonia and asked her to review the Pachmarhi resolution.&nbsp;

In a brainstorming session at Shimla in July 2003, the party adopted an open-minded approach on pre-poll and post-poll alliances, which, it said will be implemented at the national level.

Soon after the Karnataka assembly elections last year in May, a revival of the 2004 Congress spirit to lead liberal and democratic forces, resurfaced.&nbsp;

It was, in fact, Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) supremo Mayawati who immediately dialled Sonia after the Karnataka election results indicated a fractured mandate. &nbsp;

She reportedly brought the Congress and Janata Dal (S) chief, HD Devegowda, together to keep the BJP at bay in the southern state. She called up Devegowda and convinced him to take Congress support.&nbsp;

Naturally, questions are being asked as to why Rahul didn’t restructure or rebuild the organisation in the last five years.

After its worst defeat in 2014, it was a godsend scenario for the current Congress president to initiate reforms and delegate powers to district committees to choose candidates and be accountable. He had ample time to get the organisation come out of the grip of family loyalists.

The result is that Congress remains in tatters, as Rahul has done nothing except make noises about “structural reforms”. &nbsp;

He first told workers in UP that the party would not be revived in the state unless it contests on its own and then justified an alliance with the Samajwadi Party in the last assembly election. &nbsp;

Even though Congress continues to be a central column for any secular alliance, there is need to have clarity on alliances.

Many opposition leaders asked the Congress to emulate a Bihar-type grand alliance at the national level by sacrificing ego.&nbsp;

Tactically, they asked the party to focus on west India, including Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh and leave eastern India, basically UP and Bihar, to regional parties to limit seats of the BJP-led NDA. &nbsp;

But in the words of Rasheed Kidwai, a veteran writer on Congress affairs, the party’s 2019 story is bad and muddled. &nbsp;

In addition to Rahul Gandhi’s inexperience, the grand old party lacks self-belief and its ability to communicate and connect, even though it has produced a really sound manifesto. But then Indian elections are not contested on manifestos alone.&nbsp;

(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-ignoring-key-election-allies-what-is-congress-gameplan-for-ls-poll-2019-2736401">original article)</a>

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

The reluctance to concede ground to allies and its choice of candidates are sufficient indications that Congress is experimenting with the 2019 general elections to revive its organisational structure, rather than halt BJP’s march.

The reluctance to concede ground to allies and its choice of candidates are sufficient indications that Congress is experimenting with the 2019 general elections to revive its organisational structure, rather than halt BJP’s march. This is particularly pronounced in politically crucial UP. Political pundits want to know why Congress has changed its strategy from consolidating secular and democratic forces, to going alone in key states. Even its earlier plans to prevent the consolidation of Hindu votes in favour of Prime Minister Narendra Modi by adopting soft Hindutva, has been ignored. Unlike Sonia Gandhi’s strategy that led to the defeat of Atal Bihari Vajpayee-led NDA government in 2004, Rahul Gandhi has chosen to rebuild the mortgaged and depleted Congress 'haveli’, instead of dealing with the real situation on the ground. At a time, when the grand old party faces a real political threat, it is surprising that it was still not ready to concede ground to like-minded allies. Even in Jammu and Kashmir, where the party has no base, it has refused to part with two seats in the Kashmir Valley to ally National Conference or the PDP. Both these parties left two seats in the Jammu region to the Congress, making the contest a cliff hanger for the BJP. Instead, the Congress has fielded candidates from the north and south Kashmir seats. In stitching alliances, the NDA has taken the lead, cobbling together 40 parties. It has succeeded in bringing in estranged partners like Shiv Sena and Asom Gana Parishad, who were critical of Modi over the years. Alliances need sacrifices and BJP has shown the way by sacrificing its ministers and sitting MPs to concede seats to its allies. In the words of analyst Anurag Modi, the common village voter is hardly influenced by TV debates. His voice may not be heard by those sitting at the highest pedestals, but his time comes when India votes. Congress’s main challenge is to avoid the fragmentation of this vote. This can only be possible if Rahul Gandhi ignores sycophants around him and toes his mother’s tried and tested line. Rahul Gandhi’s experiment fits in with the resolution adopted at the September 1998 Congress session at the scenic Pachmarhi hills in Madhya Pradesh. The party decided to reclaim its lost ground by going to the polls alone, with the exception of few states like Tamil Nadu. Leaders, more sycophantic than visionary, told Sonia Gandhi in 1998 that the NDA will disappear and meet a fate similar to the Janata Party in 1979, which had ousted the Congress under powerful Indira Gandhi for just two years. It would appear that Rahul Gandhi has reached similar conclusions about the secular and regional parties thriving at the expense of the Congress. A senior Congress leader bluntly confided to this writer that while BJP is a political rival, regional secular parties were enemies. “They have eaten into our vote base, making us non-existent in West Bengal, Bihar, UP and Tamil Nadu,” he said. Sonia learned that going alone will harm the party. In the 1999 Lok Sabha elections, fighting solo under Sonia Gandhi, the Congress lost more ground, depleting its numbers further. Thereafter, the party lost state after state in the assembly elections. Following the 2002 Gujarat riots, CPI(M) general secretary Harkishan Singh Surjeet approached Sonia and asked her to review the Pachmarhi resolution. In a brainstorming session at Shimla in July 2003, the party adopted an open-minded approach on pre-poll and post-poll alliances, which, it said will be implemented at the national level. Soon after the Karnataka assembly elections last year in May, a revival of the 2004 Congress spirit to lead liberal and democratic forces, resurfaced. It was, in fact, Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) supremo Mayawati who immediately dialled Sonia after the Karnataka election results indicated a fractured mandate. She reportedly brought the Congress and Janata Dal (S) chief, HD Devegowda, together to keep the BJP at bay in the southern state. She called up Devegowda and convinced him to take Congress support. Naturally, questions are being asked as to why Rahul didn’t restructure or rebuild the organisation in the last five years. After its worst defeat in 2014, it was a godsend scenario for the current Congress president to initiate reforms and delegate powers to district committees to choose candidates and be accountable. He had ample time to get the organisation come out of the grip of family loyalists. The result is that Congress remains in tatters, as Rahul has done nothing except make noises about “structural reforms”. He first told workers in UP that the party would not be revived in the state unless it contests on its own and then justified an alliance with the Samajwadi Party in the last assembly election. Even though Congress continues to be a central column for any secular alliance, there is need to have clarity on alliances. Many opposition leaders asked the Congress to emulate a Bihar-type grand alliance at the national level by sacrificing ego. Tactically, they asked the party to focus on west India, including Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh and leave eastern India, basically UP and Bihar, to regional parties to limit seats of the BJP-led NDA. But in the words of Rasheed Kidwai, a veteran writer on Congress affairs, the party’s 2019 story is bad and muddled. In addition to Rahul Gandhi’s inexperience, the grand old party lacks self-belief and its ability to communicate and connect, even though it has produced a really sound manifesto. But then Indian elections are not contested on manifestos alone. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Ignoring key election allies: Congress lacks ability to communicate and connect

Sometime in 1997, the Jammu and Kashmir government had invited journalists to visit the Kot Balwal jail on the outskirts of Jammu city, which houses dreaded terrorists.

While walking through the pathways, a bearded and overweight Moulvi with a limp tried his best to attract the attention of the visiting media persons. From behind the grills, he tried telling the scribes that he was one of them — a writer.

The visitors, more eager to see Afghan war veterans and highly placed Harkat-ul-Ansar commanders, Nasrullah Mansoor Khan Langrial and Sajjad Khan Afghani, declined. 
 
The Moulvi - none other than Maulana Masood Azhar - is currently the most wanted man in India.

Azhar had come to discipline Afghani

Ironically, it was not just the media which was taken in by the looks of a short squat man who was dismissed as no more than a harmless terrorist sympathiser. The investigating agencies thought the same! They neither filed a case against him nor began prosecution till they were forced to release him in exchange of passengers of the IC814 plane hijacked in December 1999.

Azhar had been sent to Kashmir to discipline Afghani, who had gone berserk after security forces had captured his colleague, Langrial, in January 1994.

An enraged Afghani attacked an Army camp at Elahi Bagh in Srinagar on January 16, but was pushed back. He later kidnapped Major Bhupinder Singh to negotiate Langrial’s release. When authorities refused to negotiate, he executed the officer. Afghani’s actions were creating concern back in Pakistan, where Harkat had planned to lie low and seek entrenchment in South Kashmir.

The problem was - who would bell the errant commander? The planners zeroed in on the innocuous-looking general secretary of the dreaded organisation, Maulana Masood Azhar.

With Portuguese passport in hand, he arrived at the Indira Gandhi International Airport (IGIA) at New Delhi on January 29, 1994, on a Bangladesh Biman flight from Dhaka. Attired in a western suit, with a trimmed beard, he looked every inch an executive, but the immigration officer checked his passport several times. According to Azhar’s own confession, he was sweating down his trousers. But he was allowed to go and he headed for Ashoka Hotel at Chanakyapuri.

Before boarding for Srinagar on February 9, he visited Deoband, getting rid of his western dress. He arrived in Srinagar wearing a skull cap and kurta-pajama to pass off as someone returning from Mecca after performing the pilgrimage.

How Azhar was accidentally captured in 1994

After meeting his contacts in Srinagar, he summoned all commanders who were busy setting embryonic cells for the Harkat in the region. After lecturing the terrorists, urging them not to deviate from the plan, Afghani suggested him to deliver the Friday sermon at the Jamia mosque in Anantnag, to make a defiant statement. Leaving the guards behind, Afghani and South Kashmir local commander, Sikandar’s deputy, Raees, walked to the car.

Interrogation reports later suggested that the car broke down midway and they took an auto-rickshaw. But short of reaching Anantnag, they were encircled by a posse of BSF, who had somehow tracked Raees. The latter opened fire and lobbed grenades, before melting into the forest.

Masood and Afghani were taken to the Khundroo Army camp. Nobody recognised the catch. Intelligence records suggest that at the camp, Afghani, in order to save Azhar, revealed his identity, but not of the short portly man by his side. He told interrogators that this Moulvi has nothing to do with him: “I had kidnapped him. He was arrested when you arrested me.”

Authorities almost caved in, but before releasing, called Azhar into the interrogation room, where he broke down within 30 minutes and blurted out the truth, state intelligence records.

Several attempts were made to free Azhar

Despite several audacious attempts to free Masood, no effort was made to try him in a court of law. The first attempt came in early summer of 1994, when Harkat district commander Sikandar kidnapped two British citizens Kim Housego and producer David Mackie, but had to release them after Housego’s father, a former British journalist based in New Delhi, launched a public campaign.

The same year in October 1994, British Pakistani Omar Sheikh Sayeed lured three British and one American backpacker away from their guest houses in Paharganj and held them hostage at a remote house in a Ghaziabad village. The next day, Sayeed delivered a note at Delhi’s BBC office, demanding the release of Masood Azhar and his two associates, along with passport details of hostages. The BBC office passed on the documents to the Ministry of External Affairs, who sought information from Ministry of Home Affairs and the Delhi Police.

Upon confirmation that foreigners had been kidnapped, intelligence and security officials went into a tizzy. Nobody had a clue about the kidnappers, but good luck came their way when two UP police constables chased a petty thief, who had taken refuge in the same house where Sheikh, who had just returned from Delhi after delivering the note, was stationed. The British Pakistani took it as a police raid and started firing from an AK-47 rifle. Puzzled, the UP policemen called for reinforcements and found a few western hostages, all tied and trussed up. While other terrorists escaped, Omar Sheikh was arrested.

Another bid to release him again came on July 4, 1995, when a little known terrorist group, Al-Faran, kidnapped six western tourists in the Pahalgam mountains. Author Adrian Levy says the incident changed the face of modern terrorism. Finally, in December 1999, the biggest plan to secure Azhar’s release was sought in exchange of passengers of the hijacked IC814 flight. Along with Omar Sheikh Sayeed and Mushtaq Ahmed Zargar, Azhar was transported to Kandahar.

Just a month ago, Sajjad Afghani was killed during an unsuccessful attempt at escape from the Kot Balwal Jail. Curiously, plane hijackers didn’t demand the release of Langrial, whose arrest had triggered the entire chain of events. He, after spending 18 years in jail, was finally repatriated in 2011.

(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-maulana-masood-azhar-the-moulvi-with-a-limp-who-became-india-s-most-wanted-man-2725831">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Sometime in 1997, the Jammu and Kashmir government had invited journalists to visit the Kot Balwal jail on the outskirts of Jammu city, which houses dreaded terrorists.

