After years of war and violence, Syria's pistachio farmers have returned to the orchards. Al-Mahmoud is awaiting his first harvest after years of war with some pistachio fields in Syria completely destroyed farmers are now doing damage-control in the hope of getting a good yield. Before violence wreaked havoc on pistachio fields, Syria produced up to 80,000 tonnes of pistachios a year. Watch report.

Your Story: Syria's pistachio farmers return to their orchards after years of war

The UN Security Council on Saturday passed a resolution to restart cross-border humanitarian aid to Syria, but only after caving to Russian pressure to close one of two access points into the war-torn country.

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Following a week of division and seven ballots, the Council passed a proposal submitted by Germany and Belgium allowing the use of the Bab al-Hawa crossing point for one year.

The measure was approved by 12 of 15 members, with Russia, China and the Dominican Republic abstaining, diplomats said.

Authorization for the continued transport of aid to Syria, a system in place since 2014, expired Friday night after Moscow and Beijing used their veto power and the Council then rejected a counterproposal from Russia.

With the approval of the German-Belgian proposal on Saturday, the Bab al-Hawa crossing point on Syria's northwestern border with Turkey will be maintained for a year, until July 10, 2021.

This will allow badly needed humanitarian aid to continue flowing to several million Syrians living in the insurgent region of Idlib, which the Syrian regime does not control.

For weeks, Russia, Syria's most important ally, has been demanding an end to the use of the Bab al-Salam border crossing, which leads to the Aleppo region in northern Syria.&nbsp;

European countries and the US had wanted to maintain both crossing points.

"Russia controls this process," said Richard Gowan of the International Crisis Group think tank.&nbsp;

"The drama and vetoes of the last week were a distraction as ultimately Russia was always going to force a settlement on roughly the terms we see today," he told AFP.

The outcome of Saturday's vote is a notable failure for the United States, whose ambassador had called the maintenance of two border crossings a "red line."

UN authorization allows the international body to distribute aid to displaced Syrians without Damascus's permission.

But Russia and China argue that the authorization violates Syria's sovereignty, and that aid can increasingly be channeled through Syrian authorities.

Western member states reject Russia's arguments, saying there is no credible alternative to the cross-border system and that Syrian bureaucracy and politics prevent an effective flow of aid in areas not controlled by the Syrian regime.

Susannah Sirkin, of Physicians for Human Rights, called the UN system "the most viable channel to deliver aid to millions of Syrians in need."

"Without it, civilians who rely on lifesaving assistance will be at the mercy of the Syrian government," which could block aid deliveries to areas under opposition control, she said.

The closure of the Bab al-Salam crossing was also a setback for UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, who called in June for a one-year extension of the aid to include the two access points.

In January, Moscow succeeded in having the crossing points reduced from four to two and in limiting the authorization to six months instead of a year.

This week Russia and China exercised their veto rights as permanent members twice -- on Tuesday and Friday -- even as NGOs and Western countries accused them of politicizing a humanitarian issue.

Friday's vetoes by Moscow and Beijing marked the 16th for Russia and 10th for China on texts linked to Syria since the war began in 2011.

Dominican Ambassador Jose Singer said, "We are disappointed that once again, the Security Council has been unable to collectively and constructively address one of the greatest humanitarian tragedies of our time."

But the German ambassador, Heiko Maas, said it was "good news for millions of Syrian men, women and children that the Security Council was ultimately able to agree on our compromise proposal."

The UN Security Council on Saturday passed a resolution to restart cross-border humanitarian aid to Syria, but only after caving to Russian pressure to close one of two access points into the war-torn country.

The UN Security Council on Saturday passed a resolution to restart cross-border humanitarian aid to Syria, but only after caving to Russian pressure to close one of two access points into the war-torn country. Also read: French court sentences prison terms for ex-spies for 'sharing intelligence' with China Following a week of division and seven ballots, the Council passed a proposal submitted by Germany and Belgium allowing the use of the Bab al-Hawa crossing point for one year. The measure was approved by 12 of 15 members, with Russia, China and the Dominican Republic abstaining, diplomats said. Authorization for the continued transport of aid to Syria, a system in place since 2014, expired Friday night after Moscow and Beijing used their veto power and the Council then rejected a counterproposal from Russia. With the approval of the German-Belgian proposal on Saturday, the Bab al-Hawa crossing point on Syria's northwestern border with Turkey will be maintained for a year, until July 10, 2021. This will allow badly needed humanitarian aid to continue flowing to several million Syrians living in the insurgent region of Idlib, which the Syrian regime does not control. For weeks, Russia, Syria's most important ally, has been demanding an end to the use of the Bab al-Salam border crossing, which leads to the Aleppo region in northern Syria. European countries and the US had wanted to maintain both crossing points. "Russia controls this process," said Richard Gowan of the International Crisis Group think tank. "The drama and vetoes of the last week were a distraction as ultimately Russia was always going to force a settlement on roughly the terms we see today," he told AFP. The outcome of Saturday's vote is a notable failure for the United States, whose ambassador had called the maintenance of two border crossings a "red line." UN authorization allows the international body to distribute aid to displaced Syrians without Damascus's permission. But Russia and China argue that the authorization violates Syria's sovereignty, and that aid can increasingly be channeled through Syrian authorities. Western member states reject Russia's arguments, saying there is no credible alternative to the cross-border system and that Syrian bureaucracy and politics prevent an effective flow of aid in areas not controlled by the Syrian regime. Susannah Sirkin, of Physicians for Human Rights, called the UN system "the most viable channel to deliver aid to millions of Syrians in need." "Without it, civilians who rely on lifesaving assistance will be at the mercy of the Syrian government," which could block aid deliveries to areas under opposition control, she said. The closure of the Bab al-Salam crossing was also a setback for UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, who called in June for a one-year extension of the aid to include the two access points. In January, Moscow succeeded in having the crossing points reduced from four to two and in limiting the authorization to six months instead of a year. This week Russia and China exercised their veto rights as permanent members twice -- on Tuesday and Friday -- even as NGOs and Western countries accused them of politicizing a humanitarian issue. Friday's vetoes by Moscow and Beijing marked the 16th for Russia and 10th for China on texts linked to Syria since the war began in 2011. Dominican Ambassador Jose Singer said, "We are disappointed that once again, the Security Council has been unable to collectively and constructively address one of the greatest humanitarian tragedies of our time." But the German ambassador, Heiko Maas, said it was "good news for millions of Syrian men, women and children that the Security Council was ultimately able to agree on our compromise proposal."

UN restarts cross-border aid to Syria but shuts access point

The UN Security Council on Saturday passed a resolution to restart cross-border humanitarian aid to Syria, but only after caving to Russian pressure to close one of two access points into the war-torn country.

Following a week of division and seven ballots, the Council passed a proposal submitted by Germany and Belgium allowing the use of the Bab al-Hawa crossing point for one year.

The measure was approved by 12 of 15 members, with Russia, China and the Dominican Republic abstaining, diplomats said.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/russia-china-veto-syria-aid-via-turkey-for-second-time-this-week-312460">Also read:&nbsp;Russia, China veto Syria aid via Turkey for second time this week</a>

Authorization for the continued transport of aid to Syria, a system in place since 2014, expired Friday night after Moscow and Beijing used their veto power and the Council then rejected a counterproposal from Russia.

With the approval of the German-Belgian proposal on Saturday, the Bab al-Hawa crossing point on Syria's northwestern border with Turkey will be maintained for a year, until July 10, 2021.

This will allow badly needed humanitarian aid to continue flowing to several million Syrians living in the insurgent region of Idlib, which the Syrian regime does not control.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/russia-china-veto-un-extension-of-aid-deliveries-to-syria-from-turkey-311484">Also read: Russia, China veto UN extension of aid deliveries to Syria from Turkey</a>

For weeks, Russia, Syria's most important ally, has been demanding an end to the use of the Bab al-Salam border crossing, which leads to the Aleppo region in northern Syria.&nbsp;

European countries and the US had wanted to maintain both crossing points.

"Russia controls this process," said Richard Gowan of the International Crisis Group think tank.&nbsp;

"The drama and vetoes of the last week were a distraction as ultimately Russia was always going to force a settlement on roughly the terms we see today," he told AFP.

The outcome of Saturday's vote is a notable failure for the United States, whose ambassador had called the maintenance of two border crossings a "red line."

UN authorization allows the international body to distribute aid to displaced Syrians without Damascus's permission.

But Russia and China argue that the authorization violates Syria's sovereignty, and that aid can increasingly be channeled through Syrian authorities.

Lifesaving assistance 
Western member states reject Russia's arguments, saying there is no credible alternative to the cross-border system and that Syrian bureaucracy and politics prevent an effective flow of aid in areas not controlled by the Syrian regime.

Susannah Sirkin, of Physicians for Human Rights, called the UN system "the most viable channel to deliver aid to millions of Syrians in need."

"Without it, civilians who rely on lifesaving assistance will be at the mercy of the Syrian government," which could block aid deliveries to areas under opposition control, she said.

The closure of the Bab al-Salam crossing was also a setback for UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, who called in June for a one-year extension of the aid to include the two access points.

In January, Moscow succeeded in having the crossing points reduced from four to two and in limiting the authorization to six months instead of a year.

This week Russia and China exercised their veto rights as permanent members twice -- on Tuesday and Friday -- even as NGOs and Western countries accused them of politicizing a humanitarian issue.

Friday's vetoes by Moscow and Beijing marked the 16th for Russia and 10th for China on texts linked to Syria since the war began in 2011.

The UN Security Council on Saturday passed a resolution to restart cross-border humanitarian aid to Syria, but only after caving to Russian pressure to close one of two access points into the war-torn country. Following a week of division and seven ballots, the Council passed a proposal submitted by Germany and Belgium allowing the use of the Bab al-Hawa crossing point for one year. The measure was approved by 12 of 15 members, with Russia, China and the Dominican Republic abstaining, diplomats said. Also read: Russia, China veto Syria aid via Turkey for second time this week Authorization for the continued transport of aid to Syria, a system in place since 2014, expired Friday night after Moscow and Beijing used their veto power and the Council then rejected a counterproposal from Russia. With the approval of the German-Belgian proposal on Saturday, the Bab al-Hawa crossing point on Syria's northwestern border with Turkey will be maintained for a year, until July 10, 2021. This will allow badly needed humanitarian aid to continue flowing to several million Syrians living in the insurgent region of Idlib, which the Syrian regime does not control. Also read: Russia, China veto UN extension of aid deliveries to Syria from Turkey For weeks, Russia, Syria's most important ally, has been demanding an end to the use of the Bab al-Salam border crossing, which leads to the Aleppo region in northern Syria. European countries and the US had wanted to maintain both crossing points. "Russia controls this process," said Richard Gowan of the International Crisis Group think tank. "The drama and vetoes of the last week were a distraction as ultimately Russia was always going to force a settlement on roughly the terms we see today," he told AFP. The outcome of Saturday's vote is a notable failure for the United States, whose ambassador had called the maintenance of two border crossings a "red line." UN authorization allows the international body to distribute aid to displaced Syrians without Damascus's permission. But Russia and China argue that the authorization violates Syria's sovereignty, and that aid can increasingly be channeled through Syrian authorities. Lifesaving assistance Western member states reject Russia's arguments, saying there is no credible alternative to the cross-border system and that Syrian bureaucracy and politics prevent an effective flow of aid in areas not controlled by the Syrian regime. Susannah Sirkin, of Physicians for Human Rights, called the UN system "the most viable channel to deliver aid to millions of Syrians in need." "Without it, civilians who rely on lifesaving assistance will be at the mercy of the Syrian government," which could block aid deliveries to areas under opposition control, she said. The closure of the Bab al-Salam crossing was also a setback for UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, who called in June for a one-year extension of the aid to include the two access points. In January, Moscow succeeded in having the crossing points reduced from four to two and in limiting the authorization to six months instead of a year. This week Russia and China exercised their veto rights as permanent members twice -- on Tuesday and Friday -- even as NGOs and Western countries accused them of politicizing a humanitarian issue. Friday's vetoes by Moscow and Beijing marked the 16th for Russia and 10th for China on texts linked to Syria since the war began in 2011.

Russia and China vetoed a last-ditch attempt by Western members of the U.N. Security Council to extend approval - which expires on Friday - for humanitarian aid to be delivered across two border crossings into Syria from Turkey for the next six months.

The United Nations says millions of Syrian civilians in the country`s northwest depend on the humanitarian aid delivered from Turkey, describing it as a "lifeline." The remaining 13 council members voted in favor of the resolution on Friday.

The 15-member council has been split, with most members pitted against Syrian allies Russia and China, who want to cut the number of border crossings to one, arguing those areas can be reached with humanitarian help from within Syria.

Later on Friday the council voted on a Russian draft text to approve aid deliveries for one Turkish crossing for one year, but it failed after only garnering four votes in favor.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/russia-china-veto-un-extension-of-aid-deliveries-to-syria-from-turkey-311484">Also read: Russia, China veto UN extension of aid deliveries to Syria from Turkey</a>

Diplomats said work would continue to see if a compromise could be reached among council members. 
The council has now unsuccessfully voted four times on the issue and Russia and China have cast two vetoes this week.

The Security Council first authorized the cross-border aid operation into Syria six year ago, which also included access from Jordan and Iraq. Those crossings were cut in January due to opposition by Russia and China.

On Tuesday, Russia and China vetoed a bid to extend for a year approval of the two Turkey crossings. The remaining 13 members voted in favor of the resolution, drafted by Germany and Belgium. Russia then failed to win enough support on Wednesday for its proposal to authorize one crossing for six months.

Russia has now vetoed 16 council resolutions on Syria since Syria`s President Bashar al-Assad cracked down on protesters in 2011, leading to civil war. For many of those votes, Moscow has been backed in the council by China.

