Republican and Democratic members of the US Senate asked the Trump administration on Thursday to tell them more about the murder of journalist <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/turkey-media-publish-image-of-local-collaborator-in-khashoggi-killing-197487">Jamal Khashoggi</a> at a Saudi consulate last year, days after a missed deadline for a detailed report on his death prompted an angry bipartisan backlash.

Ten of the 12 Republicans from the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, led by Chairman Jim Risch, wrote to Secretary of State Mike Pompeo asking for more information.

"The Senate Foreign Relations Committee is committed to pursuing all information available in its oversight role and, to that end, is in the process of arranging a classified briefing for the committee," Risch said in a statement.

All 10 committee Democrats, led by senior member Bob Menendez, along with Appropriations Committee Vice Chairman Pat Leahy, signed their own letter demanding that Pompeo brief Congress on why President Donald Trump's administration missed last Friday's deadline to report to Congress on whether Saudi government officials and members of the royal family, including Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, were behind the death of Khashoggi, a legal US resident.

Khashoggi, a Washington Post columnist and critic of the Saudi government, was killed at a Saudi consulate in Turkey in October. His death fuelled simmering discontent with the Saudis among many in Washington angry over the kingdom's human rights record and heavy civilian casualties in Yemen's civil war, where a Saudi-led coalition is fighting Iran-backed Houthi rebels.

Members of Congress have been introducing legislation for months to push back against Riyadh. On Wednesday, the Democratic-led US House of Representatives approved a rare war powers resolution that would end US support for the Saudi Arabia-led coalition in Yemen. A Senate vote is due within weeks.

While several Republicans had demanded more of a response from Trump last week, Risch told reporters on Tuesday: "I'm really satisfied with the way they are answering questions and giving us information."

A State Department representative, commenting on the senators' letters, said Pompeo had provided an update to Foreign Relations on Friday and would continue to consult with Congress.

After initially denying his death, Saudi Arabia has confirmed that its agents killed Khashoggi. Riyadh denies its senior leaders were behind the killing.

Republican and Democratic members of the US Senate asked the Trump administration on Thursday to tell them more about the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi at a Saudi consulate last year, days after a missed deadline for a detailed report on his death prompted an angry bipartisan backlash.

Republican and Democratic members of the US Senate asked the Trump administration on Thursday to tell them more about the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi at a Saudi consulate last year, days after a missed deadline for a detailed report on his death prompted an angry bipartisan backlash. Ten of the 12 Republicans from the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, led by Chairman Jim Risch, wrote to Secretary of State Mike Pompeo asking for more information. "The Senate Foreign Relations Committee is committed to pursuing all information available in its oversight role and, to that end, is in the process of arranging a classified briefing for the committee," Risch said in a statement. All 10 committee Democrats, led by senior member Bob Menendez, along with Appropriations Committee Vice Chairman Pat Leahy, signed their own letter demanding that Pompeo brief Congress on why President Donald Trump's administration missed last Friday's deadline to report to Congress on whether Saudi government officials and members of the royal family, including Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, were behind the death of Khashoggi, a legal US resident. Khashoggi, a Washington Post columnist and critic of the Saudi government, was killed at a Saudi consulate in Turkey in October. His death fuelled simmering discontent with the Saudis among many in Washington angry over the kingdom's human rights record and heavy civilian casualties in Yemen's civil war, where a Saudi-led coalition is fighting Iran-backed Houthi rebels. Members of Congress have been introducing legislation for months to push back against Riyadh. On Wednesday, the Democratic-led US House of Representatives approved a rare war powers resolution that would end US support for the Saudi Arabia-led coalition in Yemen. A Senate vote is due within weeks. While several Republicans had demanded more of a response from Trump last week, Risch told reporters on Tuesday: "I'm really satisfied with the way they are answering questions and giving us information." A State Department representative, commenting on the senators' letters, said Pompeo had provided an update to Foreign Relations on Friday and would continue to consult with Congress. After initially denying his death, Saudi Arabia has confirmed that its agents killed Khashoggi. Riyadh denies its senior leaders were behind the killing.

US lawmakers want more information on Saudi journalist Khashoggi's death

Turkish authorities detained 729 people in nationwide raids Tuesday over alleged links to a group blamed for a failed coup in 2016, the Ankara public prosecutor's office said.

Officials had sent to authorities in 75 provinces the names of 1,112 people under investigation over suspected ties to US-based Muslim preacher Fethullah Gulen and his movement, it said.

Gulen is accused of ordering the attempted putsch, a claim he strongly denies.

Forty-five of those arrested were in the capital Ankara, a judicial source, who did not wish to be named, told AFP.

"We do not know whether the provincial authorities detained or summoned all of the individuals whose names were given," the source added.

The Ankara public prosecutor's office, which leads the coup investigation, said 130 people on the list of suspects were deputy police chiefs still on active duty.&nbsp;

They are suspected of having obtained questions before sitting the 2010 exam to become inspectors, it added in a statement.

Turkish officials defend the crackdown by pointing to what it describes as the Gulen group's "virus"-like infiltration of key institutions, including the police.

Members of the movement are accused of cheating on entry exams to gain access to important public bodies.

Turkish Interior Minister Suleyman Soylu said Sunday that authorities "were planning a big operation" against the movement.

"Devils wouldn't even conduct the tricks that they did," Soylu said, adding that Turkey would "finish them off in this country".

There have been regular raids across Turkey in recent weeks against alleged members of the movement, despite criticism from human rights defenders and Ankara's Western allies over the scale of the crackdown.

Tens of thousands of people have been taken into custody over suspected links to Gulen since 2016 while over 100,000 -- including teachers, police officers, and judges -- have been sacked or suspended from the public sector.

Turkish Justice Minister Abdulhamit Gul said last month that 31,088 people have been convicted or jailed over suspected Gulen links.

Turkish authorities detained 729 people in nationwide raids Tuesday over alleged links to a group blamed for a failed coup in 2016, the Ankara public prosecutor's office said.

Turkish authorities detained 729 people in nationwide raids Tuesday over alleged links to a group blamed for a failed coup in 2016, the Ankara public prosecutor's office said. Officials had sent to authorities in 75 provinces the names of 1,112 people under investigation over suspected ties to US-based Muslim preacher Fethullah Gulen and his movement, it said. Gulen is accused of ordering the attempted putsch, a claim he strongly denies. Forty-five of those arrested were in the capital Ankara, a judicial source, who did not wish to be named, told AFP. "We do not know whether the provincial authorities detained or summoned all of the individuals whose names were given," the source added. The Ankara public prosecutor's office, which leads the coup investigation, said 130 people on the list of suspects were deputy police chiefs still on active duty. They are suspected of having obtained questions before sitting the 2010 exam to become inspectors, it added in a statement. Turkish officials defend the crackdown by pointing to what it describes as the Gulen group's "virus"-like infiltration of key institutions, including the police. Members of the movement are accused of cheating on entry exams to gain access to important public bodies. Turkish Interior Minister Suleyman Soylu said Sunday that authorities "were planning a big operation" against the movement. "Devils wouldn't even conduct the tricks that they did," Soylu said, adding that Turkey would "finish them off in this country". There have been regular raids across Turkey in recent weeks against alleged members of the movement, despite criticism from human rights defenders and Ankara's Western allies over the scale of the crackdown. Tens of thousands of people have been taken into custody over suspected links to Gulen since 2016 while over 100,000 -- including teachers, police officers, and judges -- have been sacked or suspended from the public sector. Turkish Justice Minister Abdulhamit Gul said last month that 31,088 people have been convicted or jailed over suspected Gulen links.

Turkey detains more than 700 over alleged links to coup bid

China hit back on Monday at <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/chinas-treatment-of-uighurs-a-great-embarrassment-for-humanity-turkey-196302">Turkish criticism over its treatment of Uighurs</a> and denied Ankara's claim that a renowned poet from the Muslim minority had died in custody, calling it an "absurd lie".

Turkey's foreign ministry had released a statement on Saturday severely criticising China's mass detentions of its Turkic-speaking Uighurs, and claiming that poet Abdurehim Heyit had died serving an eight-year Chinese prison sentence imposed as punishment over "one of his songs".

But China on Sunday released a video showing a man who identified himself as Heyit and saying that he was alive and well.

"China has made solemn representations toward Turkey. We hope the relevant Turkish persons can distinguish between right and wrong and correct their mistakes," Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Hua Chunying said during a daily press briefing.

She called the Turkish statement "vile" and urged Ankara to withdraw its "false accusations".&nbsp;

"I saw his (Heyit's) video online yesterday, showing that he is not only alive but also very healthy," she said.

A UN panel of experts has said that nearly one million Uighurs and other Turkic-speaking minorities had been herded into "re-education camps" in China's northwestern Xinjiang region, where most of the country's more than 10 million Uighurs live.

Turkey had said China's treatment of Uighurs was "a great embarrassment for humanity" -- perhaps the strongest condemnation yet from a Muslim country.

The Muslim world has been conspicuously quiet on the Uighur issue, possibly to avoid Chinese diplomatic or economic retaliation.

The plight of China's Uighurs is closely followed in Turkey due to shared linguistic, cultural and religious links and the presence of tens of thousands of ethnic Uighurs there.

'No abuse'

In its statement on Saturday, Turkey did not say how it had learned that Heyit died but said the "tragedy has further reinforced the reaction of the Turkish public opinion towards (the) serious human rights violations" in Xinjiang.

But state-controlled China Radio International (CRI) released a 26-second video on its Turkish service on Sunday.

"My name is Abdurehim Heyit. Today is February 10, 2019," the man in the video says, according to the English subtitles.

"I'm in the process of being investigated for allegedly violating the national laws," he added, in what appeared to be the Uighur language.

Wearing a black and white sweater over a collared shirt, he said he was in "good health" and has "never been abused", according to the subtitles.

AFP was unable to immediately verify the authenticity of the video or when it was shot.

CRI said it was released to state media by Xinjiang's regional government.

Xinjiang has come under intensifying police surveillance in recent years following repeated riots, bombings and attacks on Chinese security forces and civilians.

Beijing at first denied any Xinjiang detention camps existed, but later admitted people were being sent to what it calls "vocational education centres".

But critics say Uighurs are being pressured in the camps to assimilate with Chinese society and abandon religious and cultural practices that Beijing sees as potential sources of resistance.

The Turkish foreign ministry statement said Uighurs were being "subjected to torture and political brainwashing in concentration centres and prisons".

Hua, however, appeared to leave the door open to patching up the row, saying the two sides should endeavour to maintain "mutual trust and cooperation".

 
&nbsp;

China hit back on Monday at Turkish criticism over its treatment of Uighurs and denied Ankara's claim that a renowned poet from the Muslim minority had died in custody, calling it an "absurd lie".

China hit back on Monday at Turkish criticism over its treatment of Uighurs and denied Ankara's claim that a renowned poet from the Muslim minority had died in custody, calling it an "absurd lie". Turkey's foreign ministry had released a statement on Saturday severely criticising China's mass detentions of its Turkic-speaking Uighurs, and claiming that poet Abdurehim Heyit had died serving an eight-year Chinese prison sentence imposed as punishment over "one of his songs". But China on Sunday released a video showing a man who identified himself as Heyit and saying that he was alive and well. "China has made solemn representations toward Turkey. We hope the relevant Turkish persons can distinguish between right and wrong and correct their mistakes," Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Hua Chunying said during a daily press briefing. She called the Turkish statement "vile" and urged Ankara to withdraw its "false accusations". "I saw his (Heyit's) video online yesterday, showing that he is not only alive but also very healthy," she said. A UN panel of experts has said that nearly one million Uighurs and other Turkic-speaking minorities had been herded into "re-education camps" in China's northwestern Xinjiang region, where most of the country's more than 10 million Uighurs live. Turkey had said China's treatment of Uighurs was "a great embarrassment for humanity" -- perhaps the strongest condemnation yet from a Muslim country. The Muslim world has been conspicuously quiet on the Uighur issue, possibly to avoid Chinese diplomatic or economic retaliation. The plight of China's Uighurs is closely followed in Turkey due to shared linguistic, cultural and religious links and the presence of tens of thousands of ethnic Uighurs there. 'No abuse' In its statement on Saturday, Turkey did not say how it had learned that Heyit died but said the "tragedy has further reinforced the reaction of the Turkish public opinion towards (the) serious human rights violations" in Xinjiang. But state-controlled China Radio International (CRI) released a 26-second video on its Turkish service on Sunday. "My name is Abdurehim Heyit. Today is February 10, 2019," the man in the video says, according to the English subtitles. "I'm in the process of being investigated for allegedly violating the national laws," he added, in what appeared to be the Uighur language. Wearing a black and white sweater over a collared shirt, he said he was in "good health" and has "never been abused", according to the subtitles. AFP was unable to immediately verify the authenticity of the video or when it was shot. CRI said it was released to state media by Xinjiang's regional government. Xinjiang has come under intensifying police surveillance in recent years following repeated riots, bombings and attacks on Chinese security forces and civilians. Beijing at first denied any Xinjiang detention camps existed, but later admitted people were being sent to what it calls "vocational education centres". But critics say Uighurs are being pressured in the camps to assimilate with Chinese society and abandon religious and cultural practices that Beijing sees as potential sources of resistance. The Turkish foreign ministry statement said Uighurs were being "subjected to torture and political brainwashing in concentration centres and prisons". Hua, however, appeared to leave the door open to patching up the row, saying the two sides should endeavour to maintain "mutual trust and cooperation".

China rejects Turkey's criticism on Uighurs, denies poet died

In perhaps the most significant condemnation to date of China’s brutal crackdown on Turkic Muslims in its north-western province of Xinjiang.&nbsp;

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/uighur-musician-abdurehim-heyit-is-alive-says-chinas-state-run-television-196600">Turkey’s foreign ministry </a>demanded this weekend that Chinese authorities respect human rights of the Uighurs and close what it termed “concentration camps” in which up to one million people are believed to be imprisoned.

Calling the crackdown an “embarrassment to humanity,” Turkish Foreign Ministry spokesman Hami Aksoy said the death of detained Uighur poet and musician Abdurehim Heyit had prompted the ministry to issue its statement.

Known as the Rooster of Xinjiang, Heyit symbolised the Uighurs’ cultural links to the Turkic world, according to Adrian Zenz, a European School of Culture and Theology researcher who has done pioneering work on the crackdown.

Turkish media asserted that Heyit, who was serving an eight-year prison sentence, had been tortured to death. &nbsp;

Aksoy said Turkey was calling on other countries and United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres to take steps to end the “humanitarian tragedy” in Xinjiang.

The Chinese embassy in Ankara rejected the statement as a “violation of the facts,” insisting that China was fighting separatism, extremism and terrorism, not seeking to “eliminate” the Uighurs’ ethnic, religious or cultural identity.

Aksoy’s statement contrastèd starkly with President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s declaration six months earlier that China was Turkey’s economic partner of the future. At the time, Turkey had just secured a $3.6 billion loan for its energy and telecommunications sector from the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China (ICBC).

The Turkish statement constitutes the first major crack in the Muslim wall of silence that has enabled the Chinese crackdown, the most frontal assault on Islam in recent memory. The statement’s significance goes beyond developments in Xinjiang.

Like with Muslim condemnation of US President Donald J Trump’s decision last year to recognise Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, Turkey appears to be wanting to be seen as a spokesman of the Muslim world in its one-upmanship with Saudi Arabia and to a lesser degree Iran.

While neither the kingdom or Iran are likely to follow Turkey’s example any time soon, the statement raises the stakes and puts other contenders for leadership on the defensive.

The bulk of the Muslim world has remained conspicuously silent with only Malaysian leaders willing to speak out and set an example by last year rejecting Chinese demands that a group of Uighur asylum seekers be extradited to China. Malaysia instead allowed the group to go to Turkey.

The Turkish statement came days after four Islamist members of the Kuwaiti parliament organised the Arab world’s first public protest against the crackdown.

By contrast, Pakistani officials backed off initial criticism and protests in countries like Bangladesh and India have been at best sporadic.

Like the Turkish statement, a disagreement between major Indonesian religious leaders and the government on how to respond to the crackdown raises questions about the sustainability of the wall of silence.

Rejecting a call on the government to condemn the crackdown by the Indonesian Ulema Council, the country’s top clerical body, Indonesian vice-president Jusuf Kalla insisted that the government would not interfere in the internal affairs of others.

The council was one of the first, if not the first, major Muslim religious body to speak out on the issues of the Uighurs. Its non-active chairman and spiritual leader of Nahdlaltul Ulama, the world’s largest Muslim organisation, Maruf Amin, is running as President Joko Widodo’s vice-presidential candidate in elections in April.

The Turkish statement could have its most immediate impact in Central Asia, which like Turkey has close ethnic and cultural ties to Xinjiang, and is struggling to balance relations with China with the need to be seen to be standing up for the rights of its citizens and ethnic kin.

In Kazakhstan, Turkey’s newly found assertiveness towards China could make it more difficult for the government to return to China Sayragul Sautbay, a Chinese national of ethnic Kazakh descent and a former re-education camp employee who fled illegally to Kazakhstan to join her husband and child.

Sautbay, who stood trial in Kazakhstan last year for illegal entry, is the only camp instructor to have worked in a reeducation camp in Xinjiang teaching inmates Mandarin and Communist Party propaganda and spoken publicly about it.

She has twice been refused asylum in Kazakhstan and is appealing the decision. China is believed to be demanding that she be handed back to the Xinjiang authorities.

Similarly, Turkey’s statement could impact the fate of Qalymbek Shahman, a Chinese businessman of Kazakh descent, who is being held at the airport in the Uzbek capital of Tashkent after being denied entry into Kazakhstan.

"I was born in Emin county in China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region to a farming family. I wanted to go to Kazakhstan, because China's human rights record was making life intolerable. I would have my ID checked every 50 to 100 meters when I was in Xinjiang, This made me extremely anxious, and I couldn't stand it anymore," Shahman said in a video clip sent to Radio Free Asia from Tashkent airport.

A guide for foreign businessmen, Shahman said he was put out of business by the continued checks that raised questions in the minds of his clients and persuaded local businessmen not to work with him.

Said Zenz, the Xinjiang scholar, commenting on the significance of the Turkish statement: “A major outcry among the Muslim world was a key missing piece in the global Xinjiang row. In my view, it seems that China’s actions in Xinjiang are finally crossing a red line among the world’s Muslim communities, at least in Turkey, but quite possibly elsewhere.” 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

In perhaps the most significant condemnation to date of China’s brutal crackdown on Turkic Muslims in its north-western province of Xinjiang. Turkey’s foreign ministry demanded this weekend that Chinese authorities respect human rights of the Uighurs and close what it termed “concentration camps” in which up to one million people are believed to be imprisoned.