Sometime in 1997, the Jammu and Kashmir government had invited journalists to visit the Kot Balwal jail on the outskirts of Jammu city, which houses dreaded terrorists. While walking through the pathways, a bearded and overweight Moulvi with a limp tried his best to attract the attention of the visiting media persons. From behind the grills, he tried telling the scribes that he was one of them — a writer. The visitors, more eager to see Afghan war veterans and highly placed Harkat-ul-Ansar commanders, Nasrullah Mansoor Khan Langrial and Sajjad Khan Afghani, declined. The Moulvi - none other than Maulana Masood Azhar - is currently the most wanted man in India. Azhar had come to discipline Afghani Ironically, it was not just the media which was taken in by the looks of a short squat man who was dismissed as no more than a harmless terrorist sympathiser. The investigating agencies thought the same! They neither filed a case against him nor began prosecution till they were forced to release him in exchange of passengers of the IC814 plane hijacked in December 1999. Azhar had been sent to Kashmir to discipline Afghani, who had gone berserk after security forces had captured his colleague, Langrial, in January 1994. An enraged Afghani attacked an Army camp at Elahi Bagh in Srinagar on January 16, but was pushed back. He later kidnapped Major Bhupinder Singh to negotiate Langrial’s release. When authorities refused to negotiate, he executed the officer. Afghani’s actions were creating concern back in Pakistan, where Harkat had planned to lie low and seek entrenchment in South Kashmir. The problem was - who would bell the errant commander? The planners zeroed in on the innocuous-looking general secretary of the dreaded organisation, Maulana Masood Azhar. With Portuguese passport in hand, he arrived at the Indira Gandhi International Airport (IGIA) at New Delhi on January 29, 1994, on a Bangladesh Biman flight from Dhaka. Attired in a western suit, with a trimmed beard, he looked every inch an executive, but the immigration officer checked his passport several times. According to Azhar’s own confession, he was sweating down his trousers. But he was allowed to go and he headed for Ashoka Hotel at Chanakyapuri. Before boarding for Srinagar on February 9, he visited Deoband, getting rid of his western dress. He arrived in Srinagar wearing a skull cap and kurta-pajama to pass off as someone returning from Mecca after performing the pilgrimage. How Azhar was accidentally captured in 1994 After meeting his contacts in Srinagar, he summoned all commanders who were busy setting embryonic cells for the Harkat in the region. After lecturing the terrorists, urging them not to deviate from the plan, Afghani suggested him to deliver the Friday sermon at the Jamia mosque in Anantnag, to make a defiant statement. Leaving the guards behind, Afghani and South Kashmir local commander, Sikandar’s deputy, Raees, walked to the car. Interrogation reports later suggested that the car broke down midway and they took an auto-rickshaw. But short of reaching Anantnag, they were encircled by a posse of BSF, who had somehow tracked Raees. The latter opened fire and lobbed grenades, before melting into the forest. Masood and Afghani were taken to the Khundroo Army camp. Nobody recognised the catch. Intelligence records suggest that at the camp, Afghani, in order to save Azhar, revealed his identity, but not of the short portly man by his side. He told interrogators that this Moulvi has nothing to do with him: “I had kidnapped him. He was arrested when you arrested me.” Authorities almost caved in, but before releasing, called Azhar into the interrogation room, where he broke down within 30 minutes and blurted out the truth, state intelligence records. Several attempts were made to free Azhar Despite several audacious attempts to free Masood, no effort was made to try him in a court of law. The first attempt came in early summer of 1994, when Harkat district commander Sikandar kidnapped two British citizens Kim Housego and producer David Mackie, but had to release them after Housego’s father, a former British journalist based in New Delhi, launched a public campaign. The same year in October 1994, British Pakistani Omar Sheikh Sayeed lured three British and one American backpacker away from their guest houses in Paharganj and held them hostage at a remote house in a Ghaziabad village. The next day, Sayeed delivered a note at Delhi’s BBC office, demanding the release of Masood Azhar and his two associates, along with passport details of hostages. The BBC office passed on the documents to the Ministry of External Affairs, who sought information from Ministry of Home Affairs and the Delhi Police. Upon confirmation that foreigners had been kidnapped, intelligence and security officials went into a tizzy. Nobody had a clue about the kidnappers, but good luck came their way when two UP police constables chased a petty thief, who had taken refuge in the same house where Sheikh, who had just returned from Delhi after delivering the note, was stationed. The British Pakistani took it as a police raid and started firing from an AK-47 rifle. Puzzled, the UP policemen called for reinforcements and found a few western hostages, all tied and trussed up. While other terrorists escaped, Omar Sheikh was arrested. Another bid to release him again came on July 4, 1995, when a little known terrorist group, Al-Faran, kidnapped six western tourists in the Pahalgam mountains. Author Adrian Levy says the incident changed the face of modern terrorism. Finally, in December 1999, the biggest plan to secure Azhar’s release was sought in exchange of passengers of the hijacked IC814 flight. Along with Omar Sheikh Sayeed and Mushtaq Ahmed Zargar, Azhar was transported to Kandahar. Just a month ago, Sajjad Afghani was killed during an unsuccessful attempt at escape from the Kot Balwal Jail. Curiously, plane hijackers didn’t demand the release of Langrial, whose arrest had triggered the entire chain of events. He, after spending 18 years in jail, was finally repatriated in 2011. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Masood Azhar: 'The Moulvi with a limp' who became India's most wanted man

The first time I saw former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee face-to-face was when riots had broken out in the Nizamuddin locality in the heart of Delhi sometime in the early 90s. I had just begun working as an intern and was ordered to accompany a senior to cover riots in which four people had lost their lives. A nallah in this historic locality that houses tombs of Sufi saint Hazrat Nizamuddin, poets Amir Khusru, Ghalib, Abdul Rahim Khan-i-Khanan and Mughal Emperor Humayun divides Hindu and Muslim areas. Across the nallah, the then caretaker of the Dargah Pir Zamin Nizami had donated a portion of the land a few decades ago for the construction of Lodhi Road crematorium for the Hindus living in the area. Since the population of the Hindus had grown, they wanted to expand the crematorium, which was the bone of contention.

As I reached the locality, a strict curfew had been imposed. But after checking press cards, the police would allow us to pass through barricades. Blood was still splattered on the road near the tomb of Ghalib. The area looked like a ghost town till I crossed the nallah, where people were gathered in large numbers, throwing stones and raising slogans. East Delhi MP Bankath Lal Sharma alias Prem was addressing the crowd, pointing towards the green flag fluttering on the dargah dome, claiming it was a Pakistan flag. Suddenly there was commotion with the arrival of a white Ambassador car. Vajpayee and Madanlal Khurana emerged and soon went inside a room for a huddle.

When they emerged, Vajpayee took the mike and clarified that the flag on the dome was not Pakistani flag, but the religious flag of Muslims. As he was walking to his car, I asked him why he is not helping the police to enforce a curfew and also not dissuading people on the banks of the nallah from throwing stones to the other side. He put his hand on my shoulders and said, “Young man, they (Muslims) started it, threw stones, didn’t allow construction of the crematorium. They should understand to live together.” Realising that I may be the target of the crowd for asking such questions, he asked his bodyguards to accompany me until I was safe.

I remember in 2004, the late Pramod Mahajan had to cut short his election campaign midway in Maharashtra and return to Delhi to explain the remarks he had made against Congress president Sonia Gandhi. Vajpayee had pulled him up for making personal comments against Gandhi. In 1991, Narasimha Rao preferred a technocrat Manmohan Singh as finance minister. Singh would frequently become the target of the Opposition. Since he was a technocrat, he would frequently dish out his resignation letter, which the PM would reject. One day, when he announced to cut subsidy of fertilisers, it created a storm in Parliament. 
 
Soon, as the House adjourned, Vajpayee, who was the Leader of the Opposition, invited Singh to his chamber. According to Singh, Vajpayee had a piece of advice for him: “You are now a politician. You must be thick skinned and not offer resignation on every issue. Our job is to criticise you. That is our politics. Your job is to remain steadfast and continue with your reforms for the sake of making the country’s economy stronger and better.” Many years later, it was revealed that Rao had pleaded with Vajpayee to give these primary lessons of politics to Manmohan Singh.

In March 2003, when US President George Bush announced war on Iraq, he wanted Indian troops to join the global effort to help in the ouster of Saddam Hussain. Many leaders within the government and the BJP were in favour of joining the US war. Parliament was in session. When Parliament went to recess, Vajpayee invited Left leaders for breakfast to the Prime Minister’s residence. He told them that there was tremendous pressure on him to join the US war. Naturally, the Left leaders opposed. According to Sitaram Yechuri, the current general secretary of CPI (M), Vajpayee smiled and taunted them that their opposition like Congress is limited to issuing statements in drawing rooms. That was a message, according to Yechuri, to hit the streets. Suddenly after this meeting, street protests against the US military strike on Iraq and possible Indian help started in different cities. Vajpayee wanted the excuse of domestic protests to convince the US that consensus eludes in his country.

Vajpayee’s initiatives to end India’s diplomatic isolation, arising out of the 1998 nuclear tests, were a stupendous success. However, after conveying India’s nuclear strength, Vajpayee took the risk of reaching out to Pakistan suggesting an end to hostility by exploring creative solutions to problems afflicting bilateral relations. The bus journey from Amritsar to Lahore was loaded with symbolism. Vajpayee decided to take with him a delegation of writers, poets, painters, sportsmen, actors and musicians.

At the Lahore summit with his Pakistani counterpart Nawaz Sharif, he had set up a backchannel to explore solutions to the most contentious issue of J&K. Former Pakistani foreign secretary and high commissioner to India, Niaz Naik, who was nominated by Sharif as his backchannel contact, said that both countries would have reached an agreement in September or October 1999 if Kargil had not happened. Two years later, in July 2001, he invited Pakistani president Pervez Musharaf to Agra. In December 2001, Parliament was attacked and Operation Parakram led to the massive deployment of forces along the borders. 
 
Again in April 2003, without consulting his cabinet colleagues, at a rally in Srinagar, he made yet another unilateral peace offer to his own Kashmiris as well as those in Pakistan and it yielded the Islamabad Declaration after a summit with Musharraf in January 2004. He lost office in May 2004. Vajpayee’s biggest regret was that he could not take the peace process he had initiated with such enthusiasm to its logical conclusion of ending India-Pakistan hostility for all time. Paying befitting tributes, PM Modi walked four and a half kilometres to accompany Vajpayee on his last journey. But a more befitting tribute would be to traverse the path shown by Vajpayee to prevent bloodshed in the region and evolve South Asia into an economic union.

 
(The writer is Editor, Strategic Affairs for DNA)

(This article was first published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-embracing-political-diversity-2653810">original article</a>.)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Vajpayee’s biggest regret was that he could not take the peace process he had initiated with such enthusiasm to its logical conclusion of ending India-Pakistan hostility for all time.

The first time I saw former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee face-to-face was when riots had broken out in the Nizamuddin locality in the heart of Delhi sometime in the early 90s. I had just begun working as an intern and was ordered to accompany a senior to cover riots in which four people had lost their lives. A nallah in this historic locality that houses tombs of Sufi saint Hazrat Nizamuddin, poets Amir Khusru, Ghalib, Abdul Rahim Khan-i-Khanan and Mughal Emperor Humayun divides Hindu and Muslim areas. Across the nallah, the then caretaker of the Dargah Pir Zamin Nizami had donated a portion of the land a few decades ago for the construction of Lodhi Road crematorium for the Hindus living in the area. Since the population of the Hindus had grown, they wanted to expand the crematorium, which was the bone of contention. As I reached the locality, a strict curfew had been imposed. But after checking press cards, the police would allow us to pass through barricades. Blood was still splattered on the road near the tomb of Ghalib. The area looked like a ghost town till I crossed the nallah, where people were gathered in large numbers, throwing stones and raising slogans. East Delhi MP Bankath Lal Sharma alias Prem was addressing the crowd, pointing towards the green flag fluttering on the dargah dome, claiming it was a Pakistan flag. Suddenly there was commotion with the arrival of a white Ambassador car. Vajpayee and Madanlal Khurana emerged and soon went inside a room for a huddle. When they emerged, Vajpayee took the mike and clarified that the flag on the dome was not Pakistani flag, but the religious flag of Muslims. As he was walking to his car, I asked him why he is not helping the police to enforce a curfew and also not dissuading people on the banks of the nallah from throwing stones to the other side. He put his hand on my shoulders and said, “Young man, they (Muslims) started it, threw stones, didn’t allow construction of the crematorium. They should understand to live together.” Realising that I may be the target of the crowd for asking such questions, he asked his bodyguards to accompany me until I was safe. I remember in 2004, the late Pramod Mahajan had to cut short his election campaign midway in Maharashtra and return to Delhi to explain the remarks he had made against Congress president Sonia Gandhi. Vajpayee had pulled him up for making personal comments against Gandhi. In 1991, Narasimha Rao preferred a technocrat Manmohan Singh as finance minister. Singh would frequently become the target of the Opposition. Since he was a technocrat, he would frequently dish out his resignation letter, which the PM would reject. One day, when he announced to cut subsidy of fertilisers, it created a storm in Parliament. Soon, as the House adjourned, Vajpayee, who was the Leader of the Opposition, invited Singh to his chamber. According to Singh, Vajpayee had a piece of advice for him: “You are now a politician. You must be thick skinned and not offer resignation on every issue. Our job is to criticise you. That is our politics. Your job is to remain steadfast and continue with your reforms for the sake of making the country’s economy stronger and better.” Many years later, it was revealed that Rao had pleaded with Vajpayee to give these primary lessons of politics to Manmohan Singh. In March 2003, when US President George Bush announced war on Iraq, he wanted Indian troops to join the global effort to help in the ouster of Saddam Hussain. Many leaders within the government and the BJP were in favour of joining the US war. Parliament was in session. When Parliament went to recess, Vajpayee invited Left leaders for breakfast to the Prime Minister’s residence. He told them that there was tremendous pressure on him to join the US war. Naturally, the Left leaders opposed. According to Sitaram Yechuri, the current general secretary of CPI (M), Vajpayee smiled and taunted them that their opposition like Congress is limited to issuing statements in drawing rooms. That was a message, according to Yechuri, to hit the streets. Suddenly after this meeting, street protests against the US military strike on Iraq and possible Indian help started in different cities. Vajpayee wanted the excuse of domestic protests to convince the US that consensus eludes in his country. Vajpayee’s initiatives to end India’s diplomatic isolation, arising out of the 1998 nuclear tests, were a stupendous success. However, after conveying India’s nuclear strength, Vajpayee took the risk of reaching out to Pakistan suggesting an end to hostility by exploring creative solutions to problems afflicting bilateral relations. The bus journey from Amritsar to Lahore was loaded with symbolism. Vajpayee decided to take with him a delegation of writers, poets, painters, sportsmen, actors and musicians. At the Lahore summit with his Pakistani counterpart Nawaz Sharif, he had set up a backchannel to explore solutions to the most contentious issue of J&K. Former Pakistani foreign secretary and high commissioner to India, Niaz Naik, who was nominated by Sharif as his backchannel contact, said that both countries would have reached an agreement in September or October 1999 if Kargil had not happened. Two years later, in July 2001, he invited Pakistani president Pervez Musharaf to Agra. In December 2001, Parliament was attacked and Operation Parakram led to the massive deployment of forces along the borders. Again in April 2003, without consulting his cabinet colleagues, at a rally in Srinagar, he made yet another unilateral peace offer to his own Kashmiris as well as those in Pakistan and it yielded the Islamabad Declaration after a summit with Musharraf in January 2004. He lost office in May 2004. Vajpayee’s biggest regret was that he could not take the peace process he had initiated with such enthusiasm to its logical conclusion of ending India-Pakistan hostility for all time. Paying befitting tributes, PM Modi walked four and a half kilometres to accompany Vajpayee on his last journey. But a more befitting tribute would be to traverse the path shown by Vajpayee to prevent bloodshed in the region and evolve South Asia into an economic union. (The writer is Editor, Strategic Affairs for DNA) (This article was first published on The DNA. Read the original article.) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: Embracing political diversity