Russia and China vetoed a last-ditch attempt by Western members of the U.N. Security Council to extend approval - which expires on Friday - for humanitarian aid to be delivered across two border crossings into Syria from Turkey for the next six months.

Russia and China vetoed a last-ditch attempt by Western members of the U.N. Security Council to extend approval - which expires on Friday - for humanitarian aid to be delivered across two border crossings into Syria from Turkey for the next six months. The United Nations says millions of Syrian civilians in the country`s northwest depend on the humanitarian aid delivered from Turkey, describing it as a "lifeline." The remaining 13 council members voted in favor of the resolution on Friday. The 15-member council has been split, with most members pitted against Syrian allies Russia and China, who want to cut the number of border crossings to one, arguing those areas can be reached with humanitarian help from within Syria. Later on Friday the council voted on a Russian draft text to approve aid deliveries for one Turkish crossing for one year, but it failed after only garnering four votes in favor. Also read: Russia, China veto UN extension of aid deliveries to Syria from Turkey Diplomats said work would continue to see if a compromise could be reached among council members. The council has now unsuccessfully voted four times on the issue and Russia and China have cast two vetoes this week. The Security Council first authorized the cross-border aid operation into Syria six year ago, which also included access from Jordan and Iraq. Those crossings were cut in January due to opposition by Russia and China. On Tuesday, Russia and China vetoed a bid to extend for a year approval of the two Turkey crossings. The remaining 13 members voted in favor of the resolution, drafted by Germany and Belgium. Russia then failed to win enough support on Wednesday for its proposal to authorize one crossing for six months. Russia has now vetoed 16 council resolutions on Syria since Syria`s President Bashar al-Assad cracked down on protesters in 2011, leading to civil war. For many of those votes, Moscow has been backed in the council by China.

Russia, China veto Syria aid via Turkey for second time this week

Russia and China cast vetoes on Tuesday&nbsp;to block the U.N. Security Council from extending its approval of aid deliveries to Syria from Turkey for a year, despite U.N.&nbsp;warnings that the lives of Syrian civilians depend on the cross-border access.

Germany and Belgium, two of the council's non-permanent members, had drafted the resolution, which would have allowed aid to continue to pass through two points on the Turkish border without interference from Damascus.

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The&nbsp;six-year long operation is currently authorized until Friday, so another draft resolution could still be put forward.

Beyond Russia and China, the other 13 council members voted to approve the draft, the diplomats said.

During negotiations, Moscow had asked that the extension be limited to six months, rather than a year, and that it only be allowed at one border crossing, not two, they said.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/opinions-blogs/china-shows-greater-interest-in-syria-amid-coronavirus-pandemic-and-deteriorating-ties-with-the-us-305295">China shows greater interest in Syria amid coronavirus pandemic and deteriorating ties with the US</a>

"The draft resolution has not been adopted," Germany's UN ambassador Christoph Heusgen, the acting president of the body in July, confirmed in a letter to Council members.&nbsp;

Immediately after the vote, Russia proposed its own draft resolution.

Diplomats said Syrian allies Russia and China only want to approve one Turkish crossing for aid access for six months.

It repeats the call for a six-month extension, underlines the improvement in the delivery of humanitarian aid under the control of the Syrian regime, and excludes one of the two entry points into Syria,&nbsp;Bab al-Salam, from the mechanism.

The results of a vote on that resolution will be known on Wednesday.

Authorization for cross-border humanitarian aid has existed since 2014, with periodic extensions.&nbsp;

Russia and China cast vetoes on Tuesday to block the U.N. Security Council from extending its approval of aid deliveries to Syria from Turkey for a year, despite U.

Russia and China cast vetoes on Tuesday to block the U.N. Security Council from extending its approval of aid deliveries to Syria from Turkey for a year, despite U.N. warnings that the lives of Syrian civilians depend on the cross-border access. Germany and Belgium, two of the council's non-permanent members, had drafted the resolution, which would have allowed aid to continue to pass through two points on the Turkish border without interference from Damascus. Also read: Now, Russia faces China's ire over Vladivostok founding day celebrations The six-year long operation is currently authorized until Friday, so another draft resolution could still be put forward. Beyond Russia and China, the other 13 council members voted to approve the draft, the diplomats said. During negotiations, Moscow had asked that the extension be limited to six months, rather than a year, and that it only be allowed at one border crossing, not two, they said. Also read: China shows greater interest in Syria amid coronavirus pandemic and deteriorating ties with the US "The draft resolution has not been adopted," Germany's UN ambassador Christoph Heusgen, the acting president of the body in July, confirmed in a letter to Council members. Immediately after the vote, Russia proposed its own draft resolution. Diplomats said Syrian allies Russia and China only want to approve one Turkish crossing for aid access for six months. It repeats the call for a six-month extension, underlines the improvement in the delivery of humanitarian aid under the control of the Syrian regime, and excludes one of the two entry points into Syria, Bab al-Salam, from the mechanism. The results of a vote on that resolution will be known on Wednesday. Authorization for cross-border humanitarian aid has existed since 2014, with periodic extensions.

Russia, China veto UN extension of aid deliveries to Syria from Turkey

The United Nations raised $7.7 billion in humanitarian aid on Tuesday for Syria, where nine years of war have displaced millions in a humanitarian crisis exacerbated by soaring food prices and the coronavirus crisis.&nbsp;

While less than the almost $10 billion sought by U.N. agencies, the pledges were higher than expected, given the economic shock of COVID-19 on many governments and shortfalls in other aid appeals, notably for Yemen this month.

"We recognise that the circumstances are very unusual, it is a difficult moment in every country to find the resources necessary to relieve the suffering of the Syrian people," U.N. aid chief Mark Lowcock said after the virtual donor conference by some 60 governments and non-official agencies.

Pledges came from countries including Qatar, which has promised $100 million, and Germany, which offered 1.58 billion euros ($1.78 billion) in what Berlin said was the single biggest country donation.

"POLITICAL SOLUTION"

The United Nations, which last year raised $7 billion, said this year it needs $3.8 billion for aid inside Syria where 11 million people require help and protection, with more than 9.3 million of them lacking adequate food.

Another $6.04 billion is sought to help the 6.6 million Syrians who have fled, in what is the world's biggest refugee crisis.

U.N. officials will still press for more pledges throughout the year, and have time as the money is split between 2020 and 2021.

Adding to Syrians' hardship, an economic slump and COVID-19 lockdown have pushed food prices more than 200% higher in less than a year, according to the World Food Programme (WFP).

According to a tally by Johns Hopkins University, there have only been 269 confirmed coronavirus cases, but the World Health Organization (WHO) has warned the real situation is probably far worse and the number of infections likely to accelerate.

Rebuilding destroyed cities will take billions of dollars more and cannot start until powers involved back a peaceful transition away from the rule of President Bashar al-Assad, EU governments say.

"We finally need a political solution to the conflict," said German Development Minister Gerd Muller.

The United Nations raised $7.7 billion in humanitarian aid on Tuesday for Syria, where nine years of war have displaced millions in a humanitarian crisis exacerbated by soaring food prices and the coronavirus crisis.

The United Nations raised $7.7 billion in humanitarian aid on Tuesday for Syria, where nine years of war have displaced millions in a humanitarian crisis exacerbated by soaring food prices and the coronavirus crisis. While less than the almost $10 billion sought by U.N. agencies, the pledges were higher than expected, given the economic shock of COVID-19 on many governments and shortfalls in other aid appeals, notably for Yemen this month. "We recognise that the circumstances are very unusual, it is a difficult moment in every country to find the resources necessary to relieve the suffering of the Syrian people," U.N. aid chief Mark Lowcock said after the virtual donor conference by some 60 governments and non-official agencies. Pledges came from countries including Qatar, which has promised $100 million, and Germany, which offered 1.58 billion euros ($1.78 billion) in what Berlin said was the single biggest country donation. "POLITICAL SOLUTION" The United Nations, which last year raised $7 billion, said this year it needs $3.8 billion for aid inside Syria where 11 million people require help and protection, with more than 9.3 million of them lacking adequate food. Another $6.04 billion is sought to help the 6.6 million Syrians who have fled, in what is the world's biggest refugee crisis. U.N. officials will still press for more pledges throughout the year, and have time as the money is split between 2020 and 2021. Adding to Syrians' hardship, an economic slump and COVID-19 lockdown have pushed food prices more than 200% higher in less than a year, according to the World Food Programme (WFP). According to a tally by Johns Hopkins University, there have only been 269 confirmed coronavirus cases, but the World Health Organization (WHO) has warned the real situation is probably far worse and the number of infections likely to accelerate. Rebuilding destroyed cities will take billions of dollars more and cannot start until powers involved back a peaceful transition away from the rule of President Bashar al-Assad, EU governments say. "We finally need a political solution to the conflict," said German Development Minister Gerd Muller.

UN raises $7.7 billion for Syrians beset by war and COVID-19

War-torn Syria's Ariha witnesses Milky Way like specks of dust!

The government said Monday it had brought home 10 French children of jihadist fighters overnight from a refugee camp in Syria, the latest in a piecemeal repatriation process since the Islamic State group was ousted from its Syrian base in March 2019.

"France has carried out the return of ten French minors, orphans or humanitarian cases, who were in camps in northeast Syria," the foreign ministry said in a statement.

"These children have been turned over to French judicial authorities, are receiving medical treatment and have been taken in by social services," it said.

The ministry did not provide details on their parents.

France has now repatriated a total of 28 children from war-torn Syria, where hundreds of its citizens went to fight along IS insurgents as they tried to establish a so-called "caliphate."&nbsp;

Rights groups have urged the government to quickly bring home at least the minors who were brought by their parents to the conflict zone or born there during the years of fighting.

But many of the estimated 300 French children being held in the Kurdish-run camps in Syria are with their mothers of fathers, and France has insisted that French nationals must face local justice.

Critics say this stance exposes the families of French fighters to inhumane treatment and psychological trauma.

The foreign ministry said Monday it had "thanked" Kurdish leaders for their cooperation in an operation carried out "because of the particularly vulnerable situation these children were in, and with the authorisations provided by local authorities".

Some 12,000 foreigners -- 4,000 women and 8,000 children -- are being held at three camps for displaced persons in northeast Syria, most at Al-Hol, where aid groups say they suffer malnutrition and disease.

Kurdish officials have called on countries to take back their detained citizens, warning that they do not have the resources to guard prisoners indefinitely.

According to the CAT terrorism analysis centre, 13 French jihadists including Hayat Boumedienne, the partner of one of the three men who carried out deadly terror attacks in Paris in January 2015, have escaped custody in Syria.

The government said Monday it had brought home 10 French children of jihadist fighters overnight from a refugee camp in Syria, the latest in a piecemeal repatriation process since the Islamic State group was ousted from its Syrian base in March 2019.

The government said Monday it had brought home 10 French children of jihadist fighters overnight from a refugee camp in Syria, the latest in a piecemeal repatriation process since the Islamic State group was ousted from its Syrian base in March 2019. "France has carried out the return of ten French minors, orphans or humanitarian cases, who were in camps in northeast Syria," the foreign ministry said in a statement. "These children have been turned over to French judicial authorities, are receiving medical treatment and have been taken in by social services," it said. The ministry did not provide details on their parents. France has now repatriated a total of 28 children from war-torn Syria, where hundreds of its citizens went to fight along IS insurgents as they tried to establish a so-called "caliphate." Rights groups have urged the government to quickly bring home at least the minors who were brought by their parents to the conflict zone or born there during the years of fighting. But many of the estimated 300 French children being held in the Kurdish-run camps in Syria are with their mothers of fathers, and France has insisted that French nationals must face local justice. Critics say this stance exposes the families of French fighters to inhumane treatment and psychological trauma. The foreign ministry said Monday it had "thanked" Kurdish leaders for their cooperation in an operation carried out "because of the particularly vulnerable situation these children were in, and with the authorisations provided by local authorities". Some 12,000 foreigners -- 4,000 women and 8,000 children -- are being held at three camps for displaced persons in northeast Syria, most at Al-Hol, where aid groups say they suffer malnutrition and disease. Kurdish officials have called on countries to take back their detained citizens, warning that they do not have the resources to guard prisoners indefinitely. According to the CAT terrorism analysis centre, 13 French jihadists including Hayat Boumedienne, the partner of one of the three men who carried out deadly terror attacks in Paris in January 2015, have escaped custody in Syria.

France brings home 10 jihadists' children from Syria

Fraught with multiple powder kegs that could blow up at any moment, Turkish-Russian relations constitute a study in the management of a new world order’s seemingly fragile alliances.

Much like relations between Russia and China, Russia and Iran, Turkey and Iran, and Turkey and China, Turkish-Russian ties are fragile despite the fact that they, contrary to Western perceptions, are not just opportunistic and driven by short-term common interests but also grounded in a degree of shared values.

The fact of the matter is that men like presidents Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Vladimir Putin, Xi Jinping, and Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, find common ground in a view of a new world order that rejects democracy and the rule of law; disregards human and minority rights; flaunts, at least for now, violations of international law; and operates on the principle of might is right.

That glue, however, is insufficient, to prevent Turkey and Russia from ending up on opposite sides of conflicts in Libya and Syria.

It is also unlikely to halt the gradual erosion of a presumed division of labour in Central Asia with Russia ensuring security and China focusing on economic development.

And it is doubtful it would alter the simmering rivalry between Iran and Russia in the Caspian Sea and long-standing Russian reluctance to sell Iran a badly needed anti-missile defence system.

Similarly, the balance of power in Syria where Russia and Iran are hoping to reap the economic benefits of reconstruction after having played the key role in securing President Bashar al-Assad’s military victory could shift dramatically if and when China commits to investing in the war-devastated country. Neither Russia nor Iran have the financial muscle to compete.