In perhaps the most significant condemnation to date of China’s brutal crackdown on Turkic Muslims in its north-western province of Xinjiang. Turkey’s foreign ministry demanded this weekend that Chinese authorities respect human rights of the Uighurs and close what it termed “concentration camps” in which up to one million people are believed to be imprisoned. Calling the crackdown an “embarrassment to humanity,” Turkish Foreign Ministry spokesman Hami Aksoy said the death of detained Uighur poet and musician Abdurehim Heyit had prompted the ministry to issue its statement. Known as the Rooster of Xinjiang, Heyit symbolised the Uighurs’ cultural links to the Turkic world, according to Adrian Zenz, a European School of Culture and Theology researcher who has done pioneering work on the crackdown. Turkish media asserted that Heyit, who was serving an eight-year prison sentence, had been tortured to death. Aksoy said Turkey was calling on other countries and United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres to take steps to end the “humanitarian tragedy” in Xinjiang. The Chinese embassy in Ankara rejected the statement as a “violation of the facts,” insisting that China was fighting separatism, extremism and terrorism, not seeking to “eliminate” the Uighurs’ ethnic, religious or cultural identity. Aksoy’s statement contrastèd starkly with President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s declaration six months earlier that China was Turkey’s economic partner of the future. At the time, Turkey had just secured a $3.6 billion loan for its energy and telecommunications sector from the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China (ICBC). The Turkish statement constitutes the first major crack in the Muslim wall of silence that has enabled the Chinese crackdown, the most frontal assault on Islam in recent memory. The statement’s significance goes beyond developments in Xinjiang. Like with Muslim condemnation of US President Donald J Trump’s decision last year to recognise Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, Turkey appears to be wanting to be seen as a spokesman of the Muslim world in its one-upmanship with Saudi Arabia and to a lesser degree Iran. While neither the kingdom or Iran are likely to follow Turkey’s example any time soon, the statement raises the stakes and puts other contenders for leadership on the defensive. The bulk of the Muslim world has remained conspicuously silent with only Malaysian leaders willing to speak out and set an example by last year rejecting Chinese demands that a group of Uighur asylum seekers be extradited to China. Malaysia instead allowed the group to go to Turkey. The Turkish statement came days after four Islamist members of the Kuwaiti parliament organised the Arab world’s first public protest against the crackdown. By contrast, Pakistani officials backed off initial criticism and protests in countries like Bangladesh and India have been at best sporadic. Like the Turkish statement, a disagreement between major Indonesian religious leaders and the government on how to respond to the crackdown raises questions about the sustainability of the wall of silence. Rejecting a call on the government to condemn the crackdown by the Indonesian Ulema Council, the country’s top clerical body, Indonesian vice-president Jusuf Kalla insisted that the government would not interfere in the internal affairs of others. The council was one of the first, if not the first, major Muslim religious body to speak out on the issues of the Uighurs. Its non-active chairman and spiritual leader of Nahdlaltul Ulama, the world’s largest Muslim organisation, Maruf Amin, is running as President Joko Widodo’s vice-presidential candidate in elections in April. The Turkish statement could have its most immediate impact in Central Asia, which like Turkey has close ethnic and cultural ties to Xinjiang, and is struggling to balance relations with China with the need to be seen to be standing up for the rights of its citizens and ethnic kin. In Kazakhstan, Turkey’s newly found assertiveness towards China could make it more difficult for the government to return to China Sayragul Sautbay, a Chinese national of ethnic Kazakh descent and a former re-education camp employee who fled illegally to Kazakhstan to join her husband and child. Sautbay, who stood trial in Kazakhstan last year for illegal entry, is the only camp instructor to have worked in a reeducation camp in Xinjiang teaching inmates Mandarin and Communist Party propaganda and spoken publicly about it. She has twice been refused asylum in Kazakhstan and is appealing the decision. China is believed to be demanding that she be handed back to the Xinjiang authorities. Similarly, Turkey’s statement could impact the fate of Qalymbek Shahman, a Chinese businessman of Kazakh descent, who is being held at the airport in the Uzbek capital of Tashkent after being denied entry into Kazakhstan. "I was born in Emin county in China's Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region to a farming family. I wanted to go to Kazakhstan, because China's human rights record was making life intolerable. I would have my ID checked every 50 to 100 meters when I was in Xinjiang, This made me extremely anxious, and I couldn't stand it anymore," Shahman said in a video clip sent to Radio Free Asia from Tashkent airport. A guide for foreign businessmen, Shahman said he was put out of business by the continued checks that raised questions in the minds of his clients and persuaded local businessmen not to work with him. Said Zenz, the Xinjiang scholar, commenting on the significance of the Turkish statement: “A major outcry among the Muslim world was a key missing piece in the global Xinjiang row. In my view, it seems that China’s actions in Xinjiang are finally crossing a red line among the world’s Muslim communities, at least in Turkey, but quite possibly elsewhere.” (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Harsh Turkish condemnation of Uighur abuse in Xinjiang cracks wall of silence

The death toll from the collapse of an apartment building in Istanbul rose to 21 Saturday, as President Recep Tayyip Erdogan said authorities have "lessons to learn" from the incident.

The eight-storey block in the Kartal district on the Asian side of the city collapsed on Wednesday but the cause is not yet clear.&nbsp;

Erdogan, visiting the site Saturday, said: "We have a great number of lessons to learn from this. We will take the necessary measures."

Interior Minister Suleyman Soylu, meanwhile, told reporters that the toll from the building collapse had risen to 21 dead and 14 injured.

It was the third time the toll figures were updated during the day.

"We estimate that there were 35 people trapped under the rubble and we have now accounted for 35," he said while stressing that search operations would continue as before.

Dozens of rescuers were working at the site with a crane lifting huge blocks of concrete to clear the rubble.

President Erdogan also visited a hospital to talk to survivors, before attending the funeral of the nine members of one family who lost their lives in the disaster.

Turkish authorities said 43 people were registered as living in the building.

Environment Minister Murat Kurum, who accompanied Erdogan, said the block had housed 14 apartments and three businesses.

Turkish media said three of the eight floors had been illegally built -- a common practice in the metropolis of around 15 million people.

The collapse fanned criticism of a government amnesty granted last year to people accused of illegal building -- a measure announced ahead of municipal elections this March.

Engineers and architects regularly sound the alarm against illegal additional storeys to buildings which they say weaken the constructions' structure, and put them at greater risk in the event of an earthquake.

A four-storey structure in Istanbul crumbled last year following violent thunderstorms. In January 2017, two people died when another building collapsed in a working class part of the city.

The death toll from the collapse of an apartment building in Istanbul rose to 21 Saturday, as President Recep Tayyip Erdogan said authorities have "lessons to learn" from the incident.

The death toll from the collapse of an apartment building in Istanbul rose to 21 Saturday, as President Recep Tayyip Erdogan said authorities have "lessons to learn" from the incident. The eight-storey block in the Kartal district on the Asian side of the city collapsed on Wednesday but the cause is not yet clear. Erdogan, visiting the site Saturday, said: "We have a great number of lessons to learn from this. We will take the necessary measures." Interior Minister Suleyman Soylu, meanwhile, told reporters that the toll from the building collapse had risen to 21 dead and 14 injured. It was the third time the toll figures were updated during the day. "We estimate that there were 35 people trapped under the rubble and we have now accounted for 35," he said while stressing that search operations would continue as before. Dozens of rescuers were working at the site with a crane lifting huge blocks of concrete to clear the rubble. President Erdogan also visited a hospital to talk to survivors, before attending the funeral of the nine members of one family who lost their lives in the disaster. Turkish authorities said 43 people were registered as living in the building. Environment Minister Murat Kurum, who accompanied Erdogan, said the block had housed 14 apartments and three businesses. Turkish media said three of the eight floors had been illegally built -- a common practice in the metropolis of around 15 million people. The collapse fanned criticism of a government amnesty granted last year to people accused of illegal building -- a measure announced ahead of municipal elections this March. Engineers and architects regularly sound the alarm against illegal additional storeys to buildings which they say weaken the constructions' structure, and put them at greater risk in the event of an earthquake. A four-storey structure in Istanbul crumbled last year following violent thunderstorms. In January 2017, two people died when another building collapsed in a working class part of the city.

Death toll from Turkey building collapse rises to 21

Turkey on Saturday condemned China's treatment of its Muslim ethnic Uighur people as "<a href="http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/pakistanis-distressed-as-uighur-wives-vanish-in-china-dragnet-36992">a great embarrassment for humanity</a>," adding to rights groups' recent criticism over mass detentions of the Turkic-speaking minority.

"The systematic assimilation policy of Chinese authorities towards Uighur Turks is a great embarrassment for humanity," Turkish foreign ministry spokesman Hami Aksoy said in a statement.

The northwest Xinjiang region of China, where most Uighurs live, has been under heavy police surveillance in recent years, after violent inter-ethnic tensions.

Nearly one million Uighurs and other Turkic language-speaking minorities in China have reportedly been held in re-education camps, according to a UN panel of experts.

Beijing says the "vocational education centres" help people steer clear of terrorism and allow them to be reintegrated into society.

But critics say China is seeking to assimilate Xinjiang's minority population and suppress religious and cultural practices that conflict with Communist ideology and the dominant Han culture.

"It is no longer a secret that more than one million Uighur Turks, -- who are exposed to arbitrary arrests -- are subjected to torture and political brainwashing in concentration centres and prisons," Aksoy said in the Turkish foreign ministry statement.&nbsp;

"Uighurs who are not detained in the camps are also under great pressure," he added.&nbsp;

Turkey called on the international community and UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres "to take effective steps to end the human tragedy in Xinjiang region."

Most mainly Muslim countries have not been vocal on the issue, not criticising the government in China which is an important trading partner.

Aksoy also said Turkey had learned of the "tragic" death in custody Saturday of Uighur poet and musician Abdurehim Heyit.&nbsp;

"We've learned with great sorrow that dignified poet Abdurehim Heyit, who was sentenced to eight years in prison for his compositions, died in the second year of his imprisonment," he said.&nbsp;

"This tragic incident has further strengthened the Turkish public's reaction to the serious human rights violations in Xinjiang Region."

Turkey on Saturday condemned China's treatment of its Muslim ethnic Uighur people as "a great embarrassment for humanity," adding to rights groups' recent criticism over mass detentions of the Turkic-speaking minority.

Turkey on Saturday condemned China's treatment of its Muslim ethnic Uighur people as "a great embarrassment for humanity," adding to rights groups' recent criticism over mass detentions of the Turkic-speaking minority. "The systematic assimilation policy of Chinese authorities towards Uighur Turks is a great embarrassment for humanity," Turkish foreign ministry spokesman Hami Aksoy said in a statement. The northwest Xinjiang region of China, where most Uighurs live, has been under heavy police surveillance in recent years, after violent inter-ethnic tensions. Nearly one million Uighurs and other Turkic language-speaking minorities in China have reportedly been held in re-education camps, according to a UN panel of experts. Beijing says the "vocational education centres" help people steer clear of terrorism and allow them to be reintegrated into society. But critics say China is seeking to assimilate Xinjiang's minority population and suppress religious and cultural practices that conflict with Communist ideology and the dominant Han culture. "It is no longer a secret that more than one million Uighur Turks, -- who are exposed to arbitrary arrests -- are subjected to torture and political brainwashing in concentration centres and prisons," Aksoy said in the Turkish foreign ministry statement. "Uighurs who are not detained in the camps are also under great pressure," he added. Turkey called on the international community and UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres "to take effective steps to end the human tragedy in Xinjiang region." Most mainly Muslim countries have not been vocal on the issue, not criticising the government in China which is an important trading partner. Aksoy also said Turkey had learned of the "tragic" death in custody Saturday of Uighur poet and musician Abdurehim Heyit. "We've learned with great sorrow that dignified poet Abdurehim Heyit, who was sentenced to eight years in prison for his compositions, died in the second year of his imprisonment," he said. "This tragic incident has further strengthened the Turkish public's reaction to the serious human rights violations in Xinjiang Region."

China's treatment of Uighurs a 'great embarrassment for humanity': Turkey

Turkey on Wednesday hit out at President Emmanuel Macron's announcement that France would make April 24 a "national day of commemoration of the Armenian genocide".

"We condemn and reject attempts by Macron, who is afflicted by political problems in his own country, to try and save the day by turning historical events into a political matter," Turkish presidential spokesman Ibrahim Kalin said in a statement after the French leader's announcement on Tuesday.

Macron said Tuesday: "France is, first and foremost, the country that knows how to look history in the face," during a speech to the Armenian community at a dinner in Paris.

Turkey and Armenia have long been at odds over the treatment of Armenians during World War I.

Armenians say up to 1.5 million of their people were killed during the war.

But Turkey -- the Ottoman Empire's successor state -- denies that the massacres, imprisonment and forced deportation of Armenians from 1915 amounted to a genocide.

"The claims of a so-called Armenian genocide have no legal basis at all, and go against historical realities. It is a political lie," Kalin said.

"No one can sully our history," the spokesman added.

The French president said he had previously informed his Turkish counterpart Recep Tayyip Erdogan of his decision.

France was one of the first major European nations to recognise the mass killings as "genocide". More than 20 other countries have followed suit.

Armenians commemorate the massacres on April 24 -- the day in 1915 when thousands of Armenian intellectuals suspected of harbouring nationalist sentiment and being hostile to Ottoman rule were rounded up.

Turkey on Wednesday hit out at President Emmanuel Macron's announcement that France would make April 24 a "national day of commemoration of the Armenian genocide".

Turkey on Wednesday hit out at President Emmanuel Macron's announcement that France would make April 24 a "national day of commemoration of the Armenian genocide". "We condemn and reject attempts by Macron, who is afflicted by political problems in his own country, to try and save the day by turning historical events into a political matter," Turkish presidential spokesman Ibrahim Kalin said in a statement after the French leader's announcement on Tuesday. Macron said Tuesday: "France is, first and foremost, the country that knows how to look history in the face," during a speech to the Armenian community at a dinner in Paris. Turkey and Armenia have long been at odds over the treatment of Armenians during World War I. Armenians say up to 1.5 million of their people were killed during the war. But Turkey -- the Ottoman Empire's successor state -- denies that the massacres, imprisonment and forced deportation of Armenians from 1915 amounted to a genocide. "The claims of a so-called Armenian genocide have no legal basis at all, and go against historical realities. It is a political lie," Kalin said. "No one can sully our history," the spokesman added. The French president said he had previously informed his Turkish counterpart Recep Tayyip Erdogan of his decision. France was one of the first major European nations to recognise the mass killings as "genocide". More than 20 other countries have followed suit. Armenians commemorate the massacres on April 24 -- the day in 1915 when thousands of Armenian intellectuals suspected of harbouring nationalist sentiment and being hostile to Ottoman rule were rounded up.

Turkey condemns Macron plan for national day marking 'Armenian genocide'

By Nisha Bellinger and Byunghwan Son

Democracy is at risk worldwide. And the economy may be, too.

Seventy-one out of the world’s 195 countries saw their democratic institutions erode in recent years, according to the 2018 year-end report by democracy watchdog Freedom House, a phenomenon known as “democratic backsliding.” Signs of backsliding include elected leaders who expand their executive powers while weakening the legislature and judiciary, elections that have become less competitive and shrinking press freedom.

When government institutions erode like this, it isn’t just bad for democracy - it also hurts countries economically, research shows.

To understand why, we applied our background as political scientists focused on developing economies to study Venezuela, Turkey and Hungary – all countries that have seen varying degrees of democratic backsliding in recent years.

The authoritarian economic problem

All three countries have struggled economically as their democratically elected leaders turned authoritarian over the past five years.

In Turkey, President Recep Erdoğan has been steadily consolidating presidential powers for years while attacking the independence of both the legislative and judicial branches, as well as restricting press and academic freedoms. Turkey’s economy has struggled in kind, with gross domestic product dropping about 60 per cent between 2013 and 2016. Its currency, the lire, also collapsed last year, plunging the country into crisis.

Under the autocratic leadership of President Nicolás Maduro – who is now in a bitter power struggle to retain the presidency – Venezuela has seen financial ruin. Inflation hit 80,000 per cent there last year, and food and medicine are scarce. Venezuela’s government stopped releasing economic data in 2014, but its gross domestic product is believed to have shrunk by around 15 per cent for each of the last three years.

Meanwhile, Hungary has stagnated as Prime Minister Victor Orbán has become increasingly undemocratic. Since the 2014 election, when Orban’s grip on power really tightened, growth has mostly dropped, from 4 per cent in 2014 to 2 per cent in 2016. The World Bank predicts that Hungary’s economy will continue to contract through 2020 and beyond.

Leaders are fallible

Authoritarianism isn’t always bad for the economy. Autocratic China and Singapore are both economic success stories, growing at double digits – a pace largely unseen in Western democracies.

But these countries were never set up to be democracies.

When a one-time democracy turns toward authoritarianism, however, the economic effect is often negative. That’s because, in a democracy, economic policy is meant to be made jointly, by various elected officials from the executive and legislative branches. Other independent government agencies, like the US Federal Reserve or central bank, help decide economic policy, too.

Lawmakers check impulsive decisions by presidents in a number of formal and informal ways, our research shows. Policies that relate to government investments, taxing and spending, among other issues, are generally the result of negotiation between the two branches.

When legislatures can no longer effectively serve this function – because they’ve been sidelined, as in Venezuela and Turkey, or because they are dominated by the ruling party, as in Hungary – there’s little to prevent authoritarian leaders from making bad choices that hurt the economy.

Turkey is a good example of the risks that come from having one all-powerful, fallible leader.

In July 2018, President Erdoğan expanded his executive powers to include making key appointments to Turkey’s central bank and appointed his son-in-law to lead economic policy in Turkey. Erdoğan then restricted the bank from raising interest rates to curb rising inflation – despite warnings from economists that this move would lead the value of the Turkish currency to plummet. And, of course, it did.

Social unrest is bad for the economy

Legislatures play an important role in setting economic policy also because, as representative bodies made up of different political parties, they serve as channels through which people and social groups can make demands on policymakers.

In a healthy legislative debate in a functioning democracy, opposing parties develop economic policies that help their constituents. They also try to change laws that they believe will hurt the people they represent.

When authoritarian leaders sideline opposition parties and stack the legislature with their supporters, the only way for citizens to air their grievances is on the streets.

Venezuelans staged months of mass daily protests in 2017 after President Maduro stripped Venezuela’s opposition-dominated parliament of its powers. They are marching again now, demanding Maduro’s ouster.

Social unrest can deepen economic woes, especially when it gets violent. Riots may destroy physical infrastructures like oil pipelines or block highways that keeps the country running. People may flee for their own safety, leaving jobs undone and critical positions unfilled.

Democratic backsliding reduces foreign investment

International markets, too, dislike social unrest. When protests are prolonged or if the governments crack down violently, it is common for investors to flee.

International investors get worried, too, when parliaments have too few opposition parties to effectively check the executive branch, our study finds.

When democratically elected leaders turn authoritarian, investors get nervous, withdrawing funds and reducing investments.

Since 2013, Hungary, Venezuela and Turkey have all seen notable declines in their foreign direct investment, a measure of global confidence in a country, according to the World Bank. Declines range from 66 per cent in Venezuela to 300 per cent in Hungary.

One reason investment drops as democracy erodes is because investors fear the government could begin meddling in their businesses in ways that reduce profits.

This is a common strategy of authoritarian leaders from both the right and the left.

Since taking sweeping control of Hungary’s parliament in 2018, for example, President Orban’s right-wing Fidesz party has reasserted government control over major energy firms, taking over public utilities and increasing government oversight of foreign companies that operate in the country.