By Iftikhar Gilani

India&#39;s oldest party the Congress is split between baying for former Delhi chief minister Sheila Dikshit&#39;s blood after she was reported to have called Rahul Gandhi &quot;immature&quot; or blaming Gandhi himself for taking so long to take over the party. &nbsp; &nbsp;

Rahul is the vice president of the Congress party, while his mother Sonia holds the post of president.&nbsp;

Sheila Dikshit meanwhile has said that she was misquoted by the media.&nbsp;

Feeling jittery about the BJP victory in Maharashtra civic body elections on Thursday despite demonetisation-induced&nbsp;hardships, Congress strategists are also mulling the need to change the party&#39;s campaign strategy in the ongoing Uttar Pradesh elections. &nbsp;&nbsp;

The party leaders feel that an over-emphasis on demonetisation has only worked in favour of the BJP, which may use it in the remaining three phases of the Assembly polls, pitting the poor against the rich.

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In a couple of tweets with hashtag #DontTwistMyWords, Dikshit on Friday afternoon went into&nbsp;damage-control mode saying the Congress vice-president has the &quot;sensitivity&quot; and &quot;concern of a mature leader&quot;. But not before it was used to the hilt by BJP president Amit Shah, who at a rally in Azamgarh said the entire nation agreed with Dikshit&#39;s &#39;fact&#39;, and wondered why he was &#39;forced into&#39; the state by the Congress? &quot;Sheila ji, the whole country acknowledges the fact which you stated, that Rahul is immature, but I want to ask why are you enforcing him in Uttar Pradesh.&quot;

Earlier, a former minister in Maharashtra, Nitin Raut, in an open letter, blamed the Congress leaders for debacle in Maharashtra civic polls. &quot;The biggest opponents for the party were not the BJP or Shiv Sena, but an unscrupulous Congress leader. A complete washout of the party pains a hardcore Congressman in me, but what shames me is that this was done on purpose,&quot; he said.

Raut said that with the BJP and the Sena at loggerheads and raising the pitch against each other, any experienced Congress leader could have inspired his party to put up a strong show. &quot;The results put a big question mark on the leadership in the state and its capability to prepare the party for the big test in 2019. It is of utmost importance to show party cadre and supporters that there is still hope, something which can happen only if we put people who can take party rank and file along at the top,&quot; he wrote.

Dikshit&#39;s detractors in the party cited her past remarks as well. She was quoted in interview as saying that Rahul was &quot;still not mature and should be given (more) time&quot;.

The statement came at the worst time as the party is engaged in a neck-to-neck fight in UP. It also gave ammunition to the BJP, which spares no chance of attacking Rahul. This even forced the party to cancel its daily briefing on Friday, as no leader had idea, how to tackle Dikshit comments.

But some leaders at the party headquarters were blaming Rahul himself. &quot;The decision to make him president is taking too long. The complete surgery needs to happen soon. We are still debating whether he is capable to take over or not. I fear time has already run out. BJP has begun preparing for the next Lok Sabha elections and here we are still trying to deal with the last one,&quot; said a party office-bearer.

A senior party leader also wondered that after the Congress Working Committee (CWC) adopted a resolution last year asking Rahul to take over as president, why then was he shirking the responsibility. Unofficially, party president Sonia Gandhi has more or less withdrawn and sends all the files to Rahul for clearance. In case of Mumbai also, leaders were shocked why Rahul didn&#39;t crack the whip despite open fight between Sanjay Nirupam and Gurudas Kamath.

(A version of this report first appeared in DNA)

Some leaders are baying for her blood, others blame the party's current plight on delay in Rahul taking over the reins

By Iftikhar Gilani India's oldest party the Congress is split between baying for former Delhi chief minister Sheila Dikshit's blood after she was reported to have called Rahul Gandhi "immature" or blaming Gandhi himself for taking so long to take over the party. Rahul is the vice president of the Congress party, while his mother Sonia holds the post of president. Sheila Dikshit meanwhile has said that she was misquoted by the media. Feeling jittery about the BJP victory in Maharashtra civic body elections on Thursday despite demonetisation-induced hardships, Congress strategists are also mulling the need to change the party's campaign strategy in the ongoing Uttar Pradesh elections. The party leaders feel that an over-emphasis on demonetisation has only worked in favour of the BJP, which may use it in the remaining three phases of the Assembly polls, pitting the poor against the rich. A senior party leader also wondered that after the Congress Working Committee adopted a resolution last year asking Rahul to take over as president, why then was he shirking the responsibility × In a couple of tweets with hashtag #DontTwistMyWords, Dikshit on Friday afternoon went into damage-control mode saying the Congress vice-president has the "sensitivity" and "concern of a mature leader". But not before it was used to the hilt by BJP president Amit Shah, who at a rally in Azamgarh said the entire nation agreed with Dikshit's 'fact', and wondered why he was 'forced into' the state by the Congress? "Sheila ji, the whole country acknowledges the fact which you stated, that Rahul is immature, but I want to ask why are you enforcing him in Uttar Pradesh." Earlier, a former minister in Maharashtra, Nitin Raut, in an open letter, blamed the Congress leaders for debacle in Maharashtra civic polls. "The biggest opponents for the party were not the BJP or Shiv Sena, but an unscrupulous Congress leader. A complete washout of the party pains a hardcore Congressman in me, but what shames me is that this was done on purpose," he said. Raut said that with the BJP and the Sena at loggerheads and raising the pitch against each other, any experienced Congress leader could have inspired his party to put up a strong show. "The results put a big question mark on the leadership in the state and its capability to prepare the party for the big test in 2019. It is of utmost importance to show party cadre and supporters that there is still hope, something which can happen only if we put people who can take party rank and file along at the top," he wrote. Dikshit's detractors in the party cited her past remarks as well. She was quoted in interview as saying that Rahul was "still not mature and should be given (more) time". The statement came at the worst time as the party is engaged in a neck-to-neck fight in UP. It also gave ammunition to the BJP, which spares no chance of attacking Rahul. This even forced the party to cancel its daily briefing on Friday, as no leader had idea, how to tackle Dikshit comments. But some leaders at the party headquarters were blaming Rahul himself. "The decision to make him president is taking too long. The complete surgery needs to happen soon. We are still debating whether he is capable to take over or not. I fear time has already run out. BJP has begun preparing for the next Lok Sabha elections and here we are still trying to deal with the last one," said a party office-bearer. A senior party leader also wondered that after the Congress Working Committee (CWC) adopted a resolution last year asking Rahul to take over as president, why then was he shirking the responsibility. Unofficially, party president Sonia Gandhi has more or less withdrawn and sends all the files to Rahul for clearance. In case of Mumbai also, leaders were shocked why Rahul didn't crack the whip despite open fight between Sanjay Nirupam and Gurudas Kamath. (A version of this report first appeared in DNA)

India: Congress divided between blaming Rahul or Sheila after she calls him 'immature'

Congress and Samajwadi Party (SP) leaders engaged in thrashing out the contours of their alliance by exchanging lists of seats and candidates last week were in for a rude shock to find Muawiyah Ali, who had won Deoband by-poll elections last year, in both parties&#39; lists.

The Congress had claimed the seat, saying it had wrested it from the SP only last year by a margin of 3,400 votes. Ironically, the party seemed to be blissfully unaware that Ali had since joined the SP and being the sitting MLA, had got that party&rsquo;s ticket. The Congress managed to get the seat but immediately replaced Ali with Mukesh Chaudhary. Ali, after realising the seat had gone to the Congress, reportedly insisted on fielding his wife who he claimed was still a party member.

The comedy of errors is a perfect illustration of how the Congress and the SP are targeting the same target audience in their bid to stop the Bharatiya Janata Party in the state; in the 2014 general elections, the right-wing party swept through the state, winning 71 of 80 Lok Sabha seats.

But the alliance has not been smooth sailing; that ship many a time came close to crashing on the rocks of political obstinacy and unpredictability. It finally took the firm hands of two women &mdash; Priyanka Gandhi and Dimple Yadav, both furiously backchanneling at the close &mdash; to steady nerves on both sides and bring the ship safely into harbour.

Sources in both parties told DNA that the alliance, finalised only yesterday, was part of backroom discussions since October 2016, when Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi wound up his 3,500-km &lsquo;Kisan Yatra&rsquo; across 48 districts and 141 Assembly segments. Upon returning Delhi, he reportedly toned down his initial resistance towards an alliance after a number of local leaders told him that going it alone would not cut much ice in a four-way contest and would only benefit the BJP.

Insiders say that most workers, including state unit chief Raj Babbar, initially favoured opening talks with the Bahujan SamaJ party (BSP). Those plans were scuttled after Mayawati rejected the overtures, saying she was only interested in a post-election tie-up.

Campaign strategist Prashant Kishor, who had earlier been asked to stay away from the state&rsquo;s matters, was brought back to establish contact with Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav, a move that coincided with the ongoing internecine Yadav family feud.

However, sources say it was only after the other Gandhi scion, Priyanka, came into the picture that Rahul gave his go-ahead for the alliance. She also reportedly shot down his idea of taking advantage of the SP infighting, as well as of demanding at least 200 seats, pointing out that the party likely did not have that many viable candidates.

Meanwhile, Akhilesh was not sure of getting the party symbol and feared that his father Mulayam Singh Yadav and uncle Shivpal Yadav could field candidates to undermine his chances. To shore up his strength, therefore, claim Congress leaders, Akhilesh had himself offered 144 seats to them. But when the dust settled on the SP&rsquo;s internal war, with Akhilesh firmly in the saddle, his aides opposed giving more than 80 seats to the Congress.

It was again left to Priyanka, who worked with Akhilesh&rsquo;s wife Dimple, to salvage the alliance. Over the past month, it is believed that Priyanka made at least three trips to Lucknow by a special aircraft to carry on negotiations, without anyone having an inkling of what she was up to. On Friday, after the SP announced its list of candidates, Priyanka is believed to have exchanged as many as a dozen text messages with Akhilesh and his wife Dimple.

In one, she is understood to have written something along the lines of &lsquo;If you do not align with Congress, it that means the Samajwadi Party is supporting the rule of BJP&rsquo;. Akhilesh, said an person familiar with the exchange, replied that that situation would never arise so long as Mulayam Yadav was the driving force of the party.

The only other persons in the loop were Congress General Secretary Ghulam Nabi Azad &mdash; whose role was a surprise, given his past opposition to such an alliance &mdash; and Akhilesh&rsquo;s uncle Ram Gopal Yadav. It was finally Azad who broke the news of the alliance and asked local Congress leaders to identify seats. Azad reportedly met Ram Gopal secretly at least thrice to finalise the deal. In the 2012 elections, the SP had won 226 seats while the Congress had a mere 20 MLAs since eight of its members, including former state Congress president Rita Bahuguna Joshi, later defected to other parties.

