Much of the Middle East’s recent turmoil stems from internecine Middle Eastern rivalries spilling onto third country battlefields and Saudi and United Arab Emirates-led efforts to roll back the achievements of the 2011 popular Arab revolts and pre-empt further uprisings.

This week’s successful toppling of ailing Algerian president Abdelaziz Bouteflika and months of anti-government demonstrations that have put Sudanese leader Omar al-Bashir on the defensive suggest that the Saudi-UAE effort may be faltering.

So does the record of the past eight years. The counterrevolution’s one success, Egypt, has produced some of the harshest repression in the country’s history.

Saudi and UAE intervention in Yemen has sparked one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises, tarnished the image of the two Gulf states, and provided an opportunity to Iran to expand its network of regional proxies.

In a twist of irony, Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Egypt, who justify the Yemen war by pointing to an invitation by the internationally recognised exile government of &nbsp;President Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi, support the rebel forces of Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar in Libya.

Haftar’s forces are poised to march on Tripoli, the seat of the United Nations-recognised government of Libya, two weeks after the field marshal met with King Salman in Saudi Arabia. The fighting in Libya has turned into a proxy war between Gulf rivals with Qatar supporting the Islamist-dominated Tripoli government.

In Syria, rivals Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Qatar, who exasperated the country’s eight-year-long devastating civil war by backing rival rebel forces, are back to square one: the man they wanted to remove from office, president Bashar al-Assad, has gained the upper hand with the support of Russia and Iran.

The protests in Algeria and Sudan suggest that the social, economic and political grievances that fuelled the 2011 protests continue to hover just below the surface in a swath of land that stretches from the Atlantic coast of Africa to the Gulf.

Like in 2011, protests in the Middle East are not isolated incidents but the most dramatic part of a more global wave prompted by a loss of public confidence in leaders and political systems that have sparked anti-government demonstrations in countries as far-flung as Zimbabwe and Haiti.

The Algerian and Sudanese protests come on the back of a wave of smaller, political and socio-economic protests since 2011 that suggested that the Middle Eastern counterrevolution amounted to putting a lid on a pot that could boil over at any moment. Protests have erupted in recent years in a host of countries, including Iraq, Morocco, Jordan, Lebanon and Tunisia.

The protests also suggest the fragility of hopes of Middle Eastern autocrats that China’s model of successfully growing the economy, creating jobs and opportunity, and delivering public goods coupled with increased political control and suppression of rights would prove to be a sustainable model in their own backyard.

The fragility of the model is enhanced by the tendency of autocrats to overreach in ways that either distract from their core goals or pursue objectives like the creation of a ‘new man’ that ultimately have failed in countries like Turkey.

Turkey’s Islamist Justice and Development Party (AKP) has been in power for the better part of two decades. Its success suggests that the effort to create a secular New Turk by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the visionary who carved modern Turkey out of the ruins of the Ottoman empire almost a century ago, has stumbled.

Egyptian general-turned president Abdel Fattah al-Sisi and Chinese leader Xi Jinping have taken control and civilisationalism to new extremes by seeking not only absolute political power but also the ability to shape culture and dictate personal behaviour.

Al-Sisi recently ordered his officials to dictate the themes and scripts of Egyptian soap operas, a popular regional staple, particularly during the holy month of Ramadan. A military-linked production company has taken charge of some of Egypt’s biggest and most successful shows.

Film directors have been instructed to focus on shows that praise the military and law enforcement and demonize the Muslim Brotherhood, a group that has been brutally targeted by Al-Sisi as well as the UAE that together with Saudi Arabia backed his 2013 military coup. The coup toppled Mohammed Morsi, a Brother and Egypt’s first and only democratically elected president.

Xi’s hopes to promote ‘core socialist values’ such as patriotism, harmony and civility amounts to an effort to counter individualism, materialism and hedonism. The campaign involves blurring piercings and jewellery worn by male pop stars during performances on television and the Internet, obliging soccer players to wear long sleeves to cover their tattoos, and ensuring that women conference hosts raise their necklines and rappers restrict their lyrics to the promotion of peace and harmony.

Saudi Arabia has argued that journalist Jamal Khashoggi was killed in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul six months ago by rogue government operatives who are currently standing trial in a process that lacks transparency and has called into question the kingdom’s version of events.

The overreach suggests that Middle Eastern autocrats are unlikely to respond to the protests in Algeria and Sudan any differently than they did in 2011.

Analyst Giorgio Cafiero predicts that in the wake of Bouteflika’s resignation, Saudi Arabia is likely to support efforts to maintain control by what Algerians call Le Pouvoir (The Power) or the deep state, a cabal of military and security officials and business tycoons, The same is likely to be true for the UAE.

Similarly, Saudi Arabia and the UAE alongside Egypt continue to back Al-Bashir although he is on the defensive after months of protests that have rocked the East African state.

Whether Algeria’s ancient regime backed by Gulf states is able to retain power may well be dependent on what conclusions protesters draw from the experience of the 2011 revolts.

Like the protesters then, Algerian demonstrators need to decide whether Bouteflika’s resignation is a sufficient enough success to justify the surrender of their street power and return to a structured political process.

Indications are that the protesters have learnt their lesson.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)&nbsp;

Much of the Middle East’s recent turmoil stems from internecine Middle Eastern rivalries spilling onto third country battlefields and Saudi and United Arab Emirates-led efforts to roll back the achievements of the 2011 popular Arab revolts and pre-empt further uprisings.

Much of the Middle East’s recent turmoil stems from internecine Middle Eastern rivalries spilling onto third country battlefields and Saudi and United Arab Emirates-led efforts to roll back the achievements of the 2011 popular Arab revolts and pre-empt further uprisings. This week’s successful toppling of ailing Algerian president Abdelaziz Bouteflika and months of anti-government demonstrations that have put Sudanese leader Omar al-Bashir on the defensive suggest that the Saudi-UAE effort may be faltering. So does the record of the past eight years. The counterrevolution’s one success, Egypt, has produced some of the harshest repression in the country’s history. Saudi and UAE intervention in Yemen has sparked one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises, tarnished the image of the two Gulf states, and provided an opportunity to Iran to expand its network of regional proxies. In a twist of irony, Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Egypt, who justify the Yemen war by pointing to an invitation by the internationally recognised exile government of President Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi, support the rebel forces of Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar in Libya. Haftar’s forces are poised to march on Tripoli, the seat of the United Nations-recognised government of Libya, two weeks after the field marshal met with King Salman in Saudi Arabia. The fighting in Libya has turned into a proxy war between Gulf rivals with Qatar supporting the Islamist-dominated Tripoli government. In Syria, rivals Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Qatar, who exasperated the country’s eight-year-long devastating civil war by backing rival rebel forces, are back to square one: the man they wanted to remove from office, president Bashar al-Assad, has gained the upper hand with the support of Russia and Iran. The protests in Algeria and Sudan suggest that the social, economic and political grievances that fuelled the 2011 protests continue to hover just below the surface in a swath of land that stretches from the Atlantic coast of Africa to the Gulf. Like in 2011, protests in the Middle East are not isolated incidents but the most dramatic part of a more global wave prompted by a loss of public confidence in leaders and political systems that have sparked anti-government demonstrations in countries as far-flung as Zimbabwe and Haiti. The Algerian and Sudanese protests come on the back of a wave of smaller, political and socio-economic protests since 2011 that suggested that the Middle Eastern counterrevolution amounted to putting a lid on a pot that could boil over at any moment. Protests have erupted in recent years in a host of countries, including Iraq, Morocco, Jordan, Lebanon and Tunisia. The protests also suggest the fragility of hopes of Middle Eastern autocrats that China’s model of successfully growing the economy, creating jobs and opportunity, and delivering public goods coupled with increased political control and suppression of rights would prove to be a sustainable model in their own backyard. The fragility of the model is enhanced by the tendency of autocrats to overreach in ways that either distract from their core goals or pursue objectives like the creation of a ‘new man’ that ultimately have failed in countries like Turkey. Turkey’s Islamist Justice and Development Party (AKP) has been in power for the better part of two decades. Its success suggests that the effort to create a secular New Turk by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the visionary who carved modern Turkey out of the ruins of the Ottoman empire almost a century ago, has stumbled. Egyptian general-turned president Abdel Fattah al-Sisi and Chinese leader Xi Jinping have taken control and civilisationalism to new extremes by seeking not only absolute political power but also the ability to shape culture and dictate personal behaviour. Al-Sisi recently ordered his officials to dictate the themes and scripts of Egyptian soap operas, a popular regional staple, particularly during the holy month of Ramadan. A military-linked production company has taken charge of some of Egypt’s biggest and most successful shows. Film directors have been instructed to focus on shows that praise the military and law enforcement and demonize the Muslim Brotherhood, a group that has been brutally targeted by Al-Sisi as well as the UAE that together with Saudi Arabia backed his 2013 military coup. The coup toppled Mohammed Morsi, a Brother and Egypt’s first and only democratically elected president. Xi’s hopes to promote ‘core socialist values’ such as patriotism, harmony and civility amounts to an effort to counter individualism, materialism and hedonism. The campaign involves blurring piercings and jewellery worn by male pop stars during performances on television and the Internet, obliging soccer players to wear long sleeves to cover their tattoos, and ensuring that women conference hosts raise their necklines and rappers restrict their lyrics to the promotion of peace and harmony. Saudi Arabia has argued that journalist Jamal Khashoggi was killed in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul six months ago by rogue government operatives who are currently standing trial in a process that lacks transparency and has called into question the kingdom’s version of events. The overreach suggests that Middle Eastern autocrats are unlikely to respond to the protests in Algeria and Sudan any differently than they did in 2011. Analyst Giorgio Cafiero predicts that in the wake of Bouteflika’s resignation, Saudi Arabia is likely to support efforts to maintain control by what Algerians call Le Pouvoir (The Power) or the deep state, a cabal of military and security officials and business tycoons, The same is likely to be true for the UAE. Similarly, Saudi Arabia and the UAE alongside Egypt continue to back Al-Bashir although he is on the defensive after months of protests that have rocked the East African state. Whether Algeria’s ancient regime backed by Gulf states is able to retain power may well be dependent on what conclusions protesters draw from the experience of the 2011 revolts. Like the protesters then, Algerian demonstrators need to decide whether Bouteflika’s resignation is a sufficient enough success to justify the surrender of their street power and return to a structured political process. Indications are that the protesters have learnt their lesson. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Middle Eastern rivalries spilling on the battlefields

The UN human rights chief warned Wednesday that children in Yemen continued to be killed and maimed at an alarming rate, despite a<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/defying-trump-senate-votes-to-end-us-support-for-yemen-war-203188"> three-month-old truce in a vital port</a>.

"Since the Stockholm agreement on December 13, it is estimated that eight children have been killed or injured in Yemen every day," Michelle Bachelet told the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva.

Yemen's beleaguered Saudi-backed government and Iranian-linked Huthi rebels agreed in Sweden on a truce that included a ceasefire in Hodeida, the lifeline port on the Red Sea.

But Bachelet said children were currently living in 31 active conflict zones across the country, and witnessing "heavy, war-related violence", including in Taez, Hajjah and Saada.

The Norwegian Refugee Council said earlier this week that 348 civilians had been killed in Hajjah and Taez alone since the Stockholm accord was signed.&nbsp;

The UN rights chief voiced particular concern at the recent escalation in the northern province of Hajjah, where 22 people -- 12 children and 10 women -- were killed, and another 30, nearly half of them children, were hurt in strikes earlier this month.

An estimated 10,000 people have been killed since March 2015, when Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates -- with the logistical and political backing of the United States -- unleashed air power against the Huthi rebels.

Rights groups say the death toll could be far higher. Save the Children has estimated that 85,000 Yemenis under five years old may have died of starvation.

Bachelet said it was unclear how many children had starved to death in Yemen but warned that "Yemeni civilians, including children, are now more vulnerable and hungrier than at any time since March 2015".

She said more than two million children were suffering from acute malnutrition, including 360,000 with severe, acute malnutrition, meaning they are wasting away and risk starvation.

Bachelet also voiced deep concern at reports that both the government-backed forces and the Huthis were continuing to enlist children as fighters.

"In most cases, the children are between 11 and 17 years old, but there have been consistent reports of the recruitment or use of children as young as eight," she said.&nbsp;

The UN human rights chief warned Wednesday that children in Yemen continued to be killed and maimed at an alarming rate, despite a three-month-old truce in a vital port.

The UN human rights chief warned Wednesday that children in Yemen continued to be killed and maimed at an alarming rate, despite a three-month-old truce in a vital port. "Since the Stockholm agreement on December 13, it is estimated that eight children have been killed or injured in Yemen every day," Michelle Bachelet told the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva. Yemen's beleaguered Saudi-backed government and Iranian-linked Huthi rebels agreed in Sweden on a truce that included a ceasefire in Hodeida, the lifeline port on the Red Sea. But Bachelet said children were currently living in 31 active conflict zones across the country, and witnessing "heavy, war-related violence", including in Taez, Hajjah and Saada. The Norwegian Refugee Council said earlier this week that 348 civilians had been killed in Hajjah and Taez alone since the Stockholm accord was signed. The UN rights chief voiced particular concern at the recent escalation in the northern province of Hajjah, where 22 people -- 12 children and 10 women -- were killed, and another 30, nearly half of them children, were hurt in strikes earlier this month. An estimated 10,000 people have been killed since March 2015, when Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates -- with the logistical and political backing of the United States -- unleashed air power against the Huthi rebels. Rights groups say the death toll could be far higher. Save the Children has estimated that 85,000 Yemenis under five years old may have died of starvation. Bachelet said it was unclear how many children had starved to death in Yemen but warned that "Yemeni civilians, including children, are now more vulnerable and hungrier than at any time since March 2015". She said more than two million children were suffering from acute malnutrition, including 360,000 with severe, acute malnutrition, meaning they are wasting away and risk starvation. Bachelet also voiced deep concern at reports that both the government-backed forces and the Huthis were continuing to enlist children as fighters. "In most cases, the children are between 11 and 17 years old, but there have been consistent reports of the recruitment or use of children as young as eight," she said.

Eight children killed or hurt every day, despite Yemen truce: United Nations

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/were-disappointed-says-india-after-china-blocks-move-to-designate-masood-azhar-as-a-global-terrorist-203180">We're disappointed, says India after China blocks move to designate Masood Azhar as a global terrorist</a>

India on Wednesday night expressed "disappointment" after&nbsp;China blocked&nbsp;yet another move at the United Nations to designate Pakistan-based terror group Jaish-e-Mohammed's&nbsp;chief Masood Azhar&nbsp;as a "global terrorist".

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-joins-other-nations-in-grounding-737-max-jets-after-second-crash-203179">US joins other nations in grounding 737 MAX jets after Ethiopian Airlines plane</a>

The United States on Wednesday joined Europe, China and other countries in grounding&nbsp;Boeing Co's 737 MAX jets, because of safety concerns after an Ethiopian Airlines plane crash that killed 157 people, the second disaster involving the 737 in less than five months.&nbsp;

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-prosecutors-probing-facebooks-data-deals-report-203195">US prosecutors probing Facebook's data deals: Report</a>

US federal prosecutors are conducting a criminal investigation into data deals Facebook Inc&nbsp;struck with some of the world's largest technology companies, the New York Times reported on Wednesday.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/defying-trump-senate-votes-to-end-us-support-for-yemen-war-203188">Defying Trump, Senate votes to end US support for Yemen war</a>

The US Senate on Wednesday dealt a stinging bipartisan rebuke to Donald Trump's foreign policy and his alliance with Riyadh, voting to end support for the bloody Saudi-led&nbsp;war effort in Yemen.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/india-united-states-agree-to-develop-six-nuclear-power-plants-in-india-203196">India, </a><a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/india-united-states-agree-to-develop-six-nuclear-power-plants-in-india-203196">United</a><a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/india-united-states-agree-to-develop-six-nuclear-power-plants-in-india-203196"> States agree to develop six nuclear power plants in India</a>

The United States and India on Wednesday agreed to strengthen security and civil nuclear cooperation, including building six US&nbsp;nuclear power plants in India,&nbsp;the two countries said in a joint statement.

We're disappointed, says India after China blocks move to designate Masood Azhar as a global terrorist India on Wednesday night expressed "disappointment" after China blocked yet another move at the United Nations to designate Pakistan-based terror group Jaish-e-Mohammed's chief Masood Azhar as a "global terrorist".

We're disappointed, says India after China blocks move to designate Masood Azhar as a global terrorist India on Wednesday night expressed "disappointment" after China blocked yet another move at the United Nations to designate Pakistan-based terror group Jaish-e-Mohammed's chief Masood Azhar as a "global terrorist". US joins other nations in grounding 737 MAX jets after Ethiopian Airlines plane The United States on Wednesday joined Europe, China and other countries in grounding Boeing Co's 737 MAX jets, because of safety concerns after an Ethiopian Airlines plane crash that killed 157 people, the second disaster involving the 737 in less than five months. US prosecutors probing Facebook's data deals: Report US federal prosecutors are conducting a criminal investigation into data deals Facebook Inc struck with some of the world's largest technology companies, the New York Times reported on Wednesday. Defying Trump, Senate votes to end US support for Yemen war The US Senate on Wednesday dealt a stinging bipartisan rebuke to Donald Trump's foreign policy and his alliance with Riyadh, voting to end support for the bloody Saudi-led war effort in Yemen. India, United States agree to develop six nuclear power plants in India The United States and India on Wednesday agreed to strengthen security and civil nuclear cooperation, including building six US nuclear power plants in India, the two countries said in a joint statement.

News brief: Big stories of the day

The US Senate on Wednesday dealt a stinging bipartisan rebuke to Donald Trump's foreign policy and his alliance with Riyadh, voting to end support for the bloody Saudi-led <a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/un-warns-a-generation-could-become-lost-to-hunger-in-yemen-197341">war effort in Yemen</a>.

Lawmakers in the Republican-controlled chamber approved a historic curtailment of presidential war powers that directs Trump "to remove United States Armed Forces from hostilities in or affecting the <a href="https://www.wionews.com/west-asia/in-yemen-a-child-dies-every-10-minutes-from-easily-preventable-diseases-175690">Republic of Yemen</a>" within 30 days.

The Senate vote was 54 to 46, with seven Republicans defying the president and aligning with Democrats.

The text now heads to the Democrat-led House of Representatives, which approved a similar measure that stalled earlier this year, and which is likely to pass the latest effort.

The White House has threatened a veto, calling the measure "flawed" and saying it would harm bilateral relationships in the region and hurt Washington's ability to fight extremism.