In Venezuela, the left-wing Maduro has taken over food production in the country, ordering companies like Nestle and Pepsi to vacate their factories in 2015.

It’s all about the legislatures 
 
Our study found one condition that allows economies to thrive even when democracy is in decline: functioning political parties in independent legislatures.

In the Philippines, hard-right president Rodrigo Duterte has imprisoned, even killed, thousands of citizens as part of his “war on drugs.” Duterte has also arrested powerful people who criticize his policies. So far, however, the Filipino parliament is still fairly functional, with opposition parties that operate freely.

Consequently, the Filipino economy remains unaffected by Duterte’s authoritarianism. Gross domestic product has grown at a good rate of around 7 per cent since 2012. Foreign investments have also been increasing.

Sharing some power with lawmakers gives the economy a boost. Ultimately, that may help these authoritarian-leaning leaders stay in power longer.

(Nisha Bellinger is Assistant Professor of Political Science, Boise State University; &nbsp;Byunghwan Son is Assistant Professor of Global Affairs, George Mason University)

(This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/is-authoritarianism-bad-for-the-economy-ask-venezuela-or-hungary-or-turkey-106749">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

By Nisha Bellinger and Byunghwan Son Democracy is at risk worldwide. And the economy may be, too. Seventy-one out of the world’s 195 countries saw their democratic institutions erode in recent years, according to the 2018 year-end report by democracy watchdog Freedom House, a phenomenon known as “democratic backsliding.

By Nisha Bellinger and Byunghwan Son Democracy is at risk worldwide. And the economy may be, too. Seventy-one out of the world’s 195 countries saw their democratic institutions erode in recent years, according to the 2018 year-end report by democracy watchdog Freedom House, a phenomenon known as “democratic backsliding.” Signs of backsliding include elected leaders who expand their executive powers while weakening the legislature and judiciary, elections that have become less competitive and shrinking press freedom. When government institutions erode like this, it isn’t just bad for democracy - it also hurts countries economically, research shows. To understand why, we applied our background as political scientists focused on developing economies to study Venezuela, Turkey and Hungary – all countries that have seen varying degrees of democratic backsliding in recent years. The authoritarian economic problem All three countries have struggled economically as their democratically elected leaders turned authoritarian over the past five years. In Turkey, President Recep Erdoğan has been steadily consolidating presidential powers for years while attacking the independence of both the legislative and judicial branches, as well as restricting press and academic freedoms. Turkey’s economy has struggled in kind, with gross domestic product dropping about 60 per cent between 2013 and 2016. Its currency, the lire, also collapsed last year, plunging the country into crisis. Under the autocratic leadership of President Nicolás Maduro – who is now in a bitter power struggle to retain the presidency – Venezuela has seen financial ruin. Inflation hit 80,000 per cent there last year, and food and medicine are scarce. Venezuela’s government stopped releasing economic data in 2014, but its gross domestic product is believed to have shrunk by around 15 per cent for each of the last three years. Meanwhile, Hungary has stagnated as Prime Minister Victor Orbán has become increasingly undemocratic. Since the 2014 election, when Orban’s grip on power really tightened, growth has mostly dropped, from 4 per cent in 2014 to 2 per cent in 2016. The World Bank predicts that Hungary’s economy will continue to contract through 2020 and beyond. Leaders are fallible Authoritarianism isn’t always bad for the economy. Autocratic China and Singapore are both economic success stories, growing at double digits – a pace largely unseen in Western democracies. But these countries were never set up to be democracies. When a one-time democracy turns toward authoritarianism, however, the economic effect is often negative. That’s because, in a democracy, economic policy is meant to be made jointly, by various elected officials from the executive and legislative branches. Other independent government agencies, like the US Federal Reserve or central bank, help decide economic policy, too. Lawmakers check impulsive decisions by presidents in a number of formal and informal ways, our research shows. Policies that relate to government investments, taxing and spending, among other issues, are generally the result of negotiation between the two branches. When legislatures can no longer effectively serve this function – because they’ve been sidelined, as in Venezuela and Turkey, or because they are dominated by the ruling party, as in Hungary – there’s little to prevent authoritarian leaders from making bad choices that hurt the economy. Turkey is a good example of the risks that come from having one all-powerful, fallible leader. In July 2018, President Erdoğan expanded his executive powers to include making key appointments to Turkey’s central bank and appointed his son-in-law to lead economic policy in Turkey. Erdoğan then restricted the bank from raising interest rates to curb rising inflation – despite warnings from economists that this move would lead the value of the Turkish currency to plummet. And, of course, it did. Social unrest is bad for the economy Legislatures play an important role in setting economic policy also because, as representative bodies made up of different political parties, they serve as channels through which people and social groups can make demands on policymakers. In a healthy legislative debate in a functioning democracy, opposing parties develop economic policies that help their constituents. They also try to change laws that they believe will hurt the people they represent. When authoritarian leaders sideline opposition parties and stack the legislature with their supporters, the only way for citizens to air their grievances is on the streets. Venezuelans staged months of mass daily protests in 2017 after President Maduro stripped Venezuela’s opposition-dominated parliament of its powers. They are marching again now, demanding Maduro’s ouster. Social unrest can deepen economic woes, especially when it gets violent. Riots may destroy physical infrastructures like oil pipelines or block highways that keeps the country running. People may flee for their own safety, leaving jobs undone and critical positions unfilled. Democratic backsliding reduces foreign investment International markets, too, dislike social unrest. When protests are prolonged or if the governments crack down violently, it is common for investors to flee. International investors get worried, too, when parliaments have too few opposition parties to effectively check the executive branch, our study finds. When democratically elected leaders turn authoritarian, investors get nervous, withdrawing funds and reducing investments. Since 2013, Hungary, Venezuela and Turkey have all seen notable declines in their foreign direct investment, a measure of global confidence in a country, according to the World Bank. Declines range from 66 per cent in Venezuela to 300 per cent in Hungary. One reason investment drops as democracy erodes is because investors fear the government could begin meddling in their businesses in ways that reduce profits. This is a common strategy of authoritarian leaders from both the right and the left. Since taking sweeping control of Hungary’s parliament in 2018, for example, President Orban’s right-wing Fidesz party has reasserted government control over major energy firms, taking over public utilities and increasing government oversight of foreign companies that operate in the country. In Venezuela, the left-wing Maduro has taken over food production in the country, ordering companies like Nestle and Pepsi to vacate their factories in 2015. It’s all about the legislatures Our study found one condition that allows economies to thrive even when democracy is in decline: functioning political parties in independent legislatures. In the Philippines, hard-right president Rodrigo Duterte has imprisoned, even killed, thousands of citizens as part of his “war on drugs.” Duterte has also arrested powerful people who criticize his policies. So far, however, the Filipino parliament is still fairly functional, with opposition parties that operate freely. Consequently, the Filipino economy remains unaffected by Duterte’s authoritarianism. Gross domestic product has grown at a good rate of around 7 per cent since 2012. Foreign investments have also been increasing. Sharing some power with lawmakers gives the economy a boost. Ultimately, that may help these authoritarian-leaning leaders stay in power longer. (Nisha Bellinger is Assistant Professor of Political Science, Boise State University; Byunghwan Son is Assistant Professor of Global Affairs, George Mason University) (This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Is authoritarianism bad for the economy? Ask Venezuela, Hungary or Turkey

Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan said on Tuesday&nbsp;he had not yet seen an acceptable plan for the creation of a safe zone in northeastern Syria, three weeks after US President Donald Trump suggested establishing the zone.

"There is no satisfactory plan that is put before us concretely yet," Erdogan told a parliamentary meeting of his AK Party.

"Of course we are loyal to our agreements, our promise is a promise. But our patience is not limitless," he added.

Turkey wants to set up the safe zone with logistical support from allies and says it should be cleared of the US-backed Kurdish YPG militia which Ankara considers a terrorist group.

Erdogan also said that if terrorists are not removed from the northern town of Manbij in a few weeks, Turkey's waiting time will end.

The safe zone will be an issue at a meeting on Wednesday in the United States of ministers from a coalition of countries fighting the Islamic State militant group. Turkey's Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu will attend those talks.

Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan said on Tuesday he had not yet seen an acceptable plan for the creation of a safe zone in northeastern Syria, three weeks after US President Donald Trump suggested establishing the zone.

Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan said on Tuesday he had not yet seen an acceptable plan for the creation of a safe zone in northeastern Syria, three weeks after US President Donald Trump suggested establishing the zone. "There is no satisfactory plan that is put before us concretely yet," Erdogan told a parliamentary meeting of his AK Party. "Of course we are loyal to our agreements, our promise is a promise. But our patience is not limitless," he added. Turkey wants to set up the safe zone with logistical support from allies and says it should be cleared of the US-backed Kurdish YPG militia which Ankara considers a terrorist group. Erdogan also said that if terrorists are not removed from the northern town of Manbij in a few weeks, Turkey's waiting time will end. The safe zone will be an issue at a meeting on Wednesday in the United States of ministers from a coalition of countries fighting the Islamic State militant group. Turkey's Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu will attend those talks.

Turkey's Erdogan says no satisfactory plan with US on north Syria safe zone

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan on Tuesday said the country's largest private lender Isbank, partly owned by the main opposition party, would become a property of the Treasury, causing the bank's shares to plunge.

"God willing, Isbank will become a Treasury property," Erdogan told his ruling party lawmakers in the parliament.&nbsp;

"This parliament will make this historic decision with God's permission," he said.

Isbank, by its full name Turkish Is Bankasi, was established in 1924 by the founder of the modern Turkish republic Mustafa Kemal Ataturk.&nbsp;

After Ataturk's death in 1938, his shares were transferred to the opposition Republican People's Party (CHP).

The CHP holds a 28 per cent stake in Isbank and appoints four members to the bank's board.&nbsp;

The party vigorously opposes the transfer of Isbank's shares to the Treasury and has denounced it as political manoeuvering ahead of March local elections.

Erdogan's comments caused a drop of around three per cent in the bank's share price, but it later recovered from its worst levels.

Last year, Erdogan said it would be more appropriate for the holding to be under the Treasury's control, saying "the shares of Ataturk" should not belong to a political party.&nbsp;

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan on Tuesday said the country's largest private lender Isbank, partly owned by the main opposition party, would become a property of the Treasury, causing the bank's shares to plunge.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan on Tuesday said the country's largest private lender Isbank, partly owned by the main opposition party, would become a property of the Treasury, causing the bank's shares to plunge. "God willing, Isbank will become a Treasury property," Erdogan told his ruling party lawmakers in the parliament. "This parliament will make this historic decision with God's permission," he said. Isbank, by its full name Turkish Is Bankasi, was established in 1924 by the founder of the modern Turkish republic Mustafa Kemal Ataturk. After Ataturk's death in 1938, his shares were transferred to the opposition Republican People's Party (CHP). The CHP holds a 28 per cent stake in Isbank and appoints four members to the bank's board. The party vigorously opposes the transfer of Isbank's shares to the Treasury and has denounced it as political manoeuvering ahead of March local elections. Erdogan's comments caused a drop of around three per cent in the bank's share price, but it later recovered from its worst levels. Last year, Erdogan said it would be more appropriate for the holding to be under the Treasury's control, saying "the shares of Ataturk" should not belong to a political party.

Erdogan says Turkey bank will be Treasury property

Thousands of protesters Sunday joined a rally in Istanbul called by a pro-Kurdish party to show support for hunger strikes against prison conditions of Kurdish militant leader Abdullah Ocalan.

The protesters gathered at a square in Bakirkoy on the European side of Istanbul, with police tightening security measures.

"I am saluting my friends resisting in prisons. They are our honour, they are not alone," Fahit Ulas, a supporter of the Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP).

"If needed we will sacrifice our bodies for this cause. We have no fear," he added.

Some 250 prisoners all over Turkey have launched hunger strikes in support of HDP lawmaker Leyla Guven, who wants to pressure the Turkish government to allow Ocalan to hold regular meetings with his lawyers and family members.

Ocalan, one of the founders of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), has been serving a life sentence on a prison island off Istanbul since his 1999 capture.

The 55-year-old Guven was jailed in January 2018 for her criticism of Turkey's military operation against a Syrian Kurdish militia.

Last week, a Turkish court in Kurdish majority city Diyarbakir freed her under judicial supervision. Guven, who entered the 88th day of her hunger strike on Sunday, launched the protest move on November 8 while in jail.

She told AFP in an interview on Wednesday that she would press on with the hunger strike at home.

Garo Paylan, an HDP MP who joined the Istanbul protest, said choosing a hunger strike was a "last remedy," hoping Guven's demand would be met as soon as possible.

"We want this demand to be fulfilled before any death," he told AFP.

In 2012, hundreds of Kurdish prisoners ended a 68-day hunger strike after Ocalan urged them to do so.&nbsp;

The HDP party remains under the scrutiny of Turkish authorities, which accuse it of links to the PKK. Several of its MPs are behind bars, including former party leader Selahattin Demirtas.

Thousands of protesters Sunday joined a rally in Istanbul called by a pro-Kurdish party to show support for hunger strikes against prison conditions of Kurdish militant leader Abdullah Ocalan.

Thousands of protesters Sunday joined a rally in Istanbul called by a pro-Kurdish party to show support for hunger strikes against prison conditions of Kurdish militant leader Abdullah Ocalan. The protesters gathered at a square in Bakirkoy on the European side of Istanbul, with police tightening security measures. "I am saluting my friends resisting in prisons. They are our honour, they are not alone," Fahit Ulas, a supporter of the Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP). "If needed we will sacrifice our bodies for this cause. We have no fear," he added. Some 250 prisoners all over Turkey have launched hunger strikes in support of HDP lawmaker Leyla Guven, who wants to pressure the Turkish government to allow Ocalan to hold regular meetings with his lawyers and family members. Ocalan, one of the founders of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), has been serving a life sentence on a prison island off Istanbul since his 1999 capture. The 55-year-old Guven was jailed in January 2018 for her criticism of Turkey's military operation against a Syrian Kurdish militia. Last week, a Turkish court in Kurdish majority city Diyarbakir freed her under judicial supervision. Guven, who entered the 88th day of her hunger strike on Sunday, launched the protest move on November 8 while in jail. She told AFP in an interview on Wednesday that she would press on with the hunger strike at home. Garo Paylan, an HDP MP who joined the Istanbul protest, said choosing a hunger strike was a "last remedy," hoping Guven's demand would be met as soon as possible. "We want this demand to be fulfilled before any death," he told AFP. In 2012, hundreds of Kurdish prisoners ended a 68-day hunger strike after Ocalan urged them to do so. The HDP party remains under the scrutiny of Turkish authorities, which accuse it of links to the PKK. Several of its MPs are behind bars, including former party leader Selahattin Demirtas.

Thousands join protest in support for Turkey hunger strikes against prison conditions of Kurdish militant leader

Turkey's foreign minister said on Sunday countries which have recognised Venezuela's self-proclaimed interim president Juan Guaido were fueling <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/venezuela-as-thousands-of-guaido-supporters-hit-streets-nicolas-maduro-calls-for-early-parliamentary-elections-194664">Venezuela's troubles</a> and punishing millions of its people.

Turkey has backed <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/maduro-vs-guaido-who-is-backing-whom-193331">Venezuela's President Nicolas Maduro</a> in contrast with NATO allies the United States and Canada, and several right-leaning Latin American countries which have recognised Guaido's move to declare himself an interim leader.

Turkey's President Tayyip Erdogan, who has strengthened economic and political ties with Caracas, called Maduro last month to urge him to stand tall against what he described as "anti-democratic developments".

Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu said on Sunday the countries which were supporting Guaido should instead have worked for negotiations to resolve Venezuela's crisis.

"There is a problem in a country, there is a spark that can turn into a fire at any moment. In this case, they should have contributed to the solution of the problem through dialogue," Cavusoglu told reporters in Istanbul.

"But is that how they handled things? No. On the contrary, the event was fueled from the outside. The people of Venezuela are being punished by such approach," he said.

Cavusoglu said Turkey had tried to initiate talks on Venezuela last year between Washington and Latin American countries. "But today, none of the countries that have taken these steps against Venezuela has sought dialogue."

Disagreement over Venezuela could become another serious point of friction between Washington and Ankara, which are also divided over policy in Syria, Iran sanctions and Turkey's plans to buy Russian missile defence system.

On Friday Marshall Billingslea, US assistant secretary for terrorist financing at the Treasury held talks with Turkish officials about sanctions on Venezuela and Iran.

A senior US official said last week Washington was looking at Turkey's commercial activities with Venezuela and would take action "if we assess a violation of our sanctions".

Turkish officials say Ankara's trade is in accordance with international laws and regulations.

In his remarks on Sunday Cavusoglu also reiterated Turkish criticism of what Ankara sees as a weak international response to the killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi at the Saudi consulate in Istanbul four months ago.

"Recently Western countries - you know they are very sensitive about human rights, trying to teach everyone about human rights - are silent," he said suggesting they were more interested in protecting commercial ties with Riyadh.

"They are making deals and selling arms," Cavusoglu said.

Turkey's foreign minister said on Sunday countries which have recognised Venezuela's self-proclaimed interim president Juan Guaido were fueling Venezuela's troubles and punishing millions of its people.

Turkey's foreign minister said on Sunday countries which have recognised Venezuela's self-proclaimed interim president Juan Guaido were fueling Venezuela's troubles and punishing millions of its people. Turkey has backed Venezuela's President Nicolas Maduro in contrast with NATO allies the United States and Canada, and several right-leaning Latin American countries which have recognised Guaido's move to declare himself an interim leader. Turkey's President Tayyip Erdogan, who has strengthened economic and political ties with Caracas, called Maduro last month to urge him to stand tall against what he described as "anti-democratic developments". Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu said on Sunday the countries which were supporting Guaido should instead have worked for negotiations to resolve Venezuela's crisis. "There is a problem in a country, there is a spark that can turn into a fire at any moment. In this case, they should have contributed to the solution of the problem through dialogue," Cavusoglu told reporters in Istanbul. "But is that how they handled things? No. On the contrary, the event was fueled from the outside. The people of Venezuela are being punished by such approach," he said. Cavusoglu said Turkey had tried to initiate talks on Venezuela last year between Washington and Latin American countries. "But today, none of the countries that have taken these steps against Venezuela has sought dialogue." Disagreement over Venezuela could become another serious point of friction between Washington and Ankara, which are also divided over policy in Syria, Iran sanctions and Turkey's plans to buy Russian missile defence system. On Friday Marshall Billingslea, US assistant secretary for terrorist financing at the Treasury held talks with Turkish officials about sanctions on Venezuela and Iran. A senior US official said last week Washington was looking at Turkey's commercial activities with Venezuela and would take action "if we assess a violation of our sanctions". Turkish officials say Ankara's trade is in accordance with international laws and regulations. In his remarks on Sunday Cavusoglu also reiterated Turkish criticism of what Ankara sees as a weak international response to the killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi at the Saudi consulate in Istanbul four months ago. "Recently Western countries - you know they are very sensitive about human rights, trying to teach everyone about human rights - are silent," he said suggesting they were more interested in protecting commercial ties with Riyadh. "They are making deals and selling arms," Cavusoglu said.