So far, Turkey, Russia, China, and Iran have been adept at ensuring that differences do not get out of hand. The question is whether stopgap management of potential blow-ups is sustainable.

In Libya, Turkey temporarily halted drone operations to allow Russian mercenaries to evacuate areas lost to the Turkish-backed, internationally recognized Islamist Government of National Accord (GNA) after Turkish electronic warfare whacked Russian anti-defence missile systems operated by Moscow-supported rebels led by self-appointed Field Marshall Khalifa Haftar.

In Syria, Russia and Turkey have negotiated an uneasy ceasefire and security arrangement in Idlib, one of the last rebel strongholds, following clashes in which Turkey dealt a serious blow to the Russian and Iranian-backed forces of Al-Assad.

The band aid-solutions may serve immediate economic interests and geopolitical goals but do little to mask the four powers’ seemingly incompatible long-term hegemonic ambitions.

“What is Turkey doing [in Libya]?” asked Mesut Hakki Casin, a member of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s Security and Foreign Policy Board. “The reason is that Ottomans conquered Egypt after establishing dominance and control in the straits of the Mediterranean and the Black Sea. Turkey is in Libya because of historical and political reasons.”

Diverging interests do not only play out on the battlefield, as is evident in the shifting balance of power in Central Asia. They are also evident in the competition in arms sales.

The credible performance of Turkish drones in Libya and Syria have boosted demand for Turkish-made unmanned aerial vehicles and electronic warfare systems and dented the infatuation with Russian anti-missile defence batteries.

Dubbed Bayraktar TB-2 and Anka-S, Turkish drones destroyed Russian-backed Syrian military units in northern Syria earlier this year even though they operated Russia’s Pantsir and Buk surface-to-air missile systems. A similar scenario played out in the defeat in western Libya of Haftar’s forces.

Clashing interests in Libya and Syria and economic woes at home accelerated by the fallout of the pandemic persuaded Erdogan to seek to improve relations with the United States and rejuvenate his personal relationship with President Donald J Trump while massaging his ties to Russia.

In a recent gesture, Botas, Turkey’s state-owned gas grid operator, opened a tender for the construction of a pipeline to Nakhichevan, an Armenian enclave in Azerbaijan. The pipeline would allow Azerbaijan to reduce imports from Iran.

Lobbyists in the United States for the Turkish business community are seeking to capitalize on the opening by pushing an offer by a Louisiana energy company to provide Turkey with “long-term, secure, competitively priced access to Turkey’s LNG terminals, gas pipeline and storage facilities” that would make the country less dependent on Russian and Iranian imports.

Erdogan and his energy minister, Fatih Donmez, have pushed the notion of diversification of Turkey’s energy imports.

“From Syria to Libya, from the Black Sea to the Mediterranean, Erdogan now figures that Turkey needs America politically and strategically more than it did some months ago. He learned by experience that getting the United States on board by making Trump his personal friend is easier than any other way,” said veteran Turkish journalist Cengiz Candar.

Erdogan is banking on his past experience of talking to Trump directly and getting what he wants despite opposition from the Pentagon as was the case with Turkey’s most recent intervention in Syria.

“To be honest, after our conversation tonight, a new era can begin between the United States and Turkey,” Erdogan said during a television interview afterwards speaking to Trump by phone on June 9.

Erdogan’s approach may not be available to Iran with its deeply engrained distrust of the United States, but it certainly is what guides the thinking regarding Russia of numerous European leaders and politicians. No doubt, it is also an option that Putin has not lost sight of.

The web of relationships between China, Russia, Turkey, and Iran may seem formidable but the complexity of Turkish-Russian relations suggests that they may be built on more quicksand than any of the players are willing to admit.

On the principle of “It ain’t over until the fat lady has sung,” that is something that Gulf and other Middle Eastern leaders no doubt have taken note of.

 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Fraught with multiple powder kegs that could blow up at any moment, Turkish-Russian relations constitute a study in the management of a new world order’s seemingly fragile alliances.

Fraught with multiple powder kegs that could blow up at any moment, Turkish-Russian relations constitute a study in the management of a new world order’s seemingly fragile alliances. Much like relations between Russia and China, Russia and Iran, Turkey and Iran, and Turkey and China, Turkish-Russian ties are fragile despite the fact that they, contrary to Western perceptions, are not just opportunistic and driven by short-term common interests but also grounded in a degree of shared values. The fact of the matter is that men like presidents Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Vladimir Putin, Xi Jinping, and Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, find common ground in a view of a new world order that rejects democracy and the rule of law; disregards human and minority rights; flaunts, at least for now, violations of international law; and operates on the principle of might is right. That glue, however, is insufficient, to prevent Turkey and Russia from ending up on opposite sides of conflicts in Libya and Syria. It is also unlikely to halt the gradual erosion of a presumed division of labour in Central Asia with Russia ensuring security and China focusing on economic development. And it is doubtful it would alter the simmering rivalry between Iran and Russia in the Caspian Sea and long-standing Russian reluctance to sell Iran a badly needed anti-missile defence system. Similarly, the balance of power in Syria where Russia and Iran are hoping to reap the economic benefits of reconstruction after having played the key role in securing President Bashar al-Assad’s military victory could shift dramatically if and when China commits to investing in the war-devastated country. Neither Russia nor Iran have the financial muscle to compete. So far, Turkey, Russia, China, and Iran have been adept at ensuring that differences do not get out of hand. The question is whether stopgap management of potential blow-ups is sustainable. In Libya, Turkey temporarily halted drone operations to allow Russian mercenaries to evacuate areas lost to the Turkish-backed, internationally recognized Islamist Government of National Accord (GNA) after Turkish electronic warfare whacked Russian anti-defence missile systems operated by Moscow-supported rebels led by self-appointed Field Marshall Khalifa Haftar. In Syria, Russia and Turkey have negotiated an uneasy ceasefire and security arrangement in Idlib, one of the last rebel strongholds, following clashes in which Turkey dealt a serious blow to the Russian and Iranian-backed forces of Al-Assad. The band aid-solutions may serve immediate economic interests and geopolitical goals but do little to mask the four powers’ seemingly incompatible long-term hegemonic ambitions. “What is Turkey doing [in Libya]?” asked Mesut Hakki Casin, a member of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s Security and Foreign Policy Board. “The reason is that Ottomans conquered Egypt after establishing dominance and control in the straits of the Mediterranean and the Black Sea. Turkey is in Libya because of historical and political reasons.” Diverging interests do not only play out on the battlefield, as is evident in the shifting balance of power in Central Asia. They are also evident in the competition in arms sales. The credible performance of Turkish drones in Libya and Syria have boosted demand for Turkish-made unmanned aerial vehicles and electronic warfare systems and dented the infatuation with Russian anti-missile defence batteries. Dubbed Bayraktar TB-2 and Anka-S, Turkish drones destroyed Russian-backed Syrian military units in northern Syria earlier this year even though they operated Russia’s Pantsir and Buk surface-to-air missile systems. A similar scenario played out in the defeat in western Libya of Haftar’s forces. Clashing interests in Libya and Syria and economic woes at home accelerated by the fallout of the pandemic persuaded Erdogan to seek to improve relations with the United States and rejuvenate his personal relationship with President Donald J Trump while massaging his ties to Russia. In a recent gesture, Botas, Turkey’s state-owned gas grid operator, opened a tender for the construction of a pipeline to Nakhichevan, an Armenian enclave in Azerbaijan. The pipeline would allow Azerbaijan to reduce imports from Iran. Lobbyists in the United States for the Turkish business community are seeking to capitalize on the opening by pushing an offer by a Louisiana energy company to provide Turkey with “long-term, secure, competitively priced access to Turkey’s LNG terminals, gas pipeline and storage facilities” that would make the country less dependent on Russian and Iranian imports. Erdogan and his energy minister, Fatih Donmez, have pushed the notion of diversification of Turkey’s energy imports. “From Syria to Libya, from the Black Sea to the Mediterranean, Erdogan now figures that Turkey needs America politically and strategically more than it did some months ago. He learned by experience that getting the United States on board by making Trump his personal friend is easier than any other way,” said veteran Turkish journalist Cengiz Candar. Erdogan is banking on his past experience of talking to Trump directly and getting what he wants despite opposition from the Pentagon as was the case with Turkey’s most recent intervention in Syria. “To be honest, after our conversation tonight, a new era can begin between the United States and Turkey,” Erdogan said during a television interview afterwards speaking to Trump by phone on June 9. Erdogan’s approach may not be available to Iran with its deeply engrained distrust of the United States, but it certainly is what guides the thinking regarding Russia of numerous European leaders and politicians. No doubt, it is also an option that Putin has not lost sight of. The web of relationships between China, Russia, Turkey, and Iran may seem formidable but the complexity of Turkish-Russian relations suggests that they may be built on more quicksand than any of the players are willing to admit. On the principle of “It ain’t over until the fat lady has sung,” that is something that Gulf and other Middle Eastern leaders no doubt have taken note of. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Fragile big power ties add to uncertainty in the Middle East

Europe’s headaches just got worse. Its efforts to contain wars on its doorstep in Libya and Syria have failed at a moment when&nbsp;Europe is struggling to control a pandemic and reverse its economic fallout.

Proxy wars that pit the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt against Qatar and Turkey have spilled out of Libya and Syria into the Eastern Mediterranean as a whole.

European nations, including France, Greece, and Cyprus, feel threatened by Turkey’s use of Libya to extend its grip on gas-rich regional waters in violation of international law. As a result, Middle Eastern and North African disputes are becoming European problems.

Libya’s internationally recognized Islamist Government of National Accord (GNA), backed by Turkish military might, has forced rebels led by Khalifa Haftar, who is supported by Russia, Egypt, France and the UAE to retreat in recent weeks from western Libya and fight to maintain control of key cities in the center of the country.

A statement last month by the foreign ministers of France, Greece, Cyprus, the UAE, and Egypt made their concerns clear.

The statement condemned Turkey’s "illegal activities" in the Eastern Mediterranean. It called on Turkey to “fully respect the sovereignty and the sovereign rights of all states in their maritime zones in the Eastern Mediterranean.”

Israel was conspicuously absent among the signatories even though it maintains close relations with all of them.

The Institute for National Security Studies (INSS), a prominent Israeli think tank, warned that “given that Israel’s ties with Turkey have been highly problematic and relations with Russia remain delicate, Jerusalem needs to prepare for the possibility of a continuing and even growing regional influence of both, especially in light of Washington’s continued reluctance to assume a more active diplomatic or military role.”

So does Europe, which at the European Union level has so far remained on the sidelines at its peril.

“Now that the catastrophic consequences of European inaction are evident and Haftar no longer has a chance to seize power, a (European) policy shift is both possible and indispensable,” said Libya scholar Wolfram Lacher.

“Two key goals should guide European policies: first, safeguard Libya’s unity; second, counter Russian influence in Libya as a matter of priority. The U.S. shares both goals. But Europeans will only be able to act in unison if the French position shifts away from its relative tolerance for Russia and adversarial stance towards Turkey,” Lacher suggested.&nbsp; 
 
Lacher appears to believe that countering Russia would not only help thwart the threat posed by Moscow but also prevent Turkey and Russia from carving up Libya into spheres of influence, if not separate states.

Arguing that the EU can no longer afford to stand by, Lacher advised the EU to impose sanctions on Haftar in a bid to undermine Russian support for his forces.

“In parallel, Western states should finally push their interests in a stable Libya more strongly when engaging with Haftar’s other foreign supporters, particularly Egypt and the UAE, to dissuade them from further cooperation with Russia,” Lacher said.

Underlying the UAE’s Saudi-backed determination to stymie Turkey is its assertive global campaign to confront any expression of political Islam. The UAE is aided by Egypt, whose president, Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, came into power in a 2013 Emirati-backed military coup that toppled an elected Muslim Brotherhood president.

Coupled with an agreement between Turkey and the Tripoli-based GNA which extends the two countries maritime boundaries in the Eastern Mediterranean, Turkish involvement in the wars in Libya and Syria appears to have fueled Emirati efforts to suck Europe, and ultimately the United States, into its conflict with Turkey.

Greece and Italy — which was believed to be supporting the GNA prior to Turkey’s intervention — this week signed a maritime boundaries agreement to counter Turkish moves. The accord recognizes Greek territorial waters off its many islands in accordance with the international Law of the Sea. The Turkish-Libyan agreement ignores those rights for a number of Greek islands.

The UAE and its partners in the Eastern Mediterranean were expected to support the Greek-Italian accord.

The UAE is banking on the fact that Turkey’s traditional ties to its NATO allies, Europe and the US, are strained over a host of issues, including Turkey’s military intervention in Libya, the fate of millions of refugees primarily from Syria hosted by Turkey, and Turkey’s relationship with Russia and its acquisition of an S-400 Russian anti-missile defence system.

The UAE has been putting in place the building blocks for enhanced influence in the eastern Mediterranean for some time. Increasingly close ties to Israel, whose relations with Turkey are complex, constitute a cornerstone. So does UAE participation in Greek-led annual military exercises in which Israel, Cyprus, Italy, and the United States also take part.

Containing Turkey in the Eastern Mediterranean has taken on greater significance after the UAE’s hopes for a planned EastMed pipeline that would have transported natural gas from Israeli, Cypriot and Lebanese fields via Greece to Italy, were dashed.

The pipeline threatened to replace up to half of the Qatari exports to Europe with gas from the Eastern Mediterranean.

Among Qatar’s detractors, the UAE is believed to be the most resistant to finding a compromise that would end the three-year-old UAE-Saudi-led boycott of the Gulf state.