But its full passage would set a historic marker. It would be the first measure passed by Congress to invoke the 1973 War Powers Resolution to directly curtail a president's use of military powers.

"Today, we begin the process of reclaiming our constitutional power by ending US involvement in a war that has not been authorized by Congress and is clearly unconstitutional," Senator Bernie Sanders, who is running for president in 2020 and is a sponsor of the measure, said on the Senate floor.

Republican Senator Mike Lee concurred, saying Saudi Arabia "is not an ally that deserves our support or our military intervention."

The Saudis, he said, "are likely using our own weapons... to commit these atrocities of war. That's not OK."

The war in Yemen is the world's worst humanitarian crisis, with an estimated 14 million people at risk of famine.&nbsp;

The World Health Organization says about 10,000 people have been killed in the war between forces loyal to the Yemeni government, backed by the Saudi-led coalition, and the Iran-aligned Huthi rebels. Rights groups say the death toll is far higher.

The United States provides weapons and refueling to the Saudi coalition.

Two days, two rebukes?

The resolution is a reminder that Congress has the legal ability to compel the removal of US military forces, absent a formal declaration of war.

Should it pass Congress, it could force Trump to issue the first veto of his tenure.

The vote may well be the first of two congressional rebukes of Trump in as many days.&nbsp;

On Thursday, the Senate is expected to vote on a resolution -- already passed by the House -- to reverse Trump's emergency declaration on border security, after the president went around Congress in a bid to secure more funding for his wall between the United States and Mexico.

In that case too, he has promised to use his veto.

Wednesday's Yemen vote, and the rare bipartisanship at the heart of it, came as US lawmakers have escalated their opposition to Saudi Arabia after the October murder of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi at the kingdom's consulate in Istanbul.&nbsp;

Republicans and Democrats alike have bristled over the White House's apparent embrace of the kingdom and its leadership.

Some members of Congress have publicly stated that they suspect that powerful Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman was directly responsible for the killing, based on the CIA's conclusions.

Sanders, using unusually blunt language about an American ally, said the United States should not "simply follow the despotic lead of a government in Saudi Arabia."&nbsp;

"We will determine our military and foreign pol and not be led around by a murderous regime," he said.

The US Senate on Wednesday dealt a stinging bipartisan rebuke to Donald Trump's foreign policy and his alliance with Riyadh, voting to end support for the bloody Saudi-led war effort in Yemen.

The US Senate on Wednesday dealt a stinging bipartisan rebuke to Donald Trump's foreign policy and his alliance with Riyadh, voting to end support for the bloody Saudi-led war effort in Yemen. Lawmakers in the Republican-controlled chamber approved a historic curtailment of presidential war powers that directs Trump "to remove United States Armed Forces from hostilities in or affecting the Republic of Yemen" within 30 days. The Senate vote was 54 to 46, with seven Republicans defying the president and aligning with Democrats. The text now heads to the Democrat-led House of Representatives, which approved a similar measure that stalled earlier this year, and which is likely to pass the latest effort. The White House has threatened a veto, calling the measure "flawed" and saying it would harm bilateral relationships in the region and hurt Washington's ability to fight extremism. But its full passage would set a historic marker. It would be the first measure passed by Congress to invoke the 1973 War Powers Resolution to directly curtail a president's use of military powers. "Today, we begin the process of reclaiming our constitutional power by ending US involvement in a war that has not been authorized by Congress and is clearly unconstitutional," Senator Bernie Sanders, who is running for president in 2020 and is a sponsor of the measure, said on the Senate floor. Republican Senator Mike Lee concurred, saying Saudi Arabia "is not an ally that deserves our support or our military intervention." The Saudis, he said, "are likely using our own weapons... to commit these atrocities of war. That's not OK." The war in Yemen is the world's worst humanitarian crisis, with an estimated 14 million people at risk of famine. The World Health Organization says about 10,000 people have been killed in the war between forces loyal to the Yemeni government, backed by the Saudi-led coalition, and the Iran-aligned Huthi rebels. Rights groups say the death toll is far higher. The United States provides weapons and refueling to the Saudi coalition. Two days, two rebukes? The resolution is a reminder that Congress has the legal ability to compel the removal of US military forces, absent a formal declaration of war. Should it pass Congress, it could force Trump to issue the first veto of his tenure. The vote may well be the first of two congressional rebukes of Trump in as many days. On Thursday, the Senate is expected to vote on a resolution -- already passed by the House -- to reverse Trump's emergency declaration on border security, after the president went around Congress in a bid to secure more funding for his wall between the United States and Mexico. In that case too, he has promised to use his veto. Wednesday's Yemen vote, and the rare bipartisanship at the heart of it, came as US lawmakers have escalated their opposition to Saudi Arabia after the October murder of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi at the kingdom's consulate in Istanbul. Republicans and Democrats alike have bristled over the White House's apparent embrace of the kingdom and its leadership. Some members of Congress have publicly stated that they suspect that powerful Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman was directly responsible for the killing, based on the CIA's conclusions. Sanders, using unusually blunt language about an American ally, said the United States should not "simply follow the despotic lead of a government in Saudi Arabia." "We will determine our military and foreign pol and not be led around by a murderous regime," he said.

Defying Trump, Senate votes to end US support for Yemen war

The US Senate will vote on Wednesday on a resolution to end Washington's support for the Saudi Arabia-led military campaign in Yemen, as lawmakers push President Donald Trump to toughen his policy toward the kingdom.

Announcing the vote on Tuesday, Senator Bernie Sanders called the war "a humanitarian and strategic disaster." Sanders, an independent who is running for president as a Democrat, is a lead co-sponsor of the resolution along with Republican Senator Mike Lee.&nbsp;

The vote on the war powers resolution will be the second within four months in the Senate. The chamber passed the measure by 56-41 in December, a rebuke of Trump amid anger at Saudi Arabia not just over civilian deaths in Yemen, but also the murder of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi at a Saudi consulate in Turkey.

To become effective, however, the resolution must be passed by the new Senate, which was seated in January, as well as the House of Representatives. Then it must garner enough votes to override an expected veto by Trump, who has touted the importance of a strategic alliance with Riyadh.

The House passed its own version of the resolution in February, but a procedural issue kept it from a vote in the Senate.

The US Senate will vote on Wednesday on a resolution to end Washington's support for the Saudi Arabia-led military campaign in Yemen, as lawmakers push President Donald Trump to toughen his policy toward the kingdom.

The US Senate will vote on Wednesday on a resolution to end Washington's support for the Saudi Arabia-led military campaign in Yemen, as lawmakers push President Donald Trump to toughen his policy toward the kingdom. Announcing the vote on Tuesday, Senator Bernie Sanders called the war "a humanitarian and strategic disaster." Sanders, an independent who is running for president as a Democrat, is a lead co-sponsor of the resolution along with Republican Senator Mike Lee. The vote on the war powers resolution will be the second within four months in the Senate. The chamber passed the measure by 56-41 in December, a rebuke of Trump amid anger at Saudi Arabia not just over civilian deaths in Yemen, but also the murder of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi at a Saudi consulate in Turkey. To become effective, however, the resolution must be passed by the new Senate, which was seated in January, as well as the House of Representatives. Then it must garner enough votes to override an expected veto by Trump, who has touted the importance of a strategic alliance with Riyadh. The House passed its own version of the resolution in February, but a procedural issue kept it from a vote in the Senate.

US Senate to vote Wednesday on Saudi Yemen war resolution

These are tough times for Saudi Arabia.

The drama enveloping the killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi and the brutal way in which it was carried out has captured public attention. In reality, however, Saudi Arabia’s real problems began earlier as a result of its conduct of the Yemen War.

Saudi interference in Yemen that culminated in military intervention predates the four-year-old war. Yemen has long been perceived by Saudi Arabia as a threat. That threat went far beyond current Iranian support for the Houthis. In fact, it was Saudi divide-and-rule tactics in Yemen, changing Saudi attitudes towards the Houthis and Saudi Arabia’s global campaign to promote anti-Shiite, anti-Iranian strands of ultra-conservative Sunni Muslim Islam that helped pave the way for the current Yemen crisis.

It is only half a century ago that the Houthis were part of a Saudi effort to confront Arab nationalism. As an aside, Saudis and Israelis cooperated already then with Israeli military aircraft dropping weapons for the Saudi-backed rebels that included the Houthis. The deterioration in Saudi-Houthi relations accelerated just after the turn to this century when the Saudis funded the opening of a Salafi centre on the outskirts of the Houthi capital of Saada.

The centre constituted not only a challenge to the Houthis but also to the power of the Houthi leadership. It successfully appealed to the socially disadvantaged as well as youth who were attracted by Salafism’s egalitarianism, resented the power of the older generation and saw puritan Islam as a vehicle to challenge the traditional hierarchy. Fear of the Wahhabi/Salafi encroachment fuelled the Houthi’s armed fight against the government of the then President Ali Abdullah Saleh, his Saudi-backed successor Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi, and ultimately the Saudis themselves, which led to the kingdom’s military intervention in Yemen in March 2015.

To initially counter the threat, the leadership of the Houthis, Zaidis who are Shiites with practices more akin to Sunni Muslim ritual, turned to Iran for support in religious education, a development that further angered the kingdom, and laid the groundwork for a war that has devastated a country that already ranked as one of the world’s poorest.

The Saudi intervention was, however, about more than just confronting an Iranian proxy on its doorstep. For one, if anything, it was the intervention that really drove the Houthis and Iranians closer to one another. Even so, the Houthis remain an opportunity in a far broader Saudi-Iranian rivalry rather than a strategic target for the Iranians.&nbsp;

The Salmans, the king and his son, have since coming to office and despite the emergence of Donald Trump, taken to new heights a far more assertive foreign and military policy that was initially crafted by their predecessors in response to the popular Arab revolts in 2011. Make however no mistake, Saudi Arabia’s new assertiveness is not a declaration of independence from the United States even if the kingdom is expanding its international relations as is evident in Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s recent tour of Asia.

On the contrary, Prince Mohammed made that very clear in multiple interviews. His goal was to force the United States to reengage in the Middle East as the best guarantor for regional stability. The Saudis appear to be operating on the basis of Karl Marx’s Verelendungs theory: things have to get worse to get better. That is the part of the backdrop of the stalled military intervention in Yemen. Dangling Iran as the real threat emanating from Yemen serves the Saudis’ purpose.

In doing so Saudi Arabia has proven to be driven. It is a drive that is fuelled by a perception that Iran poses an existential threat to Saudi Arabia. In fact, that may not be incorrect, certainly from the perception of the monarchy and its ruling family.

Saudi Arabia dazzles with the billions of dollars gained from oil exports that it is able to invest overseas and the investment opportunities it creates in the kingdom itself. But the truth of the matter is that long-term Saudi Arabia’s future is not that of a regional hegemon.

Saudi regional leadership, even if it has been tarnished in Yemen in military and reputational terms, amounts to exploitation of a window of opportunity rather than reliance on the assets and power needed to sustain it. Saudi Arabia’s interest is to extend its window of opportunity for as long as possible. That window of opportunity exists as long as the obvious regional powers – Iran, Turkey and Egypt – are in various degrees of disrepair. For now, punitive economic sanctions and international isolation take care of Iran.

And that is what bites. Iran may not be Arab and maintains a sense of Persian superiority, but it has like Turkey and Egypt assets Saudi Arabia lacks: a large population base, an industrial base, a huge domestic market, a battle-hardened military, a deep-rooted culture, a history of empire and geography that makes it a crossroads. Mecca and money will not be able to compete.

Add to all of these two factors. The Islamic regime came to power in a revolution that preceded the 2011 Arab revolts by 32 years. Moreover, the Iranian revolution toppled a monarch, not a president and an icon of US power in the Middle East.

Perhaps, more importantly, if one disregards the sanctioning of Iran, it is Iran rather than Saudi Arabia that is likely to shape the future energy architecture of Eurasia. Oil, in terms of demand, is a diminishing commodity. If the long-term future is renewables, the medium term will be shaped by gas. Iran has gas, Saudi Arabia does not, at least not the kind of gas it can export. In fact, Iran has the world’s second largest gas reserves. Again, disregarding the sanctions, Iran would have in the next five years 24.6 billion cubic metres available for annual piped exports beyond its current supply commitments.

If, indeed, Iran poses an existential threat to the rule of the Al Saud family that it cannot eliminate and at best contain with the support of the United States, the question is what Saudi Arabia’s goal in Yemen is as well as in its broader rivalry with Iran. There are those who coherently argue that Saudi Arabia’s goal in Yemen may have initially been the roll-back of Houthi advances with their occupation of the Yemeni capital Sana’s and large parts of Yemen, destruction of Houthi power and forcing them into a situation in which they would have had to accept a Saudi-dictated end to the war.

Four years into the war, that is not a realistic goal. Short of that, the question is how sincere Saudi and for that matter, UAE interest is in finding a way out of the war. It is conceivable that short of outright victory, Saudi Arabia would want to keep Yemen weak and the Houthis militarily on the defensive. That is at best only sustainable in the short term. The fact of the matter is that the reputational damage Saudi Arabia has suffered is starting to hurt witness measures taken by the US Congress and Germany’s decision to halt arms sales to the kingdom. Conflicts are only ended, if not resolved if the pain of continuing the conflict is greater than the pain of ending it. In Yemen, Saudi Arabia could well be nearing the inflection point.

The problem is that even if the United Nations-mediated peace talks ultimately produce an end to the war, Yemen, if anything, will pose in the post-war era an even greater and more real threat. Yemen for much of post-World War two history has been an afterthought in the international community if it sparked a thought at all. Yet, what a post-war Yemen will represent is a devastated country that largely needs to be rebuilt from scratch, a country whose traumatised population has suffered one the world’s worst humanitarian disasters and will need all the after-care that goes with that.

Beyond the taking care of the most immediate humanitarian issues, there is little reason to believe that investors and governments with massive aid packages and offers of reconstruction will be knocking on Yemen’s doors. Like in Syria and Libya, the risk is of the emergence of a generation that has nothing to look forward to and nothing to lose. In Yemen, that generation is likely to deeply resent what it perceives Saudi Arabia has done to their country. If Saudi Arabia, long saw Yemen as the Gulf’s most populous nation with a battle-hardened military that needed to be managed, that new generation is likely to put flesh on the skeleton.

It's not a pretty picture to look forward to. And it is one in which the damage has already been done. Having said that, its never too late to try to limit the damage, if not reverse affairs. That, however, would take the kind of courage and vision that Prince Mohammed and others in power elsewhere in the Middle East have yet to demonstrate. 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

These are tough times for Saudi Arabia. The drama enveloping the killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi and the brutal way in which it was carried out has captured public attention.

These are tough times for Saudi Arabia. The drama enveloping the killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi and the brutal way in which it was carried out has captured public attention. In reality, however, Saudi Arabia’s real problems began earlier as a result of its conduct of the Yemen War. Saudi interference in Yemen that culminated in military intervention predates the four-year-old war. Yemen has long been perceived by Saudi Arabia as a threat. That threat went far beyond current Iranian support for the Houthis. In fact, it was Saudi divide-and-rule tactics in Yemen, changing Saudi attitudes towards the Houthis and Saudi Arabia’s global campaign to promote anti-Shiite, anti-Iranian strands of ultra-conservative Sunni Muslim Islam that helped pave the way for the current Yemen crisis. It is only half a century ago that the Houthis were part of a Saudi effort to confront Arab nationalism. As an aside, Saudis and Israelis cooperated already then with Israeli military aircraft dropping weapons for the Saudi-backed rebels that included the Houthis. The deterioration in Saudi-Houthi relations accelerated just after the turn to this century when the Saudis funded the opening of a Salafi centre on the outskirts of the Houthi capital of Saada. The centre constituted not only a challenge to the Houthis but also to the power of the Houthi leadership. It successfully appealed to the socially disadvantaged as well as youth who were attracted by Salafism’s egalitarianism, resented the power of the older generation and saw puritan Islam as a vehicle to challenge the traditional hierarchy. Fear of the Wahhabi/Salafi encroachment fuelled the Houthi’s armed fight against the government of the then President Ali Abdullah Saleh, his Saudi-backed successor Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi, and ultimately the Saudis themselves, which led to the kingdom’s military intervention in Yemen in March 2015. To initially counter the threat, the leadership of the Houthis, Zaidis who are Shiites with practices more akin to Sunni Muslim ritual, turned to Iran for support in religious education, a development that further angered the kingdom, and laid the groundwork for a war that has devastated a country that already ranked as one of the world’s poorest. The Saudi intervention was, however, about more than just confronting an Iranian proxy on its doorstep. For one, if anything, it was the intervention that really drove the Houthis and Iranians closer to one another. Even so, the Houthis remain an opportunity in a far broader Saudi-Iranian rivalry rather than a strategic target for the Iranians. The Salmans, the king and his son, have since coming to office and despite the emergence of Donald Trump, taken to new heights a far more assertive foreign and military policy that was initially crafted by their predecessors in response to the popular Arab revolts in 2011. Make however no mistake, Saudi Arabia’s new assertiveness is not a declaration of independence from the United States even if the kingdom is expanding its international relations as is evident in Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s recent tour of Asia. On the contrary, Prince Mohammed made that very clear in multiple interviews. His goal was to force the United States to reengage in the Middle East as the best guarantor for regional stability. The Saudis appear to be operating on the basis of Karl Marx’s Verelendungs theory: things have to get worse to get better. That is the part of the backdrop of the stalled military intervention in Yemen. Dangling Iran as the real threat emanating from Yemen serves the Saudis’ purpose. In doing so Saudi Arabia has proven to be driven. It is a drive that is fuelled by a perception that Iran poses an existential threat to Saudi Arabia. In fact, that may not be incorrect, certainly from the perception of the monarchy and its ruling family. Saudi Arabia dazzles with the billions of dollars gained from oil exports that it is able to invest overseas and the investment opportunities it creates in the kingdom itself. But the truth of the matter is that long-term Saudi Arabia’s future is not that of a regional hegemon. Saudi regional leadership, even if it has been tarnished in Yemen in military and reputational terms, amounts to exploitation of a window of opportunity rather than reliance on the assets and power needed to sustain it. Saudi Arabia’s interest is to extend its window of opportunity for as long as possible. That window of opportunity exists as long as the obvious regional powers – Iran, Turkey and Egypt – are in various degrees of disrepair. For now, punitive economic sanctions and international isolation take care of Iran. And that is what bites. Iran may not be Arab and maintains a sense of Persian superiority, but it has like Turkey and Egypt assets Saudi Arabia lacks: a large population base, an industrial base, a huge domestic market, a battle-hardened military, a deep-rooted culture, a history of empire and geography that makes it a crossroads. Mecca and money will not be able to compete. Add to all of these two factors. The Islamic regime came to power in a revolution that preceded the 2011 Arab revolts by 32 years. Moreover, the Iranian revolution toppled a monarch, not a president and an icon of US power in the Middle East. Perhaps, more importantly, if one disregards the sanctioning of Iran, it is Iran rather than Saudi Arabia that is likely to shape the future energy architecture of Eurasia. Oil, in terms of demand, is a diminishing commodity. If the long-term future is renewables, the medium term will be shaped by gas. Iran has gas, Saudi Arabia does not, at least not the kind of gas it can export. In fact, Iran has the world’s second largest gas reserves. Again, disregarding the sanctions, Iran would have in the next five years 24.6 billion cubic metres available for annual piped exports beyond its current supply commitments. If, indeed, Iran poses an existential threat to the rule of the Al Saud family that it cannot eliminate and at best contain with the support of the United States, the question is what Saudi Arabia’s goal in Yemen is as well as in its broader rivalry with Iran. There are those who coherently argue that Saudi Arabia’s goal in Yemen may have initially been the roll-back of Houthi advances with their occupation of the Yemeni capital Sana’s and large parts of Yemen, destruction of Houthi power and forcing them into a situation in which they would have had to accept a Saudi-dictated end to the war. Four years into the war, that is not a realistic goal. Short of that, the question is how sincere Saudi and for that matter, UAE interest is in finding a way out of the war. It is conceivable that short of outright victory, Saudi Arabia would want to keep Yemen weak and the Houthis militarily on the defensive. That is at best only sustainable in the short term. The fact of the matter is that the reputational damage Saudi Arabia has suffered is starting to hurt witness measures taken by the US Congress and Germany’s decision to halt arms sales to the kingdom. Conflicts are only ended, if not resolved if the pain of continuing the conflict is greater than the pain of ending it. In Yemen, Saudi Arabia could well be nearing the inflection point. The problem is that even if the United Nations-mediated peace talks ultimately produce an end to the war, Yemen, if anything, will pose in the post-war era an even greater and more real threat. Yemen for much of post-World War two history has been an afterthought in the international community if it sparked a thought at all. Yet, what a post-war Yemen will represent is a devastated country that largely needs to be rebuilt from scratch, a country whose traumatised population has suffered one the world’s worst humanitarian disasters and will need all the after-care that goes with that. Beyond the taking care of the most immediate humanitarian issues, there is little reason to believe that investors and governments with massive aid packages and offers of reconstruction will be knocking on Yemen’s doors. Like in Syria and Libya, the risk is of the emergence of a generation that has nothing to look forward to and nothing to lose. In Yemen, that generation is likely to deeply resent what it perceives Saudi Arabia has done to their country. If Saudi Arabia, long saw Yemen as the Gulf’s most populous nation with a battle-hardened military that needed to be managed, that new generation is likely to put flesh on the skeleton. It's not a pretty picture to look forward to. And it is one in which the damage has already been done. Having said that, its never too late to try to limit the damage, if not reverse affairs. That, however, would take the kind of courage and vision that Prince Mohammed and others in power elsewhere in the Middle East have yet to demonstrate. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