Turkey says countries supporting Guaido fuel Venezuela crisis

The people of Turkey have been hit by food price hikes which has led to the government accusing merchants of speculation and the pulling of products from shelves.&nbsp;

The price of a kilo of eggplant nearly tripled from five liras ($0.96) last week to 12 liras ($2.30) on Saturday, despite the country's president Recep Tayyip Erdogan denouncing price hikes.&nbsp;

"If these grocery stores continue to exploit my people, it is my duty to hold them to account, and I will," Erdogan said during a meeting on Jan. 26, accusing them of treason.&nbsp;

Many merchants, in response, began to withdraw vegetables, including eggplants and peppers, from the market, escalating tensions.&nbsp;

"We had to take a decision in response to the rhetoric they use against us," chairman of the Retailers' Federation of Turkey, Mustafa Altunbilek, said, adding that merchants were trying to stop selling certain vegetables for a while.&nbsp;

Stuck between the two sides' positions, many Turkish people have denounced the sudden increase in the price of some of the most important ingredients in their national cuisine, such as bell peppers and eggplants.&nbsp;

The ingredients of a "menemen" meal, a tradition dish which includes eggs, tomatoes, green peppers and spices, for five people has gone up to the equivalent of four euros ($4.58), compared to 1.5 euros ($1.72) just 10 days ago.&nbsp;

"The average price of the food industry showed in Dec. annual increase of 25 percent, a little less than in Oct. but it is still an important hike," economist Ahmet Oncu told EFE.&nbsp;

The southwest coastal province of Antalya, which produces 53 percent of the vegetables in Turkey, has been struggling with bad weather and was hit by a tornado late in Jan.&nbsp;

The government has tried over the last few months to control inflation by striking measures such as deploying police forces at supermarkets to determine prices and investigate ones that are suspected of raising the prices.&nbsp;

In Jan., the Ministry of Finance ordered searches of Ankara's onion warehouses in a bid to avoid speculative measures, while the Ministry of Trade issued a memo asking the governors of Turkey's 81 provinces to notify it of prices on a weekly basis.&nbsp;

The people of Turkey have been hit by food price hikes which has led to the government accusing merchants of speculation and the pulling of products from shelves.

The people of Turkey have been hit by food price hikes which has led to the government accusing merchants of speculation and the pulling of products from shelves. The price of a kilo of eggplant nearly tripled from five liras ($0.96) last week to 12 liras ($2.30) on Saturday, despite the country's president Recep Tayyip Erdogan denouncing price hikes. "If these grocery stores continue to exploit my people, it is my duty to hold them to account, and I will," Erdogan said during a meeting on Jan. 26, accusing them of treason. Many merchants, in response, began to withdraw vegetables, including eggplants and peppers, from the market, escalating tensions. "We had to take a decision in response to the rhetoric they use against us," chairman of the Retailers' Federation of Turkey, Mustafa Altunbilek, said, adding that merchants were trying to stop selling certain vegetables for a while. Stuck between the two sides' positions, many Turkish people have denounced the sudden increase in the price of some of the most important ingredients in their national cuisine, such as bell peppers and eggplants. The ingredients of a "menemen" meal, a tradition dish which includes eggs, tomatoes, green peppers and spices, for five people has gone up to the equivalent of four euros ($4.58), compared to 1.5 euros ($1.72) just 10 days ago. "The average price of the food industry showed in Dec. annual increase of 25 percent, a little less than in Oct. but it is still an important hike," economist Ahmet Oncu told EFE. The southwest coastal province of Antalya, which produces 53 percent of the vegetables in Turkey, has been struggling with bad weather and was hit by a tornado late in Jan. The government has tried over the last few months to control inflation by striking measures such as deploying police forces at supermarkets to determine prices and investigate ones that are suspected of raising the prices. In Jan., the Ministry of Finance ordered searches of Ankara's onion warehouses in a bid to avoid speculative measures, while the Ministry of Trade issued a memo asking the governors of Turkey's 81 provinces to notify it of prices on a weekly basis.

Eggplant war in Turkey: Inflation, speculation, treason

Turkey has "strongly" condemned Israel's decision not to renew the mandate of an international monitoring group in the occupied West Bank city of Hebron.

"We strongly condemn Israel's unilateral termination of the mandate of the 'Temporary International Presence in Hebron' (TIPH) ... and expect this political decision to be reversed," the Turkish foreign ministry said in a statement late on Friday.

The Temporary International Presence in Hebron (TIPH) was established after a massacre of Palestinians in 1994.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said Monday he would not extend its mandate, accusing it of bias.&nbsp;

Ankara, however, dismissed the Israeli claim.&nbsp;

"We decisively reject the allegation that the TIPH has been working against Israel, which is presented by Israel as a justification for its decision."

In a series of Twitter posts on Saturday, Omer Celik, spokesman for the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), slammed the Israeli move as a "new step to cover up illegalities" and said it must be condemned.&nbsp;

"This Israeli step shows new aggressions are in the planning," he said, urging the world "to be more careful" about the situation in Hebron.

Turkey has observers in the Norway-led team tasked with promoting security for Palestinians in Hebron, which is holy to both Muslims and Jews and has been a flashpoint in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

Palestinian and European officials have also expressed concern and regret over the Israeli decision.&nbsp;

Turkey has "strongly" condemned Israel's decision not to renew the mandate of an international monitoring group in the occupied West Bank city of Hebron. "We strongly condemn Israel's unilateral termination of the mandate of the 'Temporary International Presence in Hebron' (TIPH) .

Turkey has "strongly" condemned Israel's decision not to renew the mandate of an international monitoring group in the occupied West Bank city of Hebron. "We strongly condemn Israel's unilateral termination of the mandate of the 'Temporary International Presence in Hebron' (TIPH) ... and expect this political decision to be reversed," the Turkish foreign ministry said in a statement late on Friday. The Temporary International Presence in Hebron (TIPH) was established after a massacre of Palestinians in 1994. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said Monday he would not extend its mandate, accusing it of bias. Ankara, however, dismissed the Israeli claim. "We decisively reject the allegation that the TIPH has been working against Israel, which is presented by Israel as a justification for its decision." In a series of Twitter posts on Saturday, Omer Celik, spokesman for the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), slammed the Israeli move as a "new step to cover up illegalities" and said it must be condemned. "This Israeli step shows new aggressions are in the planning," he said, urging the world "to be more careful" about the situation in Hebron. Turkey has observers in the Norway-led team tasked with promoting security for Palestinians in Hebron, which is holy to both Muslims and Jews and has been a flashpoint in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Palestinian and European officials have also expressed concern and regret over the Israeli decision.

Turkey denounces Israel's decision over Hebron monitoring

Troops captured four Islamic State (IS) suspects in a Turkish town on the Syrian border while they were attempting to cross the frontier illegally, the defence ministry announced on Saturday.

Border units from the Turkish armed forces captured the four "Daesh terrorists" on Friday in the Akcakale district of Sanliurfa in southeast Turkey, the ministry said on its official Twitter account, using an Arabic acronym for IS.&nbsp;

One of the suspects, identified as Feride Samur, was being sought with a red notice arrest warrant, the state-run Anadolu news agency reported.&nbsp;

IS jihadists are blamed in Turkey for a spate of terror attacks including a 2015 bombing on a peace rally in the capital Ankara's train station that claimed 100 lives.&nbsp;

Turkey has boosted security at its border crossings to prevent any infiltrations and allowed a US-led international coalition to launch air raids on the group's bases in Syria from its soil.

Troops captured four Islamic State (IS) suspects in a Turkish town on the Syrian border while they were attempting to cross the frontier illegally, the defence ministry announced on Saturday.

Troops captured four Islamic State (IS) suspects in a Turkish town on the Syrian border while they were attempting to cross the frontier illegally, the defence ministry announced on Saturday. Border units from the Turkish armed forces captured the four "Daesh terrorists" on Friday in the Akcakale district of Sanliurfa in southeast Turkey, the ministry said on its official Twitter account, using an Arabic acronym for IS. One of the suspects, identified as Feride Samur, was being sought with a red notice arrest warrant, the state-run Anadolu news agency reported. IS jihadists are blamed in Turkey for a spate of terror attacks including a 2015 bombing on a peace rally in the capital Ankara's train station that claimed 100 lives. Turkey has boosted security at its border crossings to prevent any infiltrations and allowed a US-led international coalition to launch air raids on the group's bases in Syria from its soil.

Turkey captures IS suspects on Syria border: Ministry

Syria said on Saturday it was ready to revive a landmark security deal with Turkey that normalized ties for two decades before the 2011 conflict if Ankara pulled its troops out of the war-torn country and stopped backing rebels.

In a foreign ministry statement, Syria said it was committed to the 1998 Adana accord, which forced Damascus to stop harbouring the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), which has waged an armed insurgency against the Turkish state for decades.

"Syria remains committed to this accord and all the agreements relating to fighting terror in all its forms by the two countries," said a foreign ministry statement released on state media.

Damascus, however, said reviving the Adana deal, which Russian President Vladimir Putin raised during his summit meeting with Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan last week, depended on Ankara ending its backing of rebels seeking to topple Syrian President Bashar al Assad and pulling its troops out of northwestern Syria.

Turkey has carved a sphere of influence in an opposition-held enclave in northwestern Syria around Idlib province with the help of mainstream Arab rebels who it backs. Its troops monitor a buffer zone in the province under a deal with Russia and Iran.

Western diplomatic sources say the timing of Putin's proposal to revive the Adana deal signalled a move to counter US&nbsp;President Donald Trump's recent call to set up a safe zone along the border inside Syria to support the Kurds.

Syria did not mention how it would deal with the US-backed Syrian Kurdish YPG militia, which Ankara says is an extension of the PKK.

The YPG has during the conflict established a Kurdish-led authority that runs much of northern and eastern Syria and which governs millions of ethnic Arabs in former Islamic State territory where most of Syria's oil wealth lies.

The YPG have engaged in dialogue with government officials to safeguard their autonomous region when US&nbsp;troops that back them pull out.

In a speech on Friday, Erdogan, who has long called for the ousting of President Bashar al Assad and whose country hosts millions of Syrians who fled the war, did not disavow the Adana agreement, saying it gave Turkey the right to enter Syrian territory when it faces threats.

Turkey, which has a large Kurdish population, sees Kurdish-controlled territory in Syria as a threat to its national security. It has repeatedly said it would not wait indefinitely to push out the YPG and that only it can establish the safe zone along its borders with Syria.

Syria said on Saturday it was ready to revive a landmark security deal with Turkey that normalized ties for two decades before the 2011 conflict if Ankara pulled its troops out of the war-torn country and stopped backing rebels.

Syria said on Saturday it was ready to revive a landmark security deal with Turkey that normalized ties for two decades before the 2011 conflict if Ankara pulled its troops out of the war-torn country and stopped backing rebels. In a foreign ministry statement, Syria said it was committed to the 1998 Adana accord, which forced Damascus to stop harbouring the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), which has waged an armed insurgency against the Turkish state for decades. "Syria remains committed to this accord and all the agreements relating to fighting terror in all its forms by the two countries," said a foreign ministry statement released on state media. Damascus, however, said reviving the Adana deal, which Russian President Vladimir Putin raised during his summit meeting with Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan last week, depended on Ankara ending its backing of rebels seeking to topple Syrian President Bashar al Assad and pulling its troops out of northwestern Syria. Turkey has carved a sphere of influence in an opposition-held enclave in northwestern Syria around Idlib province with the help of mainstream Arab rebels who it backs. Its troops monitor a buffer zone in the province under a deal with Russia and Iran. Western diplomatic sources say the timing of Putin's proposal to revive the Adana deal signalled a move to counter US President Donald Trump's recent call to set up a safe zone along the border inside Syria to support the Kurds. Syria did not mention how it would deal with the US-backed Syrian Kurdish YPG militia, which Ankara says is an extension of the PKK. The YPG has during the conflict established a Kurdish-led authority that runs much of northern and eastern Syria and which governs millions of ethnic Arabs in former Islamic State territory where most of Syria's oil wealth lies. The YPG have engaged in dialogue with government officials to safeguard their autonomous region when US troops that back them pull out. In a speech on Friday, Erdogan, who has long called for the ousting of President Bashar al Assad and whose country hosts millions of Syrians who fled the war, did not disavow the Adana agreement, saying it gave Turkey the right to enter Syrian territory when it faces threats. Turkey, which has a large Kurdish population, sees Kurdish-controlled territory in Syria as a threat to its national security. It has repeatedly said it would not wait indefinitely to push out the YPG and that only it can establish the safe zone along its borders with Syria.

Syria says Turkey must pull troops to revive security pact

Iraq on Sunday said it would summon the Turkish ambassador over the death of a Kurdish protester after Turkish troops opened fire on demonstrators in the country's northwest.

On Saturday night, Kurdish protesters stormed a Turkish army position in the Shiladzeh region of northwestern Iraq to protest the deaths of four civilians they said were killed last week in Turkish bombardment.

Witnesses said Turkish troops opened fire on the demonstrators, causing casualties and damage.

Iraq's foreign ministry on Sunday denounced the incident, saying one person was killed and several others wounded when Turkish forces "opened fire on citizens in the Shiladzeh area".

"The foreign ministry will summon the Turkish ambassador to hand a protest note about the incident and demand that it not be repeated," it added.&nbsp;

Turkish forces are deployed in Iraq's northern autonomous Kurdish region and often carry out raids and air strikes against the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), seen as a "terrorist" group by Ankara.

On Saturday, the Kurdish regional government said it was "saddened" by the casualties and material damage at Shiladzeh but only referred to an "incident" without mentioning Turkey or the protest.

Footage distributed by activists appeared to show protesters setting Turkish military vehicles on fire.

Turkey's defence ministry said one of its bases was attacked after "provocation by a PKK terror group," resulting in some damage to vehicles and other equipment.&nbsp;

On Sunday, Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu said the PKK was "troubled" because Ankara was hitting its "terror nests".&nbsp;

"They are provoking the local community. And we know that the PKK is behind this (the attack)," he told reporters in the southern city of Antalya.&nbsp;

Cavusoglu said he had spoken to the prime minister of autonomous Kurdistan, Nechirvan Barzani, who reportedly told him authorities would conduct a "comprehensive investigation".

The PKK has waged an insurgency against the Turkish state since 1984 but also operates bases in the Qandil mountain area of Iraq's Kurdish region.

In December, Baghdad summoned the Turkish ambassador to protest Ankara's "repeated" air strikes as a "violation of its sovereignty".&nbsp;

Turkey has pressed Iraq to play a bigger role in fighting the PKK, and last month announced deeper bilateral cooperation on the matter. 
&nbsp;

Iraq on Sunday said it would summon the Turkish ambassador over the death of a Kurdish protester after Turkish troops opened fire on demonstrators in the country's northwest.

Iraq on Sunday said it would summon the Turkish ambassador over the death of a Kurdish protester after Turkish troops opened fire on demonstrators in the country's northwest. On Saturday night, Kurdish protesters stormed a Turkish army position in the Shiladzeh region of northwestern Iraq to protest the deaths of four civilians they said were killed last week in Turkish bombardment. Witnesses said Turkish troops opened fire on the demonstrators, causing casualties and damage. Iraq's foreign ministry on Sunday denounced the incident, saying one person was killed and several others wounded when Turkish forces "opened fire on citizens in the Shiladzeh area". "The foreign ministry will summon the Turkish ambassador to hand a protest note about the incident and demand that it not be repeated," it added. Turkish forces are deployed in Iraq's northern autonomous Kurdish region and often carry out raids and air strikes against the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), seen as a "terrorist" group by Ankara. On Saturday, the Kurdish regional government said it was "saddened" by the casualties and material damage at Shiladzeh but only referred to an "incident" without mentioning Turkey or the protest. Footage distributed by activists appeared to show protesters setting Turkish military vehicles on fire. Turkey's defence ministry said one of its bases was attacked after "provocation by a PKK terror group," resulting in some damage to vehicles and other equipment. On Sunday, Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu said the PKK was "troubled" because Ankara was hitting its "terror nests". "They are provoking the local community. And we know that the PKK is behind this (the attack)," he told reporters in the southern city of Antalya. Cavusoglu said he had spoken to the prime minister of autonomous Kurdistan, Nechirvan Barzani, who reportedly told him authorities would conduct a "comprehensive investigation". The PKK has waged an insurgency against the Turkish state since 1984 but also operates bases in the Qandil mountain area of Iraq's Kurdish region. In December, Baghdad summoned the Turkish ambassador to protest Ankara's "repeated" air strikes as a "violation of its sovereignty". Turkey has pressed Iraq to play a bigger role in fighting the PKK, and last month announced deeper bilateral cooperation on the matter.

Baghdad to summon Turkey envoy over death of Kurdish protester

The battle lines in the 21st&nbsp;century’s Great Game aimed at shaping the creation of a new Eurasia-centred world, built on the likely fusion of Europe and Asia into what former Portuguese Europe minister&nbsp;Bruno Macaes calls a “supercontinent,”&nbsp;are all but cast in cement.

For now, the Great Game pits China together with Russia, Turkey and Iran against the United States, India, Japan and Australia. The two camps compete for influence, if not dominance, in a swath of land that stretches from the China Sea to the Atlantic coast of Europe.

The flashpoints are multiple. They range from the China Sea to Afghanistan, Pakistan, Syria, Turkey, Iran, and Central European nations and, most recently, far beyond with&nbsp;Russia, China and Turkey supporting embattled Venezuelan president Nicolas Maduro.

The rivalry resembles&nbsp;Risk, a popular game&nbsp;of diplomacy, conflict and conquest played on a board depicting a political map of the earth, divided into forty-two territories, which are grouped into six continents. Multiple players commanding armies that seek to capture territories engage in a complex dance as they strive for advantage and seek to compensate for weaknesses. Players form opportunistic alliances that could change at any moment. Potential black swans threaten to disrupt.

The black swans in the Great Game are multiple and far more numerous than those developed in a just published report by the Paris-based European Union Institute for Security Studies (EUISS). Nonetheless, the scenarios conceptualized in the report,&nbsp;‘What If? Scanning the horizon: 12 scenarios for 2021,”&nbsp;are grounded in recent trends and could prove to be game changers that radically rejigger the Great Game’s current line-up.

The scenarios or grey swans in the report’s terminology, if they unfold in reality, suggest that alliances in Eurasia are opportunistic and transactional and like with Risk can turn players on their erstwhile allies as interests diverge and re-converge. Analysis of five of the scenarios suggests that fragility is greatest in the efforts of China, Russia, Turkey and Iran to rebalance global power in their favour.

They suggest that strains in the United States’ relations with Russia and Turkey are not immutable. Similarly, Russia’s effort to lock in former Soviet republics with its Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) that groups Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan Belarus, and Armenia could prove to be on shaky ground. Russia’s alliance with Turkey and China as well as Iran even if the report has not developed the latter possibility may be on thinner ice than meets the eye.

The same can be said for grey swans in the United States’ ties to its long-standing allies as is played out in the report’s scenario for a withdrawal of US troops from Europe as a result of President Donald Trump’s accentuation of diverging trans-Atlantic interests.