The $7 billion, 2,200-kilometre-long pipeline project was effectively put on hold because of the economic fallout of the pandemic and the collapse of energy prices.

A consortium led by France’s Total, which includes Italian oil and gas major ENI and Novatek, Russia’s second-largest gas producer, was expected to halt drilling after its first well proved to be dry.

ENI and Total have also suspended plans for six drillings off the coast of Cyprus while ExxonMobil has delayed exploration of its two wells in the area. US explorer Noble Energy together with Shell and Herzliya-based Delek Drilling is likely to follow suit in Israel’s Aphrodite field.

All of that does not seem to deter Turkey. The country’s Official Gazette announced on May 30 that state-owned oil company Turkish Petroleum had been granted 24 exploration licenses that include waters off the coast of Greek islands such as Crete and Rhodes.

Greek Foreign Minister Nikos Dendias’ warning that his country would answer what he called, "the Turkish provocation" if Turkey were to proceed would further draw Europe into the Eastern Mediterranean’s mushrooming imbroglio.

It is a development that would boost Emirati efforts to further corner Turkey internationally even if it would for now likely further dampen prospects for dealing a blow to Qatar. 
 
&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) 
&nbsp;

Europe’s headaches just got worse. Its efforts to contain wars on its doorstep in Libya and Syria have failed at a moment when Europe is struggling to control a pandemic and reverse its economic fallout.

Europe’s headaches just got worse. Its efforts to contain wars on its doorstep in Libya and Syria have failed at a moment when Europe is struggling to control a pandemic and reverse its economic fallout. Proxy wars that pit the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt against Qatar and Turkey have spilled out of Libya and Syria into the Eastern Mediterranean as a whole. European nations, including France, Greece, and Cyprus, feel threatened by Turkey’s use of Libya to extend its grip on gas-rich regional waters in violation of international law. As a result, Middle Eastern and North African disputes are becoming European problems. Libya’s internationally recognized Islamist Government of National Accord (GNA), backed by Turkish military might, has forced rebels led by Khalifa Haftar, who is supported by Russia, Egypt, France and the UAE to retreat in recent weeks from western Libya and fight to maintain control of key cities in the center of the country. A statement last month by the foreign ministers of France, Greece, Cyprus, the UAE, and Egypt made their concerns clear. The statement condemned Turkey’s "illegal activities" in the Eastern Mediterranean. It called on Turkey to “fully respect the sovereignty and the sovereign rights of all states in their maritime zones in the Eastern Mediterranean.” Israel was conspicuously absent among the signatories even though it maintains close relations with all of them. The Institute for National Security Studies (INSS), a prominent Israeli think tank, warned that “given that Israel’s ties with Turkey have been highly problematic and relations with Russia remain delicate, Jerusalem needs to prepare for the possibility of a continuing and even growing regional influence of both, especially in light of Washington’s continued reluctance to assume a more active diplomatic or military role.” So does Europe, which at the European Union level has so far remained on the sidelines at its peril. “Now that the catastrophic consequences of European inaction are evident and Haftar no longer has a chance to seize power, a (European) policy shift is both possible and indispensable,” said Libya scholar Wolfram Lacher. “Two key goals should guide European policies: first, safeguard Libya’s unity; second, counter Russian influence in Libya as a matter of priority. The U.S. shares both goals. But Europeans will only be able to act in unison if the French position shifts away from its relative tolerance for Russia and adversarial stance towards Turkey,” Lacher suggested. Lacher appears to believe that countering Russia would not only help thwart the threat posed by Moscow but also prevent Turkey and Russia from carving up Libya into spheres of influence, if not separate states. Arguing that the EU can no longer afford to stand by, Lacher advised the EU to impose sanctions on Haftar in a bid to undermine Russian support for his forces. “In parallel, Western states should finally push their interests in a stable Libya more strongly when engaging with Haftar’s other foreign supporters, particularly Egypt and the UAE, to dissuade them from further cooperation with Russia,” Lacher said. Underlying the UAE’s Saudi-backed determination to stymie Turkey is its assertive global campaign to confront any expression of political Islam. The UAE is aided by Egypt, whose president, Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, came into power in a 2013 Emirati-backed military coup that toppled an elected Muslim Brotherhood president. Coupled with an agreement between Turkey and the Tripoli-based GNA which extends the two countries maritime boundaries in the Eastern Mediterranean, Turkish involvement in the wars in Libya and Syria appears to have fueled Emirati efforts to suck Europe, and ultimately the United States, into its conflict with Turkey. Greece and Italy — which was believed to be supporting the GNA prior to Turkey’s intervention — this week signed a maritime boundaries agreement to counter Turkish moves. The accord recognizes Greek territorial waters off its many islands in accordance with the international Law of the Sea. The Turkish-Libyan agreement ignores those rights for a number of Greek islands. The UAE and its partners in the Eastern Mediterranean were expected to support the Greek-Italian accord. The UAE is banking on the fact that Turkey’s traditional ties to its NATO allies, Europe and the US, are strained over a host of issues, including Turkey’s military intervention in Libya, the fate of millions of refugees primarily from Syria hosted by Turkey, and Turkey’s relationship with Russia and its acquisition of an S-400 Russian anti-missile defence system. The UAE has been putting in place the building blocks for enhanced influence in the eastern Mediterranean for some time. Increasingly close ties to Israel, whose relations with Turkey are complex, constitute a cornerstone. So does UAE participation in Greek-led annual military exercises in which Israel, Cyprus, Italy, and the United States also take part. Containing Turkey in the Eastern Mediterranean has taken on greater significance after the UAE’s hopes for a planned EastMed pipeline that would have transported natural gas from Israeli, Cypriot and Lebanese fields via Greece to Italy, were dashed. The pipeline threatened to replace up to half of the Qatari exports to Europe with gas from the Eastern Mediterranean. Among Qatar’s detractors, the UAE is believed to be the most resistant to finding a compromise that would end the three-year-old UAE-Saudi-led boycott of the Gulf state. The $7 billion, 2,200-kilometre-long pipeline project was effectively put on hold because of the economic fallout of the pandemic and the collapse of energy prices. A consortium led by France’s Total, which includes Italian oil and gas major ENI and Novatek, Russia’s second-largest gas producer, was expected to halt drilling after its first well proved to be dry. ENI and Total have also suspended plans for six drillings off the coast of Cyprus while ExxonMobil has delayed exploration of its two wells in the area. US explorer Noble Energy together with Shell and Herzliya-based Delek Drilling is likely to follow suit in Israel’s Aphrodite field. All of that does not seem to deter Turkey. The country’s Official Gazette announced on May 30 that state-owned oil company Turkish Petroleum had been granted 24 exploration licenses that include waters off the coast of Greek islands such as Crete and Rhodes. Greek Foreign Minister Nikos Dendias’ warning that his country would answer what he called, "the Turkish provocation" if Turkey were to proceed would further draw Europe into the Eastern Mediterranean’s mushrooming imbroglio. It is a development that would boost Emirati efforts to further corner Turkey internationally even if it would for now likely further dampen prospects for dealing a blow to Qatar. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Europe caught between coronavirus and economic hardships

Mohammed Jarah and Ahmad Bustati’s warehouse in Damascus symbolized China’s emergence as the largest supplier of industrial and consumer goods to Syria on the eve of the Syrian civil war. The dilapidated warehouse was stocked with everything from Chinese laser cutting machines to plastic toys for children.

A decade of fighting dashed the two Syrian entrepreneurs’ hopes. However, things seem to be looking up for businessmen like Jarah and Bustati with Syrian President Bashar al-Assad having gained the upper hand in the war with Russian and Iranian assistance and China seeing the longer-term economic potential in Syria as a regional node of what BRI will look like irrespective of the coronavirus pandemic and its devastating economic consequences.

Syrian officials have sought to drive home China’s competitive advantages and perceived interest in taking a lead in the reconstruction of their country. “The Silk Road is not a silk road if it does not pass through Syria, Iraq and Iran,” said Buthina Shaaban, Bashar al-Assad’s media advisor, referring to the BRI.

Chinese access to the Syrian Mediterranean Sea ports of Tartus and Latakia is an attractive prospect for China’s multi-billion-dollar infrastructure, telecommunications and energy-driven initiative that seeks to link Eurasia to the People’s Republic. It would complement Beijing’s footholds in Greece’s Piraeus and the Israeli harbours of Haifa and Ashdod and echo Syria’s key position on the ancient Silk Road.

Closely connected to Chinese interest in Syrian ports is the exploration by China Harbour Engineering Company Ltd (CHEC) of the possible upgrading of the deep seaport of Tripoli, Lebanon to allow it to accommodate larger vessels. In contrast to Syrian ports, Tripoli would grant China greater freedom of action because it would not have to share control with Russia. Together with Syrian ports, Tripoli would serve as an alternative to passage through the Suez Canal.

Russia appeared to be anticipating potential Chinese moves when it last year negotiated with the Assad government an extension of its access to military bases including what it describes as a “logistics support facility of the Russian navy” in Tartus.

In the absence of making the agreement public, it remained unclear what Russian intentions are. However, modernization of Tartus for military purposes that would guarantee Russia a role in the control of the Eastern Mediterranean would have to involve upgrading it to be able to accommodate all types of vessels, including aircraft carriers.

In a further move, Russian President Vladimir Putin ordered his foreign and defence ministries in May to reach an agreement with Syria on the additional expansion of a 2015 accord that governs Russia’s naval presence in Tartus and allows the Russian navy to base up to 11 ships in the port for 49 years. Putin wants the life of the agreement to be extended by an additional 25 years.

“From the coast of Syria, there is an opportunity to control not only the eastern part, but the entire Mediterranean Sea,” said Captain 1st Rank Anatoly Ivanov, a Moscow-based naval expert. “The United States has in the Mediterranean Sea not only the ships of its Sixth Fleet, but also an extensive ship repair base and training centres of the Navy. For Russia, the Mediterranean Sea is much closer not only geographically, but also geopolitically. Therefore, to use the opportunity to establish (itself) more densely in Syria seems to be a reasonable measure”

Qingdao Haixi Heavy-Duty Machinery Co. has already sold Tripoli port two 28-storey container cranes capable of lifting and transporting more than 700 containers a day, while a container vessel belonging to China’s state-owned COSCO Shipping Lines docked in Tripoli in December 2018, inaugurating a new maritime route between China and the Mediterranean.

Major Chinese construction companies are also looking at building a railroad that would connect Beirut and Tripoli in Lebanon to Homs and Aleppo in Syria. China has suggested that Tripoli could become a special economic zone within the &nbsp;BRI and serve as an important trans-shipment point between the People’s Republic and Europe.

Adding to China’s expansion in the Eastern Mediterranean, COSCO acquired in 2015 a 65 per cent stake in Turkey’s &nbsp;Kumport Terminal on the Ambarli coast of Istanbul. To round off the circle, Egypt’s navy last year signed an agreement with China’s Hutchinson Ports to build a terminal in Abu Qir, a port 23 kilometres northeast of Alexandria. &nbsp;Chinese companies already operate Alexandria’s own port as well as that of El Dekheila, ten kilometres west of the city.

Chinese influence in at least ten ports in six countries bordering the Eastern Mediterranean - Israel, Greece, Lebanon, Turkey, Egypt, and Syria - could complicate US and NATO’s ability to manoeuvre in the region.

This was one reason that the Trump administration has warned Israel that Chinese involvement in Haifa, where the Chinese have built their own pier, could jeopardize continued use of the port by the US sixth fleet.

Informing US thinking is China’s Military Strategy white paper, published in 2015, that emphasises the “strategic requirement of offshore waters defence and open seas.” It raises the spectre of Chinese-managed or owned ports in the Eastern Mediterranean serving the People’s Republic’s economic and commercial, as well as military interests.

The Chinese sway over multiple ports in the Eastern Mediterranean could also encourage &nbsp;Turkey to bolster its grip on the energy-rich waters in violation of international law. Turkish military support for the internationally recognised Libyan Government of National Accord produced a maritime agreement between the two entities that created an Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) in the Eastern Mediterranean favouring expansive Turkish claims.

China’s interest in Mediterranean ports is part of a larger effort to integrate the Middle East into the maritime leg of the Belt and Road that also includes the Gulf, the Arabian Sea with the Pakistani port of Gwadar as its focal point, and the Red Sea with the establishment of the People’s Republic’s first military outpost in Djibouti.

The integration is further advanced by Chinese investment in ports and logistics facilities in among others Dubai and Oman as well as industrial parks linked to maritime infrastructure. China’s moves have been embraced by Gulf states, several of which have incorporated them in long-term plans to diversify and streamline their economies.

Qi Qianjin, China’s ambassador in Damascus, spelled out China’s interest in Syria when he stressed in 2018, in a statement in 2018 to the People’s Republic’s state-run news agency Xinhua as well as in a letter, his country’s intent to expand its economic, political, and military footprint in the.

"I think it's about time to focus all efforts on the development and reconstruction of Syria, and I think China will play a bigger role in this process by providing more aid to the Syrian people and the Syrian government," Qi said during a visit to a hospital in the Syrian capital.

Donations in recent years of at least $44 million to Syria for humanitarian purposes back up Qi’s statements.

In a letter written in August 2019, the ambassador focussed among other things, on the development of Syrian railways and seaports. The letter was published a month after Chinese President Xi Jinping promised to lend &nbsp;$20 billion to Syria, Yemen, Lebanon, and Jordan for reconstruction and economic development.

Few doubt that China, even prior to the coronavirus pandemic and its devastating economic fallout, is best positioned to be a key, if not the key player, in post-war reconstruction of Syria, estimated to require between &nbsp;$250 and $400 billion in investment.