Psychologically, they say, it will help Akhilesh beat anti-incumbency and pull floating voters, and also defeat the BJP strategy to divide the Muslim vote. Both parties are aiming for 35-37 per cent votes by targeting 25 per cent non-Muslims and attracting Muslims, who are 18 per cent of the population.

(This report first appeared in DNA)

Priyanka Gandhi and Dimple Yadav worked furiously behind the scenes to get the alliance going

Congress and Samajwadi Party (SP) leaders engaged in thrashing out the contours of their alliance by exchanging lists of seats and candidates last week were in for a rude shock to find Muawiyah Ali, who had won Deoband by-poll elections last year, in both parties' lists. The Congress had claimed the seat, saying it had wrested it from the SP only last year by a margin of 3,400 votes. Ironically, the party seemed to be blissfully unaware that Ali had since joined the SP and being the sitting MLA, had got that party’s ticket. The Congress managed to get the seat but immediately replaced Ali with Mukesh Chaudhary. Ali, after realising the seat had gone to the Congress, reportedly insisted on fielding his wife who he claimed was still a party member. The comedy of errors is a perfect illustration of how the Congress and the SP are targeting the same target audience in their bid to stop the Bharatiya Janata Party in the state; in the 2014 general elections, the right-wing party swept through the state, winning 71 of 80 Lok Sabha seats. But the alliance has not been smooth sailing; that ship many a time came close to crashing on the rocks of political obstinacy and unpredictability. It finally took the firm hands of two women — Priyanka Gandhi and Dimple Yadav, both furiously backchanneling at the close — to steady nerves on both sides and bring the ship safely into harbour. Sources in both parties told DNA that the alliance, finalised only yesterday, was part of backroom discussions since October 2016, when Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi wound up his 3,500-km ‘Kisan Yatra’ across 48 districts and 141 Assembly segments. Upon returning Delhi, he reportedly toned down his initial resistance towards an alliance after a number of local leaders told him that going it alone would not cut much ice in a four-way contest and would only benefit the BJP. Insiders say that most workers, including state unit chief Raj Babbar, initially favoured opening talks with the Bahujan SamaJ party (BSP). Those plans were scuttled after Mayawati rejected the overtures, saying she was only interested in a post-election tie-up. Campaign strategist Prashant Kishor, who had earlier been asked to stay away from the state’s matters, was brought back to establish contact with Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav, a move that coincided with the ongoing internecine Yadav family feud. However, sources say it was only after the other Gandhi scion, Priyanka, came into the picture that Rahul gave his go-ahead for the alliance. She also reportedly shot down his idea of taking advantage of the SP infighting, as well as of demanding at least 200 seats, pointing out that the party likely did not have that many viable candidates. Meanwhile, Akhilesh was not sure of getting the party symbol and feared that his father Mulayam Singh Yadav and uncle Shivpal Yadav could field candidates to undermine his chances. To shore up his strength, therefore, claim Congress leaders, Akhilesh had himself offered 144 seats to them. But when the dust settled on the SP’s internal war, with Akhilesh firmly in the saddle, his aides opposed giving more than 80 seats to the Congress. It was again left to Priyanka, who worked with Akhilesh’s wife Dimple, to salvage the alliance. Over the past month, it is believed that Priyanka made at least three trips to Lucknow by a special aircraft to carry on negotiations, without anyone having an inkling of what she was up to. On Friday, after the SP announced its list of candidates, Priyanka is believed to have exchanged as many as a dozen text messages with Akhilesh and his wife Dimple. In one, she is understood to have written something along the lines of ‘If you do not align with Congress, it that means the Samajwadi Party is supporting the rule of BJP’. Akhilesh, said an person familiar with the exchange, replied that that situation would never arise so long as Mulayam Yadav was the driving force of the party. The only other persons in the loop were Congress General Secretary Ghulam Nabi Azad — whose role was a surprise, given his past opposition to such an alliance — and Akhilesh’s uncle Ram Gopal Yadav. It was finally Azad who broke the news of the alliance and asked local Congress leaders to identify seats. Azad reportedly met Ram Gopal secretly at least thrice to finalise the deal. In the 2012 elections, the SP had won 226 seats while the Congress had a mere 20 MLAs since eight of its members, including former state Congress president Rita Bahuguna Joshi, later defected to other parties. Psychologically, they say, it will help Akhilesh beat anti-incumbency and pull floating voters, and also defeat the BJP strategy to divide the Muslim vote. Both parties are aiming for 35-37 per cent votes by targeting 25 per cent non-Muslims and attracting Muslims, who are 18 per cent of the population. (This report first appeared in DNA)

A tale of two women: How the Congress-SP deal was salvaged

One of about a dozen women who previously accused President-elect Donald Trump of making unwanted sexual advances filed a lawsuit against him in New York on Tuesday, alleging he had made false and defamatory statements about her in rejecting the accusation, causing her emotional and economic harm.

The lawsuit filed by Summer Zervos, a one-time contestant on Trump&#39;s reality television show &quot;The Apprentice,&quot; is focused on a stream of denials Trump aimed at her and other women accusers last October, just weeks before the November 8 presidential election, when Zervos and others came forward to accuse the then-candidate of making unwanted sexual advances.

Trump spokeswoman Hope Hicks called the allegations &quot;absurd.&quot;

&ldquo;More of the same from Gloria Allred,&quot; said Hicks, referring to Zervos&#39; high-profile attorney. &quot;There is no truth to this absurd story.&quot;

At the time the women made their allegations, Trump, a Republican, who went on to win the election and who takes office on Friday, adamantly denied all the accusations in posts on Twitter, statements, interviews and comments at rallies. He suggested at one rally in Charlotte, North Carolina, on October 14 that the accusers were fabricating their stories for publicity or to damage his campaign.

With regard to Zervos specifically, Trump told the rally in Charlotte just hours after she made her allegations that it was &quot;not hard to find a small handful of people willing to make false smears for personal fame, who knows maybe for financial reasons, political purposes,&rdquo; according to the lawsuit.

&quot;Mr. Trump&#39;s false, defamatory statements about Ms. Zervos &ndash; that, among other things, she made up her descriptions of Mr&nbsp;Trump&#39;s misconduct as a hoax, and that she is creating a &#39;phony&#39; story just so that she can be famous &ndash; have been deeply detrimental to Ms. Zervos&#39;s reputation, honor and dignity,&rdquo; the lawsuit stated.

At a news conference in Los Angeles announcing the lawsuit on Tuesday, Zervos said she wanted Trump to apologise.

&quot;Since Mr. Trump has not issued a retraction as I requested, he has therefore left me with no alternative other than to sue him in order to vindicate my reputation,&quot; Zervos said. Her lawsuit said she was seeking &quot;all possible remedies,&quot; including the apology and retraction&nbsp;from Trump.

Allred, who also represents a number of women who have accused comedian Bill Cosby of sexual misconduct, raised the possibility at the news conference that Trump might be required to give a deposition in the case.

The lawsuit said Trump kissed Zervos without her consent at his office in New York in December 2007 and later at a hotel in Beverly Hills, California, kissed her, touched her breast and tried to get her to lie on a bed during a meeting about a possible job. She and the other women came forward after a video from 2005 surfaced showing Trump boasting of making unwanted advances toward women including grabbing women by the genitals &ndash; a video that he later apologised for but said was simply &ldquo;locker room talk&rdquo; and was not his actual behaviour.

(Reuters)

Some say it is the right move, will give them a shot at power, others raise slogans against party leadership & alliance

One of about a dozen women who previously accused President-elect Donald Trump of making unwanted sexual advances filed a lawsuit against him in New York on Tuesday, alleging he had made false and defamatory statements about her in rejecting the accusation, causing her emotional and economic harm. The lawsuit filed by Summer Zervos, a one-time contestant on Trump's reality television show "The Apprentice," is focused on a stream of denials Trump aimed at her and other women accusers last October, just weeks before the November 8 presidential election, when Zervos and others came forward to accuse the then-candidate of making unwanted sexual advances. Trump spokeswoman Hope Hicks called the allegations "absurd." “More of the same from Gloria Allred," said Hicks, referring to Zervos' high-profile attorney. "There is no truth to this absurd story." At the time the women made their allegations, Trump, a Republican, who went on to win the election and who takes office on Friday, adamantly denied all the accusations in posts on Twitter, statements, interviews and comments at rallies. He suggested at one rally in Charlotte, North Carolina, on October 14 that the accusers were fabricating their stories for publicity or to damage his campaign. With regard to Zervos specifically, Trump told the rally in Charlotte just hours after she made her allegations that it was "not hard to find a small handful of people willing to make false smears for personal fame, who knows maybe for financial reasons, political purposes,” according to the lawsuit. "Mr. Trump's false, defamatory statements about Ms. Zervos – that, among other things, she made up her descriptions of Mr Trump's misconduct as a hoax, and that she is creating a 'phony' story just so that she can be famous – have been deeply detrimental to Ms. Zervos's reputation, honor and dignity,” the lawsuit stated. At a news conference in Los Angeles announcing the lawsuit on Tuesday, Zervos said she wanted Trump to apologise. "Since Mr. Trump has not issued a retraction as I requested, he has therefore left me with no alternative other than to sue him in order to vindicate my reputation," Zervos said. Her lawsuit said she was seeking "all possible remedies," including the apology and retraction from Trump. Allred, who also represents a number of women who have accused comedian Bill Cosby of sexual misconduct, raised the possibility at the news conference that Trump might be required to give a deposition in the case. The lawsuit said Trump kissed Zervos without her consent at his office in New York in December 2007 and later at a hotel in Beverly Hills, California, kissed her, touched her breast and tried to get her to lie on a bed during a meeting about a possible job. She and the other women came forward after a video from 2005 surfaced showing Trump boasting of making unwanted advances toward women including grabbing women by the genitals – a video that he later apologised for but said was simply “locker room talk” and was not his actual behaviour. (Reuters)

UP elections: Congress workers divided over alliance with Samajwadi Party

The Congress has almost finalised the seat-sharing arrangement for the Assembly elections with the Samajwadi Party (SP) faction led by Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav but it is subject to the Election Commission&#39;s verdict on the disputed bicycle symbol.

Congress insiders said that in case the warring SP factions decide to unite, as indicated by the 77-year old patriarch Mulayam Singh Yadav, the possibilities of the alliance would look remote.

On Friday, Mulayam Singh appeared yielding to the prospect of letting the faction led by his son to use the party&#39;s symbol. He told his supporters that he doesn&#39;t want to further damage the SP&#39;s chances in the polls because of its internal feud.

A hectic backroom activity had reached a feverish pitch in Delhi over the past few days, with the Congress general secretary Ghulam Nabi Azad conducting meetings with Ramgopal Yadav, who is anchoring Akhilesh&#39;s faction, at a secret place to fine-tune the distribution of seats. The Congress is negotiating for some 150 seats, leaving 253 for Akhilesh&#39;s party.

Congress leaders said that they expect Ram Gopal Yadav to finally give them 110 to 120 seats and also seek an assurance that other alliance partners, such as the Rashtriya Lok Dal of Ajit Singh, Peace Party, breakaway Apana Dal of Krishna Patel, Janata Dal (U), Trinamool Congress and Nationalist Congress Party would get seats from the Congress quota.

Earlier, Congress Vice President Rahul Gandhi as well as Azad had ruled out any alliance with the SP. Azad broke this news to Uttar Pradesh Congress leaders a few days back, asking them to quickly identify the seats to be sought in the bargain.

Congress is seeking to field candidates for 80 to 90 seats, leaving the rest for other alliance partners out of its quota of 110-120. State Congress leaders at a closed-door meeting with Gandhi had clearly told him last month that the party would not cut much ice on its own and a four-cornered fight would benefit the BJP.

Sources said it was after Priyanka came into the picture that he gave a green signal for the alliance. Earlier, the Congress was of the opinion that it should take advantage of the infighting in the SP and project itself as an alternative.

The idea is to project the UP arrangement as a &#39;Grand Alliance&#39; like the one formed ahead of the Bihar Assembly elections to defeat the BJP.

It is believed that Congress President Sonia Gandhi&#39;s daughter Priyanka Gandhi Vadra has been working with Akhilesh&#39;s wife Dimple, who is also an MP, to stitch the alliance.

Both of them are understood to have met a few days ago. But the SP sources said that Dimple had called on Priyanka to greet on her 45th birthday on Thursday. The deal may be announced as early as Tuesday after the EC passes its order on Monday.

Congress leaders apprehend that in case the two SP factions decide to come together again, there will be hardly any seats left for the alliance.

In case both the parties join hands, Priyanka and Dimple will be campaigning together. While Priyanka will be projected as the scion of the Gandhi family, Dimple will be branded as &#39;an ideal wife and bahu (daughter-in-law)&#39;.