With a multi-polar world the likely outcome of the battle for Eurasia, the scenarios suggest that the perceived decline of the United States, despite Trump’s unilateralism, is not irreversible. Similarly, depending on how it plays its cards, Iran could emerge either as a winner or a loser.

The four scenarios involve a renewed round of popular protest in the Arab world following the reversal of successful revolts in 2011 in Egypt, Libya and Yemen and the embrace of brutal repression; political violence in the Caucasus that pits Turkey against Russia and could threaten key nodes along China’s Belt and Road; the dissolution of the Eurasian Economic Union in an approaching post-Vladimir Putin era; a rejiggering of the political map of south-eastern Europe and&nbsp;&nbsp;a strengthening of European cohesion with the US troop withdrawal and resolution of tension between Serbia and Kosovo.

The notion of renewed popular Arab protests, including resistance to the influence of militias in Syria and Libya, that could rewrite the political map of the Middle East&nbsp;&nbsp;is hardly far-fetched with&nbsp;mass anti-government demonstrations in Sudan&nbsp;persisting for more than a month; riots in Tunisia, the one relatively successful 2011 revolt;&nbsp;protests on the West Bankagainst a new social security law; and&nbsp;anti-government marches in Iraq.

If anything, the revolts highlight the risks that all players in the Great Game run by supporting autocratic regimes that have largely failed to sustainably deliver public goods and services and/or offer good governance and cater to the social, economic and political aspirations of young populations.

“Pressure for change across the Arab world is likely to continue to grow, keeping pace with the growth in populations, inequality and social injustice,” concluded journalist Simon Tisdall on the&nbsp;eighth anniversary of the uprising in Egypt&nbsp;that toppled president Hosni Mubarak but was ultimately defeated by a military coup two years later.

The European Union Institute’s report imagines a massive attack on the Baku Kars rail line, a vital node in the Belt and Road’s linking of China to Europe that rekindles dormant local animosities as well as competing Russian and Turkish economic and geostrategic interests, prompting both Moscow and Ankara to lobby Washington for US support.

Similarly, a scenario envisaging Kazakhstan and Belarus withdrawing from the Eurasian union because of its inability to live up to its ambition of furthering regional integration sparks fears in Moscow that the demise of the regional consortium could spark the collapse of the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO), a military alliance that groups the five Eurasian union members as well as Tajikistan and hosts Afghanistan and Serbia as observers. The dissolution of the two organizations would significantly undermine Russia’s regional standing.

Likewise, a swap of land between Serbia and Kosovo that purifies two countries whose inter-communal relations have been poisoned by historic prejudices and recent wars opens a Pandora’s Box across south-eastern Europe but eases their accession to the European Union while a US troop withdrawal would force EU members to focus on collective security.

It would only take one of these scenarios to unfold and potentially spark a revisiting of the current line-up in the Great Game. Any one of the scenarios is a realistic possibility.

Said European Union Institute deputy director Florence Gaub in her introduction to the report: ”Grey Swans share with Black Swans a high level of strategic impact, but there is more evidence to support the idea that they are actually possible… The analogy with the 1985 film ‘Back to the Future’ is pure coincidence, of course – but just as in the film, we sometimes need to take a trip to the future to inform our decision-making today.”

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

The battle lines in the 21st century’s Great Game aimed at shaping the creation of a new Eurasia-centred world, built on the likely fusion of Europe and Asia into what former Portuguese Europe minister Bruno Macaes calls a “supercontinent,” are all but cast in cement.

The battle lines in the 21st century’s Great Game aimed at shaping the creation of a new Eurasia-centred world, built on the likely fusion of Europe and Asia into what former Portuguese Europe minister Bruno Macaes calls a “supercontinent,” are all but cast in cement. For now, the Great Game pits China together with Russia, Turkey and Iran against the United States, India, Japan and Australia. The two camps compete for influence, if not dominance, in a swath of land that stretches from the China Sea to the Atlantic coast of Europe. The flashpoints are multiple. They range from the China Sea to Afghanistan, Pakistan, Syria, Turkey, Iran, and Central European nations and, most recently, far beyond with Russia, China and Turkey supporting embattled Venezuelan president Nicolas Maduro. The rivalry resembles Risk, a popular game of diplomacy, conflict and conquest played on a board depicting a political map of the earth, divided into forty-two territories, which are grouped into six continents. Multiple players commanding armies that seek to capture territories engage in a complex dance as they strive for advantage and seek to compensate for weaknesses. Players form opportunistic alliances that could change at any moment. Potential black swans threaten to disrupt. The black swans in the Great Game are multiple and far more numerous than those developed in a just published report by the Paris-based European Union Institute for Security Studies (EUISS). Nonetheless, the scenarios conceptualized in the report, ‘What If? Scanning the horizon: 12 scenarios for 2021,” are grounded in recent trends and could prove to be game changers that radically rejigger the Great Game’s current line-up. The scenarios or grey swans in the report’s terminology, if they unfold in reality, suggest that alliances in Eurasia are opportunistic and transactional and like with Risk can turn players on their erstwhile allies as interests diverge and re-converge. Analysis of five of the scenarios suggests that fragility is greatest in the efforts of China, Russia, Turkey and Iran to rebalance global power in their favour. They suggest that strains in the United States’ relations with Russia and Turkey are not immutable. Similarly, Russia’s effort to lock in former Soviet republics with its Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) that groups Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan Belarus, and Armenia could prove to be on shaky ground. Russia’s alliance with Turkey and China as well as Iran even if the report has not developed the latter possibility may be on thinner ice than meets the eye. The same can be said for grey swans in the United States’ ties to its long-standing allies as is played out in the report’s scenario for a withdrawal of US troops from Europe as a result of President Donald Trump’s accentuation of diverging trans-Atlantic interests. With a multi-polar world the likely outcome of the battle for Eurasia, the scenarios suggest that the perceived decline of the United States, despite Trump’s unilateralism, is not irreversible. Similarly, depending on how it plays its cards, Iran could emerge either as a winner or a loser. The four scenarios involve a renewed round of popular protest in the Arab world following the reversal of successful revolts in 2011 in Egypt, Libya and Yemen and the embrace of brutal repression; political violence in the Caucasus that pits Turkey against Russia and could threaten key nodes along China’s Belt and Road; the dissolution of the Eurasian Economic Union in an approaching post-Vladimir Putin era; a rejiggering of the political map of south-eastern Europe and a strengthening of European cohesion with the US troop withdrawal and resolution of tension between Serbia and Kosovo. The notion of renewed popular Arab protests, including resistance to the influence of militias in Syria and Libya, that could rewrite the political map of the Middle East is hardly far-fetched with mass anti-government demonstrations in Sudan persisting for more than a month; riots in Tunisia, the one relatively successful 2011 revolt; protests on the West Bankagainst a new social security law; and anti-government marches in Iraq. If anything, the revolts highlight the risks that all players in the Great Game run by supporting autocratic regimes that have largely failed to sustainably deliver public goods and services and/or offer good governance and cater to the social, economic and political aspirations of young populations. “Pressure for change across the Arab world is likely to continue to grow, keeping pace with the growth in populations, inequality and social injustice,” concluded journalist Simon Tisdall on the eighth anniversary of the uprising in Egypt that toppled president Hosni Mubarak but was ultimately defeated by a military coup two years later. The European Union Institute’s report imagines a massive attack on the Baku Kars rail line, a vital node in the Belt and Road’s linking of China to Europe that rekindles dormant local animosities as well as competing Russian and Turkish economic and geostrategic interests, prompting both Moscow and Ankara to lobby Washington for US support. Similarly, a scenario envisaging Kazakhstan and Belarus withdrawing from the Eurasian union because of its inability to live up to its ambition of furthering regional integration sparks fears in Moscow that the demise of the regional consortium could spark the collapse of the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO), a military alliance that groups the five Eurasian union members as well as Tajikistan and hosts Afghanistan and Serbia as observers. The dissolution of the two organizations would significantly undermine Russia’s regional standing. Likewise, a swap of land between Serbia and Kosovo that purifies two countries whose inter-communal relations have been poisoned by historic prejudices and recent wars opens a Pandora’s Box across south-eastern Europe but eases their accession to the European Union while a US troop withdrawal would force EU members to focus on collective security. It would only take one of these scenarios to unfold and potentially spark a revisiting of the current line-up in the Great Game. Any one of the scenarios is a realistic possibility. Said European Union Institute deputy director Florence Gaub in her introduction to the report: ”Grey Swans share with Black Swans a high level of strategic impact, but there is more evidence to support the idea that they are actually possible… The analogy with the 1985 film ‘Back to the Future’ is pure coincidence, of course – but just as in the film, we sometimes need to take a trip to the future to inform our decision-making today.” (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Black swans haunt Eurasia's Great Game

Flights between <a href="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://www.wionews.com/world/un-rights-expert-to-visit-turkey-for-international-inquiry-in-khashoggi-murder-192754&amp;sa=U&amp;ved=0ahUKEwilz-aFqIvgAhUHTY8KHQPlApQQFggFMAA&amp;client=internal-uds-cse&amp;cx=006054055338965708568:09spwrlibei&amp;usg=AOvVaw36tLeojTpCDmcNt-BObaCq">Turkey</a> and the Iraqi Kurdish city of Sulaimaniyah resumed Saturday, according to aviation authorities, after a 16-month air blockade imposed by Ankara over an independence referendum.

Kurds in the administratively autonomous northern region overwhelmingly voted for independence in a non-binding referendum in September 2017 that infuriated Baghdad as well as Iraq's neighbours, Turkey and Iran.

In retaliation, Baghdad and Ankara blocked international flights from the two main Iraqi Kurdish cities of Arbil and Sulaimaniyah.

Almost all those <a href="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://www.wionews.com/india-news/traffic-restrictions-in-delhi-as-country-celebrates-70th-republic-day-192836&amp;sa=U&amp;ved=0ahUKEwjd_dz9qIvgAhVWi3AKHQgsC84QFggFMAA&amp;client=internal-uds-cse&amp;cx=006054055338965708568:09spwrlibei&amp;usg=AOvVaw3Iebe-r6uHQ_C58TOKnsvg">restrictions</a> were lifted last year but Turkey — which fears its own Kurdish minority could be inspired to push for independence — had maintained its blockade on Sulaimaniyah until Saturday.&nbsp;

"Implementing the Turkish government's decision to lift the air blockade on international fights from Sulaimaniyah, the first Turkish Airlines flight landed early this morning and returned to Turkey," said Sulaimaniyah airport chief Taher Abdallah.

He said the blockade cost the airport more than $5 million in 2018.&nbsp;

Iraqi Airways would resume flights between Sulaimaniyah and Istanbul in the coming days, civil air authorities said.

That brings air traffic to and from the Iraqi Kurdish region back to its status before the 2017 referendum.&nbsp;

At the time, the federal government rejected the poll as "illegal," imposed economic penalties and seized the disputed Kirkuk oil fields, halting exports.

But ties have improved markedly in recent months.

Authorities announced the resumption of oil exports from Kirkuk in November and last week, parliamentarians passed a 2019 budget guaranteeing Baghdad would pay the salaries of the Kurdish region's public workers and peshmerga armed forces.

Flights between Turkey and the Iraqi Kurdish city of Sulaimaniyah resumed Saturday, according to aviation authorities, after a 16-month air blockade imposed by Ankara over an independence referendum.

Flights between Turkey and the Iraqi Kurdish city of Sulaimaniyah resumed Saturday, according to aviation authorities, after a 16-month air blockade imposed by Ankara over an independence referendum. Kurds in the administratively autonomous northern region overwhelmingly voted for independence in a non-binding referendum in September 2017 that infuriated Baghdad as well as Iraq's neighbours, Turkey and Iran. In retaliation, Baghdad and Ankara blocked international flights from the two main Iraqi Kurdish cities of Arbil and Sulaimaniyah. Almost all those restrictions were lifted last year but Turkey — which fears its own Kurdish minority could be inspired to push for independence — had maintained its blockade on Sulaimaniyah until Saturday. "Implementing the Turkish government's decision to lift the air blockade on international fights from Sulaimaniyah, the first Turkish Airlines flight landed early this morning and returned to Turkey," said Sulaimaniyah airport chief Taher Abdallah. He said the blockade cost the airport more than $5 million in 2018. Iraqi Airways would resume flights between Sulaimaniyah and Istanbul in the coming days, civil air authorities said. That brings air traffic to and from the Iraqi Kurdish region back to its status before the 2017 referendum. At the time, the federal government rejected the poll as "illegal," imposed economic penalties and seized the disputed Kirkuk oil fields, halting exports. But ties have improved markedly in recent months. Authorities announced the resumption of oil exports from Kirkuk in November and last week, parliamentarians passed a 2019 budget guaranteeing Baghdad would pay the salaries of the Kurdish region's public workers and peshmerga armed forces.

Turkey renews flights to Iraqi Kurd city after 16-month ban

The Euphrates emerges where the Karasu and Murat rivers merge in northeastern Turkey and flows to join the Tigris near Basra in Iraq.&nbsp;

Historically, Mesopotamia the region lying between the Euphrates and Tigris, was the heartland of the Babylonian and Assyrian empires. It is today the territory of modern-day Turkey, Syria and Iraq and the centre of a conflict that has engulfed the Middle East.&nbsp;

Where it crosses Syria, a state torn in the conflict between President Assad and a plethora of anti-regime groups, the Euphrates today marks the rough dividing line between forces backed by Iran and the United States.&nbsp;

The area to the river’s east is controlled by the Kurdish Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) backed by the United States, while pro-regime forces backed by Iran control the western banks.&nbsp;

This unstated yet clearly demarcated balance was disturbed when President Donald Trump tweeted on December 19 about the immediate and unconditional US retreat from the area east of the Euphrates river.&nbsp;

This was not significant in terms of the numbers of troops that will be withdrawn, but of the deterrence that the US provided through air power and its commitment as the global superpower.&nbsp;

Should this deterrence be removed, the SDF whose backbone is the Kurdish Peoples’ Protection Units (YPG), would feel the pressure from multiple actors in the region, including Russia, Turkey and Iran as well as the Syrian regime that is increasingly gaining ground.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan (in an opinion piece on January 7 in the New York Times) reacted to the planned withdrawal by positing Turkey as the regional alternative who could ‘get the job done’.&nbsp;

Proposing a comprehensive strategy to eliminate the root causes of extremism, President Erdogan has called for a stabilisation force featuring fighters from all parts of Syria (except those with links to terrorist organisations), adequate representation of all communities in popularly elected councils and most importantly, a willingness to shoulder the responsibility of transition to stable governance.&nbsp;

Implicit in the offer is the stipulation for the liquidation of the YPG, which is the chief US ally in Syria, but which Ankara identifies as a terrorist affiliate of the banned Turkish group, the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), and the establishment of Turkish control in the east of Euphrates, a region covering about 27 per cent of Syrian territory.&nbsp;

This is not the first time Turkey has suggested a ‘zone of influence’ as a surrogate buffer zone. Similar offers of a ‘buffer zone’, signalling its initial intentions of a serious involvement, had been made by Turkey earlier as a measure to protect refugees fleeing the conflict in Syria. What is significant this time is President Trump’s tweet giving Turkey the green signal for actually setting up a 20-mile-wide buffer zone within Syria.

The proposed buffer zone under Turkish control has been rejected by the Syrian Kurds, who have called for the deployment of UN forces along the line separating Kurdish fighters from Turkish troops.&nbsp;

Identifying Turkey as one of the parties to the ongoing dispute, senior political leader Aldar Khalil has argued that as one of the players involved, Turkey cannot guarantee stability.&nbsp;

Complicated ethnic overlaps mean that the Kurdish population in the region now live across Turkey, Syria, Iran and Iraq with varying levels of autonomy.&nbsp;

While Turkey has accepted northern Iraq’s autonomous status over time, the dilemma is about the future of the Syrian Kurdish areas, adjoining southeastern Turkey, and the precedence that the autonomous status of the Kurds would create for the Kurdish population in Syria and Turkey.&nbsp;

Turkey has battled domestic Kurdish insurgency for decades and has only recently begun negotiations for conciliation. It, therefore, fears the domestic consequences of the creation of a contiguous area under Kurdish control in northern Syria.&nbsp;

When the Syrian crisis started in March 2011, Syria’s Kurds adopted an ambivalent position. However, in July 2012 they took control of several cities in the north where Kurds are in a majority.&nbsp;

The Kurdish Democratic Union Party (PYD), which governs this region bordering Turkey, is affiliated to the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) and has clearly expressed its interest to form an autonomous zone in Syria comparable to Iraqi Kurdistan, a move Ankara opposes.&nbsp;

Turkey’s Syrian policy, in which President Erdogan had sought President Assad’s overthrow, therefore became counterproductive when it contributed to bringing Syrian Kurds into the fray.

The grandiose Turkish rhetoric faces challenges on a number of fronts. The Turkish plan outlined in the New York Times piece would test Turkish military, administrative and financial capabilities unless supported by US military commitments.&nbsp;

In that case, it would face opposition from Russia, which supports the return of the Kurdish-held regions to the Assad regime and the Astana process of which it is a part.&nbsp;

It would also affect its position in western Syria where it has made inroads into Idlib with Russian support. Syrian Kurds are reportedly in favour of allowing the Assad regime jurisdiction over their areas, rather than surrender control to the Turkish. And most significantly, the January 16 attack on a US military convoy in the northern city of Manbij has raised questions about the practicality of the withdrawal of American ground presence in Syria.&nbsp;

This was the sixth major attack by the Islamic State in less than a month and has raised questions about rhetoric centered around the ‘defeat of the Islamic State’ and reconstruction in a post-Islamic State era. Experiences in Iraq and Afghanistan show that any such premature assumptions should be avoided.&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-middle-east-s-melting-pot-2710965">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

The Euphrates emerges where the Karasu and Murat rivers merge in northeastern Turkey and flows to join the Tigris near Basra in Iraq. Historically, Mesopotamia the region lying between the Euphrates and Tigris, was the heartland of the Babylonian and Assyrian empires.