This is even more the case as other potential funders, the United States, Europe, Russia and the &nbsp;Gulf Cooperation Council states, will either refuse to work with the government of Al-Assad or be consumed with fighting a domestic and global recession and substantial loss of revenues in the wake of the pandemic. &nbsp;

Moreover, in opposition to Western states, China on six occasions backed Russian vetoes in the United Nations Security Council that blocked condemnations of the &nbsp;Syrian government and its backers, Russian and Iran; calls for ceasefires; and sanctioning of alleged war criminals.

One of China’s comparative advantages in heavily sanctioned Syria is the experience it garnered in circumventing US and United Nations sanctions imposed on &nbsp;Iran and North Korea. &nbsp;

China further benefits from alternative institutions that it built like the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization that it either controls or in which it has considerable influence.

That has not stopped the US Justice Department from accusing Chinese telecommunications giant Huawei of operating in Syria in violation of US sanctions. The department is seeking the extradition from Canada of Meng Wanzhou, the company’s chief financial officer and daughter of its founder. Meng was detained in Canada at the request of the United States.

Seemingly oblivious to the risk of being targeted by the long arm of US justice, some 200 Chinese companies in 2018 and 58 in 2019, active in sectors such as telecommunications, oil and gas, and transportation, attended the Damascus International Fair where they discussed deals ranging from car manufacturing to development of mobile hospitals.

The participation of China National Heavy Duty Truck Company highlighted Chinese interest in the Syrian automotive sector. Syria could also prove to be a lucrative market for Chinese military exports. Al-Assad could well see Chinese interest as a way of loosening Moscow and Tehran’s grip on his country despite Russian and Iranian effort to reap the benefits of their boots-on-the-ground support for his government by winning lucrative reconstruction contracts.

China has so far refrained from responding in any real way to Syrian urging to kickstart reconstruction of critical national infrastructure even before remaining rebel strongholds in the country are reconquered. It has however exploited commercial opportunity.

The vast majority of Syrian exports go to China and Chinese goods are ubiquitous in Syrian markets. Hama, Syria’s most important industrial region after the collapse of manufacturing in Aleppo and Damascus as a result of the war, is awash with Chinese-made car parts, machine tools and equipment for the automobile, motorcycle, and shoe industry.

Multiple delegations of Chinese investors and businessmen have visited Syria in recent years. In 2018, China hosted its First Trade Fair on Syrian Reconstruction Projects with some 1,000 Chinese companies in attendance and pledged $2 billion for the construction of industrial parks.

China’s security concerns from Syria

Al-Assad’s ability to regain control of most Syria, with the exception of the rebel-held northern region of Idlib, created not only economic opportunity but also heightened already existing Chinese security concerns.

As &nbsp;Syrian government forces rolled back rebel fighters, China feared that their battle-hardened Uyghur and Central Asian contingent would gravitate towards Afghanistan, Tajikistan, and Pakistan from where it would be easier to target China.

The presence of Uyghur fighters in Syria was one driver for a brutal crackdown on Turkic Muslims in China’s troubled north-western province of Xinjiang. It also persuaded China to step up border security cooperation with Tajikistan and Afghanistan, where militants of the Uyghur jihadist Turkistan Islamic Party, an al-Qaeda-affiliated group, allegedly fight alongside the Taliban.

The Uyghur presence in Syria prompted China to consider sending Chinese troops to join the fight for Idlib in violation of its foreign and defense policy principles. China ultimately dropped the idea, which would have amounted to the People’s Republic’s first military intervention in recent memory beyond its borders.

Repeated unconfirmed media reports have, however, suggested that China has been sharing intelligence with Syria and has been sending military advisors for the past four years to help in the fight against Uyghur militants.

The discussion about an intervention followed a pledge in 2016 by Rear Admiral Guan Youfei of the People's Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) to increase military cooperation with the &nbsp;Syrian government.

Two years later, a Syrian state-controlled newspaper, Al Watan, Qi, the Chinese ambassador, and China’s military attaché, Wong Roy Chang, as saying that China wanted to contribute “in some way” to Syrian military campaign against the rebels in Idlib. The PLAN took nine days to deny Chinese interest in getting involved in the fighting, calling the report a “misunderstanding.”

Meanwhile, while supportive of efforts to negotiate an end to the Syrian war, China has studiously avoided taking a leading role. Its sole initiative to shape the outcome of the conflict was a four-point plan that never gained significant traction.

China’s dilemma in Idlib lies partially in sensitivity to Turkish opposition to an all-out assault on Idlib. Turkey fears that it would likely spark a renewed refugee exodus and concern that Chinese involvement in an assault could whip up pro-Uyghur sentiments in Turkey despite growing anti-refugee sentiment in the country.

Turkey has long supported Uyghur rights and has frequently turned a blind eye to Uyghur militants.

An Uighur dressed in a Turkish military uniform and sporting an automatic weapon, claiming in a video clip posted on Twitter that he was fighting in the northern Syrian district of Afrin alongside Turkish-backed rebels, advised Han Chinese residents of China’s troubled north-western province of Xinjiang to leave the area. “Listen you dog bastards, do you see this? We will triumph! We will kill you all. Listen up Chinese civilians, get out of our East Turkestan. I am warning you. We shall return, and we will be victorious,” the Uyghur said.

Syria in the wider Chinese Middle East policy

Beyond its hesitancy of becoming embroiled in the Syrian war, China, despite its consistent backing of the Syrian government as a secular bulwark against Islamic extremism, feared that greater involvement in Syria could jeopardise its successful efforts to remain aloof in the conflict between Saudi Arabia and Iran that influenced multiple disputes in the Middle East.

That fear has receded with states in the GCC ending their long-standing support for anti-Assad rebels and cosying up to the Syrian leader in an effort to counter Iranian and Turkish influence.

Chinese aloofness also shielded it from entering into direct competition with Russia and Iran in the post-war reconstruction phase. Deepening Chinese-Russian ties in the wake of the pandemic and perceived greater Iranian dependence on China may allow for a divvying up of the pie in ways that turn Syria into an important Belt and Road node.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)&nbsp;

&nbsp;

Mohammed Jarah and Ahmad Bustati’s warehouse in Damascus symbolized China’s emergence as the largest supplier of industrial and consumer goods to Syria on the eve of the Syrian civil war.

Mohammed Jarah and Ahmad Bustati’s warehouse in Damascus symbolized China’s emergence as the largest supplier of industrial and consumer goods to Syria on the eve of the Syrian civil war. The dilapidated warehouse was stocked with everything from Chinese laser cutting machines to plastic toys for children. A decade of fighting dashed the two Syrian entrepreneurs’ hopes. However, things seem to be looking up for businessmen like Jarah and Bustati with Syrian President Bashar al-Assad having gained the upper hand in the war with Russian and Iranian assistance and China seeing the longer-term economic potential in Syria as a regional node of what BRI will look like irrespective of the coronavirus pandemic and its devastating economic consequences. Syrian officials have sought to drive home China’s competitive advantages and perceived interest in taking a lead in the reconstruction of their country. “The Silk Road is not a silk road if it does not pass through Syria, Iraq and Iran,” said Buthina Shaaban, Bashar al-Assad’s media advisor, referring to the BRI. Chinese access to the Syrian Mediterranean Sea ports of Tartus and Latakia is an attractive prospect for China’s multi-billion-dollar infrastructure, telecommunications and energy-driven initiative that seeks to link Eurasia to the People’s Republic. It would complement Beijing’s footholds in Greece’s Piraeus and the Israeli harbours of Haifa and Ashdod and echo Syria’s key position on the ancient Silk Road. Closely connected to Chinese interest in Syrian ports is the exploration by China Harbour Engineering Company Ltd (CHEC) of the possible upgrading of the deep seaport of Tripoli, Lebanon to allow it to accommodate larger vessels. In contrast to Syrian ports, Tripoli would grant China greater freedom of action because it would not have to share control with Russia. Together with Syrian ports, Tripoli would serve as an alternative to passage through the Suez Canal. Russia appeared to be anticipating potential Chinese moves when it last year negotiated with the Assad government an extension of its access to military bases including what it describes as a “logistics support facility of the Russian navy” in Tartus. In the absence of making the agreement public, it remained unclear what Russian intentions are. However, modernization of Tartus for military purposes that would guarantee Russia a role in the control of the Eastern Mediterranean would have to involve upgrading it to be able to accommodate all types of vessels, including aircraft carriers. In a further move, Russian President Vladimir Putin ordered his foreign and defence ministries in May to reach an agreement with Syria on the additional expansion of a 2015 accord that governs Russia’s naval presence in Tartus and allows the Russian navy to base up to 11 ships in the port for 49 years. Putin wants the life of the agreement to be extended by an additional 25 years. “From the coast of Syria, there is an opportunity to control not only the eastern part, but the entire Mediterranean Sea,” said Captain 1st Rank Anatoly Ivanov, a Moscow-based naval expert. “The United States has in the Mediterranean Sea not only the ships of its Sixth Fleet, but also an extensive ship repair base and training centres of the Navy. For Russia, the Mediterranean Sea is much closer not only geographically, but also geopolitically. Therefore, to use the opportunity to establish (itself) more densely in Syria seems to be a reasonable measure” Qingdao Haixi Heavy-Duty Machinery Co. has already sold Tripoli port two 28-storey container cranes capable of lifting and transporting more than 700 containers a day, while a container vessel belonging to China’s state-owned COSCO Shipping Lines docked in Tripoli in December 2018, inaugurating a new maritime route between China and the Mediterranean. Major Chinese construction companies are also looking at building a railroad that would connect Beirut and Tripoli in Lebanon to Homs and Aleppo in Syria. China has suggested that Tripoli could become a special economic zone within the BRI and serve as an important trans-shipment point between the People’s Republic and Europe. Adding to China’s expansion in the Eastern Mediterranean, COSCO acquired in 2015 a 65 per cent stake in Turkey’s Kumport Terminal on the Ambarli coast of Istanbul. To round off the circle, Egypt’s navy last year signed an agreement with China’s Hutchinson Ports to build a terminal in Abu Qir, a port 23 kilometres northeast of Alexandria. Chinese companies already operate Alexandria’s own port as well as that of El Dekheila, ten kilometres west of the city. Chinese influence in at least ten ports in six countries bordering the Eastern Mediterranean - Israel, Greece, Lebanon, Turkey, Egypt, and Syria - could complicate US and NATO’s ability to manoeuvre in the region. This was one reason that the Trump administration has warned Israel that Chinese involvement in Haifa, where the Chinese have built their own pier, could jeopardize continued use of the port by the US sixth fleet. Informing US thinking is China’s Military Strategy white paper, published in 2015, that emphasises the “strategic requirement of offshore waters defence and open seas.” It raises the spectre of Chinese-managed or owned ports in the Eastern Mediterranean serving the People’s Republic’s economic and commercial, as well as military interests. The Chinese sway over multiple ports in the Eastern Mediterranean could also encourage Turkey to bolster its grip on the energy-rich waters in violation of international law. Turkish military support for the internationally recognised Libyan Government of National Accord produced a maritime agreement between the two entities that created an Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) in the Eastern Mediterranean favouring expansive Turkish claims. China’s interest in Mediterranean ports is part of a larger effort to integrate the Middle East into the maritime leg of the Belt and Road that also includes the Gulf, the Arabian Sea with the Pakistani port of Gwadar as its focal point, and the Red Sea with the establishment of the People’s Republic’s first military outpost in Djibouti. The integration is further advanced by Chinese investment in ports and logistics facilities in among others Dubai and Oman as well as industrial parks linked to maritime infrastructure. China’s moves have been embraced by Gulf states, several of which have incorporated them in long-term plans to diversify and streamline their economies. Qi Qianjin, China’s ambassador in Damascus, spelled out China’s interest in Syria when he stressed in 2018, in a statement in 2018 to the People’s Republic’s state-run news agency Xinhua as well as in a letter, his country’s intent to expand its economic, political, and military footprint in the. "I think it's about time to focus all efforts on the development and reconstruction of Syria, and I think China will play a bigger role in this process by providing more aid to the Syrian people and the Syrian government," Qi said during a visit to a hospital in the Syrian capital. Donations in recent years of at least $44 million to Syria for humanitarian purposes back up Qi’s statements. In a letter written in August 2019, the ambassador focussed among other things, on the development of Syrian railways and seaports. The letter was published a month after Chinese President Xi Jinping promised to lend $20 billion to Syria, Yemen, Lebanon, and Jordan for reconstruction and economic development. Few doubt that China, even prior to the coronavirus pandemic and its devastating economic fallout, is best positioned to be a key, if not the key player, in post-war reconstruction of Syria, estimated to require between $250 and $400 billion in investment. This is even more the case as other potential funders, the United States, Europe, Russia and the Gulf Cooperation Council states, will either refuse to work with the government of Al-Assad or be consumed with fighting a domestic and global recession and substantial loss of revenues in the wake of the pandemic. Moreover, in opposition to Western states, China on six occasions backed Russian vetoes in the United Nations Security Council that blocked condemnations of the Syrian government and its backers, Russian and Iran; calls for ceasefires; and sanctioning of alleged war criminals. One of China’s comparative advantages in heavily sanctioned Syria is the experience it garnered in circumventing US and United Nations sanctions imposed on Iran and North Korea. China further benefits from alternative institutions that it built like the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization that it either controls or in which it has considerable influence. That has not stopped the US Justice Department from accusing Chinese telecommunications giant Huawei of operating in Syria in violation of US sanctions. The department is seeking the extradition from Canada of Meng Wanzhou, the company’s chief financial officer and daughter of its founder. Meng was detained in Canada at the request of the United States. Seemingly oblivious to the risk of being targeted by the long arm of US justice, some 200 Chinese companies in 2018 and 58 in 2019, active in sectors such as telecommunications, oil and gas, and transportation, attended the Damascus International Fair where they discussed deals ranging from car manufacturing to development of mobile hospitals. The participation of China National Heavy Duty Truck Company highlighted Chinese interest in the Syrian automotive sector. Syria could also prove to be a lucrative market for Chinese military exports. Al-Assad could well see Chinese interest as a way of loosening Moscow and Tehran’s grip on his country despite Russian and Iranian effort to reap the benefits of their boots-on-the-ground support for his government by winning lucrative reconstruction contracts. China has so far refrained from responding in any real way to Syrian urging to kickstart reconstruction of critical national infrastructure even before remaining rebel strongholds in the country are reconquered. It has however exploited commercial opportunity. The vast majority of Syrian exports go to China and Chinese goods are ubiquitous in Syrian markets. Hama, Syria’s most important industrial region after the collapse of manufacturing in Aleppo and Damascus as a result of the war, is awash with Chinese-made car parts, machine tools and equipment for the automobile, motorcycle, and shoe industry. Multiple delegations of Chinese investors and businessmen have visited Syria in recent years. In 2018, China hosted its First Trade Fair on Syrian Reconstruction Projects with some 1,000 Chinese companies in attendance and pledged $2 billion for the construction of industrial parks. China’s security concerns from Syria Al-Assad’s ability to regain control of most Syria, with the exception of the rebel-held northern region of Idlib, created not only economic opportunity but also heightened already existing Chinese security concerns. As Syrian government forces rolled back rebel fighters, China feared that their battle-hardened Uyghur and Central Asian contingent would gravitate towards Afghanistan, Tajikistan, and Pakistan from where it would be easier to target China. The presence of Uyghur fighters in Syria was one driver for a brutal crackdown on Turkic Muslims in China’s troubled north-western province of Xinjiang. It also persuaded China to step up border security cooperation with Tajikistan and Afghanistan, where militants of the Uyghur jihadist Turkistan Islamic Party, an al-Qaeda-affiliated group, allegedly fight alongside the Taliban. The Uyghur presence in Syria prompted China to consider sending Chinese troops to join the fight for Idlib in violation of its foreign and defense policy principles. China ultimately dropped the idea, which would have amounted to the People’s Republic’s first military intervention in recent memory beyond its borders. Repeated unconfirmed media reports have, however, suggested that China has been sharing intelligence with Syria and has been sending military advisors for the past four years to help in the fight against Uyghur militants. The discussion about an intervention followed a pledge in 2016 by Rear Admiral Guan Youfei of the People's Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) to increase military cooperation with the Syrian government. Two years later, a Syrian state-controlled newspaper, Al Watan, Qi, the Chinese ambassador, and China’s military attaché, Wong Roy Chang, as saying that China wanted to contribute “in some way” to Syrian military campaign against the rebels in Idlib. The PLAN took nine days to deny Chinese interest in getting involved in the fighting, calling the report a “misunderstanding.” Meanwhile, while supportive of efforts to negotiate an end to the Syrian war, China has studiously avoided taking a leading role. Its sole initiative to shape the outcome of the conflict was a four-point plan that never gained significant traction. China’s dilemma in Idlib lies partially in sensitivity to Turkish opposition to an all-out assault on Idlib. Turkey fears that it would likely spark a renewed refugee exodus and concern that Chinese involvement in an assault could whip up pro-Uyghur sentiments in Turkey despite growing anti-refugee sentiment in the country. Turkey has long supported Uyghur rights and has frequently turned a blind eye to Uyghur militants. An Uighur dressed in a Turkish military uniform and sporting an automatic weapon, claiming in a video clip posted on Twitter that he was fighting in the northern Syrian district of Afrin alongside Turkish-backed rebels, advised Han Chinese residents of China’s troubled north-western province of Xinjiang to leave the area. “Listen you dog bastards, do you see this? We will triumph! We will kill you all. Listen up Chinese civilians, get out of our East Turkestan. I am warning you. We shall return, and we will be victorious,” the Uyghur said. Syria in the wider Chinese Middle East policy Beyond its hesitancy of becoming embroiled in the Syrian war, China, despite its consistent backing of the Syrian government as a secular bulwark against Islamic extremism, feared that greater involvement in Syria could jeopardise its successful efforts to remain aloof in the conflict between Saudi Arabia and Iran that influenced multiple disputes in the Middle East. That fear has receded with states in the GCC ending their long-standing support for anti-Assad rebels and cosying up to the Syrian leader in an effort to counter Iranian and Turkish influence. Chinese aloofness also shielded it from entering into direct competition with Russia and Iran in the post-war reconstruction phase. Deepening Chinese-Russian ties in the wake of the pandemic and perceived greater Iranian dependence on China may allow for a divvying up of the pie in ways that turn Syria into an important Belt and Road node. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