(This report first appeared in DNA)

Congress insiders said that in case the warring SP factions decide to unite, the possibilities of the alliance would look remote

The Congress has almost finalised the seat-sharing arrangement for the Assembly elections with the Samajwadi Party (SP) faction led by Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav but it is subject to the Election Commission's verdict on the disputed bicycle symbol. Congress insiders said that in case the warring SP factions decide to unite, as indicated by the 77-year old patriarch Mulayam Singh Yadav, the possibilities of the alliance would look remote. On Friday, Mulayam Singh appeared yielding to the prospect of letting the faction led by his son to use the party's symbol. He told his supporters that he doesn't want to further damage the SP's chances in the polls because of its internal feud. A hectic backroom activity had reached a feverish pitch in Delhi over the past few days, with the Congress general secretary Ghulam Nabi Azad conducting meetings with Ramgopal Yadav, who is anchoring Akhilesh's faction, at a secret place to fine-tune the distribution of seats. The Congress is negotiating for some 150 seats, leaving 253 for Akhilesh's party. Congress leaders said that they expect Ram Gopal Yadav to finally give them 110 to 120 seats and also seek an assurance that other alliance partners, such as the Rashtriya Lok Dal of Ajit Singh, Peace Party, breakaway Apana Dal of Krishna Patel, Janata Dal (U), Trinamool Congress and Nationalist Congress Party would get seats from the Congress quota. Earlier, Congress Vice President Rahul Gandhi as well as Azad had ruled out any alliance with the SP. Azad broke this news to Uttar Pradesh Congress leaders a few days back, asking them to quickly identify the seats to be sought in the bargain. Congress is seeking to field candidates for 80 to 90 seats, leaving the rest for other alliance partners out of its quota of 110-120. State Congress leaders at a closed-door meeting with Gandhi had clearly told him last month that the party would not cut much ice on its own and a four-cornered fight would benefit the BJP. Sources said it was after Priyanka came into the picture that he gave a green signal for the alliance. Earlier, the Congress was of the opinion that it should take advantage of the infighting in the SP and project itself as an alternative. The idea is to project the UP arrangement as a 'Grand Alliance' like the one formed ahead of the Bihar Assembly elections to defeat the BJP. It is believed that Congress President Sonia Gandhi's daughter Priyanka Gandhi Vadra has been working with Akhilesh's wife Dimple, who is also an MP, to stitch the alliance. Both of them are understood to have met a few days ago. But the SP sources said that Dimple had called on Priyanka to greet on her 45th birthday on Thursday. The deal may be announced as early as Tuesday after the EC passes its order on Monday. Congress leaders apprehend that in case the two SP factions decide to come together again, there will be hardly any seats left for the alliance. In case both the parties join hands, Priyanka and Dimple will be campaigning together. While Priyanka will be projected as the scion of the Gandhi family, Dimple will be branded as 'an ideal wife and bahu (daughter-in-law)'. (This report first appeared in DNA)

UP election: Congress close to finalising seat-sharing arrangement with Akhilesh

While all eyes in India&nbsp;are on the Election Commission&#39;s (EC) verdict as to which faction of the Samajwadi Party (SP) it will recognise and allot the &#39;cycle&#39; symbol, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav has once again seized the initiative from his father Mulayam Singh Yadav.

Armed with a resolution passed at the party&#39;s national convention on January 1, he has asked 13 banks to stop withdrawal of money, till he authorises a new custodian of party funds. This measure completes the isolation of his father, and uncle Shivpal Yadav, in the ongoing battle for political supremacy.

In 10 scheduled and three non-scheduled banks, the party has parked Rs 583 crore as per its financial statements on March 31, 2016. Sources said that the banks have immediately seized these accounts, making it impossible for Shivpal to withdraw money. So far, Shivpal used to be the authorised signatory to release funds on behalf of the party.

With the poll campaign expected to take a feverish pitch from next week, the decision to choke the funds of the Mulayam and Shivpal factions will have a major bearing on their decision to continue to remain at loggerheads with the chief minister. &quot;Whoever controls the funds will have an upper hand,&quot; said a party leader.

The banks were sent a letter signed by &#39;acting national president&#39; Akhilesh Yadav. The party has parked money in four accounts of State Bank of India, three accounts of Bank of Baroda, two Vijaya Bank and one Canara Bank accounts. Three other accounts are with the UP State Cooperative Bank.

Party insiders are optimistic that the move would intensify the rapprochement between the two factions. Senior party leader Ramgopal Yadav, who was in New Delhi&nbsp;on Friday, deferred for a day to visit the EC to hand over affidavits in support of Akhilesh. The EC has asked both groups to file their claims by Monday.

Talking to reporters, Ramgopal Yadav ruled out that feelers were received from the Mulayam camp to rescind from the decision taken at the party convention. He said that Mulayam was being misled by some vested interests and added that he hoped he would come out of this coterie once he realised that 90 per cent party workers were behind Akhilesh.

Ramgopal said that there was no question of Akhilesh stepping down as national president. He claimed that 212 out of 229 SP MLAs, 56 out of 68 MLCs, and 15 out of 24 MPs, as also some 5,000 delegates have handed over affidavits expressing full confidence in Akhilesh as the party president. Ramgopal said he has now sought time from the EC on Saturday to submit all affidavits in seven copies as demanded by it.

Mulayam, who had earlier flown to Delhi to stake claim to the party symbol, with documents, quietly returned to Lucknow. Shivpal said that they were not in a hurry as they had time till Monday. In Lucknow, the SP supremo had also cancelled a press conference he called on Friday to clear the air as the two sides could not reach any compromise. He even sent Shivpal to the residence of Akhilesh to talk to him.

In fact, leaders of both sides were closeted at the Lucknow residence of state minister Mohd. Azam Khan, who has been trying to play peacemaker for the last few days.

Akhilesh, on Friday, also seized control of the district units of the party with the appointment of party heads in seven more districts, a day after announcing new chiefs for four districts. The existing district presidents in Mainpuri, Moradabad, Fatehpur, Etawah, Farukhabad, Firozabad and Hardoi districts were sacked with immediate effect to pave the way for new faces.

Party insiders said the family, who, till now, were rooting for Mulayam are now backing Akhilesh. Most are Abhay Ram Yadav and Rajpal Yadav &ndash; both uncles of his. As a result, Mulayam Singh is left only with a handful of die-hard loyalists like Shivpal, Rajya Sabha MP Amar Singh and actor-turned-politician Jaya Prada.

&nbsp;

(This report first appeared in DNA)

Akhilesh Yadav has asked 13 banks to stop withdrawal of money till he authorises a new custodian of party funds

While all eyes in India are on the Election Commission's (EC) verdict as to which faction of the Samajwadi Party (SP) it will recognise and allot the 'cycle' symbol, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav has once again seized the initiative from his father Mulayam Singh Yadav. Armed with a resolution passed at the party's national convention on January 1, he has asked 13 banks to stop withdrawal of money, till he authorises a new custodian of party funds. This measure completes the isolation of his father, and uncle Shivpal Yadav, in the ongoing battle for political supremacy. In 10 scheduled and three non-scheduled banks, the party has parked Rs 583 crore as per its financial statements on March 31, 2016. Sources said that the banks have immediately seized these accounts, making it impossible for Shivpal to withdraw money. So far, Shivpal used to be the authorised signatory to release funds on behalf of the party. With the poll campaign expected to take a feverish pitch from next week, the decision to choke the funds of the Mulayam and Shivpal factions will have a major bearing on their decision to continue to remain at loggerheads with the chief minister. "Whoever controls the funds will have an upper hand," said a party leader. The banks were sent a letter signed by 'acting national president' Akhilesh Yadav. The party has parked money in four accounts of State Bank of India, three accounts of Bank of Baroda, two Vijaya Bank and one Canara Bank accounts. Three other accounts are with the UP State Cooperative Bank. Party insiders are optimistic that the move would intensify the rapprochement between the two factions. Senior party leader Ramgopal Yadav, who was in New Delhi on Friday, deferred for a day to visit the EC to hand over affidavits in support of Akhilesh. The EC has asked both groups to file their claims by Monday. Talking to reporters, Ramgopal Yadav ruled out that feelers were received from the Mulayam camp to rescind from the decision taken at the party convention. He said that Mulayam was being misled by some vested interests and added that he hoped he would come out of this coterie once he realised that 90 per cent party workers were behind Akhilesh. Ramgopal said that there was no question of Akhilesh stepping down as national president. He claimed that 212 out of 229 SP MLAs, 56 out of 68 MLCs, and 15 out of 24 MPs, as also some 5,000 delegates have handed over affidavits expressing full confidence in Akhilesh as the party president. Ramgopal said he has now sought time from the EC on Saturday to submit all affidavits in seven copies as demanded by it. Mulayam, who had earlier flown to Delhi to stake claim to the party symbol, with documents, quietly returned to Lucknow. Shivpal said that they were not in a hurry as they had time till Monday. In Lucknow, the SP supremo had also cancelled a press conference he called on Friday to clear the air as the two sides could not reach any compromise. He even sent Shivpal to the residence of Akhilesh to talk to him. In fact, leaders of both sides were closeted at the Lucknow residence of state minister Mohd. Azam Khan, who has been trying to play peacemaker for the last few days. Akhilesh, on Friday, also seized control of the district units of the party with the appointment of party heads in seven more districts, a day after announcing new chiefs for four districts. The existing district presidents in Mainpuri, Moradabad, Fatehpur, Etawah, Farukhabad, Firozabad and Hardoi districts were sacked with immediate effect to pave the way for new faces. Party insiders said the family, who, till now, were rooting for Mulayam are now backing Akhilesh. Most are Abhay Ram Yadav and Rajpal Yadav – both uncles of his. As a result, Mulayam Singh is left only with a handful of die-hard loyalists like Shivpal, Rajya Sabha MP Amar Singh and actor-turned-politician Jaya Prada. (This report first appeared in DNA)

India: Uttar Pradesh chief minister Akhilesh Yadav freezes Samajwadi Party's bank accounts

Deteriorating relations between India and Pakistan in the wake of unrest in Kashmir Valley may consume the 19th SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation) summit scheduled to be held in Pakistan&#39;s Islamabad on November 9 and 10.&nbsp; 
 
India on Friday upped the ante further describing Pakistan as the perpetrator of terrorism not only in India, but in the larger region as well. It also rejected the idea that current unrest in Kashmir could be the basis for a result-oriented dialogue. 
 
Although Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif has invited the leaders of SAARC member states, it remains unclear whether Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi will travel to Pakistan for the summit given the strain in bilateral ties.&nbsp; 
 
According to SAARC charter, since decisions in the grouping need consensus, a summit cannot take place in the absence of any member. The SAARC is a regional intergovernmental organization and geopolitical union in South Asia.&nbsp; 
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Asked whether Modi will be travelling to Islamabad in November, spokesperson for Indian ministry of external affairs &nbsp;Vikas Swarup skirted a reply, but said Pakistan&#39;s attitude of providing support, sanctuary and safe havens to terrorists and making the distinction between good and bad terrorists has posed enormous risk to peace and stability in the region.&nbsp; 
 
&quot;And it is important for Pakistan to recognise that reality, to not remain in denial about the impact of cross-border terrorism on bilateral relations. I think the sooner Pakistan recognises the central importance of this fact, the sooner India Pakistan relations can make progress,&quot; he said. 
 
Indian home minister Rajnath Singh had visited Pakistan earlier this month for the SAARC ministers&#39; meeting during which the chill in ties was evident while finance minister Arun Jaitley skipped the ongoing SAARC finance ministers&#39; meeting and instead sent economic affairs secretary Shaktikanta Das to represent India at the meet.&nbsp; 
 
In Islamabad, Pakistan foreign secretary Aizaz Ahmad Chaudhry on Friday inaugurated a SAARC Summit Cell at the ministry of foreign affairs for making preparations and arrangements. 
 
Earlier, in reply to his Pakistani counterpart&#39;s letter inviting him for talks, foreign secretary S Jaishankar sought a result- oriented dialogue on the issue of terrorism and the early vacation by Pakistan of its illegal occupation of territory of Kashmir. This letter is the latest in a series of notes he has exchanged with Pakistan foreign secretary since Modi&#39;s Independence Day address that invoked Balochistan, where Islamabad faces charges of human rights abuses. 
 
Even as the letter reveals a growing hardening of postures by both sides, Jammu and Kashmir chief minister Mehbooba Mufti has attributed deteriorating law and order situation and her failure to calm nerves to upping of ante between India and Pakistan. During her two meetings with Rajnath Singh over past many days, she was at pains to explain that reviving the dialogue and peace process with Pakistan along with a political outreach in Srinagar was utmost necessary for restoring calm. 
 
On Friday Pakistan PM&#39;s adviser on foreign affairs, Sartaj Aziz, while briefing the ambassadors of the Permanent Members of the UN Security Council and the European Union regretted the refusal of India to Pakistan&#39;s proposal for talks on Jammu and Kashmir. 
 
Indian foreign secretary Jaishankar in his communication while reiterating that the basis for further discussions are the Simla Agreement of 1972, the Lahore Declaration of 1999 and the Joint Statement of 2004, underlined that as far as terrorism is concerned, not just India but the larger region is acutely aware that Pakistan is actually a prime perpetrator. 
 