The Euphrates emerges where the Karasu and Murat rivers merge in northeastern Turkey and flows to join the Tigris near Basra in Iraq. Historically, Mesopotamia the region lying between the Euphrates and Tigris, was the heartland of the Babylonian and Assyrian empires. It is today the territory of modern-day Turkey, Syria and Iraq and the centre of a conflict that has engulfed the Middle East. Where it crosses Syria, a state torn in the conflict between President Assad and a plethora of anti-regime groups, the Euphrates today marks the rough dividing line between forces backed by Iran and the United States. The area to the river’s east is controlled by the Kurdish Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) backed by the United States, while pro-regime forces backed by Iran control the western banks. This unstated yet clearly demarcated balance was disturbed when President Donald Trump tweeted on December 19 about the immediate and unconditional US retreat from the area east of the Euphrates river. This was not significant in terms of the numbers of troops that will be withdrawn, but of the deterrence that the US provided through air power and its commitment as the global superpower. Should this deterrence be removed, the SDF whose backbone is the Kurdish Peoples’ Protection Units (YPG), would feel the pressure from multiple actors in the region, including Russia, Turkey and Iran as well as the Syrian regime that is increasingly gaining ground. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan (in an opinion piece on January 7 in the New York Times) reacted to the planned withdrawal by positing Turkey as the regional alternative who could ‘get the job done’. Proposing a comprehensive strategy to eliminate the root causes of extremism, President Erdogan has called for a stabilisation force featuring fighters from all parts of Syria (except those with links to terrorist organisations), adequate representation of all communities in popularly elected councils and most importantly, a willingness to shoulder the responsibility of transition to stable governance. Implicit in the offer is the stipulation for the liquidation of the YPG, which is the chief US ally in Syria, but which Ankara identifies as a terrorist affiliate of the banned Turkish group, the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), and the establishment of Turkish control in the east of Euphrates, a region covering about 27 per cent of Syrian territory. This is not the first time Turkey has suggested a ‘zone of influence’ as a surrogate buffer zone. Similar offers of a ‘buffer zone’, signalling its initial intentions of a serious involvement, had been made by Turkey earlier as a measure to protect refugees fleeing the conflict in Syria. What is significant this time is President Trump’s tweet giving Turkey the green signal for actually setting up a 20-mile-wide buffer zone within Syria. The proposed buffer zone under Turkish control has been rejected by the Syrian Kurds, who have called for the deployment of UN forces along the line separating Kurdish fighters from Turkish troops. Identifying Turkey as one of the parties to the ongoing dispute, senior political leader Aldar Khalil has argued that as one of the players involved, Turkey cannot guarantee stability. Complicated ethnic overlaps mean that the Kurdish population in the region now live across Turkey, Syria, Iran and Iraq with varying levels of autonomy. While Turkey has accepted northern Iraq’s autonomous status over time, the dilemma is about the future of the Syrian Kurdish areas, adjoining southeastern Turkey, and the precedence that the autonomous status of the Kurds would create for the Kurdish population in Syria and Turkey. Turkey has battled domestic Kurdish insurgency for decades and has only recently begun negotiations for conciliation. It, therefore, fears the domestic consequences of the creation of a contiguous area under Kurdish control in northern Syria. When the Syrian crisis started in March 2011, Syria’s Kurds adopted an ambivalent position. However, in July 2012 they took control of several cities in the north where Kurds are in a majority. The Kurdish Democratic Union Party (PYD), which governs this region bordering Turkey, is affiliated to the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) and has clearly expressed its interest to form an autonomous zone in Syria comparable to Iraqi Kurdistan, a move Ankara opposes. Turkey’s Syrian policy, in which President Erdogan had sought President Assad’s overthrow, therefore became counterproductive when it contributed to bringing Syrian Kurds into the fray. The grandiose Turkish rhetoric faces challenges on a number of fronts. The Turkish plan outlined in the New York Times piece would test Turkish military, administrative and financial capabilities unless supported by US military commitments. In that case, it would face opposition from Russia, which supports the return of the Kurdish-held regions to the Assad regime and the Astana process of which it is a part. It would also affect its position in western Syria where it has made inroads into Idlib with Russian support. Syrian Kurds are reportedly in favour of allowing the Assad regime jurisdiction over their areas, rather than surrender control to the Turkish. And most significantly, the January 16 attack on a US military convoy in the northern city of Manbij has raised questions about the practicality of the withdrawal of American ground presence in Syria. This was the sixth major attack by the Islamic State in less than a month and has raised questions about rhetoric centered around the ‘defeat of the Islamic State’ and reconstruction in a post-Islamic State era. Experiences in Iraq and Afghanistan show that any such premature assumptions should be avoided. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Middle East’s melting pot

By John Feffer

Donald Trump wants to pull US troops out of Syria as quickly as possible. Well, that’s what the president wants now. Tomorrow, who knows, maybe he’ll insist that Syria pay for the pullout. Maybe Trump will decide to hold a summit with Bashar al-Assad after deciding that the Syrian leader’s not such a bad guy after all, since he also doesn’t like the Islamic State and owes his position to Russian support. Maybe Trump will team up with Turkey to build a wall around Syria because “if we stop them over there, we won’t fight them over here.”

With Trump, all options seem to be in play, and it all depends on what Fox News covers, what the last autocrat or three-star general whispered in his ear, and whether the president’s spleen is acting up or not. The opinions of his own advisors or the foreign policy commissariat seem to matter little. If anything, Trump delights in confounding the experts. After all, he believes himself to be the expert-in-chief.

Foreign policymaking in the Trump era is a lot like curling. Trump lets loose the stone and then the other members of the team start sweeping at the ice in an attempt to alter the trajectory. Sometimes Trump throws in the general direction of the target. Sometimes his aim is so errant that there’s nothing the sweepers can do.

So, after Trump tweeted his new Syria policy, National Security Adviser John Bolton and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo went into action to alter its trajectory. In an attempt to placate allies aghast at Trump’s decision, Bolton put so many conditions on the pull-out as to seem to render the announcement null and void. Pompeo similarly tried to assure Egypt, Iraq, Jordan and the Gulf States that US policy remains steady: defeat the Islamic State, shut out Iran.

This cavalcade of caveats accomplished little more than to confuse allies and mystify observers. Bolton angered Recep Tayyip Erdoğan so much with his remarks about continued US support for Syrian Kurds that the Turkish president refused to meet with the national security adviser when he visited Ankara this month. A prominent pro-government newspaper decried Bolton’s “soft coup against Trump.”

Trump has subsequently changed his mind about Syria, somewhat, but it wasn’t at the behest of Bolton or Pompeo. The president was persuaded to go slow on the withdrawal when he received a briefing in Iraq from a lieutenant general who explained that the military needed more time to wrap up operations in Syria. Defense Secretary Jim Mattis had probably said the same thing to Trump. He resigned when the president ignored his advice. Mattis had disagreed one too many times with the president and thus undermined his authority. With Trump, proximity breeds contempt. 
 
Trump originally demanded that troops withdraw in 30 days. Now, the Pentagon has four months to redeploy the couple thousand troops. The rush to the exit will be more like a covert crawl. And they won’t likely be going very far. The latest reports suggest that the redeployed soldiers are heading for Iraq, to bases in Kirkuk and Anbar.

A history of ambivalence

Trump has been roundly criticised for the incoherence of his policy toward Syria. But let’s face it, Washington has never figured out how to deal with the country — its ruthless leader, its fragmented opposition, its breakaway Kurds, its covetous neighbours — since the Arab Spring protests broke out in 2011. At the very outset, the Obama administration hesitated to throw its support behind pro-democracy demonstrators and was even more ambivalent about intervening militarily when the demonstrators chose to take up arms. 
 
This was not surprising. Obama had been slow to withdraw support from Hosni Mubarak in Egypt earlier that year when crowds gathered in Tahrir Square. When civil strife broke out in Libya, Obama was equally reluctant to get involved, finally opting to “lead from behind” in the international effort to oust Muammar Gaddafi. The situation in Syria promised to be even more complicated and volatile.

Eventually, the Obama administration dipped its toe in the water with two principal programs, one run by the Pentagon, the other covertly by the CIA. The Pentagon’s program was a spectacular failure, with graduates either exiting the program to fight for radical groups the United States disdained or going on to ignominious defeat on the battlefield. This initiative ended in 2015. The CIA program, Timber Sycamore, funnelled billions of dollars of arms and equipment to fighters on the ground in Syria, thanks to Saudi financing and Turkish logistics. This program, too, encountered many difficulties. For instance, arms ended up in the hands of al-Qaeda sympathisers. The United States was also reluctant to go all in for fear of provoking Russia. In 2017, Trump cancelled the program.

Trump or no Trump, the United States faces myriad problems in Syria. Assad has consolidated his position, with the help of Russia and Iran. The Islamic State has been reduced to a beleaguered fiefdom, but religious extremism hasn’t disappeared and a pretty unsavoury group remains in control of Idlib province. The Kurds in the north have established an autonomous region, with US assistance, but the Turkish government considers them a mere extension of the Kurdish Workers Party (PKK) that it is fighting within its own borders.

The United States can’t expect to influence this state of play in Syria, and certainly not with only 2,000 troops. So, it makes a lot of sense to pull them out. Let the Israelis and Saudis get angry, and let the Russians, Iranians and Turks rejoice. US involvement in Syria — hesitant, misguided, quixotic — has been benighted from the beginning.

Trump recently tweeted in support of his action that the United States must “stop the endless wars.” That makes eminent sense. But don’t be fooled into thinking that Trump actually believes what he tweets. Even as he was making his withdrawal announcement, the president was directing the Pentagon to increase its air strikes on targets in Syria. 
 
More war, not less

It’s ludicrous to paint Donald Trump as a peace president. The man is only selectively anti-war. He just doesn’t like the wars that other presidents started. Trump threatened to use nuclear weapons against North Korea. He considered military options in Venezuela and discussed the potential of a coup with dissident army officers.

But it’s Iran that’s served as the focus of Trump’s most hawkish ambitions. The president hasn’t been content just to unravel the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, the nuclear agreement that the Obama administration, alongside representatives of several other countries, negotiated with Iran. Nor does Trump want to stop at simply applying another round of economic sanctions against the country. In September, John Bolton asked the Pentagon for military options to strike Iran. “It definitely rattled people,” a former senior White House official said. “People were shocked. It was mind-boggling how cavalier they were about hitting Iran.”

But Trump’s confrontational approach to Iran preceded the brashness of Bolton, who has openly advocated regime change in Iran. Shortly after entering the White House, Trump began pushing for the Pentagon to blow up Iranian boats in the Persian Gulf. Mattis, who’d been fired from the Obama administration for his anti-Iranian obsession, thought the plan was ludicrous and never provided the plans Trump wanted.

Countering Iran has been an organising principle of the administration’s foreign policy, from helping the Saudis in Yemen to pressuring countries worldwide not to trade with Tehran. In his recent speech in Cairo, Secretary Pompeo made clear that even with the Syria pullout the administration remains focused on countering Iran, which “has spread its cancerous influence to Yemen, to Iraq, to Syria, and further into Lebanon.”

With Bolton and Pompeo by his side and Mattis departed, Trump may well go with his gut and attack Iran militarily. He’ll be encouraged in this delusion by Israel and Saudi Arabia. He’ll be looking for some way to distract the media and the American public from his disastrous record as president and the multiple investigations into his affairs and policies. He won’t care about the consequences. The forever war in the Middle East is far from over.

 
(John Feffer is the director of Foreign Policy In Focus at the Institute for Policy Studies.)

(This article was originally published on The Fair Observer. Read the <a href="https://www.fairobserver.com/region/north_america/trump-us-withdrawal-syria-kurds-isis-middle-east-security-news-51621/">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

By John Feffer Donald Trump wants to pull US troops out of Syria as quickly as possible. Well, that’s what the president wants now. Tomorrow, who knows, maybe he’ll insist that Syria pay for the pullout.

By John Feffer Donald Trump wants to pull US troops out of Syria as quickly as possible. Well, that’s what the president wants now. Tomorrow, who knows, maybe he’ll insist that Syria pay for the pullout. Maybe Trump will decide to hold a summit with Bashar al-Assad after deciding that the Syrian leader’s not such a bad guy after all, since he also doesn’t like the Islamic State and owes his position to Russian support. Maybe Trump will team up with Turkey to build a wall around Syria because “if we stop them over there, we won’t fight them over here.” With Trump, all options seem to be in play, and it all depends on what Fox News covers, what the last autocrat or three-star general whispered in his ear, and whether the president’s spleen is acting up or not. The opinions of his own advisors or the foreign policy commissariat seem to matter little. If anything, Trump delights in confounding the experts. After all, he believes himself to be the expert-in-chief. Foreign policymaking in the Trump era is a lot like curling. Trump lets loose the stone and then the other members of the team start sweeping at the ice in an attempt to alter the trajectory. Sometimes Trump throws in the general direction of the target. Sometimes his aim is so errant that there’s nothing the sweepers can do. So, after Trump tweeted his new Syria policy, National Security Adviser John Bolton and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo went into action to alter its trajectory. In an attempt to placate allies aghast at Trump’s decision, Bolton put so many conditions on the pull-out as to seem to render the announcement null and void. Pompeo similarly tried to assure Egypt, Iraq, Jordan and the Gulf States that US policy remains steady: defeat the Islamic State, shut out Iran. This cavalcade of caveats accomplished little more than to confuse allies and mystify observers. Bolton angered Recep Tayyip Erdoğan so much with his remarks about continued US support for Syrian Kurds that the Turkish president refused to meet with the national security adviser when he visited Ankara this month. A prominent pro-government newspaper decried Bolton’s “soft coup against Trump.” Trump has subsequently changed his mind about Syria, somewhat, but it wasn’t at the behest of Bolton or Pompeo. The president was persuaded to go slow on the withdrawal when he received a briefing in Iraq from a lieutenant general who explained that the military needed more time to wrap up operations in Syria. Defense Secretary Jim Mattis had probably said the same thing to Trump. He resigned when the president ignored his advice. Mattis had disagreed one too many times with the president and thus undermined his authority. With Trump, proximity breeds contempt. Trump originally demanded that troops withdraw in 30 days. Now, the Pentagon has four months to redeploy the couple thousand troops. The rush to the exit will be more like a covert crawl. And they won’t likely be going very far. The latest reports suggest that the redeployed soldiers are heading for Iraq, to bases in Kirkuk and Anbar. A history of ambivalence Trump has been roundly criticised for the incoherence of his policy toward Syria. But let’s face it, Washington has never figured out how to deal with the country — its ruthless leader, its fragmented opposition, its breakaway Kurds, its covetous neighbours — since the Arab Spring protests broke out in 2011. At the very outset, the Obama administration hesitated to throw its support behind pro-democracy demonstrators and was even more ambivalent about intervening militarily when the demonstrators chose to take up arms. This was not surprising. Obama had been slow to withdraw support from Hosni Mubarak in Egypt earlier that year when crowds gathered in Tahrir Square. When civil strife broke out in Libya, Obama was equally reluctant to get involved, finally opting to “lead from behind” in the international effort to oust Muammar Gaddafi. The situation in Syria promised to be even more complicated and volatile. Eventually, the Obama administration dipped its toe in the water with two principal programs, one run by the Pentagon, the other covertly by the CIA. The Pentagon’s program was a spectacular failure, with graduates either exiting the program to fight for radical groups the United States disdained or going on to ignominious defeat on the battlefield. This initiative ended in 2015. The CIA program, Timber Sycamore, funnelled billions of dollars of arms and equipment to fighters on the ground in Syria, thanks to Saudi financing and Turkish logistics. This program, too, encountered many difficulties. For instance, arms ended up in the hands of al-Qaeda sympathisers. The United States was also reluctant to go all in for fear of provoking Russia. In 2017, Trump cancelled the program. Trump or no Trump, the United States faces myriad problems in Syria. Assad has consolidated his position, with the help of Russia and Iran. The Islamic State has been reduced to a beleaguered fiefdom, but religious extremism hasn’t disappeared and a pretty unsavoury group remains in control of Idlib province. The Kurds in the north have established an autonomous region, with US assistance, but the Turkish government considers them a mere extension of the Kurdish Workers Party (PKK) that it is fighting within its own borders. The United States can’t expect to influence this state of play in Syria, and certainly not with only 2,000 troops. So, it makes a lot of sense to pull them out. Let the Israelis and Saudis get angry, and let the Russians, Iranians and Turks rejoice. US involvement in Syria — hesitant, misguided, quixotic — has been benighted from the beginning. Trump recently tweeted in support of his action that the United States must “stop the endless wars.” That makes eminent sense. But don’t be fooled into thinking that Trump actually believes what he tweets. Even as he was making his withdrawal announcement, the president was directing the Pentagon to increase its air strikes on targets in Syria. More war, not less It’s ludicrous to paint Donald Trump as a peace president. The man is only selectively anti-war. He just doesn’t like the wars that other presidents started. Trump threatened to use nuclear weapons against North Korea. He considered military options in Venezuela and discussed the potential of a coup with dissident army officers. But it’s Iran that’s served as the focus of Trump’s most hawkish ambitions. The president hasn’t been content just to unravel the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, the nuclear agreement that the Obama administration, alongside representatives of several other countries, negotiated with Iran. Nor does Trump want to stop at simply applying another round of economic sanctions against the country. In September, John Bolton asked the Pentagon for military options to strike Iran. “It definitely rattled people,” a former senior White House official said. “People were shocked. It was mind-boggling how cavalier they were about hitting Iran.” But Trump’s confrontational approach to Iran preceded the brashness of Bolton, who has openly advocated regime change in Iran. Shortly after entering the White House, Trump began pushing for the Pentagon to blow up Iranian boats in the Persian Gulf. Mattis, who’d been fired from the Obama administration for his anti-Iranian obsession, thought the plan was ludicrous and never provided the plans Trump wanted. Countering Iran has been an organising principle of the administration’s foreign policy, from helping the Saudis in Yemen to pressuring countries worldwide not to trade with Tehran. In his recent speech in Cairo, Secretary Pompeo made clear that even with the Syria pullout the administration remains focused on countering Iran, which “has spread its cancerous influence to Yemen, to Iraq, to Syria, and further into Lebanon.” With Bolton and Pompeo by his side and Mattis departed, Trump may well go with his gut and attack Iran militarily. He’ll be encouraged in this delusion by Israel and Saudi Arabia. He’ll be looking for some way to distract the media and the American public from his disastrous record as president and the multiple investigations into his affairs and policies. He won’t care about the consequences. The forever war in the Middle East is far from over. (John Feffer is the director of Foreign Policy In Focus at the Institute for Policy Studies.) (This article was originally published on The Fair Observer. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

The forever war in the Middle East is far from over

There’s one thing Turkey and the US can definitely agree on these days: Unreliability is now the bedrock of their relationship. It’s perhaps not surprising when the two powers are led by notably unpredictable men — US President Donald Trump and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

In the latest antagonism, Erdogan’s close adviser, Yasin Aktay, has spoken of the US as a “highly unreliable partner” due to its efforts to safeguard the Syrian Kurdish forces who have partnered with the US in defeating the Islamic State (IS) in Syria.

The criticism is a further illustration of the echo chambers in which diplomacy is being conducted at the moment. Far from seeking to reduce friction (the usual role of diplomacy), such statements are part of the new prickly nationalism that is everywhere in the ascendant.

The most glaring dimension of Aktay’s statement is its subjectivity. Trump’s announcement in December 2018 of the US troop withdrawal from Syria really did put America’s Syrian Kurdish allies in potential harm’s way, at the hands of the Turkish army. The recent move to safeguard that ally could be viewed, in fact, as reliability.

But of course, Atkay is speaking from within the echo chamber of Turkish politics. Within that chamber, the US has deserted its NATO ally in favour of a Syrian Kurdish militia with strong ties to the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) — a movement within Turkey designated a terrorist organisation.

His assessment discounts the fact that the threat from IS was very real. The US needed local allies on the ground in order to counter it. Indeed, it was a long time before the Turkish government decided to give the fight against the Islamic State the same priority that it gave the fight against Kurdish groups.

Yet the Turkish displeasure with its NATO ally is not all paranoia and blinkered Turkish nationalism. President Trump has been cavalier in his diplomacy within the international body. He has also been transparently shortsighted in his engagement with the Middle East.