In Yemen, Saudi Arabia could be nearing the inflection point

By Jeff Bachman

The US House of Representatives has voted overwhelmingly to pass legislation to deny further military assistance for Saudi Arabia’s war in Yemen.

The bipartisan vote for the bill was a repudiation of the Obama and Trump administrations’ support for the Saudis and a war that many charge includes violations of human rights. A Saudi-led coalition of states has been aggressively bombing Yemen and imposing an air and naval blockade of its ports for more than three years, leading UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres to describe Yemen as “the world’s worst humanitarian crisis.”

The legislation now goes to the Senate. President Trump has said that he would veto it if passed.

Guterres put the crisis in stark perspective, emphasising the near complete lack of security for the Yemeni people. More than 22 million people out of a total population of 28 million are in need of humanitarian aid and protection. Eighteen million people lack reliable access to food; 8.4 million people “do not know how they will obtain their next meal.”

As a scholar of genocide and human rights, I believe the destruction brought about by these attacks combined with the blockade amounts to genocide.

Based on my research, published online by Third World Quarterly, I believe the coalition would not be capable of committing this crime without the material and logistical support of both the Obama and Trump administrations.

A ‘storm’ recast as ‘hope’

Yemen has been gripped by a civil war since 2015, pitting the Shia Houthi movement – which has fought for centuries for control of parts of Yemen – against a government backed by Sunni Saudi Arabia. Because of these religious differences, it would be easy to recast what is largely a political conflict in Yemen as a sectarian one.

That characterisation fits Saudi and US assertions that the Houthis are controlled by Shiite Iran, a claim that has not gone uncontested. Both the Saudis and the US are hostile to Iran, so US support of Saudia Arabia in Yemen represents what US administrations have said are strategic interests in the region.

Besides Saudi Arabia, the coalition attacking Yemen includes the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Morocco, Jordan, Sudan, Kuwait and Bahrain. Qatar was part of the coalition but is no longer.

During the first three years of “Operation Decisive Storm,” later renamed “Operation Renewal of Hope,” 16,749 coalition air attacks in Yemen were documented by the Yemen Data Project, which describes itself as an “independent data collection project aimed at collecting and disseminating data on the conduct of the war in Yemen.”

Based on the information available to it using open sources, the Yemen Data Project reports that two-thirds of the coalition’s bombing attacks have been against nonmilitary and unknown targets. The coalition isn’t accidentally attacking civilians and civilian infrastructure – it’s doing it deliberately.

That’s evident from the kind – and volume – of civilian targets documented. They include places that are generally protected against attack even under the lax rules of international humanitarian law: Residential areas, vehicles, marketplaces and mosques as well as boats, social gatherings and camps for internally displaced persons.

Because of the role it plays in movement of people, food and medicine, Yemen’s transportation infrastructure is especially important. Airports, ports, bridges and roads have all been repeatedly attacked.

Yemen’s economic infrastructure – farms, private businesses and factories, oil and gas facilities, water and electricity lines and food storage – have also been hit. And the coalition has targeted and destroyed schools and medical facilities, too.

Finally, Yemen’s cultural heritage has been attacked. In all, at least 78 cultural sites have been damaged or destroyed, including archaeological sites, museums, mosques, churches and tombs, as well as numerous other monuments and residences that have great historical and cultural significance.

How to make a crisis

The attacks aren’t the only way the coalition is creating a massive humanitarian crisis.

The air and naval blockade, in effect since March 2015, “is essentially using the threat of starvation as a bargaining tool and an instrument of war,” according to the UN panel of experts on Yemen.

The blockade stops and inspects vessels seeking entry to Yemen’s ports. That allows the coalition to regulate and restrict Yemenis’ access to food, fuel, medical supplies and humanitarian aid.

In his analysis of the blockade’s legality, Dutch military scholar Martin Fink writes that the blockade means “massive time delays and uncertainty on what products would be allowed to enter.”

Despite U.N. efforts to alleviate some of the worst delays, imports are often held up for a long time. In some cases, food that makes it through the blockade has already spoiled, if the entry is not denied altogether.

In some ways, the humanitarian crisis in Yemen is unprecedented and can be tied directly to the conflict. As the World Bank notes, “Yemen’s very difficult economic challenges before the current conflict cannot be compared to the intensely critical situation the country is facing today.”

Similarly, Tufts University scholar Alex de Waal describes Yemen as “the greatest famine atrocity of our lifetimes.” It was caused, writes de Waal, by the coalition “deliberately destroying the country’s food-producing infrastructure.”

The failing security for the people of Yemen has been compounded by a failing health system. The World Health Organisation reported in September 2017 that only 45 per cent of health facilities in Yemen were functional.

As Secretary-General Guterres put it, “Treatable illnesses become a death sentence when local health services are suspended and it is impossible to travel outside the country.”

As of February 2018, according to the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, the coalition had killed 6,000 people in airstrikes and wounded nearly 10,000 more.

Yet, according to the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights report, these counts are conservative. Tens of thousands of Yemenis have also died from causes related to the war. According to Save the Children, an estimated 85,000 children under five may have died since 2015, with more than 50,000 child deaths in 2017 alone from hunger and related causes.

Coalition actions in Yemen amount to nothing short of what Raphael Lemkin, the individual who coined the term “genocide,” referred to as a “synchronized attack on different aspects of life.”

The US contribution

The coalition’s genocide in Yemen would not be possible without the complicity of the US. This has been a bipartisan presidential effort, covering both the Obama and Trump administrations.

US arms are being used to kill Yemenis and destroy their country. In 2016, well after the coalition began its genocidal assault on Yemen, four of the top five recipients of US arms sales were members of the coalition.

The U.S. has also provided the coalition with logistical support, including mid-air refuelling, targeting advice and support, intelligence, expedited munitions resupply and maintenance.

Other than the sale of arms, perhaps the most significant contribution to the coalition’s ability to commit genocide in Yemen has been the provision of fuel and midair refuelling of coalition warplanes, which was halted in early November 2018. By the middle of 2017, the US had delivered over 67 million pounds of fuel to the coalition and refuelled coalition aircraft more than 9,000 times.

Shared responsibility for genocide

As a genocide scholar, I believe that under international law, the US shares responsibility with the coalition for genocide in Yemen.

What does this mean? It means that the US must cease and desist all activities that facilitate genocide in Yemen. This would include stopping all sales of weapons and ending logistical support for coalition action. The legislation passed by the House would largely accomplish this, though the House bill would allow intelligence sharing with Saudi Arabia to continue when “appropriate in the national security interest of the United States.”

However, even if the Senate passes it, the president’s likely veto of the bill will mean no change in the deadly status quo unless the legislation garners enough support to override a presidential veto.

In an ideal world, one in which all states are equally subjects before international law, the U.S. would also seek an advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice regarding what restitution it owes the people of Yemen for its role in the coalition’s genocide.

Similarly, the US would request an International Criminal Court investigation into individual culpability of US officials in both the Obama and Trump administrations for their role in facilitating the crimes committed in Yemen.

Of course, this is not an ideal world.

The US recognises neither the International Court of Justice’s authority to judge the legality of its actions, nor the International Criminal Court’s authority to investigate the suspected criminal acts of individual US officials. Such an investigation could be triggered by a UN Security Council referral, but the US would simply veto any such effort.

All that is left, then, is for the people of the US to hold their own to account for the crimes committed in their names. 
 
(Jeff Bachman is Professorial Lecturer in Human Rights, American University School of International Service)

(This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/senate-vote-could-end-us-complicity-in-the-saudi-led-genocide-in-yemen-111952">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

By Jeff Bachman The US House of Representatives has voted overwhelmingly to pass legislation to deny further military assistance for Saudi Arabia’s war in Yemen.

By Jeff Bachman The US House of Representatives has voted overwhelmingly to pass legislation to deny further military assistance for Saudi Arabia’s war in Yemen. The bipartisan vote for the bill was a repudiation of the Obama and Trump administrations’ support for the Saudis and a war that many charge includes violations of human rights. A Saudi-led coalition of states has been aggressively bombing Yemen and imposing an air and naval blockade of its ports for more than three years, leading UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres to describe Yemen as “the world’s worst humanitarian crisis.” The legislation now goes to the Senate. President Trump has said that he would veto it if passed. Guterres put the crisis in stark perspective, emphasising the near complete lack of security for the Yemeni people. More than 22 million people out of a total population of 28 million are in need of humanitarian aid and protection. Eighteen million people lack reliable access to food; 8.4 million people “do not know how they will obtain their next meal.” As a scholar of genocide and human rights, I believe the destruction brought about by these attacks combined with the blockade amounts to genocide. Based on my research, published online by Third World Quarterly, I believe the coalition would not be capable of committing this crime without the material and logistical support of both the Obama and Trump administrations. A ‘storm’ recast as ‘hope’ Yemen has been gripped by a civil war since 2015, pitting the Shia Houthi movement – which has fought for centuries for control of parts of Yemen – against a government backed by Sunni Saudi Arabia. Because of these religious differences, it would be easy to recast what is largely a political conflict in Yemen as a sectarian one. That characterisation fits Saudi and US assertions that the Houthis are controlled by Shiite Iran, a claim that has not gone uncontested. Both the Saudis and the US are hostile to Iran, so US support of Saudia Arabia in Yemen represents what US administrations have said are strategic interests in the region. Besides Saudi Arabia, the coalition attacking Yemen includes the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Morocco, Jordan, Sudan, Kuwait and Bahrain. Qatar was part of the coalition but is no longer. During the first three years of “Operation Decisive Storm,” later renamed “Operation Renewal of Hope,” 16,749 coalition air attacks in Yemen were documented by the Yemen Data Project, which describes itself as an “independent data collection project aimed at collecting and disseminating data on the conduct of the war in Yemen.” Based on the information available to it using open sources, the Yemen Data Project reports that two-thirds of the coalition’s bombing attacks have been against nonmilitary and unknown targets. The coalition isn’t accidentally attacking civilians and civilian infrastructure – it’s doing it deliberately. That’s evident from the kind – and volume – of civilian targets documented. They include places that are generally protected against attack even under the lax rules of international humanitarian law: Residential areas, vehicles, marketplaces and mosques as well as boats, social gatherings and camps for internally displaced persons. Because of the role it plays in movement of people, food and medicine, Yemen’s transportation infrastructure is especially important. Airports, ports, bridges and roads have all been repeatedly attacked. Yemen’s economic infrastructure – farms, private businesses and factories, oil and gas facilities, water and electricity lines and food storage – have also been hit. And the coalition has targeted and destroyed schools and medical facilities, too. Finally, Yemen’s cultural heritage has been attacked. In all, at least 78 cultural sites have been damaged or destroyed, including archaeological sites, museums, mosques, churches and tombs, as well as numerous other monuments and residences that have great historical and cultural significance. How to make a crisis The attacks aren’t the only way the coalition is creating a massive humanitarian crisis. The air and naval blockade, in effect since March 2015, “is essentially using the threat of starvation as a bargaining tool and an instrument of war,” according to the UN panel of experts on Yemen. The blockade stops and inspects vessels seeking entry to Yemen’s ports. That allows the coalition to regulate and restrict Yemenis’ access to food, fuel, medical supplies and humanitarian aid. In his analysis of the blockade’s legality, Dutch military scholar Martin Fink writes that the blockade means “massive time delays and uncertainty on what products would be allowed to enter.” Despite U.N. efforts to alleviate some of the worst delays, imports are often held up for a long time. In some cases, food that makes it through the blockade has already spoiled, if the entry is not denied altogether. In some ways, the humanitarian crisis in Yemen is unprecedented and can be tied directly to the conflict. As the World Bank notes, “Yemen’s very difficult economic challenges before the current conflict cannot be compared to the intensely critical situation the country is facing today.” Similarly, Tufts University scholar Alex de Waal describes Yemen as “the greatest famine atrocity of our lifetimes.” It was caused, writes de Waal, by the coalition “deliberately destroying the country’s food-producing infrastructure.” The failing security for the people of Yemen has been compounded by a failing health system. The World Health Organisation reported in September 2017 that only 45 per cent of health facilities in Yemen were functional. As Secretary-General Guterres put it, “Treatable illnesses become a death sentence when local health services are suspended and it is impossible to travel outside the country.” As of February 2018, according to the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, the coalition had killed 6,000 people in airstrikes and wounded nearly 10,000 more. Yet, according to the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights report, these counts are conservative. Tens of thousands of Yemenis have also died from causes related to the war. According to Save the Children, an estimated 85,000 children under five may have died since 2015, with more than 50,000 child deaths in 2017 alone from hunger and related causes. Coalition actions in Yemen amount to nothing short of what Raphael Lemkin, the individual who coined the term “genocide,” referred to as a “synchronized attack on different aspects of life.” The US contribution The coalition’s genocide in Yemen would not be possible without the complicity of the US. This has been a bipartisan presidential effort, covering both the Obama and Trump administrations. US arms are being used to kill Yemenis and destroy their country. In 2016, well after the coalition began its genocidal assault on Yemen, four of the top five recipients of US arms sales were members of the coalition. The U.S. has also provided the coalition with logistical support, including mid-air refuelling, targeting advice and support, intelligence, expedited munitions resupply and maintenance. Other than the sale of arms, perhaps the most significant contribution to the coalition’s ability to commit genocide in Yemen has been the provision of fuel and midair refuelling of coalition warplanes, which was halted in early November 2018. By the middle of 2017, the US had delivered over 67 million pounds of fuel to the coalition and refuelled coalition aircraft more than 9,000 times. Shared responsibility for genocide As a genocide scholar, I believe that under international law, the US shares responsibility with the coalition for genocide in Yemen. What does this mean? It means that the US must cease and desist all activities that facilitate genocide in Yemen. This would include stopping all sales of weapons and ending logistical support for coalition action. The legislation passed by the House would largely accomplish this, though the House bill would allow intelligence sharing with Saudi Arabia to continue when “appropriate in the national security interest of the United States.” However, even if the Senate passes it, the president’s likely veto of the bill will mean no change in the deadly status quo unless the legislation garners enough support to override a presidential veto. In an ideal world, one in which all states are equally subjects before international law, the U.S. would also seek an advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice regarding what restitution it owes the people of Yemen for its role in the coalition’s genocide. Similarly, the US would request an International Criminal Court investigation into individual culpability of US officials in both the Obama and Trump administrations for their role in facilitating the crimes committed in Yemen. Of course, this is not an ideal world. The US recognises neither the International Court of Justice’s authority to judge the legality of its actions, nor the International Criminal Court’s authority to investigate the suspected criminal acts of individual US officials. Such an investigation could be triggered by a UN Security Council referral, but the US would simply veto any such effort. All that is left, then, is for the people of the US to hold their own to account for the crimes committed in their names. (Jeff Bachman is Professorial Lecturer in Human Rights, American University School of International Service) (This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Senate vote could end US complicity in the Saudi-led genocide in Yemen

Starving girl shows impact of Yemen war, economic collapse

The <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/trump-defends-executive-time-after-schedule-leak-196484">Trump administration</a> threatened on Monday to veto an effort in the US Congress to end US military support for the Saudi Arabia-led coalition in the war in Yemen, continuing a stand-off with lawmakers over policy toward the kingdom.