He further made it explicit that the agenda before India and Pakistan today is clearly to put an end to cross-border terrorism and incitement to violence from Pakistan, while conveying his his readiness to be available to engage any time at mutual convenience on these issues.&nbsp; 
 
But he mentioned that justifying terrorism and interference in the internal affairs of India is hardly a serious basis for a result-oriented dialogue. He hoped that Pakistan will reconsider its approach and show sincerity towards promoting good neighbourliness and peaceful co-existence. &quot;This will also send a larger message to a region which is deeply troubled by the policies that emanate from Pakistan,&quot; stated the letter. 
 
(WION. This report first appeared on the DNA website)&nbsp; 
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It is not certain if Indian PM Modi will attend & a summit cannot take place in the absence of a member since all decisions need consensus

Deteriorating relations between India and Pakistan in the wake of unrest in Kashmir Valley may consume the 19th SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation) summit scheduled to be held in Pakistan's Islamabad on November 9 and 10. India on Friday upped the ante further describing Pakistan as the perpetrator of terrorism not only in India, but in the larger region as well. It also rejected the idea that current unrest in Kashmir could be the basis for a result-oriented dialogue. Although Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif has invited the leaders of SAARC member states, it remains unclear whether Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi will travel to Pakistan for the summit given the strain in bilateral ties. According to SAARC charter, since decisions in the grouping need consensus, a summit cannot take place in the absence of any member. The SAARC is a regional intergovernmental organization and geopolitical union in South Asia. India on Friday upped the ante further describing Pakistan as the perpetrator of terrorism not only in India, but in the larger region as well. Asked whether Modi will be travelling to Islamabad in November, spokesperson for Indian ministry of external affairs Vikas Swarup skirted a reply, but said Pakistan's attitude of providing support, sanctuary and safe havens to terrorists and making the distinction between good and bad terrorists has posed enormous risk to peace and stability in the region. "And it is important for Pakistan to recognise that reality, to not remain in denial about the impact of cross-border terrorism on bilateral relations. I think the sooner Pakistan recognises the central importance of this fact, the sooner India Pakistan relations can make progress," he said. Indian home minister Rajnath Singh had visited Pakistan earlier this month for the SAARC ministers' meeting during which the chill in ties was evident while finance minister Arun Jaitley skipped the ongoing SAARC finance ministers' meeting and instead sent economic affairs secretary Shaktikanta Das to represent India at the meet. In Islamabad, Pakistan foreign secretary Aizaz Ahmad Chaudhry on Friday inaugurated a SAARC Summit Cell at the ministry of foreign affairs for making preparations and arrangements. Earlier, in reply to his Pakistani counterpart's letter inviting him for talks, foreign secretary S Jaishankar sought a result- oriented dialogue on the issue of terrorism and the early vacation by Pakistan of its illegal occupation of territory of Kashmir. This letter is the latest in a series of notes he has exchanged with Pakistan foreign secretary since Modi's Independence Day address that invoked Balochistan, where Islamabad faces charges of human rights abuses. Even as the letter reveals a growing hardening of postures by both sides, Jammu and Kashmir chief minister Mehbooba Mufti has attributed deteriorating law and order situation and her failure to calm nerves to upping of ante between India and Pakistan. During her two meetings with Rajnath Singh over past many days, she was at pains to explain that reviving the dialogue and peace process with Pakistan along with a political outreach in Srinagar was utmost necessary for restoring calm. On Friday Pakistan PM's adviser on foreign affairs, Sartaj Aziz, while briefing the ambassadors of the Permanent Members of the UN Security Council and the European Union regretted the refusal of India to Pakistan's proposal for talks on Jammu and Kashmir. Indian foreign secretary Jaishankar in his communication while reiterating that the basis for further discussions are the Simla Agreement of 1972, the Lahore Declaration of 1999 and the Joint Statement of 2004, underlined that as far as terrorism is concerned, not just India but the larger region is acutely aware that Pakistan is actually a prime perpetrator. He further made it explicit that the agenda before India and Pakistan today is clearly to put an end to cross-border terrorism and incitement to violence from Pakistan, while conveying his his readiness to be available to engage any time at mutual convenience on these issues. But he mentioned that justifying terrorism and interference in the internal affairs of India is hardly a serious basis for a result-oriented dialogue. He hoped that Pakistan will reconsider its approach and show sincerity towards promoting good neighbourliness and peaceful co-existence. "This will also send a larger message to a region which is deeply troubled by the policies that emanate from Pakistan," stated the letter. (WION. This report first appeared on the DNA website)

Indo-Pak strain over Kashmir may scuttle SAARC summit

In the run up to Prime Minister Narendra Modi&rsquo;s visit to the Palestinian territories and Israel, Khaled Mashal, chief of the Hamas, which is in power in Gaza, had recently met a select group of Indian journalists. In a free-wheeling tete-a-tete with Iftikhar Gilani, the leader of the controversial Hamas, which had been engaged in a pitched armed battle against Tel Avivi, Mashal addresses the issue of terrorism and the intricacies of West Asian politics in a candid fashion. 
&nbsp; 
 
Excerpts from the interview: 
 
Across the world, there seems to be no scope for resistance movements, particularly those engaged in armed struggles. They are now bracketed with terrorist groups, and there is global hostility against terrorism. How is Hamas holding itself up in this new geo-strategic environment? 
Yes, it is a difficult situation for any resistance movement. Refusing to distinguishing between resistance and terrorism reveals more about people and super-powers who have double standards. Despite the difficulties, people who are seeking to restore their freedoms will not submit to these double standards and propaganda. We are a national resistance movement, not a terrorist organisation. We have the right to resist occupation. We have gained legitimacy because of our election victory. We are not random killing machines like terrorists. We are confining our battle against the occupier and within the borders of Palestine. This struggle against occupation has legitimacy in international law, and it also has been recognised in all faiths. If this is terrorism, how will you classify Vietnamese resistance, the South African fight against apartheid, the French struggle against Nazis, and the Indian resistance against British and so on... 
 
But the European Union and many other countries have declared Hamas and its military wing as a terrorist organisation? 
Hamas believes in moderate Islam. We are against extremist movements, whether they are Islamic, Christian, Jewish or non-religious. We believe that terrorism has no religion, no faith. Some super powers do classify Hamas with terrorist groups, but we are steadfast in our belief. We firmly believe in our rights. Nelson Mandela was tagged as a terrorist. And then he was received all over the world as freedom fighter. Yasser Arafat was also dubbed a terrorist. But then he was received as a freedom fighter. These labels don&rsquo;t bother us. Our history shows that we had never engaged in random killing sprees of either occupiers or settlers. 
 
India had submitted a draft of Convention Against Terrorism at the United Nations way back in 1996. But of late, because of robust diplomacy of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, it is finding many takers in global community. The draft doesn&#39;t make a difference between a resistance movement and terrorist groups. 
Let me take advantage of this opportunity to send a message to the Indian public here. India has a long history of standing with us. I just appeal to both people and government there to know the difference between resistance movement and terrorism. I call upon you not to get carried away by deceptive propaganda of Israel and some vested interests in the international community, and continue to support Palestine rights. Our resistance is against occupation. We are not terrorists, blind killers. We are victims of Israeli occupation and their terrorism. We are hopeful of India as your PM had started his outreach from West Asia. He has visited Saudi Arabia, Qatar, UAE and Iran. He must have gained a clear picture of Palestine struggle by now. 
 
You have often stated that you don&rsquo;t recognise Israel. But Israel is a reality. If you don&rsquo;t accept the two-state formula, then what is the way forward? 
The last 25 years have shown us that waiting for a solution from an occupier and the international community is a mirage. The main lesson is unless people take their rights into their own hands, nobody listens to you. No one else will give you your rights. When people are keen to fight for their freedom and rights, they will get it. It is a matter of time. The best example is that of India, where the occupier was even more powerful. 
 
On the two-state solution, I must tell you Hamas believes that we have full rights over the whole land and we don&rsquo;t recognise occupation. Our fathers and grandfathers lived there. Hamas is also very much keen on a unified Palestine front. That is why we have accepted a joint Arab and Palestine programme, based on 1967 borders and East Jerusalem as its capital, with the right of return of Palestinians expelled during years by successive Israeli governments. 
 
On the one hand you don&rsquo;t recognise Israel&rsquo;s right to exist, and then you say Hamas is toeing a middle path. You also mention about the 1967 borders. Are these not contradictions? 
We are facing apartheid. Nobody can force us to treat Israel as friendly nation or a legitimate entity. All of this also doesn&#39;t mean that at a certain moment or at a proper moment, we will not negotiate with the enemy. Given the political circumstances, we are positive of achieving our national goal through political means. 
 
Hamas&rsquo; refusal to recognise Israel is not a stumbling block as you mentioned. The history is different. Yasser Arafat recognised Israel and he engaged in the peace process., But did Israel reciprocate his gesture? Mahmoud Abbas also recognised Israel. But did he succeed? He came up with nothing. Impasse in peace process is not because of us. The problem is not about recognising Israel. There are no shortcuts in a struggle. The main reason is occupation by Israel and its refusal to recognise the rights of the people. 
 
Is it possible for Israel and Palestine to co-exist for the sake of peace in the Middle-East? Is it acceptable to Hamas? 
When we get rid of occupation, we will shape our relations towards Israel. On several occasions, I gave the analogy of a person in custody. How can he decide his relations? Only a free people and a sovereign state can decide and shape its relations with another country. We will put any peace accord and our relations with Israel to a referendum. Hamas will respect the decision of the majority. Somebody may say we are making it difficult. But others had made it easier like Yasser Arafat and Mahmoud Abbas. So the problem doesn&rsquo;t lie on our side, not on Fatah&rsquo;s side and not even with Khalid Mashal. The problem is on the Israeli side. The master key is with Israel. They have to recognise our right. 
 
You have been involved in targeting Israeli civilians and allowing Al-Kasim Brigade to fire rockets? 
You should be clear about the picture we are facing. We have a difficult situation. We are not fighting against any race or any religion. We are fighting against occupation. We are not resisting Israel because they are Jewish, or that they are ethnically different from us. We lived side by side with Jews in Jerusalem for centuries. Hamas does not indulge in military acts around the world. We are confining our resistance against Israeli occupation within Palestinian borders. Its our right which has been acknowledged world over by international law and by all faiths. Our people are attacked and our land is occupied. We have a right to resist and fight back, and it is not terrorism. 
 
There is also an impression that Palestinians are fragmented and divided. No peace process can work with a fragmented movement. There is talk that Egypt has been mediating to arrange a meeting between Palestinian Authority leaders and Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu. 
We have an agreement with the other Palestinian factions. We have a joint programme. We are sticking to it and its a signed document called National Palestinian Accord Document, 2006. We are not against their engagement. But as I mentioned earlier also, this endavour is bound to fail. It did not succeed in the past 25 years. Israel is procrastinating to create new hurdles on the ground, and its focus is not on principles of negotiation but on taking its own time. They are actually exploiting our weakness. We have consensus on many things with other Palestinian groups. 
 
When President Obama took over, there was hope in Palestine. Now his term is at the fag end. Why has he failed to achieve peace in the Middle East? 
We have seen how Natanyahu insulted the American presidency many times. But surprisingly, it has not diminished the bias of the US administration towards Israel. They did nothing to reply to Israeli insults and they did not exert any pressure on it. 
 
Your neighbour Egypt has been in turmoil. After ouster of President Morsi, there are apprehensions in Egypt about Hamas. 
We believe Egypt is a big country and it is a pivot in the region. So whatever happens there affects us. But, we do not interfere in their domestic issues. We are very much keen to build a firm and strong network of relations in the region and world. We are relying on the depth of Arab and Muslim states. They are our strategic support. We are keen to expand our relations to other countries as well. We are garnering support from all over the world. 
 
Don&rsquo;t you think, that much bigger issues than Palestine have cropped up in Middle East, from Iraq, Syria, Libya and so on? 
Yes, there are crises in the region. They have taken away the limelight from Palestine. It has set new political priorities in the region and it has made our mission more difficult. And on the other hand, Israel is not also sitting idle. They are working overtime to use this opportunity to tear down Arab unity and exploit our weaknesses. They are waging a campaign against our people. The strategy of Hamas is to counter this. We feel the pain of the bloodshed. Our sympathy is with people in countries like Iraq, Syria. We are also pained at the sectarian conflicts in the region. We hope peace in the region will prevail, and that countries in the region will become democratic and pursue development. The situation which the super powers have created in the Middle-East has made it a fertile ground for terror groups. We are firmly against all extremist movements in the world, of whatever faith. We are against killing sprees. Regrettably, the superpowers are ignoring the main reason and the core issue that allows extremist phenomenon to get oxygen. They are creating an atmosphere for these groups to flourish and then they are using this phenomenon to colonise. 
 
There are allegations that Hamas and ISIS do share support base and weapons supplies. 
With the Palestine issue unresolved, occupation in Afghanistan and Iraq has sent out a message that the US is standing with enemy, and that it is inimical towards our rights. They are also giving support to authoritarian governments and dictatorships in the region at the expense of the interests of people who are looking for reforms and development of their own countries. Some of the superpowers not only support authoritarian regimes, but also practise sectarian killings. That has pushed some sections of the people into the hands of the ISIS, Al Qaeda and other extremist groups. They attract ignorant people who lack knowledge and who have no hope. In my belief, if occupation, colonialisation end, and people in the region are given their rights, this phenomenon will end. 
 