China shows greater interest in Syria amid coronavirus pandemic and deteriorating ties with the US

The face of George Floyd was immortalised by Syrian artist Aziz Asmar, as 'I can't breathe' protests continue around the world.

Syrian artist paints portrait of George Floyd on Idlib wall

At a football stadium in Syria's Idlib, re-purposed to shelter Syrians displaced by war, children are being offered a service that has become a sought-after commodity the world over since the coronavirus pandemic set in: a haircut.

In Syria's Idlib, traveling barbers bring children relief

Pandemic may have devastating impact on already war-torn nation of Syria with 44 cases and 3 deaths. Authorities claimed that any outbreak in overflowing refugee' camps would lead to a humanitarian disaster.

Pandemic may have devastating impact on already war-torn nation of Syria

Syrian Maen Khadour has taken to urban gardening on his Damascus rooftop, now filled with young trees and canisters turned into pots where eggplants, onions, lettuce, parsley, rocca and spinach grow.

Urban gardening on a Damascus rooftop during coronavirus lockdown, Ramadan

The global chemical weapons watchdog on Wednesday for the first time explicitly blamed Syria for toxic attacks, saying President Bashar al-Assad's air force used the nerve gas sarin and chlorine three times in 2017.

The findings came in the first report from a new investigative team set up by the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) to identify the perpetrators of attacks in Syria's ongoing nine-year-long civil war.

In March 2017, Syrian fighter jets dropped sarin on the northern village of Lataminah and a military helicopter dropped a barrel bomb full of chlorine on the same village, the probe found.

The OPCW said the team "has concluded that there are reasonable grounds to believe that the perpetrators of the use of sarin as a chemical weapon in Lataminah in 2017... and the use of chlorine... were individuals belonging to the Syrian Arab Air Force".

The report willl now go to the UN Security Council which will decide what, if any, further action to take,

Member states of the OPCW agreed two years ago to give The Hague-based watchdog new powers to attribute blame for attacks, despite the objections of Syria and its ally Russia.&nbsp;

Previously it had only been able to say whether chemical strikes had occurred but without naming the perpetrators.

- 'Higher authorities' - 
The OPCW said the new Investigation and Identification Team (IIT) could not identify the precise chain of command but that orders for the attacks must have come from senior commanders.

"Attacks of such a strategic nature would have only taken place on the basis of orders from the higher authorities of the Syrian Arab Republic military command," IIT coordinator Santiago Onate-Laborde said&nbsp;

"Even if authority can be delegated, responsibility cannot. In the end, the was unable to identify any other plausible explanation," he said in a statement.

Western nations and human rights groups praised the OPCW report, saying it proved Syria continued chemical attacks on its own population.

"Today's confirmation that the Syrian military 'at the highest level' was responsible for sarin and chlorine attacks in 2017 should remove any doubt that the Syrian state deliberately used chemical weapons against its own people," Louis Charbonneau, Human Rights Watch's UN director said.

"The OPCW's conclusions should be used to support criminal justice for the individuals responsible," he added in a statement.

Canada's delegation to the OPCW said the evidence in the report was "conclusive" and described Syria's actions as "reprehensible."

Britain's ambassador to the Netherlands Peter Wilson said Syria was now in breach of the UN Chemical Weapons Convention and that OPCW states "must respond."

- Fighter jets - 
The report said two Syrian Arab Air Force Sukhoi SU-22 jet fighters dropped two bombs containing sarin on Lataminah on March 24 and 30, 2017.

A Syrian military helicopter dropped a cylinder containing chlorine on a hospital in the sane village on March 25 that year, the report said.

In total, 106 people were affected by the attacks, the OPCW said.

Almost two years ago, the OPCW confirmed that sarin and chlorine were used in two attacks on the town, but at the time it did not name those responsible.

The Lataminah strikes came just days before another deadly sarin assault in nearby Khan Sheikhun on April 4 that &nbsp;killing more than 80 people.

Western nations launched air strikes on Syrian military targets in &nbsp;response to the Khan Sheikhun attack.

The OPCW team is expected to deal at a later date with an alleged 2018 chlorine attack in the Syrian town of Douma in which at least 40 people died -- an investigation that has become a major bone of contention between Damascus and its Russian ally and Western nations.

Damascus has continued to deny the use of chemical weapons and insists it has handed over its weapons stockpiles under a 2013 agreement, prompted by a suspected sarin gas attack that killed 1,400 in the Damascus suburb of Ghouta.

The OPCW won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2013 for its work in Syria and says it has eliminated 97 percent of the world's chemical weapons.

The global chemical weapons watchdog on Wednesday for the first time explicitly blamed Syria for toxic attacks, saying President Bashar al-Assad's air force used the nerve gas sarin and chlorine three times in 2017.

The global chemical weapons watchdog on Wednesday for the first time explicitly blamed Syria for toxic attacks, saying President Bashar al-Assad's air force used the nerve gas sarin and chlorine three times in 2017. The findings came in the first report from a new investigative team set up by the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) to identify the perpetrators of attacks in Syria's ongoing nine-year-long civil war. In March 2017, Syrian fighter jets dropped sarin on the northern village of Lataminah and a military helicopter dropped a barrel bomb full of chlorine on the same village, the probe found. The OPCW said the team "has concluded that there are reasonable grounds to believe that the perpetrators of the use of sarin as a chemical weapon in Lataminah in 2017... and the use of chlorine... were individuals belonging to the Syrian Arab Air Force". The report willl now go to the UN Security Council which will decide what, if any, further action to take, Member states of the OPCW agreed two years ago to give The Hague-based watchdog new powers to attribute blame for attacks, despite the objections of Syria and its ally Russia. Previously it had only been able to say whether chemical strikes had occurred but without naming the perpetrators. - 'Higher authorities' - The OPCW said the new Investigation and Identification Team (IIT) could not identify the precise chain of command but that orders for the attacks must have come from senior commanders. "Attacks of such a strategic nature would have only taken place on the basis of orders from the higher authorities of the Syrian Arab Republic military command," IIT coordinator Santiago Onate-Laborde said "Even if authority can be delegated, responsibility cannot. In the end, the was unable to identify any other plausible explanation," he said in a statement. Western nations and human rights groups praised the OPCW report, saying it proved Syria continued chemical attacks on its own population. "Today's confirmation that the Syrian military 'at the highest level' was responsible for sarin and chlorine attacks in 2017 should remove any doubt that the Syrian state deliberately used chemical weapons against its own people," Louis Charbonneau, Human Rights Watch's UN director said. "The OPCW's conclusions should be used to support criminal justice for the individuals responsible," he added in a statement. Canada's delegation to the OPCW said the evidence in the report was "conclusive" and described Syria's actions as "reprehensible." Britain's ambassador to the Netherlands Peter Wilson said Syria was now in breach of the UN Chemical Weapons Convention and that OPCW states "must respond." - Fighter jets - The report said two Syrian Arab Air Force Sukhoi SU-22 jet fighters dropped two bombs containing sarin on Lataminah on March 24 and 30, 2017. A Syrian military helicopter dropped a cylinder containing chlorine on a hospital in the sane village on March 25 that year, the report said. In total, 106 people were affected by the attacks, the OPCW said. Almost two years ago, the OPCW confirmed that sarin and chlorine were used in two attacks on the town, but at the time it did not name those responsible. The Lataminah strikes came just days before another deadly sarin assault in nearby Khan Sheikhun on April 4 that killing more than 80 people. Western nations launched air strikes on Syrian military targets in response to the Khan Sheikhun attack. The OPCW team is expected to deal at a later date with an alleged 2018 chlorine attack in the Syrian town of Douma in which at least 40 people died -- an investigation that has become a major bone of contention between Damascus and its Russian ally and Western nations. Damascus has continued to deny the use of chemical weapons and insists it has handed over its weapons stockpiles under a 2013 agreement, prompted by a suspected sarin gas attack that killed 1,400 in the Damascus suburb of Ghouta. The OPCW won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2013 for its work in Syria and says it has eliminated 97 percent of the world's chemical weapons.

Watchdog blames Syria for chemical weapons attacks

A UN board of inquiry investigating attacks on civilian establishments in Syria, including hospitals, has refrained from directly holding Russia responsible, according to a summary of its report published Monday.

The coordinates of the sites had been communicated to the belligerents by the United Nations to protect them from air strikes.

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Without mentioning Russia, the investigation concluded that in four out of the seven cases studied by the board -- a school, a health center, a surgical hospital and a protection center -- "the government of Syria and/or its allies had carried out the airstrike."

In 2019, The New York Times published an exhaustive investigation, notably including recordings of Russian pilots, that directly incriminated Russia in attacks on hospitals in Syria.

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''The refusal to explicitly name Russia as a responsible party working alongside the Syrian government... is deeply disappointing," Human Rights Watch said after the summary was published.

The UN commission chose seven cases, but its investigators were unable to visit the sites because the Syrian government did not grant visas.

The cases included the Martyr Akram Ali Ibrahim Al-Ahmad school in Madiq Castle on April 2018, 2019, and the Rakaya Sijneh health center on May 3.

There were no victims in either case. The report said it was highly likely the raids were conducted by Syria or its allies.