Democrats and Republicans re-introduced the war powers resolution two weeks ago as a way to send a strong message to Riyadh both about the humanitarian disaster in Yemen and condemn the killing of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi.

The administration said the resolution was inappropriate because US forces had provided aircraft refuelling and other support in the Yemen conflict, not combat troops. It also said the measure would harm relationships in the region and hurt the US ability to prevent the spread of violent extremism.

The White House has angered many members of Congress, including some of President Donald Trump's fellow Republicans, by failing to provide a report by a Friday deadline on the murder of Khashoggi last year at a Saudi consulate in Turkey. Khashoggi was a US resident and columnist for the Washington Post.

"It's hard to feel any affection or some obligation to a regime that does that kind of stuff," Democratic Representative Ed Perlmutter said at a House of Representatives hearing on the resolution on Monday.

The Saudis, who Trump considers an important regional partner, are leading a coalition battling Iran-backed Houthi rebels in Yemen. The war has killed tens of thousands and left millions on the brink of starvation.

The United States has supported the Saudi-led air campaign with mid-air refuelling support, intelligence and targeting assistance.

Democrats view the war powers resolution as a way to assert Congress' constitutional right to authorize the use of military force in foreign conflicts. Republican opponents of the measure, echoing Trump, argue that support for the Saudis constitutes a security agreement, not the use of force.

The Republican-controlled US Senate passed the war powers resolution in December, the first time such a resolution had passed even one house of Congress. But Republicans, who then controlled the House, did not allow a vote in the lower chamber.

After sweeping election victories, Democrats now have a House majority. They intend to take up the resolution this week.

However, the resolution would struggle to garner the two-thirds majorities needed in both the House and Senate to overcome a Trump veto. Republicans still hold a slim majority in the Senate.

The Trump administration threatened on Monday to veto an effort in the US Congress to end US military support for the Saudi Arabia-led coalition in the war in Yemen, continuing a stand-off with lawmakers over policy toward the kingdom.

The Trump administration threatened on Monday to veto an effort in the US Congress to end US military support for the Saudi Arabia-led coalition in the war in Yemen, continuing a stand-off with lawmakers over policy toward the kingdom. Democrats and Republicans re-introduced the war powers resolution two weeks ago as a way to send a strong message to Riyadh both about the humanitarian disaster in Yemen and condemn the killing of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi. The administration said the resolution was inappropriate because US forces had provided aircraft refuelling and other support in the Yemen conflict, not combat troops. It also said the measure would harm relationships in the region and hurt the US ability to prevent the spread of violent extremism. The White House has angered many members of Congress, including some of President Donald Trump's fellow Republicans, by failing to provide a report by a Friday deadline on the murder of Khashoggi last year at a Saudi consulate in Turkey. Khashoggi was a US resident and columnist for the Washington Post. "It's hard to feel any affection or some obligation to a regime that does that kind of stuff," Democratic Representative Ed Perlmutter said at a House of Representatives hearing on the resolution on Monday. The Saudis, who Trump considers an important regional partner, are leading a coalition battling Iran-backed Houthi rebels in Yemen. The war has killed tens of thousands and left millions on the brink of starvation. The United States has supported the Saudi-led air campaign with mid-air refuelling support, intelligence and targeting assistance. Democrats view the war powers resolution as a way to assert Congress' constitutional right to authorize the use of military force in foreign conflicts. Republican opponents of the measure, echoing Trump, argue that support for the Saudis constitutes a security agreement, not the use of force. The Republican-controlled US Senate passed the war powers resolution in December, the first time such a resolution had passed even one house of Congress. But Republicans, who then controlled the House, did not allow a vote in the lower chamber. After sweeping election victories, Democrats now have a House majority. They intend to take up the resolution this week. However, the resolution would struggle to garner the two-thirds majorities needed in both the House and Senate to overcome a Trump veto. Republicans still hold a slim majority in the Senate.

Trump objects to measure ending US support for Saudis in Yemen war

Pope Francis on Sunday became the first pontiff to set foot on the Arabian Peninsula, just hours after<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/pope-francis-urges-respect-for-yemen-truce-accord-194830"> issuing his strongest condemnation</a> yet of the war in Yemen, where his host the United Arab Emirates has a leading military role.

Shortly before departing for Abu Dhabi, <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/pope-francis-criticizes-those-who-build-walls-sow-fear-about-strangers-192644">Pope Francis </a>said he was following the humanitarian crisis in Yemen with great concern, using his regular Sunday address in Vatican City to urge all sides to implement a fragile peace deal and help deliver aid to millions of hungry people.

"The cry of these children and their parents rises up to God," he told tens of thousands of people in St. Peter's Square.

"Let us pray strongly because they are children who are hungry, who are thirsty, they don't have medicine and they are in danger of death," he said before boarding his flight.

The UAE welcomed the Pope's message on Yemen and believes the peace deal he referred to was a historic breakthrough, Foreign Minister Anwar Gargash wrote on Twitter.

"Let us assure its implementation and make 2019 the year of peace in Yemen," he said after the pope landed in Abu Dhabi.

Yemen's warring parties agreed to a ceasefire in December at the first major peace talks of the nearly four-year-old war, which pits Arab states backing an exiled president against the Iran-aligned Houthi movement that controls the capital.

Tens of thousands of people have been killed in the conflict, and the United Nations says millions are on the verge of starvation. Their survival depends on the truce preventing aid from being cut off by all-out fighting for the country's main port.

Francis was greeted by Abu Dhabi's Crown Prince Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed al-Nahyan, who escorted him to meet Sheikh Ahmed al-Tayeb, the Grand Imam of Egypt's Al-Azhar mosque and university, one of the main seats of learning of Sunni Islam. The pontiff embraced him.

Both men will hold meetings with Pope Francis on Monday.

The UAE plays a leading role in the Saudi-led coalition battling the Houthis in Yemen. The United Nations is trying to implement a truce and troop withdrawal deal in the main Yemeni port of Hodeidah agreed at the December talks as a step that could pave the way for negotiations to end the conflict.

Vatican officials have said it is not clear whether Pope Francis will address the sensitive subject in public or private during his visit to Abu Dhabi, which is aimed at promoting interfaith dialogue.

"New page"

The pope will meet Muslim leaders and celebrate an outdoor mass for some 135,000 Catholics, an event with no precedent on the Arabian peninsula. He has said the trip, which ends on Tuesday, is an opportunity to write "a new page in the history of relations between religions".

The UAE, which named 2019 its Year of Tolerance, says the visit reflects its history as a "cradle of diversity".

But it faces criticism from human rights groups for jailing activists, including Ahmed Mansoor, an Emirati who is serving a 10-year sentence for criticising the government on social media.

"We are calling on Pope Francis to raise the issue of their incarceration with his hosts, and urge their immediate and unconditional release," Amnesty International said in a statement on Saturday. UAE authorities did not immediately reply to a request for comment.

The UAE is home to around 1 million expatriate Catholics, many from the Philippines. Another 1 million Catholics are believed to live in other countries in the Arabian Peninsula.

Priests and diplomats describe the UAE as one of the least restrictive environments in the Gulf for Christian worship. But like its neighbours, the UAE does not allow dissent or criticism of its leadership.

All Gulf states except Saudi Arabia allow Christian worship in churches or church compounds and other premises with special licences. In Saudi Arabia, non-Muslims pray in secret gatherings in private homes and embassies.

Abu Dhabi's crown prince is an ally of Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, who has reached out to Christian representatives abroad as part of attempts to open up the conservative kingdom. Mohammed bin Salman's international reputation has eroded since the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi by Saudi agents inside the Saudi consulate in Istanbul in October.

The pope has already visited half a dozen predominantly Muslim nations during his reign, using the trips to call for inter-religious dialogue and to condemn the use of violence in the name of God.

The UAE ambassador to Washington, Yousef Al Otaiba, wrote in an op-ed in Politico magazine on Sunday that the pontiff's visit sent a signal of co-existence and respect in the face of the "menace of extremism" across the Middle East.

Pope Francis on Sunday became the first pontiff to set foot on the Arabian Peninsula, just hours after issuing his strongest condemnation yet of the war in Yemen, where his host the United Arab Emirates has a leading military role.

Pope Francis on Sunday became the first pontiff to set foot on the Arabian Peninsula, just hours after issuing his strongest condemnation yet of the war in Yemen, where his host the United Arab Emirates has a leading military role. Shortly before departing for Abu Dhabi, Pope Francis said he was following the humanitarian crisis in Yemen with great concern, using his regular Sunday address in Vatican City to urge all sides to implement a fragile peace deal and help deliver aid to millions of hungry people. "The cry of these children and their parents rises up to God," he told tens of thousands of people in St. Peter's Square. "Let us pray strongly because they are children who are hungry, who are thirsty, they don't have medicine and they are in danger of death," he said before boarding his flight. The UAE welcomed the Pope's message on Yemen and believes the peace deal he referred to was a historic breakthrough, Foreign Minister Anwar Gargash wrote on Twitter. "Let us assure its implementation and make 2019 the year of peace in Yemen," he said after the pope landed in Abu Dhabi. Yemen's warring parties agreed to a ceasefire in December at the first major peace talks of the nearly four-year-old war, which pits Arab states backing an exiled president against the Iran-aligned Houthi movement that controls the capital. Tens of thousands of people have been killed in the conflict, and the United Nations says millions are on the verge of starvation. Their survival depends on the truce preventing aid from being cut off by all-out fighting for the country's main port. Francis was greeted by Abu Dhabi's Crown Prince Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed al-Nahyan, who escorted him to meet Sheikh Ahmed al-Tayeb, the Grand Imam of Egypt's Al-Azhar mosque and university, one of the main seats of learning of Sunni Islam. The pontiff embraced him. Both men will hold meetings with Pope Francis on Monday. The UAE plays a leading role in the Saudi-led coalition battling the Houthis in Yemen. The United Nations is trying to implement a truce and troop withdrawal deal in the main Yemeni port of Hodeidah agreed at the December talks as a step that could pave the way for negotiations to end the conflict. Vatican officials have said it is not clear whether Pope Francis will address the sensitive subject in public or private during his visit to Abu Dhabi, which is aimed at promoting interfaith dialogue. "New page" The pope will meet Muslim leaders and celebrate an outdoor mass for some 135,000 Catholics, an event with no precedent on the Arabian peninsula. He has said the trip, which ends on Tuesday, is an opportunity to write "a new page in the history of relations between religions". The UAE, which named 2019 its Year of Tolerance, says the visit reflects its history as a "cradle of diversity". But it faces criticism from human rights groups for jailing activists, including Ahmed Mansoor, an Emirati who is serving a 10-year sentence for criticising the government on social media. "We are calling on Pope Francis to raise the issue of their incarceration with his hosts, and urge their immediate and unconditional release," Amnesty International said in a statement on Saturday. UAE authorities did not immediately reply to a request for comment. The UAE is home to around 1 million expatriate Catholics, many from the Philippines. Another 1 million Catholics are believed to live in other countries in the Arabian Peninsula. Priests and diplomats describe the UAE as one of the least restrictive environments in the Gulf for Christian worship. But like its neighbours, the UAE does not allow dissent or criticism of its leadership. All Gulf states except Saudi Arabia allow Christian worship in churches or church compounds and other premises with special licences. In Saudi Arabia, non-Muslims pray in secret gatherings in private homes and embassies. Abu Dhabi's crown prince is an ally of Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, who has reached out to Christian representatives abroad as part of attempts to open up the conservative kingdom. Mohammed bin Salman's international reputation has eroded since the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi by Saudi agents inside the Saudi consulate in Istanbul in October. The pope has already visited half a dozen predominantly Muslim nations during his reign, using the trips to call for inter-religious dialogue and to condemn the use of violence in the name of God. The UAE ambassador to Washington, Yousef Al Otaiba, wrote in an op-ed in Politico magazine on Sunday that the pontiff's visit sent a signal of co-existence and respect in the face of the "menace of extremism" across the Middle East.

Pope arrives in UAE for historic gulf visit, condemns Yemen war

Pope Francis, the first leader of the world's 1.3 billion Catholics<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/pope-francis-urges-respect-for-yemen-truce-accord-194830"> to visit the Arabian Peninsula</a>, will attend an interfaith meeting in the UAE on Monday as part of his outreach to Muslims.

The pope's highly publicised 48-hour visit to the United Arab Emirates will also include an open-air mass on Tuesday for 135,000 of the Muslim country's million Catholic residents.

The pontiff, who made history when he touched down in Abu Dhabi on Sunday night, said he came "as a brother, in order to write a page of dialogue together and to travel paths of peace together".

The pope is expected to raise the issue of Yemen, devastated by a war in which the UAE is a key player, with Abu Dhabi's Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed.

Yemen is home to what the UN calls the world's worst humanitarian crisis, triggered by the intervention of Saudi Arabia, the UAE and their allies in a war between the government and Huthi rebels.&nbsp;

More than 10 million Yemenis now risk imminent starvation.&nbsp;

Open-air altar 
&nbsp; 
Sheikh Ahmed al-Tayeb — imam of Cairo's Al-Azhar, Sunni Islam's prestigious seat of learning — greeted the pope with an embrace on Sunday night as the pontiff arrived in the UAE capital Abu Dhabi.&nbsp;

The emirate's crown prince was also at the airport to greet the pontiff, who has made strengthening ties between Christianity and Islam a cornerstone of his papacy.

Hours before he flies back to Rome on Tuesday, the pope will lead a mass in a stadium in the capital, which local media say will be the largest public gathering ever in the UAE.

The UAE has dubbed 2019 it's "year of tolerance", but rights groups have criticised the country for its role in Yemen, where an estimated 10,000 people have been killed since the Saudi-led alliance including the UAE joined the government's fight against the Huthis in 2015.

Rights groups, which have slammed the UAE over its intolerance of dissent, have also urged the pope to raise the issue of Ahmed Mansoor, an Emirati activist serving a 10-year prison term.&nbsp;

Pope addresses Yemen war

Before heading to the Gulf on Sunday, Pope Francis urged warring parties in Yemen to respect a truce agreement and allow deliveries of food aid.

"The population is exhausted by the lengthy conflict and a great many children are suffering from hunger, but cannot access food depots," he said.

"The cry of these children and their parents rises up to God."

The pope and his host Sheikh Mohammed are also expected to discuss "terrorism" and violence.&nbsp;

The UAE, which prides itself on its religious tolerance and cultural diversity, is a member of the US-led coalition battling the Islamic State group in both Syria and Iraq.

The UAE has eight Catholic churches. Oman, Kuwait and Yemen each have four.

Qatar and Bahrain have one each, while ultra-conservative Sunni powerhouse Saudi Arabia bans all non-Muslim places of worship.

Muslims make up nearly four-fifths of the UAE's population, but the country is also home to nearly a million Catholics, according to the Apostolic Vicariate of Southern Arabia.

Migrants from Asian countries make up about 65 per cent of the population.

Pope Francis, the first leader of the world's 1.3 billion Catholics to visit the Arabian Peninsula, will attend an interfaith meeting in the UAE on Monday as part of his outreach to Muslims.

Pope Francis, the first leader of the world's 1.3 billion Catholics to visit the Arabian Peninsula, will attend an interfaith meeting in the UAE on Monday as part of his outreach to Muslims. The pope's highly publicised 48-hour visit to the United Arab Emirates will also include an open-air mass on Tuesday for 135,000 of the Muslim country's million Catholic residents. The pontiff, who made history when he touched down in Abu Dhabi on Sunday night, said he came "as a brother, in order to write a page of dialogue together and to travel paths of peace together". The pope is expected to raise the issue of Yemen, devastated by a war in which the UAE is a key player, with Abu Dhabi's Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed. Yemen is home to what the UN calls the world's worst humanitarian crisis, triggered by the intervention of Saudi Arabia, the UAE and their allies in a war between the government and Huthi rebels. More than 10 million Yemenis now risk imminent starvation. Open-air altar Sheikh Ahmed al-Tayeb — imam of Cairo's Al-Azhar, Sunni Islam's prestigious seat of learning — greeted the pope with an embrace on Sunday night as the pontiff arrived in the UAE capital Abu Dhabi. The emirate's crown prince was also at the airport to greet the pontiff, who has made strengthening ties between Christianity and Islam a cornerstone of his papacy. Hours before he flies back to Rome on Tuesday, the pope will lead a mass in a stadium in the capital, which local media say will be the largest public gathering ever in the UAE. The UAE has dubbed 2019 it's "year of tolerance", but rights groups have criticised the country for its role in Yemen, where an estimated 10,000 people have been killed since the Saudi-led alliance including the UAE joined the government's fight against the Huthis in 2015. Rights groups, which have slammed the UAE over its intolerance of dissent, have also urged the pope to raise the issue of Ahmed Mansoor, an Emirati activist serving a 10-year prison term. Pope addresses Yemen war Before heading to the Gulf on Sunday, Pope Francis urged warring parties in Yemen to respect a truce agreement and allow deliveries of food aid. "The population is exhausted by the lengthy conflict and a great many children are suffering from hunger, but cannot access food depots," he said. "The cry of these children and their parents rises up to God." The pope and his host Sheikh Mohammed are also expected to discuss "terrorism" and violence. The UAE, which prides itself on its religious tolerance and cultural diversity, is a member of the US-led coalition battling the Islamic State group in both Syria and Iraq. The UAE has eight Catholic churches. Oman, Kuwait and Yemen each have four. Qatar and Bahrain have one each, while ultra-conservative Sunni powerhouse Saudi Arabia bans all non-Muslim places of worship. Muslims make up nearly four-fifths of the UAE's population, but the country is also home to nearly a million Catholics, according to the Apostolic Vicariate of Southern Arabia. Migrants from Asian countries make up about 65 per cent of the population.

Pope Francis makes history with Muslim dialogue in UAE

An <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/yemens-warring-sides-trade-blame-for-truce-breach-swap-prisoner-lists-185321">uneasy calm returned to the battleground Yemeni city of Hodeida</a> on Thursday after further overnight skirmishes, as the warring parties await the promised deployment of UN staff to oversee a hard-won but fragile truce.

The ceasefire in the Red Sea port city, which is a vital aid lifeline for millions at risk of starvation, is the centrepiece of a peace push that is seen as the best chance yet of ending four years of devastating conflict.

Military officials and residents have reported intermittent fighting between Saudi-backed government forces and Huthi Shiite rebels since the UN-brokered ceasefire came into effect in the city and its surroundings on Tuesday.&nbsp;

A pro-government official told AFP that four loyalists were wounded in a firefight on Wednesday night.&nbsp;

"The exchange of fire lasted for about half an hour, and there is an uneasy calm this morning," he said.