In line with his “America First” policies, Trump was quick to single out IS as a grave threat to be addressed, largely because it had the capacity to impact America itself and American lives. Trump and his predecessor, Barack Obama, have been far less eager to address Syria’s civil war.

From the Turkish viewpoint, this looks a lot like abandonment. The war on its southern frontier has been highly porous. It has deeply impacted Turkey in terms of terrorist atrocities, refugee flows, political destabilisation, economic impact and the very real threat of escalation from the Assad regime’s allies, Russia and Iran. None of this seems to have moved the US greatly.

Every man for himself

The result is a zero-sum environment in which all the key actors have gradually amassed leaders who see the best strategy as entrenchment and national defence. This may have been led by Russian President Vladimir Putin — the past master of such tactics — but it has been a domino effect.

President Erdogan has veered sharply in the same direction ever since the start of the Syrian conflict in 2011. With the election of Donald Trump to the US presidency in November 2016, the world’s key superpower has followed suit. In the current dispute, the only real losers are likely to be the Kurds.

The Turkish government position has ossified. It cannot easily roll back on its war with the Syrian Kurdish militia now. The US position is more fluid. As President Trump as demonstrated, Washington is quite capable of dropping the Syrian Kurdish militia.

The reason the US government has so far stepped back from leaving the Syrian Kurds at the full mercy of other powers in Syria is not altruism. The Syrian Kurds merely offered the right guns for hire at the right time. But to drop them would hand valuable power to US adversaries.

In the cases of Russia and Iran, that would stick in the craw of the US administration. The irony is, as things stand, the other “adversary” who would clearly benefit is a country — Turkey — that is supposed to be an erstwhile NATO ally and a bulwark in the Middle East.

(Nathaniel Handy is a writer and academic)

(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.fairobserver.com/region/middle_east_north_africa/turkey-us-relations-syrian-kurds-syria-civil-war-islamic-state-world-news-57293/">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

There’s one thing Turkey and the US can definitely agree on these days: Unreliability is now the bedrock of their relationship. It’s perhaps not surprising when the two powers are led by notably unpredictable men — US President Donald Trump and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

There’s one thing Turkey and the US can definitely agree on these days: Unreliability is now the bedrock of their relationship. It’s perhaps not surprising when the two powers are led by notably unpredictable men — US President Donald Trump and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. In the latest antagonism, Erdogan’s close adviser, Yasin Aktay, has spoken of the US as a “highly unreliable partner” due to its efforts to safeguard the Syrian Kurdish forces who have partnered with the US in defeating the Islamic State (IS) in Syria. The criticism is a further illustration of the echo chambers in which diplomacy is being conducted at the moment. Far from seeking to reduce friction (the usual role of diplomacy), such statements are part of the new prickly nationalism that is everywhere in the ascendant. The most glaring dimension of Aktay’s statement is its subjectivity. Trump’s announcement in December 2018 of the US troop withdrawal from Syria really did put America’s Syrian Kurdish allies in potential harm’s way, at the hands of the Turkish army. The recent move to safeguard that ally could be viewed, in fact, as reliability. But of course, Atkay is speaking from within the echo chamber of Turkish politics. Within that chamber, the US has deserted its NATO ally in favour of a Syrian Kurdish militia with strong ties to the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) — a movement within Turkey designated a terrorist organisation. His assessment discounts the fact that the threat from IS was very real. The US needed local allies on the ground in order to counter it. Indeed, it was a long time before the Turkish government decided to give the fight against the Islamic State the same priority that it gave the fight against Kurdish groups. Yet the Turkish displeasure with its NATO ally is not all paranoia and blinkered Turkish nationalism. President Trump has been cavalier in his diplomacy within the international body. He has also been transparently shortsighted in his engagement with the Middle East. In line with his “America First” policies, Trump was quick to single out IS as a grave threat to be addressed, largely because it had the capacity to impact America itself and American lives. Trump and his predecessor, Barack Obama, have been far less eager to address Syria’s civil war. From the Turkish viewpoint, this looks a lot like abandonment. The war on its southern frontier has been highly porous. It has deeply impacted Turkey in terms of terrorist atrocities, refugee flows, political destabilisation, economic impact and the very real threat of escalation from the Assad regime’s allies, Russia and Iran. None of this seems to have moved the US greatly. Every man for himself The result is a zero-sum environment in which all the key actors have gradually amassed leaders who see the best strategy as entrenchment and national defence. This may have been led by Russian President Vladimir Putin — the past master of such tactics — but it has been a domino effect. President Erdogan has veered sharply in the same direction ever since the start of the Syrian conflict in 2011. With the election of Donald Trump to the US presidency in November 2016, the world’s key superpower has followed suit. In the current dispute, the only real losers are likely to be the Kurds. The Turkish government position has ossified. It cannot easily roll back on its war with the Syrian Kurdish militia now. The US position is more fluid. As President Trump as demonstrated, Washington is quite capable of dropping the Syrian Kurdish militia. The reason the US government has so far stepped back from leaving the Syrian Kurds at the full mercy of other powers in Syria is not altruism. The Syrian Kurds merely offered the right guns for hire at the right time. But to drop them would hand valuable power to US adversaries. In the cases of Russia and Iran, that would stick in the craw of the US administration. The irony is, as things stand, the other “adversary” who would clearly benefit is a country — Turkey — that is supposed to be an erstwhile NATO ally and a bulwark in the Middle East. (Nathaniel Handy is a writer and academic) (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Why the US is still losing Turkey

US President Donald J Trump’s threat to devastate Turkey’s economy if Turkish troops attack Syrian Kurds, allied with the United States in the wake of the announced withdrawal of American forces, potentially serves his broader goal of letting regional forces fight for common goals like countering Iranian influence in Syria.

Trump’s threat coupled with a call on Turkey to create a 26-kilometre buffer zone to protect Turkey from a perceived Kurdish threat was designed to pre-empt a Turkish strike against the People’s Protection Units (YPG) that Ankara asserts is part of the outlawed Kurdish Workers Party (PKK), a Turkish group that has waged a low-intensity war in predominantly Kurdish south-eastern Turkey for more than three decades.

Like Turkey, the United States and Europe have designated the PKK as a terrorist organisation.

Turkey has been marshalling forces for an attack on the YPG since Trump’s announced withdrawal of US forces. It would be the third offensive against Syrian Kurds in recent years.

In a sign of strained relations with Saudi Arabia, Turkish media has been reporting, long before the October 2 killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul, that Saudi Arabia is funding the YPG. There is no independent confirmation of the Turkish allegations.

Yeni Safak reported in 2017, days after the Gulf crisis erupted pitting a Saudi-UAE-Egyptian alliance against Qatar (supported by Turkey), that US, Saudi, Emirati and Egyptian officials had met with the PKK as well as the Democratic Union Party (PYD), which Turkey says is the Syrian political wing of the PKK, to discuss the future of Syrian oil once the Islamic State had been defeated.

Turkey’s semi-official Anadolu Agency reported last May that Saudi and YPG officials had met to discuss cooperation. Saudi Arabia promised to pay Kurdish fighters that joined an Arab-backed force $200 a month, Anadolu said. Saudi Arabia allegedly sent aid to the YPG on trucks that travelled through Iraq to enter Syria.

In August last year, Saudi Arabia announced that it had transferred $100 million to the United States that was earmarked for agriculture, education, roadworks, rubble removal and water service in areas of north-eastern Syria that are controlled by the US-backed Syrian Democratic Forces of which the YPG is a significant part.

Saudi Arabia said the payment, announced on the day that US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo arrived in the kingdom, was intended to fund stabilization of areas liberated from control by the Islamic State.

Turkish media, however, insisted that the funds would flow to the YPG.

“The delivery of $100 million is considered as the latest move by Saudi Arabia in support of the partnership between the US and YPG. Using the fight against Daesh as a pretext, the US has been cooperating with the YPG in Syria and providing arms support to the group. After Daesh was cleared from the region with the help of the US, the YPG tightened its grip on Syrian soil taking advantage of the power vacuum in the war-torn country,” Daily Sabah said referring to the Islamic State by one of its Arabic acronyms.

Saudi Arabia has refrained from including the YPG and the PKK on its extensive list of terrorist organisations even though then foreign minister Adel al-Jubeir described in 2017 the Turkish organisation as a “terror group.”

Trump's threat and his earlier vow to stand by the Kurds despite the troop withdrawal give Saudi Arabia and other Arab states such as the United Arab Emirates and Egypt, political cover to support the Kurds as a force against Iran’s presence in Syria.

It also allows the kingdom and the UAE to attempt to thwart Turkish attempts to increase its regional influence. Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Egypt have insisted that Turkey must withdraw its troops from Qatar as one of the conditions for the lifting of the 18-month old diplomatic and economic boycott of the Gulf state.

The UAE, determined to squash any expression of political Islam, has long led the autocratic Arab charge against Turkey because of its opposition to the 2013 military coup in Egypt that toppled Mohammed Morsi, a Muslim Brother and the country’s first and only democratically elected president; Turkey’s close relations with Iran and Turkish support for Qatar and Islamist forces in Libya.

Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Egypt support General Khalifa Haftar, who commands anti-Islamist forces in eastern Libya while Turkey alongside Qatar and Sudan supports the Islamists.

Libyan and Saudi media reported that authorities had repeatedly intercepted Turkish arms shipments destined for Islamists, including one this month and another last month. Turkey has denied the allegations.

“Simply put, as Qatar has become the go-to financier of the Muslim Brotherhood and its more radical offshoot groups around the globe, Turkey has become their armourer,” said Turkey scholar Michael Rubin.

Ironically, the fact that various Arab states, including the UAE and Bahrain, recently reopened their embassies in Damascus with tacit Saudi approval after having supported forces aligned against Syrian President Bashar al-Assad for much of the civil war, like Trump’s threat to devastate the Turkish economy, makes Gulf support for the Kurds more feasible.

Seemingly left in the cold by the US president’s announced withdrawal of American forces, the YPG has sought to forge relations with the Assad regime. In response, Syria has massed troops near the town of Manbij, expected to be the flashpoint of a Turkish offensive.

Commenting on last year’s two-month-long Turkish campaign that removed Kurdish forces from the Syrian town of Afrin and Turkish efforts since to stabilise the region, Gulf scholar Giorgio Cafiero noted that “for the UAE, Afrin represents a frontline in the struggle against Turkish expansionism with respect to the Arab world.”

The same could be said from a Saudi and UAE perspective for Manbij not only with regard to Turkey but also Iran’s presence in Syria. Frontlines and tactics may be shifting, US and Gulf geopolitical goals have not. 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

US President Donald J Trump’s threat to devastate Turkey’s economy if Turkish troops attack Syrian Kurds, allied with the United States in the wake of the announced withdrawal of American forces, potentially serves his broader goal of letting regional forces fight for common goals like countering Iranian influence in Syria.

US President Donald J Trump’s threat to devastate Turkey’s economy if Turkish troops attack Syrian Kurds, allied with the United States in the wake of the announced withdrawal of American forces, potentially serves his broader goal of letting regional forces fight for common goals like countering Iranian influence in Syria. Trump’s threat coupled with a call on Turkey to create a 26-kilometre buffer zone to protect Turkey from a perceived Kurdish threat was designed to pre-empt a Turkish strike against the People’s Protection Units (YPG) that Ankara asserts is part of the outlawed Kurdish Workers Party (PKK), a Turkish group that has waged a low-intensity war in predominantly Kurdish south-eastern Turkey for more than three decades. Like Turkey, the United States and Europe have designated the PKK as a terrorist organisation. Turkey has been marshalling forces for an attack on the YPG since Trump’s announced withdrawal of US forces. It would be the third offensive against Syrian Kurds in recent years. In a sign of strained relations with Saudi Arabia, Turkish media has been reporting, long before the October 2 killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul, that Saudi Arabia is funding the YPG. There is no independent confirmation of the Turkish allegations. Yeni Safak reported in 2017, days after the Gulf crisis erupted pitting a Saudi-UAE-Egyptian alliance against Qatar (supported by Turkey), that US, Saudi, Emirati and Egyptian officials had met with the PKK as well as the Democratic Union Party (PYD), which Turkey says is the Syrian political wing of the PKK, to discuss the future of Syrian oil once the Islamic State had been defeated. Turkey’s semi-official Anadolu Agency reported last May that Saudi and YPG officials had met to discuss cooperation. Saudi Arabia promised to pay Kurdish fighters that joined an Arab-backed force $200 a month, Anadolu said. Saudi Arabia allegedly sent aid to the YPG on trucks that travelled through Iraq to enter Syria. In August last year, Saudi Arabia announced that it had transferred $100 million to the United States that was earmarked for agriculture, education, roadworks, rubble removal and water service in areas of north-eastern Syria that are controlled by the US-backed Syrian Democratic Forces of which the YPG is a significant part. Saudi Arabia said the payment, announced on the day that US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo arrived in the kingdom, was intended to fund stabilization of areas liberated from control by the Islamic State. Turkish media, however, insisted that the funds would flow to the YPG. “The delivery of $100 million is considered as the latest move by Saudi Arabia in support of the partnership between the US and YPG. Using the fight against Daesh as a pretext, the US has been cooperating with the YPG in Syria and providing arms support to the group. After Daesh was cleared from the region with the help of the US, the YPG tightened its grip on Syrian soil taking advantage of the power vacuum in the war-torn country,” Daily Sabah said referring to the Islamic State by one of its Arabic acronyms. Saudi Arabia has refrained from including the YPG and the PKK on its extensive list of terrorist organisations even though then foreign minister Adel al-Jubeir described in 2017 the Turkish organisation as a “terror group.” Trump's threat and his earlier vow to stand by the Kurds despite the troop withdrawal give Saudi Arabia and other Arab states such as the United Arab Emirates and Egypt, political cover to support the Kurds as a force against Iran’s presence in Syria. It also allows the kingdom and the UAE to attempt to thwart Turkish attempts to increase its regional influence. Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Egypt have insisted that Turkey must withdraw its troops from Qatar as one of the conditions for the lifting of the 18-month old diplomatic and economic boycott of the Gulf state. The UAE, determined to squash any expression of political Islam, has long led the autocratic Arab charge against Turkey because of its opposition to the 2013 military coup in Egypt that toppled Mohammed Morsi, a Muslim Brother and the country’s first and only democratically elected president; Turkey’s close relations with Iran and Turkish support for Qatar and Islamist forces in Libya. Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Egypt support General Khalifa Haftar, who commands anti-Islamist forces in eastern Libya while Turkey alongside Qatar and Sudan supports the Islamists. Libyan and Saudi media reported that authorities had repeatedly intercepted Turkish arms shipments destined for Islamists, including one this month and another last month. Turkey has denied the allegations. “Simply put, as Qatar has become the go-to financier of the Muslim Brotherhood and its more radical offshoot groups around the globe, Turkey has become their armourer,” said Turkey scholar Michael Rubin. Ironically, the fact that various Arab states, including the UAE and Bahrain, recently reopened their embassies in Damascus with tacit Saudi approval after having supported forces aligned against Syrian President Bashar al-Assad for much of the civil war, like Trump’s threat to devastate the Turkish economy, makes Gulf support for the Kurds more feasible. Seemingly left in the cold by the US president’s announced withdrawal of American forces, the YPG has sought to forge relations with the Assad regime. In response, Syria has massed troops near the town of Manbij, expected to be the flashpoint of a Turkish offensive. Commenting on last year’s two-month-long Turkish campaign that removed Kurdish forces from the Syrian town of Afrin and Turkish efforts since to stabilise the region, Gulf scholar Giorgio Cafiero noted that “for the UAE, Afrin represents a frontline in the struggle against Turkish expansionism with respect to the Arab world.” The same could be said from a Saudi and UAE perspective for Manbij not only with regard to Turkey but also Iran’s presence in Syria. Frontlines and tactics may be shifting, US and Gulf geopolitical goals have not. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Syrian Kurds: The new frontline in confronting Iran and Turkey

Turkish President <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/turkey-will-not-be-intimidated-by-trump-threats-over-kurdish-militia-foreign-ministry-190207">Recep Tayyip Erdogan</a> said Tuesday that Ankara would set up a "security zone" in northern Syria suggested by US President Donald Trump.

Erdogan said he held a "quite positive" telephone conversation with Trump late on Monday during which he reaffirmed that "a 20-mile (30 kilometres) security zone along the Syrian border... will be set up by us."

Turkey has welcomed the planned withdrawal of some 2,000 US troops from Syria but the future of US-backed Kurdish militia forces regarded as terrorists by Ankara has poisoned Ankara-Washington ties.&nbsp;

Trump on Sunday tweeted that the United States would "devastate Turkey economically if they hit Kurds", a threat that drew angry retorts from the government in Ankara.

Erdogan on Tuesday said Trump's tweet "saddened me and my friends", but added that the two leaders reached an agreement during Monday's phone conversation.&nbsp;

"We have reached an agreement of understanding that is of historic importance," he said.

Erdogan said Turkey would solve issues with a "spirit of alliance" with Trump as long as his country's sensitivities were taken into account.

US support for the Kurdish People's Protection Units (YPG) during the Syria conflict has been a major source of friction between the NATO allies. The US regards the YPG as an effective ground force in the fight against Islamic State (IS) jihadists.

Ankara has however threatened to launch a cross-border operation to eradicate Syrian Kurdish fighters it sees as an offshoot of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK).

The PKK is blacklisted by Turkey as well as by the United States.&nbsp;

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan said Tuesday that Ankara would set up a "security zone" in northern Syria suggested by US President Donald Trump. Erdogan said he held a "quite positive" telephone conversation with Trump late on Monday during which he reaffirmed that "a 20-mile (30 kilometres) security zone along the Syrian border.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan said Tuesday that Ankara would set up a "security zone" in northern Syria suggested by US President Donald Trump. Erdogan said he held a "quite positive" telephone conversation with Trump late on Monday during which he reaffirmed that "a 20-mile (30 kilometres) security zone along the Syrian border... will be set up by us." Turkey has welcomed the planned withdrawal of some 2,000 US troops from Syria but the future of US-backed Kurdish militia forces regarded as terrorists by Ankara has poisoned Ankara-Washington ties. Trump on Sunday tweeted that the United States would "devastate Turkey economically if they hit Kurds", a threat that drew angry retorts from the government in Ankara. Erdogan on Tuesday said Trump's tweet "saddened me and my friends", but added that the two leaders reached an agreement during Monday's phone conversation. "We have reached an agreement of understanding that is of historic importance," he said. Erdogan said Turkey would solve issues with a "spirit of alliance" with Trump as long as his country's sensitivities were taken into account. US support for the Kurdish People's Protection Units (YPG) during the Syria conflict has been a major source of friction between the NATO allies. The US regards the YPG as an effective ground force in the fight against Islamic State (IS) jihadists. Ankara has however threatened to launch a cross-border operation to eradicate Syrian Kurdish fighters it sees as an offshoot of the outlawed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). The PKK is blacklisted by Turkey as well as by the United States.