The commission also looked at the Kafr Nabutha health center (May 7), which had no victims and was also likely conducted by Syria and its allies.

A UN board of inquiry investigating attacks on civilian establishments in Syria, including hospitals, has refrained from directly holding Russia responsible, according to a summary of its report published Monday.

A UN board of inquiry investigating attacks on civilian establishments in Syria, including hospitals, has refrained from directly holding Russia responsible, according to a summary of its report published Monday. The coordinates of the sites had been communicated to the belligerents by the United Nations to protect them from air strikes. Also read: Russia: Victory Day rehearsals continue despite coronavirus crisis Without mentioning Russia, the investigation concluded that in four out of the seven cases studied by the board -- a school, a health center, a surgical hospital and a protection center -- "the government of Syria and/or its allies had carried out the airstrike." In 2019, The New York Times published an exhaustive investigation, notably including recordings of Russian pilots, that directly incriminated Russia in attacks on hospitals in Syria. Also read: What impact is COVID-19 having on war-torn areas like Yemen, Syria, Libya ''The refusal to explicitly name Russia as a responsible party working alongside the Syrian government... is deeply disappointing," Human Rights Watch said after the summary was published. The UN commission chose seven cases, but its investigators were unable to visit the sites because the Syrian government did not grant visas. The cases included the Martyr Akram Ali Ibrahim Al-Ahmad school in Madiq Castle on April 2018, 2019, and the Rakaya Sijneh health center on May 3. There were no victims in either case. The report said it was highly likely the raids were conducted by Syria or its allies. The commission also looked at the Kafr Nabutha health center (May 7), which had no victims and was also likely conducted by Syria and its allies.

UN refrains from directly blaming Russia for Syria hospital attacks

What impact is COVID-19 having on war-torn areas like Yemen, Syria, Libya

Through war or through a coronavirus curfew, Syrian gym coaches Reem al-Shami and Fadi Barakat say they will never stop exercising.

Can't stop, won't stop: Syrian gym coaches stay fit

Syria's health ministry said on Sunday that a woman who died after being rushed to hospital for emergency treatment was found to have been infected by coronavirus in the first officially reported death from the disease.

Syria's health ministry said on Sunday that a woman who died after being rushed to hospital for emergency treatment was found to have been infected by coronavirus in the first officially reported death from the disease. Syria also said its confirmed cases rose to nine from an earlier five cases, but medics and witnesses say there are many more. Officials deny a cover-up but have imposed a lockdown and draconian measures including a nationwide night curfew to stem the pandemic. Medics say the country is at high risk of a major outbreak because of a fragile health system devastated by a nine-year war and lack of sufficient equipment to detect the virus On Sunday, the army also announced an end to a call-up for army reserves. The army has already ended conscription in what military defectors said was an attempt to prevent the spread of the virus among the rank and file. Opposition figures and independent politicians point to Damascus' strong ties with Iran, the worst affected country in the region and which has land and air links with Syria, as a source of possible contagion. They say the virus is also coming from members of Iranian-backed militias who are fighting alongside the Syrian army. Senior Syrian army officers have in recent days taken leave of absence and been ordered not to mingle with the Iranian-backed militias, military defectors say. Thousands of Shi'ite pilgrims also continue to arrive in Syria to visit the Sayeda Zainab shrine in Damascus, a neighbourhood that also houses the main headquarters of the Iranian-backed militias. United Nations officials say large movements of pilgrims and visitors in densely populated areas have increased the risks of infection.

Syria reports first death from coronavirus

Syria's brutal conflict entered its 10th year Sunday with President Bashar al-Assad's regime consolidating its hold over a war-wracked country where foreign powers are flexing their muscle.

When Syrian anti-government demonstrators first took to the streets on March 15, 2011, they could scarcely have imagined their protests would turn into a complex war entangling rebels, jihadists and outside forces.

Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/east-syria-strike-kills-26-iraqi-fighters-monitor-285947">East Syria strike kills 26 Iraqi fighters: Monitor</a>

At least 384,000 people have since died, including more than 116,000 civilians, the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights war monitor says.

The war has left cities and villages in ruins, shattered the economy and displaced more than 11 million people internally and abroad, with many seeking refuge in neighbouring countries and Europe.

Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/opinions-blogs/fragmented-politics-of-syrian-refugee-crisis-jeopardises-the-future-of-millions-285579">Fragmented politics of Syrian refugee crisis jeopardises the future of millions</a>

"We've lost everything," said one of the displaced, Hala Ibrahim, a rights activist from Aleppo who now lives in Idlib province, the last rebel stronghold.

"I left my university, my house which was bombed," said the woman in her 30s.

"Nine years of revolution illustrate the extent of the suffering we have known, between exile, bombings and deaths."

Assad, with the military support of Russia, Iran and Lebanese militant group Hezbollah, has clawed back control of over 70 per cent of the war-torn country.

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Neighbouring Turkey, which supports local armed groups, has deployed its troops across the border in Idlib province, now the last rebel bastion and refugee of millions of displaced people.

Syria's latest fragile ceasefire came into effect there earlier this month, and Turkish and Russian forces on Sunday kicked off joint patrols in Idlib, Russian and Turkish media said.

The first patrol was however very brief and largely symbolic, as the route was "shortened because of provocations", Russia's defence ministry said.

An AFP correspondent, covering a protest against the patrol some five kilometres (three miles) away, said it never arrived on that section of the M4 highway.

Around 200 protesters had gathered on the road near the town of Nayrab, some setting tyres alight or piling tree branches across the thoroughfare.

The March 5 ceasefire has for now stemmed a deadly Russia-backed military campaign on Idlib.

The assault has killed nearly 500 civilians since December, the Observatory says, and forced nearly a million to flee their homes and shelters, according to the United Nations.

Among those displaced, Siham Abs and seven of her children have been living for the past two months in a camp near Bardaqli, not far from the Turkish border.

Among the tents lined up along muddy paths, Abs said she and her family would like to wash, but don't know where.

"I am 50 years old and I've never known such difficult times," she said.

Many of those unable to find space in camps have been sleeping in fields or have sought shelter in schools, mosques and unfinished buildings.

The UN special envoy for Syria, Geir Pedersen, on Saturday said the enduring war was "proof of a collective failure of diplomacy".

"The suffering of the Syrian people during this tragic and terrible decade still defies comprehension and belief."

The Syrian conflict was born of unprecedented anti-government demonstrations in the southern city of Daraa.

The protests spread across Syria, but a violent crackdown soon saw rebels take up arms and wrest key areas from government control.

Jihadist groups also emerged, notably the Islamic State group which swept across large parts of the country and neighbouring Iraq in 2014.

Other foreign powers still operating in Syria include the United States whose troops, despite an announced withdrawal last year, are still stationed in the northeast, in a semi-autonomous Kurdish zone.

And Israel regularly carries out airstrikes on Syrian, Hezbollah and Iranian military positions.

The war has ravaged Syria's economy and infrastructure. The United Nations estimated in 2018 that the conflict had caused nearly $400 billion in war-related destruction.

Over half of all health facilities in Syria are non-functional, and two in five schools cannot be used, the UN children's agency says.

"Our message is clear: Stop hitting schools and hospitals," UNICEF Executive Director Henrietta Fore said. "Stop killing and maiming children."

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres wrote this week on Twitter that "a decade of fighting has brought nothing but ruin and misery.

"There is no military solution. Now it is the time to give diplomacy a chance to work."

Syria's brutal conflict entered its 10th year Sunday with President Bashar al-Assad's regime consolidating its hold over a war-wracked country where foreign powers are flexing their muscle.

Syria's brutal conflict entered its 10th year Sunday with President Bashar al-Assad's regime consolidating its hold over a war-wracked country where foreign powers are flexing their muscle. When Syrian anti-government demonstrators first took to the streets on March 15, 2011, they could scarcely have imagined their protests would turn into a complex war entangling rebels, jihadists and outside forces. Also read: East Syria strike kills 26 Iraqi fighters: Monitor At least 384,000 people have since died, including more than 116,000 civilians, the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights war monitor says. The war has left cities and villages in ruins, shattered the economy and displaced more than 11 million people internally and abroad, with many seeking refuge in neighbouring countries and Europe. Also read: Fragmented politics of Syrian refugee crisis jeopardises the future of millions "We've lost everything," said one of the displaced, Hala Ibrahim, a rights activist from Aleppo who now lives in Idlib province, the last rebel stronghold. "I left my university, my house which was bombed," said the woman in her 30s. "Nine years of revolution illustrate the extent of the suffering we have known, between exile, bombings and deaths." Assad, with the military support of Russia, Iran and Lebanese militant group Hezbollah, has clawed back control of over 70 per cent of the war-torn country. × Neighbouring Turkey, which supports local armed groups, has deployed its troops across the border in Idlib province, now the last rebel bastion and refugee of millions of displaced people. Syria's latest fragile ceasefire came into effect there earlier this month, and Turkish and Russian forces on Sunday kicked off joint patrols in Idlib, Russian and Turkish media said. The first patrol was however very brief and largely symbolic, as the route was "shortened because of provocations", Russia's defence ministry said. An AFP correspondent, covering a protest against the patrol some five kilometres (three miles) away, said it never arrived on that section of the M4 highway. Around 200 protesters had gathered on the road near the town of Nayrab, some setting tyres alight or piling tree branches across the thoroughfare. The March 5 ceasefire has for now stemmed a deadly Russia-backed military campaign on Idlib. The assault has killed nearly 500 civilians since December, the Observatory says, and forced nearly a million to flee their homes and shelters, according to the United Nations. Among those displaced, Siham Abs and seven of her children have been living for the past two months in a camp near Bardaqli, not far from the Turkish border. Among the tents lined up along muddy paths, Abs said she and her family would like to wash, but don't know where. "I am 50 years old and I've never known such difficult times," she said. Many of those unable to find space in camps have been sleeping in fields or have sought shelter in schools, mosques and unfinished buildings. The UN special envoy for Syria, Geir Pedersen, on Saturday said the enduring war was "proof of a collective failure of diplomacy". "The suffering of the Syrian people during this tragic and terrible decade still defies comprehension and belief." The Syrian conflict was born of unprecedented anti-government demonstrations in the southern city of Daraa. The protests spread across Syria, but a violent crackdown soon saw rebels take up arms and wrest key areas from government control. Jihadist groups also emerged, notably the Islamic State group which swept across large parts of the country and neighbouring Iraq in 2014. Other foreign powers still operating in Syria include the United States whose troops, despite an announced withdrawal last year, are still stationed in the northeast, in a semi-autonomous Kurdish zone. And Israel regularly carries out airstrikes on Syrian, Hezbollah and Iranian military positions. The war has ravaged Syria's economy and infrastructure. The United Nations estimated in 2018 that the conflict had caused nearly $400 billion in war-related destruction. Over half of all health facilities in Syria are non-functional, and two in five schools cannot be used, the UN children's agency says. "Our message is clear: Stop hitting schools and hospitals," UNICEF Executive Director Henrietta Fore said. "Stop killing and maiming children." UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres wrote this week on Twitter that "a decade of fighting has brought nothing but ruin and misery. "There is no military solution. Now it is the time to give diplomacy a chance to work."

Syria's brutal war enters 10th year

At least 384,000 people have died in Syria, including more than 116,000 civilians, since the war began in March 2011, the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights said on Saturday.

Sparked by deadly repression of peaceful pro-democracy protests, the conflict has drawn in outside powers in a complex war involving rebel factions, jihadist groups and foreign interests.

As the war enters its 10th year, the government of President Bashar al-Assad now controls more than 70 per cent of Syrian territory, thanks to the military support of its allies Russia, Iran and Lebanese militant group Hezbollah.

Also read:<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/east-syria-strike-kills-26-iraqi-fighters-monitor-285947"> East Syria strike kills 26 Iraqi fighters: Monitor</a>

The conflict is the "worst man-made disaster since World War II," the United Nations human rights chief declared in 2017.

The war has destroyed the economy and caused more than 11 million Syrians to flee their homes.

According to the Observatory, which relies on a network of sources in Syria, the latest death toll includes about 22,000 children and 13,000 women.

Also see: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/photos/syria-war-enters-10th-year-with-no-hope-in-sight-285777">Syria war enters 10th year with no hope in sight</a>

At least 129,476 Syrian soldiers, allied forces and militiamen have died, according to the Britain-based war monitor, including 1,697 members of Hezbollah.

Nearly 57,000 rebels have died, as well as 13,624 members of the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces, which spearheaded the US-backed campaign against the Islamic State group, the Observatory said.

The Observatory tallied 67,296 deaths among jihadists loyal to IS or to Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, an alliance led by a former Al-Qaeda affiliate that dominates the last rebel enclave in the Idlib region in the northwest.

Also read:<a href="https://www.wionews.com/opinions-blogs/fragmented-politics-of-syrian-refugee-crisis-jeopardises-the-future-of-millions-285579"> Fragmented politics of Syrian refugee crisis jeopardises the future of millions</a>

The death toll included 421 unidentified victims.

After recent government advances, Idlib province is the last battleground between government forces, and the jihadists and their rebel allies.

Damascus launched an offensive to take the region in December, causing close to one million people to flee, according to the United Nations, before Ankara and Moscow negotiated a ceasefire earlier this month.

Also see: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/senior-member-of-irans-revolutionary-guards-killed-in-syria-report-284924">Senior member of Iran's Revolutionary Guards killed in Syria: Report</a>

NGOs continue to denounce human rights abuses by the Syrian government, including lethal chemical attacks, torture and arbitrary arrest.

Tens of thousands of people have been subject to forced disappearances by the government or a myriad of armed groups, NGOs report.

The war has destroyed infrastructure and crucial sectors of the economy including the oil industry.