Residents reached by telephone confirmed to AFP that there was no fighting on Thursday morning. &nbsp;

The official added there has been intermittent fighting on a number of battlefronts in Hodeida province, including the districts of Hays and Al-Tuhayta.

A coalition official told AFP the "level of intensity" of Huthi attacks had decreased, which was "a positive sign but too early to draw concrete conclusions".

Pro-government forces and Huthi rebels accused each other of breaching the ceasefire agreed at talks in Sweden earlier this month.

The rebel-run Saba news agency said loyalists targeted a "number of neighbourhoods in the city" overnight.&nbsp;

'Breathing down the neck' 
UN observers are due in Yemen to head up monitoring teams made up of government and rebel representatives tasked with overseeing the implementation of the UN-brokered ceasefire, under the auspices of a Redeployment Coordination Committee.

The committee's UN chair, Patrick Cammaert, convened its first meeting by videoconference from New York on Wednesday "to discuss the general outlines of its work, including agreement of a code of conduct", UN spokesman Stephane Dujarric said.&nbsp;

UN chief Antonio Guterres was "breathing down the neck" of officials to make sure the UN observers are deployed as soon as possible, Dujarric said.

He added that Cammaert will head on Thursday to Jordan from where he will travel on to the rebel-held capital Sanaa and Hodeida.&nbsp;

A UN official told AFP that he was expected in Amman on Friday.&nbsp;

"His departure to Yemen depends on logistics arrangements and flight availability," the official, who requested anonymity, said.

Brigadier General Ahmed al-Kokbani, a Yemeni government representative on the committee, told AFP that the videoconference with Cammaert covered the bases of the committee's mission.&nbsp;

"Cammaert asked members of the team to work diligently in calming the situation and to reject any violations," he said.

The coalition source reiterated Thursday the Saudi-alliance's commitment to UN peace efforts, saying: "We will extend our full support to Cammaert... and we hope to see positive progress".

The coalition said Wednesday that the hard-won ceasefire agreement will collapse if rebel violations persist and the United Nations does not intervene.

The committee's observers are due to oversee the withdrawal of the warring parties from Hodeida, including a rebel pullout from the city's docks that are the entry point for 80 percent of Yemeni imports and nearly all UN-supervised humanitarian aid.

Cammaert is due to report back to the Security Council about the situation on the ground on a weekly basis.

According to the International Crisis Group, the "odds are stacked against" UN envoy Martin Griffiths and his team.&nbsp;

"The Hodeida agreement came about in a rush, and critics have assailed it as too vague and open to interpretation," it said in a statement on Wednesday.

"Griffiths will now have to build on this imperfect but highly welcome and overdue agreement, which, as Crisis Group has argued, the UN Security Council should endorse via a new resolution," it added.&nbsp;

"Without strong international support, the Hodeida ceasefire will falter."

The war between the Shiite Huthi rebels and troops loyal to President Abedrabbo Mansour Hadi escalated in 2015, when he fled into Saudi exile and the Saudi-led military coalition intervened.

Since then, the war has killed some 10,000 people, according to the World Health Organization, although human rights groups say the real death toll could be five times as high.

The conflict has pushed 14 million people to the brink of famine in what the United Nations describes as the world's worst humanitarian crisis.&nbsp;

An uneasy calm returned to the battleground Yemeni city of Hodeida on Thursday after further overnight skirmishes, as the warring parties await the promised deployment of UN staff to oversee a hard-won but fragile truce.

An uneasy calm returned to the battleground Yemeni city of Hodeida on Thursday after further overnight skirmishes, as the warring parties await the promised deployment of UN staff to oversee a hard-won but fragile truce. The ceasefire in the Red Sea port city, which is a vital aid lifeline for millions at risk of starvation, is the centrepiece of a peace push that is seen as the best chance yet of ending four years of devastating conflict. Military officials and residents have reported intermittent fighting between Saudi-backed government forces and Huthi Shiite rebels since the UN-brokered ceasefire came into effect in the city and its surroundings on Tuesday. A pro-government official told AFP that four loyalists were wounded in a firefight on Wednesday night. "The exchange of fire lasted for about half an hour, and there is an uneasy calm this morning," he said. Residents reached by telephone confirmed to AFP that there was no fighting on Thursday morning. The official added there has been intermittent fighting on a number of battlefronts in Hodeida province, including the districts of Hays and Al-Tuhayta. A coalition official told AFP the "level of intensity" of Huthi attacks had decreased, which was "a positive sign but too early to draw concrete conclusions". Pro-government forces and Huthi rebels accused each other of breaching the ceasefire agreed at talks in Sweden earlier this month. The rebel-run Saba news agency said loyalists targeted a "number of neighbourhoods in the city" overnight. 'Breathing down the neck' UN observers are due in Yemen to head up monitoring teams made up of government and rebel representatives tasked with overseeing the implementation of the UN-brokered ceasefire, under the auspices of a Redeployment Coordination Committee. The committee's UN chair, Patrick Cammaert, convened its first meeting by videoconference from New York on Wednesday "to discuss the general outlines of its work, including agreement of a code of conduct", UN spokesman Stephane Dujarric said. UN chief Antonio Guterres was "breathing down the neck" of officials to make sure the UN observers are deployed as soon as possible, Dujarric said. He added that Cammaert will head on Thursday to Jordan from where he will travel on to the rebel-held capital Sanaa and Hodeida. A UN official told AFP that he was expected in Amman on Friday. "His departure to Yemen depends on logistics arrangements and flight availability," the official, who requested anonymity, said. Brigadier General Ahmed al-Kokbani, a Yemeni government representative on the committee, told AFP that the videoconference with Cammaert covered the bases of the committee's mission. "Cammaert asked members of the team to work diligently in calming the situation and to reject any violations," he said. The coalition source reiterated Thursday the Saudi-alliance's commitment to UN peace efforts, saying: "We will extend our full support to Cammaert... and we hope to see positive progress". The coalition said Wednesday that the hard-won ceasefire agreement will collapse if rebel violations persist and the United Nations does not intervene. The committee's observers are due to oversee the withdrawal of the warring parties from Hodeida, including a rebel pullout from the city's docks that are the entry point for 80 percent of Yemeni imports and nearly all UN-supervised humanitarian aid. Cammaert is due to report back to the Security Council about the situation on the ground on a weekly basis. According to the International Crisis Group, the "odds are stacked against" UN envoy Martin Griffiths and his team. "The Hodeida agreement came about in a rush, and critics have assailed it as too vague and open to interpretation," it said in a statement on Wednesday. "Griffiths will now have to build on this imperfect but highly welcome and overdue agreement, which, as Crisis Group has argued, the UN Security Council should endorse via a new resolution," it added. "Without strong international support, the Hodeida ceasefire will falter." The war between the Shiite Huthi rebels and troops loyal to President Abedrabbo Mansour Hadi escalated in 2015, when he fled into Saudi exile and the Saudi-led military coalition intervened. Since then, the war has killed some 10,000 people, according to the World Health Organization, although human rights groups say the real death toll could be five times as high. The conflict has pushed 14 million people to the brink of famine in what the United Nations describes as the world's worst humanitarian crisis.

'Uneasy calm' in Yemen's Hodeida as combatants await UN truce team

Around 20 million Yemenis are food insecure, UN agencies said on Saturday, adding the conflict ravaging the impoverished country was the key driver behind rising hunger levels.

"As many as 20 million Yemenis are food insecure in the world's worst humanitarian crisis," a joint statement by the UN's Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO), the children's fund UNICEF and the World Food Programme (WFP) said.

"Already 15.9 million people wake up hungry" in Yemen, it said, citing an analysis by the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC), a food security survey.

According to the IPC -- whose analysis is necessary to decide whether to declare famine in countries -- the 20 million people facing "severe acute food insecurity" represent 67 percent of Yemen's population.

"What the IPC tells us is alarming," said Lise Grande, UN humanitarian coordinator for Yemen.

WFP head David Beasley said the analysis "is an alarm bell that shows hunger is rising".

"We need a massive increase in aid and sustained access to all areas in Yemen in order to rescue millions of Yemenis. If we don't, we will lose an entire generation of children to hunger," he warned.

The world's worst humanitarian crisis spiralled in Yemen after a Saudi-led coalition launched an offensive to support the government against Iran-aligned Huthi rebels in March 2015.&nbsp;

It has killed at least 10,000 people, according to the World Health Organization.

The latest report comes as Yemeni government representatives and a rebel delegation were holding UN-brokered peace talks in Sweden.

The armed conflict was at the top of a list of the "key drivers of food insecurity", which has been further exacerbated by a protracted economic crisis in the impoverished Arab Peninsula country.

Yemen's finances have been devastated by the conflict, with the World Bank reporting the economy has contracted by around 50 percent since 2015.

Unemployment is running at over 30 percent and inflation is projected at around 42 percent, while the majority of state employees are not paid.

A slide in the value of the riyal also has caused food prices in the famine-threatened country to soar.

"A large proportion of the population, even in more stable areas, cannot access basic food commodities because food prices have jumped by 150 percent compared to pre-crisis levels," the statement said.

Around 20 million Yemenis are food insecure, UN agencies said on Saturday, adding the conflict ravaging the impoverished country was the key driver behind rising hunger levels.

Around 20 million Yemenis are food insecure, UN agencies said on Saturday, adding the conflict ravaging the impoverished country was the key driver behind rising hunger levels. "As many as 20 million Yemenis are food insecure in the world's worst humanitarian crisis," a joint statement by the UN's Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO), the children's fund UNICEF and the World Food Programme (WFP) said. "Already 15.9 million people wake up hungry" in Yemen, it said, citing an analysis by the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC), a food security survey. According to the IPC -- whose analysis is necessary to decide whether to declare famine in countries -- the 20 million people facing "severe acute food insecurity" represent 67 percent of Yemen's population. "What the IPC tells us is alarming," said Lise Grande, UN humanitarian coordinator for Yemen. WFP head David Beasley said the analysis "is an alarm bell that shows hunger is rising". "We need a massive increase in aid and sustained access to all areas in Yemen in order to rescue millions of Yemenis. If we don't, we will lose an entire generation of children to hunger," he warned. The world's worst humanitarian crisis spiralled in Yemen after a Saudi-led coalition launched an offensive to support the government against Iran-aligned Huthi rebels in March 2015. It has killed at least 10,000 people, according to the World Health Organization. The latest report comes as Yemeni government representatives and a rebel delegation were holding UN-brokered peace talks in Sweden. The armed conflict was at the top of a list of the "key drivers of food insecurity", which has been further exacerbated by a protracted economic crisis in the impoverished Arab Peninsula country. Yemen's finances have been devastated by the conflict, with the World Bank reporting the economy has contracted by around 50 percent since 2015. Unemployment is running at over 30 percent and inflation is projected at around 42 percent, while the majority of state employees are not paid. A slide in the value of the riyal also has caused food prices in the famine-threatened country to soar. "A large proportion of the population, even in more stable areas, cannot access basic food commodities because food prices have jumped by 150 percent compared to pre-crisis levels," the statement said.

Around 20 million Yemenis food insecure due to ongoing conflict: UN

U.S Senate Resolution on Yemen War

By Jeff Bachman

A Saudi-led coalition of states has been aggressively bombing Yemen and imposing an air and naval blockade of its ports for more than three years, leading UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres to describe Yemen as “the world’s worst humanitarian crisis.”

Guterres put the crisis in stark perspective, emphasizing the near complete lack of security for the Yemeni people. More than 22 million people out of a total population of 28 million are in need of humanitarian aid and protection. Eighteen million people lack reliable access to food; 8.4 million people “do not know how they will obtain their next meal.”

As a scholar of genocide and human rights, I believe the destruction brought about by these attacks combined with the blockade amounts to genocide.

Based on my research, to be published in an upcoming issue of Third World Quarterly, I believe the coalition would not be capable of committing this crime without the material and logistical support of both the Obama and Trump administrations.

A ‘storm’ recast as ‘hope’

Yemen has been gripped by a civil war since 2015, pitting the Shia Houthi movement – which has fought for centuries for control of parts of Yemen – against a government backed by Sunni Saudi Arabia. Because of these religious differences, it would be easy to recast what is largely a political conflict in Yemen as a sectarian one.

That characterisation fits Saudi and US&nbsp;assertions that the Houthis are controlled by Shiite Iran, a claim that has not gone uncontested. Both the Saudis and the US&nbsp;are hostile to Iran, so US&nbsp;support of Saudia Arabia in Yemen represents what US&nbsp;administrations have said are strategic interests in the region.

Besides Saudi Arabia, the coalition attacking Yemen includes the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Morocco, Jordan, Sudan, Kuwait and Bahrain. Qatar was part of the coalition but is no longer.

During the first three years of “Operation Decisive Storm,” later renamed “Operation Renewal of Hope,” 16,749 coalition air attacks in Yemen were documented by the Yemen Data Project (YDP), which describes itself as an “independent data collection project aimed at collecting and disseminating data on the conduct of the war in Yemen.”

Based on the information available to it using open sources, YDP reports that two-thirds of the coalition’s bombing attacks have been against non-military and unknown targets. The coalition isn’t accidentally attacking civilians and civilian infrastructure – it’s doing it deliberately.

That’s evident from the kind – and volume – of civilian targets documented. They include places that are generally protected against attack even under the lax rules of international humanitarian law: Residential areas, vehicles, marketplaces and mosques as well as boats, social gatherings and camps for internally displaced persons.

Because of the role&nbsp;it plays in the movement of people, food and medicine, Yemen’s transportation infrastructure is especially important. Airports, ports, bridges and roads have all been repeatedly attacked.

Yemen’s economic infrastructure – farms, private businesses and factories, oil and gas facilities, water and electricity lines and food storage – have also been hit. And the coalition has targeted and destroyed schools and medical facilities, too.

Finally, Yemen’s cultural heritage has been attacked. In all, at least 78 cultural sites have been damaged or destroyed, including archaeological sites, museums, mosques, churches and tombs, as well as numerous other monuments and residences that have great historical and cultural significance.

How to make a crisis

The attacks aren’t the only way the coalition is creating a massive humanitarian crisis.

The air and naval blockade, in effect since March 2015, “is essentially using the threat of starvation as a bargaining tool and an instrument of war,” according to the UN panel of experts on Yemen.

The blockade stops and inspects vessels seeking entry to Yemen’s ports. That allows the coalition to regulate and restrict Yemenis’ access to food, fuel, medical supplies and humanitarian aid.

In his analysis of the blockade’s legality, Dutch military scholar Martin Fink writes that the blockade means “massive time delays and uncertainty on what products would be allowed to enter.”

Despite UN efforts to alleviate some of the worst delays, imports are often held up for a long time. In some cases, food that makes it through the blockade has already spoiled, if the entry is not denied altogether.

In some ways, the humanitarian crisis in Yemen is unprecedented and can be tied directly to the conflict. As the World Bank notes, “Yemen’s very difficult economic challenges before the current conflict cannot be compared to the intensely critical situation the country is facing today.”

Similarly, Tufts University scholar Alex de Waal describes Yemen as “the greatest famine atrocity of our lifetimes.” It was caused, writes de Waal, by the coalition “deliberately destroying the country’s food-producing infrastructure.”

The failing security for the people of Yemen has been compounded by a failing health system. The World Health Organisation reported in September 2017 that only 45 per cent of health facilities in Yemen were functional.

As Secretary-General Guterres put it, “Treatable illnesses become a death sentence when local health services are suspended and it is impossible to travel outside the country.”

As of February 2018, according to the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, the coalition had killed 6,000 people in airstrikes and wounded nearly 10,000 more.

Yet, according to the OHCHR report, these counts are conservative. Tens of thousands of Yemenis have also died from causes related to the war. According to Save the Children, an estimated 85,000 children under five may have died since 2015, with more than 50,000 child deaths in 2017 alone from hunger and related causes.

Coalition actions in Yemen amount to nothing short of what Raphael Lemkin, the individual who coined the term “genocide,” referred to as a “synchronized attack on different aspects of life.”

The US contribution 
 
The coalition’s genocide in Yemen would not be possible without the complicity of the US. This has been a bipartisan presidential effort, covering both the Obama and Trump administrations.

US arms are being used to kill Yemenis and destroy their country. In 2016, well after the coalition began its genocidal assault on Yemen, four of the top five recipients of US arms sales were members of the coalition.

The US has also provided the coalition with logistical support, including mid-air refuelling, targeting advice and support, intelligence, expedited munitions resupply and maintenance.

Other than the sale of arms, perhaps the most significant contribution to the coalition’s ability to commit genocide in Yemen has been the provision of fuel and mid-air refuelling of coalition warplanes, which was halted in early November 2018. By the middle of 2017, the US had delivered over 67 million pounds of fuel to the coalition and refuelled coalition aircraft more than 9,000 times.

Shared responsibility for genocide

As a genocide scholar, I believe that under international law, the US shares responsibility with the coalition for genocide in Yemen.

What does this mean? It means that the US&nbsp;must cease and desist all activities that facilitate genocide in Yemen. This would include stopping all sales of weapons and ending logistical support for coalition action.

In an ideal world, one in which all states are equally subjects before international law, the US would also seek an advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice regarding what restitution it owes the people of Yemen for its role in the coalition’s genocide.

Similarly, the US would request an International Criminal Court investigation into individual culpability of US officials in both the Obama and Trump administrations for their role in facilitating the crimes committed in Yemen.

Of course, this is not an ideal world.

The US&nbsp;recognises neither the International Court of Justice’s authority to judge the legality of its actions, nor the International Criminal Court’s authority to investigate the suspected criminal acts of individual US officials. Such an investigation could be triggered by a UN&nbsp;Security Council referral, but the US would simply veto any such effort.

All that is left, then, is for the people of the US to hold their own to account for the crimes committed in their names. 
 
(Jeff Bachman is Professorial Lecturer in Human Rights, American University School of International Service)

(This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/us-complicity-in-the-saudi-led-genocide-in-yemen-spans-obama-trump-administrations-106896">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) 
&nbsp;

By Jeff Bachman A Saudi-led coalition of states has been aggressively bombing Yemen and imposing an air and naval blockade of its ports for more than three years, leading UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres to describe Yemen as “the world’s worst humanitarian crisis.