When you deny any link with ISIS, the siege of Yarmook camp says something different. The ISIS ran over the camp, while Hamas and Fatah abandoned the camp. And also the events in Sinai in Egypt have been traced to your doorsteps. 
I declare once again that Hamas doesn&#39;t have any link or truck with the ISIS, al Qaeda or any extremist outfit. This is against our conviction, our strategy and policies. The whole world should ask itself as to why there is no ISIS or al Qaeda inside Palestine? Such a phenomenon doesn&#39;t exist inside Palestine. And the reason is that Hamas and our brother resistance movements are national freedom movements. We have not left any vacuum. We don&rsquo;t receive any support or arms from these movements. We don&rsquo;t require their support. Our people have firm belief in moderate thinking. We don&rsquo;t take refuge in extremist ideology or indulge in killing spree. 
 
As far as incident in Yarmook camp is concerned, let me tell you this camp is inside Syria. The events there and presence of ISIS in the camp were influenced by events of Syria. It is a Syrian problem. As far as Sinai (Egypt) is concerned. Hamas has declared openly, it doesn&#39;t interfere in the domestic policies of Egypt. We have nothing to do what is happening inside Egyptian borders. All allegations of interference are baseless. 
 
You have mentioned about superpowers. Are you pointing towards Russia as well? What are your views about about Saudi Arabia&rsquo;s role in Yemen? 
There is no doubt that the US Administration have to take much of the blame because of its biased policy. Their policies towards the people in the region are due to other superpowers as well, and it is not necessary to name them. Foreign intervention against the interests of the people are recipe for a disaster. Their proxy wars are at the expense of lives of the people of the region. We are against these policies in any part of world. 
 
On Yemen, again I tell you, we have adopted a policy of not standing as judges and don&rsquo;t interfere in domestic polices of other countries. We are with the rights of the people. We stand firmly against the intervention in the region. We don&rsquo;t allow ourselves to be drawn into crises in the region or in any other part of world. 
 
Crises in Syria and Iraq have turned into Shia-Sunni conflicts. How, in your view, has this changed political dynamics of Middle East? 
This is very annoying and a matter of concern. Our region was a model for religious, ethnic and sectarian diversity, of people living together over hundreds of years peacefully despite differences. These sectarian crises came because of several reasons. The first factor is occupation in Afghanistan, Iraq, the dismantling of states and the creation of chaos in region. US treated Iraqi people along Shia, Sunni and Kurdish divisions. The second factor is the agenda of regional powers which exploited sectarian issues to serve their interests. 
 
Are you apprehensive about that the US and Iran are coming together? 
We had firm relations with Iran and Hizbullah. They supported our resistance. We are so grateful to them. But eruption of crises in Syria did affect us. Our relations with Iran were affected and people&rsquo;s perception towards Iran in this region has also got affected. This has more to do with how the region is now looking at Iran, more than its new-found relations with US. Iran&rsquo;s policies in the region affected perceptions. 
 
The Turkish government has also renewed its relations with Israel. Turkey has been your important supporter so far. 
As far as rapprochement of Turkey with Israel is concerned, that is their bilateral issue. During talks, they did place pre-conditions on lifting siege of Gaza. They made it a point. This is highly appreciable. Their relations with Israel have never affected our relations with Turkey. 
 
You are now about to complete your term as Hamas chief. What are your succession plans.?Most resistance movements the world over are personality-centric. 
We are an institutional movement. We apply democracy in our ranks. There are elections within our ranks. We are keen to set an example to abide by democratic principles. There will be a smooth transaction. The leadership will come up through ballots. It is not easy to practice democracy in a transparent way when you are under occupation. It is a challenge, but we are taking up this challenge. Given that we have divisions among ourselves, I assure you , we will keep up democratic traditions alive. 
 
Iran, Syria and Hizbullah supported you over many years. Syria hosted you also against all odds. But you deceived them. 
As far as Syria and Iran are concerned, truth is they gave us all support we needed over the years. We will never forget that. But that does not mean that whoever gave us support we will return that favours and we will get involved in their internal affairs and fight against their own people. That is what has happened in Syria. The government there was seeking our support to fight Opposition, their own people We stayed away from their internal crises, and so had to shift from Damascus. Our differences with them were not related to foreign aggression or foreign fighters. We are with them in the battle against ISIS and for foreign aggression. 
 
(This story was first published on DNA)

'Hamas believes in moderate Islam. We are against extremist movements, whether they are Islamic, Christian, Jewish or non-religious'

In the run up to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to the Palestinian territories and Israel, Khaled Mashal, chief of the Hamas, which is in power in Gaza, had recently met a select group of Indian journalists. In a free-wheeling tete-a-tete with Iftikhar Gilani, the leader of the controversial Hamas, which had been engaged in a pitched armed battle against Tel Avivi, Mashal addresses the issue of terrorism and the intricacies of West Asian politics in a candid fashion. Excerpts from the interview: Across the world, there seems to be no scope for resistance movements, particularly those engaged in armed struggles. They are now bracketed with terrorist groups, and there is global hostility against terrorism. How is Hamas holding itself up in this new geo-strategic environment? Yes, it is a difficult situation for any resistance movement. Refusing to distinguishing between resistance and terrorism reveals more about people and super-powers who have double standards. Despite the difficulties, people who are seeking to restore their freedoms will not submit to these double standards and propaganda. We are a national resistance movement, not a terrorist organisation. We have the right to resist occupation. We have gained legitimacy because of our election victory. We are not random killing machines like terrorists. We are confining our battle against the occupier and within the borders of Palestine. This struggle against occupation has legitimacy in international law, and it also has been recognised in all faiths. If this is terrorism, how will you classify Vietnamese resistance, the South African fight against apartheid, the French struggle against Nazis, and the Indian resistance against British and so on... But the European Union and many other countries have declared Hamas and its military wing as a terrorist organisation? Hamas believes in moderate Islam. We are against extremist movements, whether they are Islamic, Christian, Jewish or non-religious. We believe that terrorism has no religion, no faith. Some super powers do classify Hamas with terrorist groups, but we are steadfast in our belief. We firmly believe in our rights. Nelson Mandela was tagged as a terrorist. And then he was received all over the world as freedom fighter. Yasser Arafat was also dubbed a terrorist. But then he was received as a freedom fighter. These labels don’t bother us. Our history shows that we had never engaged in random killing sprees of either occupiers or settlers. India had submitted a draft of Convention Against Terrorism at the United Nations way back in 1996. But of late, because of robust diplomacy of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, it is finding many takers in global community. The draft doesn't make a difference between a resistance movement and terrorist groups. Let me take advantage of this opportunity to send a message to the Indian public here. India has a long history of standing with us. I just appeal to both people and government there to know the difference between resistance movement and terrorism. I call upon you not to get carried away by deceptive propaganda of Israel and some vested interests in the international community, and continue to support Palestine rights. Our resistance is against occupation. We are not terrorists, blind killers. We are victims of Israeli occupation and their terrorism. We are hopeful of India as your PM had started his outreach from West Asia. He has visited Saudi Arabia, Qatar, UAE and Iran. He must have gained a clear picture of Palestine struggle by now. You have often stated that you don’t recognise Israel. But Israel is a reality. If you don’t accept the two-state formula, then what is the way forward? The last 25 years have shown us that waiting for a solution from an occupier and the international community is a mirage. The main lesson is unless people take their rights into their own hands, nobody listens to you. No one else will give you your rights. When people are keen to fight for their freedom and rights, they will get it. It is a matter of time. The best example is that of India, where the occupier was even more powerful. On the two-state solution, I must tell you Hamas believes that we have full rights over the whole land and we don’t recognise occupation. Our fathers and grandfathers lived there. Hamas is also very much keen on a unified Palestine front. That is why we have accepted a joint Arab and Palestine programme, based on 1967 borders and East Jerusalem as its capital, with the right of return of Palestinians expelled during years by successive Israeli governments. On the one hand you don’t recognise Israel’s right to exist, and then you say Hamas is toeing a middle path. You also mention about the 1967 borders. Are these not contradictions? We are facing apartheid. Nobody can force us to treat Israel as friendly nation or a legitimate entity. All of this also doesn't mean that at a certain moment or at a proper moment, we will not negotiate with the enemy. Given the political circumstances, we are positive of achieving our national goal through political means. Hamas’ refusal to recognise Israel is not a stumbling block as you mentioned. The history is different. Yasser Arafat recognised Israel and he engaged in the peace process., But did Israel reciprocate his gesture? Mahmoud Abbas also recognised Israel. But did he succeed? He came up with nothing. Impasse in peace process is not because of us. The problem is not about recognising Israel. There are no shortcuts in a struggle. The main reason is occupation by Israel and its refusal to recognise the rights of the people. Is it possible for Israel and Palestine to co-exist for the sake of peace in the Middle-East? Is it acceptable to Hamas? When we get rid of occupation, we will shape our relations towards Israel. On several occasions, I gave the analogy of a person in custody. How can he decide his relations? Only a free people and a sovereign state can decide and shape its relations with another country. We will put any peace accord and our relations with Israel to a referendum. Hamas will respect the decision of the majority. Somebody may say we are making it difficult. But others had made it easier like Yasser Arafat and Mahmoud Abbas. So the problem doesn’t lie on our side, not on Fatah’s side and not even with Khalid Mashal. The problem is on the Israeli side. The master key is with Israel. They have to recognise our right. You have been involved in targeting Israeli civilians and allowing Al-Kasim Brigade to fire rockets? You should be clear about the picture we are facing. We have a difficult situation. We are not fighting against any race or any religion. We are fighting against occupation. We are not resisting Israel because they are Jewish, or that they are ethnically different from us. We lived side by side with Jews in Jerusalem for centuries. Hamas does not indulge in military acts around the world. We are confining our resistance against Israeli occupation within Palestinian borders. Its our right which has been acknowledged world over by international law and by all faiths. Our people are attacked and our land is occupied. We have a right to resist and fight back, and it is not terrorism. There is also an impression that Palestinians are fragmented and divided. No peace process can work with a fragmented movement. There is talk that Egypt has been mediating to arrange a meeting between Palestinian Authority leaders and Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu. We have an agreement with the other Palestinian factions. We have a joint programme. We are sticking to it and its a signed document called National Palestinian Accord Document, 2006. We are not against their engagement. But as I mentioned earlier also, this endavour is bound to fail. It did not succeed in the past 25 years. Israel is procrastinating to create new hurdles on the ground, and its focus is not on principles of negotiation but on taking its own time. They are actually exploiting our weakness. We have consensus on many things with other Palestinian groups. When President Obama took over, there was hope in Palestine. Now his term is at the fag end. Why has he failed to achieve peace in the Middle East? We have seen how Natanyahu insulted the American presidency many times. But surprisingly, it has not diminished the bias of the US administration towards Israel. They did nothing to reply to Israeli insults and they did not exert any pressure on it. Your neighbour Egypt has been in turmoil. After ouster of President Morsi, there are apprehensions in Egypt about Hamas. We believe Egypt is a big country and it is a pivot in the region. So whatever happens there affects us. But, we do not interfere in their domestic issues. We are very much keen to build a firm and strong network of relations in the region and world. We are relying on the depth of Arab and Muslim states. They are our strategic support. We are keen to expand our relations to other countries as well. We are garnering support from all over the world. Don’t you think, that much bigger issues than Palestine have cropped up in Middle East, from Iraq, Syria, Libya and so on? Yes, there are crises in the region. They have taken away the limelight from Palestine. It has set new political priorities in the region and it has made our mission more difficult. And on the other hand, Israel is not also sitting idle. They are working overtime to use this opportunity to tear down Arab unity and exploit our weaknesses. They are waging a campaign against our people. The strategy of Hamas is to counter this. We feel the pain of the bloodshed. Our sympathy is with people in countries like Iraq, Syria. We are also pained at the sectarian conflicts in the region. We hope peace in the region will prevail, and that countries in the region will become democratic and pursue development. The situation which the super powers have created in the Middle-East has made it a fertile ground for terror groups. We are firmly against all extremist movements in the world, of whatever faith. We are against killing sprees. Regrettably, the superpowers are ignoring the main reason and the core issue that allows extremist phenomenon to get oxygen. They are creating an atmosphere for these groups to flourish and then they are using this phenomenon to colonise. There are allegations that Hamas and ISIS do share support base and weapons supplies. With the Palestine issue unresolved, occupation in Afghanistan and Iraq has sent out a message that the US is standing with enemy, and that it is inimical towards our rights. They are also giving support to authoritarian governments and dictatorships in the region at the expense of the interests of people who are looking for reforms and development of their own countries. Some of the superpowers not only support authoritarian regimes, but also practise sectarian killings. That has pushed some sections of the people into the hands of the ISIS, Al Qaeda and other extremist groups. They attract ignorant people who lack knowledge and who have no hope. In my belief, if occupation, colonialisation end, and people in the region are given their rights, this phenomenon will end. When you deny any link with ISIS, the siege of Yarmook camp says something different. The ISIS ran over the camp, while Hamas and Fatah abandoned the camp. And also the events in Sinai in Egypt have been traced to your doorsteps. I declare once again that Hamas doesn't have any link or truck with the ISIS, al Qaeda or any extremist outfit. This is against our conviction, our strategy and policies. The whole world should ask itself as to why there is no ISIS or al Qaeda inside Palestine? Such a phenomenon doesn't exist inside Palestine. And the reason is that Hamas and our brother resistance movements are national freedom movements. We have not left any vacuum. We don’t receive any support or arms from these movements. We don’t require their support. Our people have firm belief in moderate thinking. We don’t take refuge in extremist ideology or indulge in killing spree. As far as incident in Yarmook camp is concerned, let me tell you this camp is inside Syria. The events there and presence of ISIS in the camp were influenced by events of Syria. It is a Syrian problem. As far as Sinai (Egypt) is concerned. Hamas has declared openly, it doesn't interfere in the domestic policies of Egypt. We have nothing to do what is happening inside Egyptian borders. All allegations of interference are baseless. You have mentioned about superpowers. Are you pointing towards Russia as well? What are your views about about Saudi Arabia’s role in Yemen? There is no doubt that the US Administration have to take much of the blame because of its biased policy. Their policies towards the people in the region are due to other superpowers as well, and it is not necessary to name them. Foreign intervention against the interests of the people are recipe for a disaster. Their proxy wars are at the expense of lives of the people of the region. We are against these policies in any part of world. On Yemen, again I tell you, we have adopted a policy of not standing as judges and don’t interfere in domestic polices of other countries. We are with the rights of the people. We stand firmly against the intervention in the region. We don’t allow ourselves to be drawn into crises in the region or in any other part of world. Crises in Syria and Iraq have turned into Shia-Sunni conflicts. How, in your view, has this changed political dynamics of Middle East? This is very annoying and a matter of concern. Our region was a model for religious, ethnic and sectarian diversity, of people living together over hundreds of years peacefully despite differences. These sectarian crises came because of several reasons. The first factor is occupation in Afghanistan, Iraq, the dismantling of states and the creation of chaos in region. US treated Iraqi people along Shia, Sunni and Kurdish divisions. The second factor is the agenda of regional powers which exploited sectarian issues to serve their interests. Are you apprehensive about that the US and Iran are coming together? We had firm relations with Iran and Hizbullah. They supported our resistance. We are so grateful to them. But eruption of crises in Syria did affect us. Our relations with Iran were affected and people’s perception towards Iran in this region has also got affected. This has more to do with how the region is now looking at Iran, more than its new-found relations with US. Iran’s policies in the region affected perceptions. The Turkish government has also renewed its relations with Israel. Turkey has been your important supporter so far. As far as rapprochement of Turkey with Israel is concerned, that is their bilateral issue. During talks, they did place pre-conditions on lifting siege of Gaza. They made it a point. This is highly appreciable. Their relations with Israel have never affected our relations with Turkey. You are now about to complete your term as Hamas chief. What are your succession plans.?Most resistance movements the world over are personality-centric. We are an institutional movement. We apply democracy in our ranks. There are elections within our ranks. We are keen to set an example to abide by democratic principles. There will be a smooth transaction. The leadership will come up through ballots. It is not easy to practice democracy in a transparent way when you are under occupation. It is a challenge, but we are taking up this challenge. Given that we have divisions among ourselves, I assure you , we will keep up democratic traditions alive. Iran, Syria and Hizbullah supported you over many years. Syria hosted you also against all odds. But you deceived them. As far as Syria and Iran are concerned, truth is they gave us all support we needed over the years. We will never forget that. But that does not mean that whoever gave us support we will return that favours and we will get involved in their internal affairs and fight against their own people. That is what has happened in Syria. The government there was seeking our support to fight Opposition, their own people We stayed away from their internal crises, and so had to shift from Damascus. Our differences with them were not related to foreign aggression or foreign fighters. We are with them in the battle against ISIS and for foreign aggression. (This story was first published on DNA)