Erdogan says Turkey will set up Syria 'security zone' as suggested by Trump

Coastguards on Tuesday recovered a dead body after a boat loaded with dozens of migrants sank off western <a href="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://www.wionews.com/opinions/syrian-kurds-the-new-frontline-in-confronting-iran-and-turkey-190389&amp;sa=U&amp;ved=0ahUKEwiR_LmOz-_fAhUDtY8KHehuAmAQFggFMAA&amp;client=internal-uds-cse&amp;cx=006054055338965708568:09spwrlibei&amp;usg=AOvVaw3PkOPnTQmmTNbLAm_t2suA">Turkey</a>, the authorities said in a statement.&nbsp;

The coastguard said it rescued 46 people after the vessel capsized off the Guzelcamli region in the Aegean province of Aydin.&nbsp;

The identity of the migrants was not immediately known.&nbsp;

Initial testimonies revealed there were no missing migrants, the Turkish coastguard said.

Turkey has been the main transition route for people trying to reach Europe, especially since the start of the Syrian conflict in 2011.&nbsp;

The number of migrants coming to Europe has declined since hitting a peak in 2015 when more than a million people landed in Greece from Turkey, mainly on boats.

Turkey and the European Union reached a deal in 2016 to stem the flow, with Ankara agreeing to take back migrants landing on Greek islands in exchange for incentives including financial aid.

Coastguards on Tuesday recovered a dead body after a boat loaded with dozens of migrants sank off western Turkey, the authorities said in a statement. The coastguard said it rescued 46 people after the vessel capsized off the Guzelcamli region in the Aegean province of Aydin.

Coastguards on Tuesday recovered a dead body after a boat loaded with dozens of migrants sank off western Turkey, the authorities said in a statement. The coastguard said it rescued 46 people after the vessel capsized off the Guzelcamli region in the Aegean province of Aydin. The identity of the migrants was not immediately known. Initial testimonies revealed there were no missing migrants, the Turkish coastguard said. Turkey has been the main transition route for people trying to reach Europe, especially since the start of the Syrian conflict in 2011. The number of migrants coming to Europe has declined since hitting a peak in 2015 when more than a million people landed in Greece from Turkey, mainly on boats. Turkey and the European Union reached a deal in 2016 to stem the flow, with Ankara agreeing to take back migrants landing on Greek islands in exchange for incentives including financial aid.

Migrant drowns as boat sinks off Turkey

Watch: WION Dispatch, 14th January 2019

Dispatch: 'Will devastate Turkey economically if they hurt Kurds', says Donald Trump

Twenty eight suspects were due to go on trial Tuesday over the <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/turkish-police-detain-six-after-russian-ambassador-assassination-state-media-10354?amp">assassination of the Russian ambassador</a> two years ago, including a US-based Muslim preacher blamed by Ankara for a failed coup the same year.

Andrei Karlov, 62, was shot dead by an off-duty Turkish policeman at a photo exhibition in Ankara on December 19, 2016, in a shock attack that was captured on camera by photographers attending the event.&nbsp;

The 22-year-old gunman, Mevlut Mert Altintas, shouted "Allahu Akbar" (God is greatest) and "Don't forget Aleppo", vowing that those responsible for events in Syria would be held accountable.

Altintas was killed shortly after by members of the Turkish special forces.

The Ankara prosecutor has charged 16 of the suspects with "premeditated murder with the intention of causing terror", according to the indictment. The other 12 were charged with "being a member of a terror organisation".

Thirteen are currently in pre-trial detention, while it is prosecuting others in absentia.&nbsp;

Those not in Turkey include Fethullah Gulen, a US-based Islamic preacher seen as an arch foe of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and who Ankara blames for the July 2016 coup attempt.&nbsp;

Gulen has denied links to both the failed coup and the murder.

Turkish officials have alleged that Gulen's movement organised the murder of Karlov, a married father-of-one, to sow "chaos".

Turkey refers to the organisation as the "Fetullah Terrorist Organisation" (FETO) but followers say it is peaceful, promoting secular education.

Another of the suspects named is Serif Ali Tekalan, who headed a university linked to Gulen in Istanbul and now heads the Texas-based North American University (NAU).

'Attack' on Turkey-Russia ties&nbsp;

The prosecutor is seeking a variety of penalties for the suspects, including aggravated life sentences, which have replaced the death penalty in Turkey and carry harsher conditions than normal life imprisonment convictions.

The indictment says the Gulen movement plotted the murder of Karlov, who had been appointed as ambassador in 2013, to "break off bilateral relations" between Turkey and Russia and bring them to the brink of "hot war".

The Kremlin had previously warned against rushing to any assumptions.

Although Moscow does not repeat the Gulen claims, Selim Koru, a Black Sea Fellow at the Foreign Policy Research Institute think tank noted in a report late last year that Russia sent investigators and "if they had different findings, they didn't say".

Turkey and Russia had a dramatic falling out in November 2015 after a Turkish fighter jet shot down a Russian warplane along the Syrian border.

But by the summer of 2016 relations had improved, with Russian President Vladimir Putin and Erdogan keen to show they are working together to find a solution to the Syrian conflict despite being on opposing sides of the war.

Tens of thousands of people have been arrested over alleged links to Gulen since 2016 in a crackdown criticised by human rights groups and Ankara's Western allies.

Andrei Karlov, 62, was shot dead by an off-duty Turkish policeman at a photo exhibition in Ankara on December 19, 2016.

Twenty eight suspects were due to go on trial Tuesday over the assassination of the Russian ambassador two years ago, including a US-based Muslim preacher blamed by Ankara for a failed coup the same year. Andrei Karlov, 62, was shot dead by an off-duty Turkish policeman at a photo exhibition in Ankara on December 19, 2016, in a shock attack that was captured on camera by photographers attending the event. The 22-year-old gunman, Mevlut Mert Altintas, shouted "Allahu Akbar" (God is greatest) and "Don't forget Aleppo", vowing that those responsible for events in Syria would be held accountable. Altintas was killed shortly after by members of the Turkish special forces. The Ankara prosecutor has charged 16 of the suspects with "premeditated murder with the intention of causing terror", according to the indictment. The other 12 were charged with "being a member of a terror organisation". Thirteen are currently in pre-trial detention, while it is prosecuting others in absentia. Those not in Turkey include Fethullah Gulen, a US-based Islamic preacher seen as an arch foe of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and who Ankara blames for the July 2016 coup attempt. Gulen has denied links to both the failed coup and the murder. Turkish officials have alleged that Gulen's movement organised the murder of Karlov, a married father-of-one, to sow "chaos". Turkey refers to the organisation as the "Fetullah Terrorist Organisation" (FETO) but followers say it is peaceful, promoting secular education. Another of the suspects named is Serif Ali Tekalan, who headed a university linked to Gulen in Istanbul and now heads the Texas-based North American University (NAU). 'Attack' on Turkey-Russia ties The prosecutor is seeking a variety of penalties for the suspects, including aggravated life sentences, which have replaced the death penalty in Turkey and carry harsher conditions than normal life imprisonment convictions. The indictment says the Gulen movement plotted the murder of Karlov, who had been appointed as ambassador in 2013, to "break off bilateral relations" between Turkey and Russia and bring them to the brink of "hot war". The Kremlin had previously warned against rushing to any assumptions. Although Moscow does not repeat the Gulen claims, Selim Koru, a Black Sea Fellow at the Foreign Policy Research Institute think tank noted in a report late last year that Russia sent investigators and "if they had different findings, they didn't say". Turkey and Russia had a dramatic falling out in November 2015 after a Turkish fighter jet shot down a Russian warplane along the Syrian border. But by the summer of 2016 relations had improved, with Russian President Vladimir Putin and Erdogan keen to show they are working together to find a solution to the Syrian conflict despite being on opposing sides of the war. Tens of thousands of people have been arrested over alleged links to Gulen since 2016 in a crackdown criticised by human rights groups and Ankara's Western allies.

Turkey trial to open into Russian ambassador's 2016 killing

Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan, during his two-day official visit to Turkey last week, appeared in an interview with a Turkish news channel. In the almost 30 minute-long interview to TRT World, Khan spoke on a range of topics including ties with India, China, the United States along with the Kashmir issue.&nbsp;

China - 'breath of fresh air'

Describing the Chinese as a "breath of fresh air for Pakistan," Khan stated that the country, led by Xi Jinping, is going to play a huge part in reviving Pakistan's crisis-hit economy.&nbsp;

"I would speak to the Chinese in confidentiality and would never talk about it in public because that's how Chinese are, they like confidentiality," he noted, adding that the Chinese want to keep their help in some areas as confidential.&nbsp;

NATO and Afghan troops

He reiterated that Pakistan was made a scapegoat for "one of the most ill-thought-out policies on Afghanistan." He said that the Afghan issue had a one-dimensional solution and that Pakistan's role is only to get Taliban to sit down to talk.&nbsp;

India: 9/11 and Kashmir

The Pak PM reiterated that his country will not join war waged by some other country. He added that post-9/11, Pakistan joined United States' 'War on terror' when the country had nothing to do with 9/11.&nbsp;

"We lost around 80,000 Pakistanis due to this, still recovering and we paid a huge price," he stated.

He went on to say that two nuclear-armed nations like India an Pakistan can never think of going to war, not even cold war, "it's suicide." Khan reiterated that the only way forward is through dialogue.

Khan alleged that the Indian government has rebuffed Pakistan which he thinks is because of the upcoming general elections. "The anti-Pakistan rhetoric gets votes in India for the party, I have to say that I am disappointed," Khan said.&nbsp;

On the Kashmir issue, he called for dialogue, maintaining that global institutions like the United Nations have also identified the Kashmir crisis a result of an indigenous struggle. "There is a solution there but it isn't with violence," Khan said.&nbsp;

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/trying-to-have-dialoge-with-india-but-new-delhi-refusing-pak-pm-imran-khan-188316">Khan on Friday</a>, while standing alongside the Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, said that he has been calling for dialogue with India but New Delhi is not responding, leading to a "bizarre situation."&nbsp;

"We are trying to have a dialogue. Trying to move towards a friendly relationship with India. We had a stand-off with India and India refuses to talk to Pakistan under the pretext that until Pakistan stops terrorism India will not talk to us. Its a bizarre situation were we feel how can you move forward if there is no dialogue, " Khan said.

Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan, during his two-day official visit to Turkey last week, appeared in an interview with a Turkish news channel. In the almost 30 minute-long interview to TRT World, Khan spoke on a range of topics including ties with India, China, the United States along with the Kashmir issue.

Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan, during his two-day official visit to Turkey last week, appeared in an interview with a Turkish news channel. In the almost 30 minute-long interview to TRT World, Khan spoke on a range of topics including ties with India, China, the United States along with the Kashmir issue. China - 'breath of fresh air' Describing the Chinese as a "breath of fresh air for Pakistan," Khan stated that the country, led by Xi Jinping, is going to play a huge part in reviving Pakistan's crisis-hit economy. "I would speak to the Chinese in confidentiality and would never talk about it in public because that's how Chinese are, they like confidentiality," he noted, adding that the Chinese want to keep their help in some areas as confidential. NATO and Afghan troops He reiterated that Pakistan was made a scapegoat for "one of the most ill-thought-out policies on Afghanistan." He said that the Afghan issue had a one-dimensional solution and that Pakistan's role is only to get Taliban to sit down to talk. India: 9/11 and Kashmir The Pak PM reiterated that his country will not join war waged by some other country. He added that post-9/11, Pakistan joined United States' 'War on terror' when the country had nothing to do with 9/11. "We lost around 80,000 Pakistanis due to this, still recovering and we paid a huge price," he stated. He went on to say that two nuclear-armed nations like India an Pakistan can never think of going to war, not even cold war, "it's suicide." Khan reiterated that the only way forward is through dialogue. Khan alleged that the Indian government has rebuffed Pakistan which he thinks is because of the upcoming general elections. "The anti-Pakistan rhetoric gets votes in India for the party, I have to say that I am disappointed," Khan said. On the Kashmir issue, he called for dialogue, maintaining that global institutions like the United Nations have also identified the Kashmir crisis a result of an indigenous struggle. "There is a solution there but it isn't with violence," Khan said. Khan on Friday, while standing alongside the Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, said that he has been calling for dialogue with India but New Delhi is not responding, leading to a "bizarre situation." "We are trying to have a dialogue. Trying to move towards a friendly relationship with India. We had a stand-off with India and India refuses to talk to Pakistan under the pretext that until Pakistan stops terrorism India will not talk to us. Its a bizarre situation were we feel how can you move forward if there is no dialogue, " Khan said.

There's solution to Kashmir issue and it isn't with violence: Pak PM Imran Khan

Syria’s chief opposition negotiator said on Sunday he was surprised by countries rebuilding ties with the <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/2018-marked-another-bloody-year-in-syria-187022">Syrian</a> government and urged them to revisit their decision.

"We have no power to stop this reconciliation, we hope it is not for free," Nasr Hariri told reporters in Riyadh. "Bashar al-Assad will remain a war criminal even if thousands of leaders had a handshake with him."

The United Arab Emirates re-opened its embassy in Damascus last month and Bahrain said its embassy there and the Syrian diplomatic mission in Manama had been operating “without interruption”.

The brutal all-out war in Syria is now <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/with-arab-countries-embracing-syrian-again-is-countrys-isolation-over-188046">coming to an end</a>. Neighbouring countries have slowly started rebuilding ties with Syria, putting an end to its isolation in the region.&nbsp;

Syria fell into a&nbsp;<a href="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://www.wionews.com/opinions/international-community-has-failed-syria-167928&amp;sa=U&amp;ved=0ahUKEwjsnbKlvMLfAhUKsI8KHaviDoUQFggFMAA&amp;client=internal-uds-cse&amp;cx=006054055338965708568:09spwrlibei&amp;usg=AOvVaw0LihMYnQQnV8TUmMHDGua-">civil war</a>&nbsp;in 2011 following the Arab Spring protest led by the civilians against the Bashar al-Assad government.

The protests turned violent and an armed revolt broke out after some of the protesters took up guns. Several groups were formed inside the country after the civilians faced brutal suppression from the government. A series of arrests and shootings followed the Arab Spring.

The government's brutal crackdown of peaceful protests resulted in an armed revolt against it.

Over the years the civil war in Syria resulted in the killing of over millions of civilians.

(With inputs from Reuters) 
&nbsp;

Syria’s chief opposition negotiator said on Sunday he was surprised by countries rebuilding ties with the Syrian government and urged them to revisit their decision.

Syria’s chief opposition negotiator said on Sunday he was surprised by countries rebuilding ties with the Syrian government and urged them to revisit their decision. "We have no power to stop this reconciliation, we hope it is not for free," Nasr Hariri told reporters in Riyadh. "Bashar al-Assad will remain a war criminal even if thousands of leaders had a handshake with him." The United Arab Emirates re-opened its embassy in Damascus last month and Bahrain said its embassy there and the Syrian diplomatic mission in Manama had been operating “without interruption”. The brutal all-out war in Syria is now coming to an end. Neighbouring countries have slowly started rebuilding ties with Syria, putting an end to its isolation in the region. Syria fell into a civil war in 2011 following the Arab Spring protest led by the civilians against the Bashar al-Assad government. The protests turned violent and an armed revolt broke out after some of the protesters took up guns. Several groups were formed inside the country after the civilians faced brutal suppression from the government. A series of arrests and shootings followed the Arab Spring. The government's brutal crackdown of peaceful protests resulted in an armed revolt against it. Over the years the civil war in Syria resulted in the killing of over millions of civilians. (With inputs from Reuters)

Syrian opposition says surprised by countries reconciling with Assad

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/yellow-vests-storm-french-ministry-as-protests-turn-violent-188552">'Yellow Vests' storm French ministry as protests turn violent</a>

"Yellow vest" protesters returned in force to the streets of France this weekend, clashing with police in several cities and smashing their way into a government ministry in Paris with the help of a forklift truck.

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/turkey-should-not-attack-kurds-after-us-pulls-out-of-syria-bolton-188546">Turkey should not attack Kurds after </a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/turkey-should-not-attack-kurds-after-us-pulls-out-of-syria-bolton-188546">US</a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/turkey-should-not-attack-kurds-after-us-pulls-out-of-syria-bolton-188546"> pulls out of Syria: Bolton</a>

White House national security adviser John Bolton added a new condition on Sunday to the US withdrawal from Syria, saying Turkey must agree to protect the United States' Kurdish allies.

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/pakistan-pm-welcomes-abu-dhabi-prince-sheikh-mohamed-bin-zayed-drives-him-to-pm-house-188542">Imran Khan picks up Abu Dhabi crown prince at </a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/pakistan-pm-welcomes-abu-dhabi-prince-sheikh-mohamed-bin-zayed-drives-him-to-pm-house-188542">airport</a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/pakistan-pm-welcomes-abu-dhabi-prince-sheikh-mohamed-bin-zayed-drives-him-to-pm-house-188542">, drives </a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/pakistan-pm-welcomes-abu-dhabi-prince-sheikh-mohamed-bin-zayed-drives-him-to-pm-house-188542">car</a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/pakistan-pm-welcomes-abu-dhabi-prince-sheikh-mohamed-bin-zayed-drives-him-to-pm-house-188542"> himself to PM House</a>

Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan received Abu Dhabi Crown Prince Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan at the Islamabad airport on Sunday and then drove him himself to the PM House.&nbsp;

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/30-killed-in-gold-mine-collapse-in-afghanistan-officials-188538">30 killed in </a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/30-killed-in-gold-mine-collapse-in-afghanistan-officials-188538">gold</a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/30-killed-in-gold-mine-collapse-in-afghanistan-officials-188538"> mine collapse in Afghanistan: Officials</a>

At least 30 people were killed when a gold mine collapsed in northeastern Afghanistan on Sunday, officials said, in the latest tragedy to strike the war-torn country.&nbsp;

&nbsp;

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/malaysias-king-steps-down-palace-statement-188554">Malaysia's king steps down: Palace statement</a>

Malaysia's King Muhammad V resigned on Sunday, the first time a monarch has stepped down from the throne before completing their five-year tenure.

&nbsp;

'Yellow Vests' storm French ministry as protests turn violent "Yellow vest" protesters returned in force to the streets of France this weekend, clashing with police in several cities and smashing their way into a government ministry in Paris with the help of a forklift truck.

'Yellow Vests' storm French ministry as protests turn violent "Yellow vest" protesters returned in force to the streets of France this weekend, clashing with police in several cities and smashing their way into a government ministry in Paris with the help of a forklift truck. Turkey should not attack Kurds after US pulls out of Syria: Bolton White House national security adviser John Bolton added a new condition on Sunday to the US withdrawal from Syria, saying Turkey must agree to protect the United States' Kurdish allies. Imran Khan picks up Abu Dhabi crown prince at airport, drives car himself to PM House Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan received Abu Dhabi Crown Prince Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan at the Islamabad airport on Sunday and then drove him himself to the PM House. 30 killed in gold mine collapse in Afghanistan: Officials At least 30 people were killed when a gold mine collapsed in northeastern Afghanistan on Sunday, officials said, in the latest tragedy to strike the war-torn country. Malaysia's king steps down: Palace statement Malaysia's King Muhammad V resigned on Sunday, the first time a monarch has stepped down from the throne before completing their five-year tenure.

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