By Jeff Bachman A Saudi-led coalition of states has been aggressively bombing Yemen and imposing an air and naval blockade of its ports for more than three years, leading UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres to describe Yemen as “the world’s worst humanitarian crisis.” Guterres put the crisis in stark perspective, emphasizing the near complete lack of security for the Yemeni people. More than 22 million people out of a total population of 28 million are in need of humanitarian aid and protection. Eighteen million people lack reliable access to food; 8.4 million people “do not know how they will obtain their next meal.” As a scholar of genocide and human rights, I believe the destruction brought about by these attacks combined with the blockade amounts to genocide. Based on my research, to be published in an upcoming issue of Third World Quarterly, I believe the coalition would not be capable of committing this crime without the material and logistical support of both the Obama and Trump administrations. A ‘storm’ recast as ‘hope’ Yemen has been gripped by a civil war since 2015, pitting the Shia Houthi movement – which has fought for centuries for control of parts of Yemen – against a government backed by Sunni Saudi Arabia. Because of these religious differences, it would be easy to recast what is largely a political conflict in Yemen as a sectarian one. That characterisation fits Saudi and US assertions that the Houthis are controlled by Shiite Iran, a claim that has not gone uncontested. Both the Saudis and the US are hostile to Iran, so US support of Saudia Arabia in Yemen represents what US administrations have said are strategic interests in the region. Besides Saudi Arabia, the coalition attacking Yemen includes the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Morocco, Jordan, Sudan, Kuwait and Bahrain. Qatar was part of the coalition but is no longer. During the first three years of “Operation Decisive Storm,” later renamed “Operation Renewal of Hope,” 16,749 coalition air attacks in Yemen were documented by the Yemen Data Project (YDP), which describes itself as an “independent data collection project aimed at collecting and disseminating data on the conduct of the war in Yemen.” Based on the information available to it using open sources, YDP reports that two-thirds of the coalition’s bombing attacks have been against non-military and unknown targets. The coalition isn’t accidentally attacking civilians and civilian infrastructure – it’s doing it deliberately. That’s evident from the kind – and volume – of civilian targets documented. They include places that are generally protected against attack even under the lax rules of international humanitarian law: Residential areas, vehicles, marketplaces and mosques as well as boats, social gatherings and camps for internally displaced persons. Because of the role it plays in the movement of people, food and medicine, Yemen’s transportation infrastructure is especially important. Airports, ports, bridges and roads have all been repeatedly attacked. Yemen’s economic infrastructure – farms, private businesses and factories, oil and gas facilities, water and electricity lines and food storage – have also been hit. And the coalition has targeted and destroyed schools and medical facilities, too. Finally, Yemen’s cultural heritage has been attacked. In all, at least 78 cultural sites have been damaged or destroyed, including archaeological sites, museums, mosques, churches and tombs, as well as numerous other monuments and residences that have great historical and cultural significance. How to make a crisis The attacks aren’t the only way the coalition is creating a massive humanitarian crisis. The air and naval blockade, in effect since March 2015, “is essentially using the threat of starvation as a bargaining tool and an instrument of war,” according to the UN panel of experts on Yemen. The blockade stops and inspects vessels seeking entry to Yemen’s ports. That allows the coalition to regulate and restrict Yemenis’ access to food, fuel, medical supplies and humanitarian aid. In his analysis of the blockade’s legality, Dutch military scholar Martin Fink writes that the blockade means “massive time delays and uncertainty on what products would be allowed to enter.” Despite UN efforts to alleviate some of the worst delays, imports are often held up for a long time. In some cases, food that makes it through the blockade has already spoiled, if the entry is not denied altogether. In some ways, the humanitarian crisis in Yemen is unprecedented and can be tied directly to the conflict. As the World Bank notes, “Yemen’s very difficult economic challenges before the current conflict cannot be compared to the intensely critical situation the country is facing today.” Similarly, Tufts University scholar Alex de Waal describes Yemen as “the greatest famine atrocity of our lifetimes.” It was caused, writes de Waal, by the coalition “deliberately destroying the country’s food-producing infrastructure.” The failing security for the people of Yemen has been compounded by a failing health system. The World Health Organisation reported in September 2017 that only 45 per cent of health facilities in Yemen were functional. As Secretary-General Guterres put it, “Treatable illnesses become a death sentence when local health services are suspended and it is impossible to travel outside the country.” As of February 2018, according to the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, the coalition had killed 6,000 people in airstrikes and wounded nearly 10,000 more. Yet, according to the OHCHR report, these counts are conservative. Tens of thousands of Yemenis have also died from causes related to the war. According to Save the Children, an estimated 85,000 children under five may have died since 2015, with more than 50,000 child deaths in 2017 alone from hunger and related causes. Coalition actions in Yemen amount to nothing short of what Raphael Lemkin, the individual who coined the term “genocide,” referred to as a “synchronized attack on different aspects of life.” The US contribution The coalition’s genocide in Yemen would not be possible without the complicity of the US. This has been a bipartisan presidential effort, covering both the Obama and Trump administrations. US arms are being used to kill Yemenis and destroy their country. In 2016, well after the coalition began its genocidal assault on Yemen, four of the top five recipients of US arms sales were members of the coalition. The US has also provided the coalition with logistical support, including mid-air refuelling, targeting advice and support, intelligence, expedited munitions resupply and maintenance. Other than the sale of arms, perhaps the most significant contribution to the coalition’s ability to commit genocide in Yemen has been the provision of fuel and mid-air refuelling of coalition warplanes, which was halted in early November 2018. By the middle of 2017, the US had delivered over 67 million pounds of fuel to the coalition and refuelled coalition aircraft more than 9,000 times. Shared responsibility for genocide As a genocide scholar, I believe that under international law, the US shares responsibility with the coalition for genocide in Yemen. What does this mean? It means that the US must cease and desist all activities that facilitate genocide in Yemen. This would include stopping all sales of weapons and ending logistical support for coalition action. In an ideal world, one in which all states are equally subjects before international law, the US would also seek an advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice regarding what restitution it owes the people of Yemen for its role in the coalition’s genocide. Similarly, the US would request an International Criminal Court investigation into individual culpability of US officials in both the Obama and Trump administrations for their role in facilitating the crimes committed in Yemen. Of course, this is not an ideal world. The US recognises neither the International Court of Justice’s authority to judge the legality of its actions, nor the International Criminal Court’s authority to investigate the suspected criminal acts of individual US officials. Such an investigation could be triggered by a UN Security Council referral, but the US would simply veto any such effort. All that is left, then, is for the people of the US to hold their own to account for the crimes committed in their names. (Jeff Bachman is Professorial Lecturer in Human Rights, American University School of International Service) (This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

US complicity in the Saudi-led genocide in Yemen spans Obama, Trump administrations

At least 149 people have been killed in 24 hours of clashes in Yemen's vital port city of Hodeida, medics and military sources said Monday, as international pressure mounted for a ceasefire.

Government loyalists backed by a Saudi-led coalition are fighting to oust Huthi rebels from the Red Sea city, whose port is a lifeline to 14 million Yemenis who face mass starvation.

A source in the pro-government coalition said the insurgents had pushed back a large-scale assault on the rebel-held port.

Government forces, led on the ground by Emirati-backed troops, have made their way into rebel-held Hodeida after 11 days of clashes, reaching residential neighbourhoods in the east on Sunday and sparking fears of street fights that would further endanger civilians trapped in the city.&nbsp;

Residents and government military sources have reported rebel snipers stationed on rooftops in civilian streets in eastern Hodeida, a few miles from the port on the western edge of the city.

Mariam Aldogani, Save the Children's field coordinator in Yemen, said that the people in Hodeida are living in a "state of fear".

"There is ongoing fighting, and the situation is very bad," she told AFP over the weekend by phone, as strikes were heard in the background.

The Hodeida offensive has sparked international outcry unprecedented in nearly four years of conflict between Yemen's Huthis, who are linked to Iran, and the Saudi-backed government.&nbsp;

US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo on Sunday urged Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, a major ally of Washington, to engage in peace talks.

British Foreign Secretary Jeremy Hunt will visit Saudi Arabia on Monday, where he will press King Salman and Prince Mohammed to support UN efforts to end the conflict, the Foreign Office said.

Both the United States and Britain are major suppliers of arms to Saudi Arabia.&nbsp;

Hunt will also meet senior officials from Yemen and the crown prince of the United Arab Emirates, a key pillar of the Saudi-led coalition supporting the Yemeni government.

"The human cost of war in Yemen is incalculable," Hunt said ahead of his trip. "The only solution is now a political decision to set aside arms and pursue peace."

Aid groups fear for the safety of nearly 600,000 people living in Hodeida -- and for millions of others dependent on its port for what little food and humanitarian aid trickle into impoverished, blockaded Yemen.

Civilians killed

A military official in Hodeida on Monday confirmed seven civilians had died, without giving further details.&nbsp;

Medics in hospitals across the city reported 110 rebels and 32 loyalist fighters killed overnight, according to a tally by AFP.&nbsp;

Sources at the Al-Alfi military hospital, seized by the rebels during their 2014 takeover, said charred body parts had been delivered there overnight. Military sources confirmed that the Saudi-led alliance had targeted the rebels with multiple air strikes.

The rebels have begun to evacuate their wounded to Sanaa, the capital, which the Huthis seized during a 2014 takeover that included a string of ports on Yemen's coastline.

Saudi Arabia and its allies intervened in the Yemeni government's fight against the Iran-backed Huthis in 2015, triggering what the UN now calls the world's worst humanitarian crisis.&nbsp;

The Saudi-led alliance drove the rebels from the Yemeni coast, but have failed to retake Hodeida despite multiple attempts.&nbsp;

Nearly 600 people have been killed since clashes erupted in Hodeida on November 1, ending a temporary suspension in a government offensive to take the city that began in June.

International pressure

The Saudi-led alliance has come under intense international pressure to end the conflict in Yemen, particularly following the killing of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi.&nbsp;

Khashoggi, a Washington Post columnist killed in his country's consulate in Istanbul on October 2, was an ardent critic of Prince Mohammed, who has spearheaded the kingdom's controversial role in the Yemen war.&nbsp;

Multiple countries, including Germany and Norway, have announced the suspension of arms sales to Saudi Arabia after Khashoggi's killing.&nbsp;

The United Nations' Yemen envoy, Martin Griffiths, is pushing for peace talks between the Huthis and Saudi-backed government by the end of the year. Multiple rounds of UN-brokered negotiations have failed to find a solution to the Yemen conflict.&nbsp;

The United States, which for years provided military training and aerial refueling for the Saudi-led coalition, on Saturday announced it would end its inflight refueling support for the alliance.&nbsp;

The coalition has been blacklisted by the United Nations for the killing and maiming of children, particularly in air raids on rebel-held territory.

The alliance accuses Iran of smuggling arms to the Huthis through the Hodeida port. Tehran denies the charges.&nbsp;

The World Health Organization estimates nearly 10,000 people have been killed in the Yemen war since 2015. But rights groups believe the toll may be five times as high.

At least 149 people have been killed in 24 hours of clashes in Yemen's vital port city of Hodeida, medics and military sources said Monday, as international pressure mounted for a ceasefire.

At least 149 people have been killed in 24 hours of clashes in Yemen's vital port city of Hodeida, medics and military sources said Monday, as international pressure mounted for a ceasefire. Government loyalists backed by a Saudi-led coalition are fighting to oust Huthi rebels from the Red Sea city, whose port is a lifeline to 14 million Yemenis who face mass starvation. A source in the pro-government coalition said the insurgents had pushed back a large-scale assault on the rebel-held port. Government forces, led on the ground by Emirati-backed troops, have made their way into rebel-held Hodeida after 11 days of clashes, reaching residential neighbourhoods in the east on Sunday and sparking fears of street fights that would further endanger civilians trapped in the city. Residents and government military sources have reported rebel snipers stationed on rooftops in civilian streets in eastern Hodeida, a few miles from the port on the western edge of the city. Mariam Aldogani, Save the Children's field coordinator in Yemen, said that the people in Hodeida are living in a "state of fear". "There is ongoing fighting, and the situation is very bad," she told AFP over the weekend by phone, as strikes were heard in the background. The Hodeida offensive has sparked international outcry unprecedented in nearly four years of conflict between Yemen's Huthis, who are linked to Iran, and the Saudi-backed government. US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo on Sunday urged Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, a major ally of Washington, to engage in peace talks. British Foreign Secretary Jeremy Hunt will visit Saudi Arabia on Monday, where he will press King Salman and Prince Mohammed to support UN efforts to end the conflict, the Foreign Office said. Both the United States and Britain are major suppliers of arms to Saudi Arabia. Hunt will also meet senior officials from Yemen and the crown prince of the United Arab Emirates, a key pillar of the Saudi-led coalition supporting the Yemeni government. "The human cost of war in Yemen is incalculable," Hunt said ahead of his trip. "The only solution is now a political decision to set aside arms and pursue peace." Aid groups fear for the safety of nearly 600,000 people living in Hodeida -- and for millions of others dependent on its port for what little food and humanitarian aid trickle into impoverished, blockaded Yemen. Civilians killed A military official in Hodeida on Monday confirmed seven civilians had died, without giving further details. Medics in hospitals across the city reported 110 rebels and 32 loyalist fighters killed overnight, according to a tally by AFP. Sources at the Al-Alfi military hospital, seized by the rebels during their 2014 takeover, said charred body parts had been delivered there overnight. Military sources confirmed that the Saudi-led alliance had targeted the rebels with multiple air strikes. The rebels have begun to evacuate their wounded to Sanaa, the capital, which the Huthis seized during a 2014 takeover that included a string of ports on Yemen's coastline. Saudi Arabia and its allies intervened in the Yemeni government's fight against the Iran-backed Huthis in 2015, triggering what the UN now calls the world's worst humanitarian crisis. The Saudi-led alliance drove the rebels from the Yemeni coast, but have failed to retake Hodeida despite multiple attempts. Nearly 600 people have been killed since clashes erupted in Hodeida on November 1, ending a temporary suspension in a government offensive to take the city that began in June. International pressure The Saudi-led alliance has come under intense international pressure to end the conflict in Yemen, particularly following the killing of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi. Khashoggi, a Washington Post columnist killed in his country's consulate in Istanbul on October 2, was an ardent critic of Prince Mohammed, who has spearheaded the kingdom's controversial role in the Yemen war. Multiple countries, including Germany and Norway, have announced the suspension of arms sales to Saudi Arabia after Khashoggi's killing. The United Nations' Yemen envoy, Martin Griffiths, is pushing for peace talks between the Huthis and Saudi-backed government by the end of the year. Multiple rounds of UN-brokered negotiations have failed to find a solution to the Yemen conflict. The United States, which for years provided military training and aerial refueling for the Saudi-led coalition, on Saturday announced it would end its inflight refueling support for the alliance. The coalition has been blacklisted by the United Nations for the killing and maiming of children, particularly in air raids on rebel-held territory. The alliance accuses Iran of smuggling arms to the Huthis through the Hodeida port. Tehran denies the charges. The World Health Organization estimates nearly 10,000 people have been killed in the Yemen war since 2015. But rights groups believe the toll may be five times as high.

149 killed in 24 hours in Yemen's Hodeida: Report

Yemeni government forces pressed further into the strategic port city of Hodeida, seizing its main hospital in heavy fighting Saturday, as their Saudi-led coalition backers put a brave face on an end to US refuelling support.

A loyalist official said mortar rounds were "falling like rain" in the streets as troops overcame rebel-laid mines and snipers to take control of the main hospital in the city of some 600,000 people.

The rebels have put up fierce resistance to the government advance towards the city's vital docks, which are the point of entry for 80 per cent of Yemen's commercial imports and nearly all UN-supervised humanitarian aid.

The grinding Saudi-led war in Yemen has caused growing international unease after high-profile coalition air strikes that have killed scores of civilians, many of them children.

The intensified coalition-backed push into Hodeida, which has claimed the lives of at least 382 combatants this month, comes despite aid agency warnings of a humanitarian catastrophe in the event of a protracted battle for the city.

Some 14 million Yemenis are at risk of famine and many more are dependent on international aid, according to UN agency figures, making it vital that Hodeida's port remains open and undamaged.

Yemeni officials said Saturday that pro-government forces had captured the city's May 22 Hospital.

Amnesty International had earlier accused the Huthis of "deliberate militarisation" of the facility after they posted snipers on its roof.

'Street fighting'

Two days after loyalist troops entered residential neighbourhoods of Hodeida for the first time, fighting raged in the city's east as pro-government forces backed by air strikes and helicopters sought to push deeper into the city.

"The battles here are turning into street fighting," one loyalist official said, adding that pro-government forces had advanced around a kilometre along a major highway into the city on Saturday.

Hodeida resident Lubna, who asked that her full name not be used for fear of retaliation, said "the noise of Apache helicopters, artillery and gunfire" was incessant.

Huthi forces were using artillery to pound advancing loyalist forces, at times firing from residential areas, she said, fearing this "could mean that civilians pay the highest price".

UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet on Saturday urged the coalition, the Huthis "and all those supplying arms to the parties to the conflict to take immediate steps to end the suffering of civilians in Yemen".

Save the Children field coordinator Mariam Aldogani spoke of intense coalition air strikes, with over 15 hitting in the space of just 30 minutes.&nbsp;

"This is the worst time for Hodeida children," she said.

The UN Human Rights Office, meanwhile, said there were "serious concerns about the fate of 900 detainees" at six pre-trial detention facilities and Hodeida's central prison, which was hit by mortar shells on Monday.

Refuelling deal scrapped

The suspension of US assistance to refuel coalition aircraft comes as Washington's backing of the war effort faces increased scrutiny following international outrage over journalist Jamal Khashoggi's murder last month in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul.

In an apparent face-saving move, Saudi Arabia sought to project the decision as its own, not Washington's.

The Pentagon had been providing refuelling capabilities for about 20 percent of coalition planes flying sorties over Yemen.

Saudi-controlled media suggested the coalition had the capacity to make up the shortfall.

Saudi-owned Al-Arabiya Al-Hadath television reported that the kingdom has 23 planes of its own for refuelling operations devoted to Yemen operations, while the UAE has six.

Loyalist commander Colonel Sadiq Duwaid said the decision would "not affect" the coalition assault on Hodeida, which would continue "until the Huthi militias surrender".

The intensified battle for Hodeida comes despite Pentagon chief James Mattis calling last month for a ceasefire and negotiations between Yemen's warring parties within 30 days.

The United Nations has since pushed that deadline back to the end of the year.

In an op-ed published by The Washington Post on Friday, the head of the rebels' Supreme Revolutionary Committee, Mohammed Ali al-Huthi, said the escalating offensive in Hodeida showed Mattis's ceasefire call was "nothing but empty talk".