Hamas chief Khaled Mashal says Israel has the master key to resolve Palestinian issue

After a lull of almost 22 years, India and Pakistan have returned to fight on Kashmir on the diplomatic turf, with China also muddying waters, dropping its usual reticence and unilaterally commenting on the violence in the region. 
 
The situation in Kashmir has also come handy for China to hit down its relations with India.After opposing India&#39;s membership at the NSG, Chinese foreign ministry spokesman Lu Kang in a usual departure said Beijing was concerned at the situation in the state od Jammu and Kashmir. &quot;We are equally concerned about the casualties in the clash, and hope that the relevant incident will be handled properly,&quot; she said. 
 
Diplomatic sources here say that the China&#39;s commentary on Kashmir and its stand at the NSG was rooted in re-hyphenating India with Pakistan as well as claiming the sole ownership of being the Asian power. 
 
Last time, Pakistan had attempted a major diplomatic move on Kashmir in March 1994, by pushing the grouping of Islamic countries and some Western nations to sponsor a resolution at the UN Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR) against India. 
 
While India&#39;s home minister Rajnath Singh on Thursday categorically blamed Pakistan for the unrest, ministry of external affairs (MEA) also hit out at Islamabad for observing &#39;Kashmir&#39;s Accession to Pakistan Day&#39; and &#39;Black Day&#39;. 
 
The MEA spokesperson Vikas Swaroop asked the world to take note that rallies and events over past two days in Pakistan were led by UN-designated terrorists. These groups in the past &quot;protested the elimination of dreaded terrorists, including Osama bin Laden and Taliban leader Akhtar Mansour, in Pakistan&quot;. 
 
In Pakistan, Sartaj Aziz, adviser to prime minister Nawaz Sharif, announced that his country will approach the UNCHR on its own behalf and on behalf of Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) contact group on Kashmir to demand sending a fact-finding mission to Kashmir and also to impose a ban on the use of pellet guns for dispersing people exercising their right to protest. 
 
Last time, Pakistan burnt its fingers at the UNCHR in 1994, when India succeeded in prevailing upon Iran to abstain at the OIC session from voting, and thereby failing the consensus required to back the resolution. 
 
The joint OIC resolution, backed by some Western nations, was supposed to be put before the UNCHR, which if approved was to be referred to the UN Security Council for initiating economic sanctions and other punitive measures against India. That was also the last time Pakistan tried to get a resolution on the Kashmir issue tabled in a UN forum. 
 
Since the latest flare-up in the state of Jammu and Kashmir, Indian leadership at the highest level had decided to ignore incessant provocation and statements from Pakistan, terming them as political compulsions of Nawaz Sharif government in the wake of assembly elections in the PoK. But the rallies of jihadis in Pakistan seem to have pushed New Delhi&#39;s patience to limits. 
 
In a strong recrimination, India also urged Islamabad to stop &quot;misleading&quot; the international community and Kashmiris through meaningless exercises. In a statement, the spokesperson asked Pakistan to fulfill its obligation to vacate illegal occupation of Pakistan-controlled Kashmir&nbsp;and refrain from its deplorable meddling in internal affairs in any manner. &quot;We once again ask Pakistan to stop inciting and supporting violence and terrorism in any part of our country and refrain from its deplorable meddling in our internal affairs in any manner.&quot; 
 
&quot;In view of the threats of marches and protests at the High Commission of India in Islamabad, we ask the government of Pakistan to ensure full safety and security of the High Commission, all its officials and their families in Pakistan,&quot; the statement concluded. 
 
In the Upper House of the Indian Parliament, interior minister Rajnath Singh categorically blamed Pakistan for the unrest in the Kashmir saying that the terrorism in the Valley is Pakistan-sponsored. 
 
He said the neighbouring country, instead of fixing its internal matters, is trying to destabilise India. He also took strong exception for observing Black Day in Pakistan after the killing of Hizbul Mujahideen commander Burhan Wani, who was involved in various heinous crimes and activities. 
 
Stating that Pakistan has no right to interfere in India&#39;s internal matters, he said it was doing so to deflect attention from its failures as the people there were fighting along sectarian lines. 
 
Training guns further, he said the country came into being in the name of religion, but failed to keep the Muslims together and underwent a division. &quot;It does not need to worry about Muslims in India,&quot; he said and invoked former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee&#39;s poem to suggest that those who fuel fire in the homes of others get caught in the same blaze. 
 
In Islamabad, Aziz promised every possible effort to draw international attention towards &quot;Indian brutalities&quot; and to resolve the dispute. He also said he has shot off letters to the UN secretary general, president of the Security Council, OIC secretary general, UN high commissioner for Human Rights and the foreign ministers of the OIC Contact Group on Jammu and Kashmir (Azerbaijan, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia and Turkey). 
 
(WION) 
&nbsp;

Islamabad wants UN to send fact-finding mission to the state of Jammu and Kashmir, China comments on the situation

After a lull of almost 22 years, India and Pakistan have returned to fight on Kashmir on the diplomatic turf, with China also muddying waters, dropping its usual reticence and unilaterally commenting on the violence in the region. The situation in Kashmir has also come handy for China to hit down its relations with India.After opposing India's membership at the NSG, Chinese foreign ministry spokesman Lu Kang in a usual departure said Beijing was concerned at the situation in the state od Jammu and Kashmir. "We are equally concerned about the casualties in the clash, and hope that the relevant incident will be handled properly," she said. Diplomatic sources here say that the China's commentary on Kashmir and its stand at the NSG was rooted in re-hyphenating India with Pakistan as well as claiming the sole ownership of being the Asian power. Last time, Pakistan had attempted a major diplomatic move on Kashmir in March 1994, by pushing the grouping of Islamic countries and some Western nations to sponsor a resolution at the UN Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR) against India. While India's home minister Rajnath Singh on Thursday categorically blamed Pakistan for the unrest, ministry of external affairs (MEA) also hit out at Islamabad for observing 'Kashmir's Accession to Pakistan Day' and 'Black Day'. The MEA spokesperson Vikas Swaroop asked the world to take note that rallies and events over past two days in Pakistan were led by UN-designated terrorists. These groups in the past "protested the elimination of dreaded terrorists, including Osama bin Laden and Taliban leader Akhtar Mansour, in Pakistan". In Pakistan, Sartaj Aziz, adviser to prime minister Nawaz Sharif, announced that his country will approach the UNCHR on its own behalf and on behalf of Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) contact group on Kashmir to demand sending a fact-finding mission to Kashmir and also to impose a ban on the use of pellet guns for dispersing people exercising their right to protest. Last time, Pakistan burnt its fingers at the UNCHR in 1994, when India succeeded in prevailing upon Iran to abstain at the OIC session from voting, and thereby failing the consensus required to back the resolution. The joint OIC resolution, backed by some Western nations, was supposed to be put before the UNCHR, which if approved was to be referred to the UN Security Council for initiating economic sanctions and other punitive measures against India. That was also the last time Pakistan tried to get a resolution on the Kashmir issue tabled in a UN forum. Since the latest flare-up in the state of Jammu and Kashmir, Indian leadership at the highest level had decided to ignore incessant provocation and statements from Pakistan, terming them as political compulsions of Nawaz Sharif government in the wake of assembly elections in the PoK. But the rallies of jihadis in Pakistan seem to have pushed New Delhi's patience to limits. In a strong recrimination, India also urged Islamabad to stop "misleading" the international community and Kashmiris through meaningless exercises. In a statement, the spokesperson asked Pakistan to fulfill its obligation to vacate illegal occupation of Pakistan-controlled Kashmir and refrain from its deplorable meddling in internal affairs in any manner. "We once again ask Pakistan to stop inciting and supporting violence and terrorism in any part of our country and refrain from its deplorable meddling in our internal affairs in any manner." "In view of the threats of marches and protests at the High Commission of India in Islamabad, we ask the government of Pakistan to ensure full safety and security of the High Commission, all its officials and their families in Pakistan," the statement concluded. In the Upper House of the Indian Parliament, interior minister Rajnath Singh categorically blamed Pakistan for the unrest in the Kashmir saying that the terrorism in the Valley is Pakistan-sponsored. He said the neighbouring country, instead of fixing its internal matters, is trying to destabilise India. He also took strong exception for observing Black Day in Pakistan after the killing of Hizbul Mujahideen commander Burhan Wani, who was involved in various heinous crimes and activities. Stating that Pakistan has no right to interfere in India's internal matters, he said it was doing so to deflect attention from its failures as the people there were fighting along sectarian lines. Training guns further, he said the country came into being in the name of religion, but failed to keep the Muslims together and underwent a division. "It does not need to worry about Muslims in India," he said and invoked former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee's poem to suggest that those who fuel fire in the homes of others get caught in the same blaze. In Islamabad, Aziz promised every possible effort to draw international attention towards "Indian brutalities" and to resolve the dispute. He also said he has shot off letters to the UN secretary general, president of the Security Council, OIC secretary general, UN high commissioner for Human Rights and the foreign ministers of the OIC Contact Group on Jammu and Kashmir (Azerbaijan, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia and Turkey). (WION)

India, Pakistan in diplomatic war on Kashmir issue, China muddies waters

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