The article infuriated Yemeni government officials, who accused the Post of providing a platform to a "war criminal".&nbsp;

The Huthis have controlled Hodeida since 2014 when they overran the capital Sanaa and swept though much of the rest of the country, triggering the Saudi-led intervention the following year.

The rebels have since been driven out of virtually all of the south and much of the Red Sea coast.

At least 110 airstrikes were carried out in Hodeida, Saada, the Huthi stronghold in northern Yemen, and Sanaa between 31 October and 6 November, the UN Human Rights Office said Saturday.&nbsp;

Yemeni government forces pressed further into the strategic port city of Hodeida, seizing its main hospital in heavy fighting Saturday, as their Saudi-led coalition backers put a brave face on an end to US refuelling support.

Yemeni government forces pressed further into the strategic port city of Hodeida, seizing its main hospital in heavy fighting Saturday, as their Saudi-led coalition backers put a brave face on an end to US refuelling support. A loyalist official said mortar rounds were "falling like rain" in the streets as troops overcame rebel-laid mines and snipers to take control of the main hospital in the city of some 600,000 people. The rebels have put up fierce resistance to the government advance towards the city's vital docks, which are the point of entry for 80 per cent of Yemen's commercial imports and nearly all UN-supervised humanitarian aid. The grinding Saudi-led war in Yemen has caused growing international unease after high-profile coalition air strikes that have killed scores of civilians, many of them children. The intensified coalition-backed push into Hodeida, which has claimed the lives of at least 382 combatants this month, comes despite aid agency warnings of a humanitarian catastrophe in the event of a protracted battle for the city. Some 14 million Yemenis are at risk of famine and many more are dependent on international aid, according to UN agency figures, making it vital that Hodeida's port remains open and undamaged. Yemeni officials said Saturday that pro-government forces had captured the city's May 22 Hospital. Amnesty International had earlier accused the Huthis of "deliberate militarisation" of the facility after they posted snipers on its roof. 'Street fighting' Two days after loyalist troops entered residential neighbourhoods of Hodeida for the first time, fighting raged in the city's east as pro-government forces backed by air strikes and helicopters sought to push deeper into the city. "The battles here are turning into street fighting," one loyalist official said, adding that pro-government forces had advanced around a kilometre along a major highway into the city on Saturday. Hodeida resident Lubna, who asked that her full name not be used for fear of retaliation, said "the noise of Apache helicopters, artillery and gunfire" was incessant. Huthi forces were using artillery to pound advancing loyalist forces, at times firing from residential areas, she said, fearing this "could mean that civilians pay the highest price". UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet on Saturday urged the coalition, the Huthis "and all those supplying arms to the parties to the conflict to take immediate steps to end the suffering of civilians in Yemen". Save the Children field coordinator Mariam Aldogani spoke of intense coalition air strikes, with over 15 hitting in the space of just 30 minutes. "This is the worst time for Hodeida children," she said. The UN Human Rights Office, meanwhile, said there were "serious concerns about the fate of 900 detainees" at six pre-trial detention facilities and Hodeida's central prison, which was hit by mortar shells on Monday. Refuelling deal scrapped The suspension of US assistance to refuel coalition aircraft comes as Washington's backing of the war effort faces increased scrutiny following international outrage over journalist Jamal Khashoggi's murder last month in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul. In an apparent face-saving move, Saudi Arabia sought to project the decision as its own, not Washington's. The Pentagon had been providing refuelling capabilities for about 20 percent of coalition planes flying sorties over Yemen. Saudi-controlled media suggested the coalition had the capacity to make up the shortfall. Saudi-owned Al-Arabiya Al-Hadath television reported that the kingdom has 23 planes of its own for refuelling operations devoted to Yemen operations, while the UAE has six. Loyalist commander Colonel Sadiq Duwaid said the decision would "not affect" the coalition assault on Hodeida, which would continue "until the Huthi militias surrender". The intensified battle for Hodeida comes despite Pentagon chief James Mattis calling last month for a ceasefire and negotiations between Yemen's warring parties within 30 days. The United Nations has since pushed that deadline back to the end of the year. In an op-ed published by The Washington Post on Friday, the head of the rebels' Supreme Revolutionary Committee, Mohammed Ali al-Huthi, said the escalating offensive in Hodeida showed Mattis's ceasefire call was "nothing but empty talk". The article infuriated Yemeni government officials, who accused the Post of providing a platform to a "war criminal". The Huthis have controlled Hodeida since 2014 when they overran the capital Sanaa and swept though much of the rest of the country, triggering the Saudi-led intervention the following year. The rebels have since been driven out of virtually all of the south and much of the Red Sea coast. At least 110 airstrikes were carried out in Hodeida, Saada, the Huthi stronghold in northern Yemen, and Sanaa between 31 October and 6 November, the UN Human Rights Office said Saturday.

Yemen loyalists push deeper into Hodeida as US cuts support

Saudi Arabia and the United States have agreed to end US refuelling of aircraft from the Saudi-led coalition battling Houthi insurgents in Yemen, ending a divisive aspect of US support to a war that has pushed Yemen to the brink of famine.

The move, announced by the coalition on Saturday and confirmed by Washington, comes at a time when Riyadh, already under scrutiny for civilian deaths in Yemen air strikes, is facing global furore and potential sanctions over the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi at its Istanbul consulate on Oct. 2.

The United States and Britain late last month called for a ceasefire in Yemen to support UN-led efforts to end the nearly four-year-long war that has killed more than 10,000 people and triggered the world's most urgent humanitarian crisis.

"Recently, the Kingdom and the Coalition increased its capability to independently conduct in-flight refuelling in Yemen. As a result, in consultation with the United States, the Coalition has requested the cessation of in-flight refuelling support for its operations in Yemen," it said in a statement.

Saudi Arabia has a fleet of 23 planes for refuelling operations, including six Airbus 330 MRTT used for Yemen, while the United Arab Emirates has six of the Airbus planes, Saudi-owned Al Arabiya al-Hadath channel reported on Saturday.

Riyadh also has nine KC-130 Hercules aircraft that can be used, it added.

US Defense Secretary Jim Mattis said the decision was taken in consultation with the US government and that Washington supported the move while continuing to work with the alliance to minimise civilian casualties and expand humanitarian efforts.

Any co-ordinated decision by Washington and Riyadh could be an attempt to forestall action threatened in Congress next week by Democratic and Republican lawmakers over the refuelling operations.

However, a halt to refuelling could have a little practical effect on the conflict, seen as a proxy war between Saudi Arabia and Iran. Only a fifth of coalition aircraft require in-air refuelling from the United States, US officials said.

BATTLE FOR HODEIDAH

The Sunni Muslim alliance led by Saudi Arabia and the UAE has recently stepped up military operations against the Iranian-aligned Houthi movement, including in the main port city of Hodeidah, which is a lifeline for millions of Yemenis.

The Red Sea port has become a key battleground in the war in which the coalition intervened in 2015 to restore the internationally recognised government by ousting the Houthis from the capital Sanaa and other strategic cities.

UN bodies have warned that an all-out attack on Hodeidah, an entry point for 80 per cent of Yemen's food imports and aid relief, could trigger a famine in the impoverished country.

The World Food Programme said on Thursday it planned to double its food assistance programme for Yemen, aiming to reach up to 14 million people "to avert mass starvation".

Saudi Arabia and the United States have agreed to end US refuelling of aircraft from the Saudi-led coalition battling Houthi insurgents in Yemen, ending a divisive aspect of US support to a war that has pushed Yemen to the brink of famine.

Saudi Arabia and the United States have agreed to end US refuelling of aircraft from the Saudi-led coalition battling Houthi insurgents in Yemen, ending a divisive aspect of US support to a war that has pushed Yemen to the brink of famine. The move, announced by the coalition on Saturday and confirmed by Washington, comes at a time when Riyadh, already under scrutiny for civilian deaths in Yemen air strikes, is facing global furore and potential sanctions over the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi at its Istanbul consulate on Oct. 2. The United States and Britain late last month called for a ceasefire in Yemen to support UN-led efforts to end the nearly four-year-long war that has killed more than 10,000 people and triggered the world's most urgent humanitarian crisis. "Recently, the Kingdom and the Coalition increased its capability to independently conduct in-flight refuelling in Yemen. As a result, in consultation with the United States, the Coalition has requested the cessation of in-flight refuelling support for its operations in Yemen," it said in a statement. Saudi Arabia has a fleet of 23 planes for refuelling operations, including six Airbus 330 MRTT used for Yemen, while the United Arab Emirates has six of the Airbus planes, Saudi-owned Al Arabiya al-Hadath channel reported on Saturday. Riyadh also has nine KC-130 Hercules aircraft that can be used, it added. US Defense Secretary Jim Mattis said the decision was taken in consultation with the US government and that Washington supported the move while continuing to work with the alliance to minimise civilian casualties and expand humanitarian efforts. Any co-ordinated decision by Washington and Riyadh could be an attempt to forestall action threatened in Congress next week by Democratic and Republican lawmakers over the refuelling operations. However, a halt to refuelling could have a little practical effect on the conflict, seen as a proxy war between Saudi Arabia and Iran. Only a fifth of coalition aircraft require in-air refuelling from the United States, US officials said. BATTLE FOR HODEIDAH The Sunni Muslim alliance led by Saudi Arabia and the UAE has recently stepped up military operations against the Iranian-aligned Houthi movement, including in the main port city of Hodeidah, which is a lifeline for millions of Yemenis. The Red Sea port has become a key battleground in the war in which the coalition intervened in 2015 to restore the internationally recognised government by ousting the Houthis from the capital Sanaa and other strategic cities. UN bodies have warned that an all-out attack on Hodeidah, an entry point for 80 per cent of Yemen's food imports and aid relief, could trigger a famine in the impoverished country. The World Food Programme said on Thursday it planned to double its food assistance programme for Yemen, aiming to reach up to 14 million people "to avert mass starvation".

US ends refuelling support in Yemen war as pressure builds on Saudi Arabia

Yemen's rebel chief on Wednesday vowed his fighters would never surrender to Saudi-backed pro-government forces, as the two sides battle for control of the insurgent-held port city of Hodeida.

"Does the enemy think that penetrating this or that area, or seizing this or that area, means we will be convinced that we should surrender and hand over control?" Abdulmalik al-Huthi said in a televised address.&nbsp;

"This is not happening and will not happen ever."

Yemen's rebel chief on Wednesday vowed his fighters would never surrender to Saudi-backed pro-government forces, as the two sides battle for control of the insurgent-held port city of Hodeida.

Yemen's rebel chief on Wednesday vowed his fighters would never surrender to Saudi-backed pro-government forces, as the two sides battle for control of the insurgent-held port city of Hodeida. "Does the enemy think that penetrating this or that area, or seizing this or that area, means we will be convinced that we should surrender and hand over control?" Abdulmalik al-Huthi said in a televised address. "This is not happening and will not happen ever."

Yemen rebel chief vows to 'never surrender'

Government troops and rebels clashed again Tuesday near a Yemeni port city crucial for humanitarian aid, where hundreds of thousands of civilians could be trapped as war closes in.

Five days of battles between Iran-linked Huthi rebels and the army, allied with a regional military coalition led by Saudi Arabia, have left more than 150 combatants dead in the Red Sea province of Hodeida.

A spokesman for the Saudi-led coalition on Monday said the government alliance had no plans to launch a full offensive to retake Hodeida.

But multiple military officials on the ground reported their troops had encircled the rebel-held city.

The rebels have also confirmed fierce fighting in the area via their Al-Masirah television station.

The fighting comes as the United Nations pushes to restart negotiations between warring parties, after talks collapsed in Geneva in September.

Hodeida is one of the last Huthi strongholds on Yemen's western coastline. The rebels seized the port, along with the capital, in 2014.

The rival Saudi-led camp, a powerful military alliance that includes the United Arab Emirates, has since retaken most of the country's ports.

'Never-ending nightmare'

The United Nations' children's fund (UNICEF) -- which has called Yemen a "living hell" -- this week warned an assault on Hodeida would jeopardise the lives of people in the city and across the country.

The port of Hodeida is crucial for aid delivery and food imports to Yemen, where famine looms over 14 million people and a child dies every 10 minutes, according to the UN.

Medics at hospitals in the Hodeida neighbourhood of Bajil reported they had received the bodies of 49 Huthi rebels on Tuesday morning.

Hospitals in government-held Mokha, south of Hodeida, said 15 soldiers had been killed.

Rights groups warn the worst could be yet to come in Hodeida.

"The past days have... seen fierce fighting and air strikes pick up in the vicinity of Hodeida city, threatening to further deteriorate civilians' access to safety and aid," the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) warned on Monday night.

Save the Children reported almost 100 air strikes counted by its staff at the weekend -- five times as many as in the whole first week of October.

The NRC warned the fighting around Hodeida city threatened "to further deteriorate civilians' access to safety and aid".

Failing economy

The poorest country in the Arab world, Yemen is now home to what the UN calls the world's worst humanitarian crisis.

Nearly 14 million people are at risk of famine as the war nears its fourth year.

The World Health Organization says 10,000 people have been killed since the Saudi-led coalition intervened on the side of the government in 2015.

Yemen's government on Tuesday approved new budget and tax collection measures aimed at bolstering the central bank as looming famine threatens millions.

The cabinet backed the formation of a committee tasked with setting the government budget for 2019, according to state news agency Saba.

It also passed a resolution pushing for the collection of owed taxes and customs "on all taxable imports at all land, sea and air ports in liberated areas", or areas under government control.

The Yemeni riyal has plunged more than 36 percent in 2018, despite a $2-billion deposit in the central bank by Saudi Arabia aimed at saving the currency.

The riyal's slide has triggered a sharp rise in the prices of commodities, especially food and fuel, leaving millions unable to afford basic staples.

Government troops and rebels clashed again Tuesday near a Yemeni port city crucial for humanitarian aid, where hundreds of thousands of civilians could be trapped as war closes in.

Government troops and rebels clashed again Tuesday near a Yemeni port city crucial for humanitarian aid, where hundreds of thousands of civilians could be trapped as war closes in. Five days of battles between Iran-linked Huthi rebels and the army, allied with a regional military coalition led by Saudi Arabia, have left more than 150 combatants dead in the Red Sea province of Hodeida. A spokesman for the Saudi-led coalition on Monday said the government alliance had no plans to launch a full offensive to retake Hodeida. But multiple military officials on the ground reported their troops had encircled the rebel-held city. The rebels have also confirmed fierce fighting in the area via their Al-Masirah television station. The fighting comes as the United Nations pushes to restart negotiations between warring parties, after talks collapsed in Geneva in September. Hodeida is one of the last Huthi strongholds on Yemen's western coastline. The rebels seized the port, along with the capital, in 2014. The rival Saudi-led camp, a powerful military alliance that includes the United Arab Emirates, has since retaken most of the country's ports. 'Never-ending nightmare' The United Nations' children's fund (UNICEF) -- which has called Yemen a "living hell" -- this week warned an assault on Hodeida would jeopardise the lives of people in the city and across the country. The port of Hodeida is crucial for aid delivery and food imports to Yemen, where famine looms over 14 million people and a child dies every 10 minutes, according to the UN. Medics at hospitals in the Hodeida neighbourhood of Bajil reported they had received the bodies of 49 Huthi rebels on Tuesday morning. Hospitals in government-held Mokha, south of Hodeida, said 15 soldiers had been killed. Rights groups warn the worst could be yet to come in Hodeida. "The past days have... seen fierce fighting and air strikes pick up in the vicinity of Hodeida city, threatening to further deteriorate civilians' access to safety and aid," the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) warned on Monday night. Save the Children reported almost 100 air strikes counted by its staff at the weekend -- five times as many as in the whole first week of October. The NRC warned the fighting around Hodeida city threatened "to further deteriorate civilians' access to safety and aid". Failing economy The poorest country in the Arab world, Yemen is now home to what the UN calls the world's worst humanitarian crisis. Nearly 14 million people are at risk of famine as the war nears its fourth year. The World Health Organization says 10,000 people have been killed since the Saudi-led coalition intervened on the side of the government in 2015. Yemen's government on Tuesday approved new budget and tax collection measures aimed at bolstering the central bank as looming famine threatens millions. The cabinet backed the formation of a committee tasked with setting the government budget for 2019, according to state news agency Saba. It also passed a resolution pushing for the collection of owed taxes and customs "on all taxable imports at all land, sea and air ports in liberated areas", or areas under government control. The Yemeni riyal has plunged more than 36 percent in 2018, despite a $2-billion deposit in the central bank by Saudi Arabia aimed at saving the currency. The riyal's slide has triggered a sharp rise in the prices of commodities, especially food and fuel, leaving millions unable to afford basic staples.

Fears for civilians rise as clashes rattle Yemen port city

Over seven million children face a serious threat of famine in Yemen and ending the country's war will not save all of them, the UN children's agency said.

"Today, 1.8 million children under the age of five are facing acute malnutrition, and 400,000 are affected by severe acute malnutrition," said Geert Cappelaere, regional director of UNICEF.

"More than half" of the 14 million people at serious risk of famine in the impoverished country are children, Cappelaere told AFP late on Wednesday.

"Ending the war is not enough," he said, referring to a more than three year conflict that pits the government supported by a Saudi-led military coalition against Huthi rebels.

"What we need is to stop the war and (to create) a government mechanism that puts at the centre the people and children.

"The war is exacerbating the situation that was already bad before because of years of underdevelopment" in the Arab world's poorest nation, Cappelaere said.

He welcomed a call by the UN on Wednesday to relaunch peace talks within a month.

He said efforts to come up with a solution in the next 30 days were "critical" to improving aid distribution and saving lives.

Cappelaere said that over 6,000 children have either been killed or sustained serious injuries since 2015.

"These are the numbers we have been able to verify, but we can safely assume that the number is higher, much higher," he said.

Saudi Arabia and its allies entered the war to bolster Yemeni President Abedrabbo Mansour Hadi after the Iran-backed rebels took over the capital Sanaa.

Since 2015, more than 10,000 people have been killed and some 22 million -- three quarters of the population -- are in need of food aid, according to the UN.

Over seven million children face a serious threat of famine in Yemen and ending the country's war will not save all of them, the UN children's agency said. "Today, 1.

Over seven million children face a serious threat of famine in Yemen and ending the country's war will not save all of them, the UN children's agency said. "Today, 1.8 million children under the age of five are facing acute malnutrition, and 400,000 are affected by severe acute malnutrition," said Geert Cappelaere, regional director of UNICEF. "More than half" of the 14 million people at serious risk of famine in the impoverished country are children, Cappelaere told AFP late on Wednesday. "Ending the war is not enough," he said, referring to a more than three year conflict that pits the government supported by a Saudi-led military coalition against Huthi rebels. "What we need is to stop the war and (to create) a government mechanism that puts at the centre the people and children. "The war is exacerbating the situation that was already bad before because of years of underdevelopment" in the Arab world's poorest nation, Cappelaere said. He welcomed a call by the UN on Wednesday to relaunch peace talks within a month. He said efforts to come up with a solution in the next 30 days were "critical" to improving aid distribution and saving lives. Cappelaere said that over 6,000 children have either been killed or sustained serious injuries since 2015. "These are the numbers we have been able to verify, but we can safely assume that the number is higher, much higher," he said. Saudi Arabia and its allies entered the war to bolster Yemeni President Abedrabbo Mansour Hadi after the Iran-backed rebels took over the capital Sanaa. Since 2015, more than 10,000 people have been killed and some 22 million -- three quarters of the population -- are in need of food aid, according to the UN.

Over 7 million Yemeni children face extreme scarcity of food : UN

<a href="http://wionews.com/world/arab-states-launch-biggest-assault-of-yemen-war-with-attack-on-main-port-of-hudaydah-144236">Arab states launch </a><a href="http://wionews.com/world/arab-states-launch-biggest-assault-of-yemen-war-with-attack-on-main-port-of-hudaydah-144236">biggest</a><a href="http://wionews.com/world/arab-states-launch-biggest-assault-of-yemen-war-with-attack-on-main-port-of-hudaydah-144236"> assault of Yemen war with </a><a href="http://wionews.com/world/arab-states-launch-biggest-assault-of-yemen-war-with-attack-on-main-port-of-hudaydah-144236">attack</a><a href="http://wionews.com/world/arab-states-launch-biggest-assault-of-yemen-war-with-attack-on-main-port-of-hudaydah-144236"> on country's main port</a>

A Saudi-led alliance of Arab states launched an attack on Yemen’s main port city on Wednesday in the largest battle of the Yemen war, aiming to bring the ruling Houthi movement to its knees at the risk of worsening the world’s biggest humanitarian crisis.

<a href="http://wionews.com/india-news/nirav-modi-travelling-in-brussels-on-singapore-passport-sources-144248">Nirav Modi reported </a><a href="http://wionews.com/india-news/nirav-modi-travelling-in-brussels-on-singapore-passport-sources-144248">to have</a><a href="http://wionews.com/india-news/nirav-modi-travelling-in-brussels-on-singapore-passport-sources-144248"> fled London for Brussels</a>

Absconding diamantaire and PNB fraud accused Nirav Modi is reported to have fled London for Brussels.&nbsp;

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Lawmakers in conservative Argentina prepared to vote Wednesday on a decisive bill to legalize abortion which if passed, would make it the most populous Latin American country to do so.

&nbsp;

Arab states launch biggest assault of Yemen war with attack on country's main port A Saudi-led alliance of Arab states launched an attack on Yemen’s main port city on Wednesday in the largest battle of the Yemen war, aiming to bring the ruling Houthi movement to its knees at the risk of worsening the world’s biggest humanitarian crisis. Nirav Modi reported to have fled London for Brussels Absconding diamantaire and PNB fraud accused Nirav Modi is reported to have fled London for Brussels. Karti Chidambaram's firms received Rs 1.16-crore bribe in Aircel-Maxis deal: ED Former Union minister P Chidambaram's son Karti controlled two firms which allegedly received Rs. 1.16 crore as bribe money in the Aircel-Maxis money laundering case, the Enforcement Directorate (ED) on Wednesday said in its charge sheet filed before a Delhi court. 120 countries at United Nations condemn Israel over Gaza violence The UN General Assembly on Wednesday adopted by a strong majority of 120 countries an Arab-backed resolution condemning Israel for Palestinian deaths in Gaza and rejected a US bid to blame Hamas for the violence. Argentine Congress prepares for historic abortion vote Lawmakers in conservative Argentina prepared to vote Wednesday on a decisive bill to legalize abortion which if passed, would make it the most populous Latin American country to do so.

A Saudi-led alliance of Arab states launched an attack on Yemen’s main port city on Wednesday in the largest battle of the Yemen war, aiming to bring the ruling Houthi movement to its knees at the risk of worsening the world’s biggest humanitarian crisis.

Arab warplanes and warships pounded Houthi fortifications to support ground operations by foreign and Yemeni troops massed south of the port of Hodeidah in operation “Golden Victory”.

Fighting raged near Hodeidah airport and al-Durayhmi, a rural area 10 km (6 miles) south of the city, media controlled by the Arab states and their Yemeni allies reported.

The United Arab Emirates’ state news agency reported that UAE forces and local allies had penetrated the Houthis’ front line on the airport perimeter.

It also reported that four Emirati soldiers had died in Yemen, without specifying whether the deaths were tied to the Hodeidah operation.

So far, the Arab states have not tried to capture such a heavily defended major city since joining the war three years ago against the Iran-aligned Houthis, who control the capital, Sanaa, and most of the populated areas.

The Sunni Muslim Arab states see the Houthi rise as expansionism by their Shia foe Iran.

The Houthis, from a Shi’ite minority, say they took power through a popular revolt and are defending Yemen from invasion.

The Saudi-led coalition’s plan is to take control only of the airport and seaport, plus the route leading to Sanaa, spokesman Turki al-Malki said. “We will not fight a street war with the Houthis in Hodeidah city, for the safety of civilians,” he told al-Hadath TV.

The Houthis said they had a repelled a sea landing near the port by forces from Saudi Arabia and the UAE. “The Saudi coalition has not advanced at all in Hodeidah,” Dayfallah al-Shami, a member of the movement’s political bureau, told the Lebanese TV channel al-Mayadeen.

Yemen is experiencing a humanitarian crisis that eclipses even Syria’s. The United Nations says 22 million Yemenis are in need of humanitarian aid, with 8.4 million on the verge of famine - a figure that could rise to 10 million by the end of this year, For most, the port is the only route for food supplies.

Despite the fighting, the United Nations kept up its aid supplies. “We are there and delivering, we are not leaving Hodeidah,” said Lise Grande, U.N. humanitarian coordinator for Yemen.

“We have a ship offloading food even as shelling and bombing is happening. Humanitarians will not walk away,” she told Reuters by telephone from Sanaa.

The U.N. Security Council is due to meet behind closed doors on Thursday - at the request of Britain - over the attack, diplomats said.

The Houthis deployed military vehicles and troops in the city center and near the port, as warplanes struck the coast to the south, said a resident speaking on condition of anonymity. People fled by routes to the north and west.

CARE International, one of the few aid agencies still there, said 30 air strikes hit the city within half an hour. “Some civilians are entrapped, others forced from their homes. We thought it could not get any worse, but unfortunately we were wrong,” said CARE’s acting country director, Jolien Veldwijk.

CALLS FOR RESTRAINT

The U.N. special envoy to Yemen, Martin Griffiths, said the world body was talking to both sides to try to avert a battle. “We call on them to exercise restraint & engage with political efforts to spare Hodeidah a military confrontation,” he tweeted.

The Arab states say they will try to keep the port running and can ease the crisis once they seize it by lifting import restrictions they have imposed.

They announced a five-point aid plan for the Hodeidah port and surrounding areas, including the establishment of a shipping lane to Hodeidah from the UAE capital, Abu Dhabi, and Jizan, a city in southern Saudi Arabia.

But they accused the Houthis of planting mines that could prolong efforts to bring in aid after the port’s capture.

Western countries have quietly backed the Arab states diplomatically, while mostly avoiding direct public involvement in the conflict. The United States, Britain and France all sell billions of dollars of weapons a year to the Arab countries.

Houthi leader Mohammed Ali al-Houthi criticized the Gulf Arabs’ Western allies. “The British told us a week ago that the Emiratis and the Saudis had told them they would not enter the battle of Hodeidah without their agreement and assistance,” he said. “So we hold them and America responsible.”

In London, Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson said the British government was in contact with the coalition about ensuring its operations comply with international law on protecting civilians. Those should “not disrupt commercial and humanitarian flows through the port”, he said in a statement.

In Washington, the State Department’s top Middle East official, David Satterfield, told lawmakers the United States was not assisting the operation in Hodeidah. It was unclear if that applied to assistance to the coalition that Washington provides in the form of aircraft refueling and intelligence support.

The operation began after a three-day deadline set by the UAE for the Houthis to quit the port.

“The liberation of the port is the start of the fall of the Houthi militia and will secure marine shipping in the Bab al-Mandab strait and cut off the hands of Iran, which has long drowned Yemen in weapons that shed precious Yemeni blood,” Yemen’s Arab-backed government-in-exile said in a statement.

A Yemeni anti-Houthi military official said the alliance had brought to bear a 21,000-strong force. It includes Emirati and Sudanese troops as well as Yemenis, drawn from southern separatists, local Red Sea coast fighters and a battalion led by a nephew of late former President Ali Abdullah Saleh.

The United Arab Emirates’ state news agency reported that UAE forces and local allies had penetrated the Houthis’ front line on the airport perimeter

A Saudi-led alliance of Arab states launched an attack on Yemen’s main port city on Wednesday in the largest battle of the Yemen war, aiming to bring the ruling Houthi movement to its knees at the risk of worsening the world’s biggest humanitarian crisis. Arab warplanes and warships pounded Houthi fortifications to support ground operations by foreign and Yemeni troops massed south of the port of Hodeidah in operation “Golden Victory”. Fighting raged near Hodeidah airport and al-Durayhmi, a rural area 10 km (6 miles) south of the city, media controlled by the Arab states and their Yemeni allies reported. The United Arab Emirates’ state news agency reported that UAE forces and local allies had penetrated the Houthis’ front line on the airport perimeter. It also reported that four Emirati soldiers had died in Yemen, without specifying whether the deaths were tied to the Hodeidah operation. So far, the Arab states have not tried to capture such a heavily defended major city since joining the war three years ago against the Iran-aligned Houthis, who control the capital, Sanaa, and most of the populated areas. The Sunni Muslim Arab states see the Houthi rise as expansionism by their Shia foe Iran. The Houthis, from a Shi’ite minority, say they took power through a popular revolt and are defending Yemen from invasion. The Saudi-led coalition’s plan is to take control only of the airport and seaport, plus the route leading to Sanaa, spokesman Turki al-Malki said. “We will not fight a street war with the Houthis in Hodeidah city, for the safety of civilians,” he told al-Hadath TV. The Houthis said they had a repelled a sea landing near the port by forces from Saudi Arabia and the UAE. “The Saudi coalition has not advanced at all in Hodeidah,” Dayfallah al-Shami, a member of the movement’s political bureau, told the Lebanese TV channel al-Mayadeen. Yemen is experiencing a humanitarian crisis that eclipses even Syria’s. The United Nations says 22 million Yemenis are in need of humanitarian aid, with 8.4 million on the verge of famine - a figure that could rise to 10 million by the end of this year, For most, the port is the only route for food supplies. Despite the fighting, the United Nations kept up its aid supplies. “We are there and delivering, we are not leaving Hodeidah,” said Lise Grande, U.N. humanitarian coordinator for Yemen. “We have a ship offloading food even as shelling and bombing is happening. Humanitarians will not walk away,” she told Reuters by telephone from Sanaa. The U.N. Security Council is due to meet behind closed doors on Thursday - at the request of Britain - over the attack, diplomats said. The Houthis deployed military vehicles and troops in the city center and near the port, as warplanes struck the coast to the south, said a resident speaking on condition of anonymity. People fled by routes to the north and west. CARE International, one of the few aid agencies still there, said 30 air strikes hit the city within half an hour. “Some civilians are entrapped, others forced from their homes. We thought it could not get any worse, but unfortunately we were wrong,” said CARE’s acting country director, Jolien Veldwijk. CALLS FOR RESTRAINT The U.N. special envoy to Yemen, Martin Griffiths, said the world body was talking to both sides to try to avert a battle. “We call on them to exercise restraint & engage with political efforts to spare Hodeidah a military confrontation,” he tweeted. The Arab states say they will try to keep the port running and can ease the crisis once they seize it by lifting import restrictions they have imposed. They announced a five-point aid plan for the Hodeidah port and surrounding areas, including the establishment of a shipping lane to Hodeidah from the UAE capital, Abu Dhabi, and Jizan, a city in southern Saudi Arabia. But they accused the Houthis of planting mines that could prolong efforts to bring in aid after the port’s capture. Western countries have quietly backed the Arab states diplomatically, while mostly avoiding direct public involvement in the conflict. The United States, Britain and France all sell billions of dollars of weapons a year to the Arab countries. Houthi leader Mohammed Ali al-Houthi criticized the Gulf Arabs’ Western allies. “The British told us a week ago that the Emiratis and the Saudis had told them they would not enter the battle of Hodeidah without their agreement and assistance,” he said. “So we hold them and America responsible.” In London, Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson said the British government was in contact with the coalition about ensuring its operations comply with international law on protecting civilians. Those should “not disrupt commercial and humanitarian flows through the port”, he said in a statement. In Washington, the State Department’s top Middle East official, David Satterfield, told lawmakers the United States was not assisting the operation in Hodeidah. It was unclear if that applied to assistance to the coalition that Washington provides in the form of aircraft refueling and intelligence support. The operation began after a three-day deadline set by the UAE for the Houthis to quit the port. “The liberation of the port is the start of the fall of the Houthi militia and will secure marine shipping in the Bab al-Mandab strait and cut off the hands of Iran, which has long drowned Yemen in weapons that shed precious Yemeni blood,” Yemen’s Arab-backed government-in-exile said in a statement. A Yemeni anti-Houthi military official said the alliance had brought to bear a 21,000-strong force. It includes Emirati and Sudanese troops as well as Yemenis, drawn from southern separatists, local Red Sea coast fighters and a battalion led by a nephew of late former President Ali Abdullah Saleh.

Arab states launch biggest assault of Yemen war with attack on country's main port

Several people were killed as Yemeni armed groups allied to Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates fought in the southern city of Aden on Sunday.&nbsp;

The worst clashes yet between UAE-backed southern separatists and forces loyal to the Saudi-based government risk crippling their once united war effort against the Iran-aligned Houthi movement in Yemen&#39;s north.

The fighting erupted after strict decisions issued by the government to ban peaceful demonstrations organized by the STC in Aden province.

Explosions and heavy gunfire could be heard ranging out across Aden&#39;s main streets media reports said.&nbsp;

An unprecedented military adventure for the usually cautious Gulf states, the campaign in their much poorer and less politically stable neighbour was aimed at sending a decisive signal that they would oppose Iranian expansion in their midst.

But Yemen has been torn apart by three years of conflict and the factional fighting in the south compounds the misery.

Gunmen were deployed throughout most districts of Aden on Sunday and there was heavy automatic gunfire and explosions in the southern port city, according to Reuters witnesses.

Armed separatists wrested a key military base and several government buildings from soldiers loyal to President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi as residents reported that hundreds of pro-Southern demonstrators had gathered in a main square.

The clashes come as a deadline imposed by the separatists for the government to resign expired on Sunday. 
 
Although Hadi remains in exile in Saudi Arabia, his administration nominally controls about four-fifths of Yemen&#39;s territory, but political and military leaders in Aden now want to revive the former independent state of South Yemen.

The southern separatists - the Southern Resistance Forces - last week accused Hadi&#39;s cabinet of corruption and inefficiency and demanded they quit.

A top military adviser to President Hadi, Mohammed Ali al-Miqdashi, said any move toward rebellion would render the southerners an enemy.

&quot;There is no difference between the Houthis and anyone else who rebels against the legitimate government, no matter who they are - left, right, south, east,&quot; said Miqdashi, speaking at a remote military base near the central Yemeni city of Marib, late on Saturday.

A senior southern political source accused the government of pushing the dispute toward an armed showdown.

&quot;The Hadi government was nervous about any demonstration by the people, so they tried to stop it by force thinking that if there were a battle, the coalition would intervene and save them,&quot; the source said.

In a statement late on Saturday before the clashes began, the Saudi-led coalition urged all parties to seek &quot;calm and restraint, adhering to the language of a calm dialogue.&quot;

(With inputs from agencies)

The worst clashes yet between UAE-backed southern separatists and forces loyal to the Saudi-based government risk crippling their once united war effort against the Iran-aligned Houthi movement in Yemen's north

Several people were killed as Yemeni armed groups allied to Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates fought in the southern city of Aden on Sunday. The worst clashes yet between UAE-backed southern separatists and forces loyal to the Saudi-based government risk crippling their once united war effort against the Iran-aligned Houthi movement in Yemen's north. The fighting erupted after strict decisions issued by the government to ban peaceful demonstrations organized by the STC in Aden province. Explosions and heavy gunfire could be heard ranging out across Aden's main streets media reports said. An unprecedented military adventure for the usually cautious Gulf states, the campaign in their much poorer and less politically stable neighbour was aimed at sending a decisive signal that they would oppose Iranian expansion in their midst. But Yemen has been torn apart by three years of conflict and the factional fighting in the south compounds the misery. Gunmen were deployed throughout most districts of Aden on Sunday and there was heavy automatic gunfire and explosions in the southern port city, according to Reuters witnesses. Armed separatists wrested a key military base and several government buildings from soldiers loyal to President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi as residents reported that hundreds of pro-Southern demonstrators had gathered in a main square. The clashes come as a deadline imposed by the separatists for the government to resign expired on Sunday. Although Hadi remains in exile in Saudi Arabia, his administration nominally controls about four-fifths of Yemen's territory, but political and military leaders in Aden now want to revive the former independent state of South Yemen. The southern separatists - the Southern Resistance Forces - last week accused Hadi's cabinet of corruption and inefficiency and demanded they quit. A top military adviser to President Hadi, Mohammed Ali al-Miqdashi, said any move toward rebellion would render the southerners an enemy. "There is no difference between the Houthis and anyone else who rebels against the legitimate government, no matter who they are - left, right, south, east," said Miqdashi, speaking at a remote military base near the central Yemeni city of Marib, late on Saturday. A senior southern political source accused the government of pushing the dispute toward an armed showdown. "The Hadi government was nervous about any demonstration by the people, so they tried to stop it by force thinking that if there were a battle, the coalition would intervene and save them," the source said. In a statement late on Saturday before the clashes began, the Saudi-led coalition urged all parties to seek "calm and restraint, adhering to the language of a calm dialogue." (With inputs from agencies)

Deadly clashes split ranks of Gulf allies in Yemen war, several people killed

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