At least 384,000 people have died in Syria, including more than 116,000 civilians, since the war began in March 2011, the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights said on Saturday.

At least 384,000 people have died in Syria, including more than 116,000 civilians, since the war began in March 2011, the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights said on Saturday. Sparked by deadly repression of peaceful pro-democracy protests, the conflict has drawn in outside powers in a complex war involving rebel factions, jihadist groups and foreign interests. As the war enters its 10th year, the government of President Bashar al-Assad now controls more than 70 per cent of Syrian territory, thanks to the military support of its allies Russia, Iran and Lebanese militant group Hezbollah. Also read: East Syria strike kills 26 Iraqi fighters: Monitor The conflict is the "worst man-made disaster since World War II," the United Nations human rights chief declared in 2017. The war has destroyed the economy and caused more than 11 million Syrians to flee their homes. According to the Observatory, which relies on a network of sources in Syria, the latest death toll includes about 22,000 children and 13,000 women. Also see: Syria war enters 10th year with no hope in sight At least 129,476 Syrian soldiers, allied forces and militiamen have died, according to the Britain-based war monitor, including 1,697 members of Hezbollah. Nearly 57,000 rebels have died, as well as 13,624 members of the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces, which spearheaded the US-backed campaign against the Islamic State group, the Observatory said. The Observatory tallied 67,296 deaths among jihadists loyal to IS or to Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, an alliance led by a former Al-Qaeda affiliate that dominates the last rebel enclave in the Idlib region in the northwest. Also read: Fragmented politics of Syrian refugee crisis jeopardises the future of millions The death toll included 421 unidentified victims. After recent government advances, Idlib province is the last battleground between government forces, and the jihadists and their rebel allies. Damascus launched an offensive to take the region in December, causing close to one million people to flee, according to the United Nations, before Ankara and Moscow negotiated a ceasefire earlier this month. Also see: Senior member of Iran's Revolutionary Guards killed in Syria: Report NGOs continue to denounce human rights abuses by the Syrian government, including lethal chemical attacks, torture and arbitrary arrest. Tens of thousands of people have been subject to forced disappearances by the government or a myriad of armed groups, NGOs report. The war has destroyed infrastructure and crucial sectors of the economy including the oil industry.

Syria death toll 384,000 after nine years of war: Monitor

An airstrike killed 26 fighters of Iraqi paramilitary group Hashed al-Shaabi in eastern Syria after a deadly attack on US-led coalition troops in Iraq, a war monitor said Thursday.

The Britain-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights said the Wednesday strike was probably carried out by the coalition.

But the anti-jihadist alliance denied having carried out any raids in Syria or neighbouring Iraq on Wednesday night.

Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/photos/syria-war-enters-10th-year-with-no-hope-in-sight-285777">Syria war enters 10th year with no hope in sight</a>

"The US/Coalition did not conduct any strikes in Syria or Iraq last night," a spokesman said in a statement to the source.

Before the strike near the border town of Albu Kamal, rockets were fired at a military base north of Baghdad hosting coalition troops, killing two Americans and one Briton.

It was the deadliest such attack in years on an Iraqi military base hosting foreign troops.

Also see: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/reports-of-pakistani-fighters-killed-in-idlib-no-response-from-imran-govt-284961">Reports of Pakistani fighters killed in Idlib; no response from Imran govt</a>

There was no immediate claim of responsibility, but the United States has blamed Iran-backed factions from the Hashed al-Shaabi for similar violence in recent months.

Within hours, the airstrikes were launched against Hashed forces just across the border in Syria.

Hardline Hashed factions have fought alongside Syrian government forces for several years and have been targeted by both coalition and Israeli airstrikes.

Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/opinions-blogs/fragmented-politics-of-syrian-refugee-crisis-jeopardises-the-future-of-millions-285579">Fragmented politics of Syrian refugee crisis jeopardises the future of millions</a>

Israel has carried out hundreds of strikes in Syria since the start of the war in 2011, which it says mainly target Iranian forces and allied Lebanese fighters.

The coalition has been carrying out airstrikes in Syria since 2014 when the Islamic State group overran a large swathe of the country and neighbouring Iraq.

Coalition-backed forces last year expelled the jihadists from their last outpost in eastern Syria, but the group retains sleeper cells on both sides of the border.

An airstrike killed 26 fighters of Iraqi paramilitary group Hashed al-Shaabi in eastern Syria after a deadly attack on US-led coalition troops in Iraq, a war monitor said Thursday.

An airstrike killed 26 fighters of Iraqi paramilitary group Hashed al-Shaabi in eastern Syria after a deadly attack on US-led coalition troops in Iraq, a war monitor said Thursday. The Britain-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights said the Wednesday strike was probably carried out by the coalition. But the anti-jihadist alliance denied having carried out any raids in Syria or neighbouring Iraq on Wednesday night. Also read: Syria war enters 10th year with no hope in sight "The US/Coalition did not conduct any strikes in Syria or Iraq last night," a spokesman said in a statement to the source. Before the strike near the border town of Albu Kamal, rockets were fired at a military base north of Baghdad hosting coalition troops, killing two Americans and one Briton. It was the deadliest such attack in years on an Iraqi military base hosting foreign troops. Also see: Reports of Pakistani fighters killed in Idlib; no response from Imran govt There was no immediate claim of responsibility, but the United States has blamed Iran-backed factions from the Hashed al-Shaabi for similar violence in recent months. Within hours, the airstrikes were launched against Hashed forces just across the border in Syria. Hardline Hashed factions have fought alongside Syrian government forces for several years and have been targeted by both coalition and Israeli airstrikes. Also read: Fragmented politics of Syrian refugee crisis jeopardises the future of millions Israel has carried out hundreds of strikes in Syria since the start of the war in 2011, which it says mainly target Iranian forces and allied Lebanese fighters. The coalition has been carrying out airstrikes in Syria since 2014 when the Islamic State group overran a large swathe of the country and neighbouring Iraq. Coalition-backed forces last year expelled the jihadists from their last outpost in eastern Syria, but the group retains sleeper cells on both sides of the border.

East Syria strike kills 26 Iraqi fighters: Monitor

By Juline Beaujouan and Amjed Rasheed

The Syrian province of Idlib, the remaining holdout of rebels fighting the regime of Bashar al-Assad, has experienced fierce fighting in recent months as the Syrian army, supported by Russia, has pushed to reclaim the territory.

Meanwhile, the expansionist impulses of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in north-west Syria brought Turkey into direct confrontation with Assad’s forces in Idlib and exacerbated tensions with Russia. A ceasefire was agreed in early March, but tensions in the region remain high.

Even before the military escalation in Idlib, the Turkish attack on Kurds in north-eastern Syria in October 2019 had added a layer of complexity to the conflict. Now the recent assaults on Syrians in Idlib have led to the exodus of an estimated 1 million civilians. UN officials said it was “the fastest-growing displacement” they had ever seen in Syria.

Many people fled to Turkey, already home to around 3.5 million Syrian refugees. On February 29, Turkey opened its border with Greece, apparently to put pressure on Europe to support its operations in Idlib.

Sadly, this wave of migration is only the latest flashpoint in the worst humanitarian crisis since the horrors of the second world war. But even this crisis, with thousands now stuck in no-man’s land on the Greek-Turkish border, hasn’t triggered a way through the regional and domestic blockages that have prevented an end to the bloodshed in Syria. This is something we’ve written about in a new book on the Syrian refugee crisis.

Regional inertia 
 
Since 2011, the humanitarian consequences of the Syrian crisis have spilled over several Middle Eastern countries. But there has been no collective, regional response – largely because of political fragmentation and competition for power.

One striking illustration of these dynamics is the inertia of the Arab League and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). The two organisations have repeatedly failed to provide effective responses to regional issues such as the turmoil in Yemen and Libya or the rise of extremist groups in Iraq and Syria. The Syrian refugee crisis, and more recently the situation in north-west Syria, are no exceptions.

The Arab League has limited its intervention to support for efforts by the international community to mitigate the impact of the refugee crisis. As for the GCC, its actions were overshadowed by an internal rift and the involvement of Qatar and Saudi Arabia in the Syrian chaos. This means that the humanitarian burden has continued to be borne by countries that host Syrian refugees.

Some may have expected Arab solidarity in the face of a crisis that emerged in the context of wider Arab uprisings. Yet even in the Arab countries that have hosted the bulk of refugees from Syria, such as Jordan and Lebanon, the government and people distanced themselves from their Arab brothers as the crisis became protracted.

The national borders in the Middle East that were drawn up after the first world war still remain contested &nbsp;by pan-Arab, pan-Islamic and pan-Kurdish movements. Nevertheless, the Syrian refugee crisis showed how these borders and national identities are powerful drivers of everyday politics.

A crisis politicised

The stance of the governments in Jordan and Lebanon towards the Syrian conflict shaped the countries’ refugee policy. What started as a policy of open doors evolved from 2014 when restrictions were imposed on Syrians entering and staying in both countries. Jordan and Lebanon then began to cooperate with the international community to mitigate the refugee crisis in early 2016, and eventually began to actively encourage the return of refugees to Syria in 2018.

Lebanon’s ruling elites capitalised on the humanitarian crisis by portraying the Syrian refugees as a security threat. Pro-Assad political parties Hezbollah and the Free Patriotic Movement used this narrative to undermine anti-Assad political forces in Lebanon, namely a party called the Future Movement. This, in turn, created a sense of urgency which encouraged the flow of foreign aid into the country in an attempt to bring stability. But this foreign aid fed corruption.

The media has also played an important role in shaping the perception of Syrian refugees in Jordan and Lebanon by circulating a twofold government-sponsored narrative about the crisis. On one hand, this narrative tried to reassure Lebanese people of a sense of normalcy and fostered patience and societal strength. On the other, the government framed the refugee crisis as an emergency to convince international donors to channel humanitarian aid to the country. But as we found in our research, it was the second narrative that dominated, causing confusion among Lebanese and Jordanians who have started to ask for their share of the foreign aid.

Stuck in the middle

Amid this fragmented regional landscape and the politicisation of the crisis at the regional and national levels, the fate of Syrian refugees remains unclear. Russia has offered to facilitate dialogue between host countries – mainly Lebanon – and the Assad regime regarding the return of Syrian populations. But the ongoing process of their return to their home country might now be hampered by diplomatic tensions between Syria and its neighbours, especially Lebanon and Turkey.

The safe return of Syrian refugees will also be restricted by the demographic changes initiated by the Turkish government in efforts to eliminate the Kurdish presence along its border. The fate of returnees is also jeopardised by the Assad regime’s policies against those who took part in the uprising, those who didn’t answer the conscription call during the war or those who own properties in former rebel-held areas.

The Syrian refugee crisis will remain a major card both in the hands of the countries involved militarily in the conflict, and those hosting refugees. As for the Syrian refugees themselves, their lives, rights and future are precarious. They remain the primary victims of the regional competition for power.

(Juline Beaujouan is Research Associate, Political Settlements Research Programme, University of Edinburgh)

(Amjed Rasheed is Research Fellow, School of Government and International Affairs, Durham University)

(This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the<a href="https://theconversation.com/the-fragmented-politics-of-the-syrian-refugee-crisis-jeopardises-the-future-of-millions-132533"> original article</a>) 
 
&nbsp;

&nbsp;

By Juline Beaujouan and Amjed Rasheed The Syrian province of Idlib, the remaining holdout of rebels fighting the regime of Bashar al-Assad, has experienced fierce fighting in recent months as the Syrian army, supported by Russia, has pushed to reclaim the territory.

By Juline Beaujouan and Amjed Rasheed The Syrian province of Idlib, the remaining holdout of rebels fighting the regime of Bashar al-Assad, has experienced fierce fighting in recent months as the Syrian army, supported by Russia, has pushed to reclaim the territory. Meanwhile, the expansionist impulses of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in north-west Syria brought Turkey into direct confrontation with Assad’s forces in Idlib and exacerbated tensions with Russia. A ceasefire was agreed in early March, but tensions in the region remain high. Even before the military escalation in Idlib, the Turkish attack on Kurds in north-eastern Syria in October 2019 had added a layer of complexity to the conflict. Now the recent assaults on Syrians in Idlib have led to the exodus of an estimated 1 million civilians. UN officials said it was “the fastest-growing displacement” they had ever seen in Syria. Many people fled to Turkey, already home to around 3.5 million Syrian refugees. On February 29, Turkey opened its border with Greece, apparently to put pressure on Europe to support its operations in Idlib. Sadly, this wave of migration is only the latest flashpoint in the worst humanitarian crisis since the horrors of the second world war. But even this crisis, with thousands now stuck in no-man’s land on the Greek-Turkish border, hasn’t triggered a way through the regional and domestic blockages that have prevented an end to the bloodshed in Syria. This is something we’ve written about in a new book on the Syrian refugee crisis. Regional inertia Since 2011, the humanitarian consequences of the Syrian crisis have spilled over several Middle Eastern countries. But there has been no collective, regional response – largely because of political fragmentation and competition for power. One striking illustration of these dynamics is the inertia of the Arab League and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). The two organisations have repeatedly failed to provide effective responses to regional issues such as the turmoil in Yemen and Libya or the rise of extremist groups in Iraq and Syria. The Syrian refugee crisis, and more recently the situation in north-west Syria, are no exceptions. The Arab League has limited its intervention to support for efforts by the international community to mitigate the impact of the refugee crisis. As for the GCC, its actions were overshadowed by an internal rift and the involvement of Qatar and Saudi Arabia in the Syrian chaos. This means that the humanitarian burden has continued to be borne by countries that host Syrian refugees. Some may have expected Arab solidarity in the face of a crisis that emerged in the context of wider Arab uprisings. Yet even in the Arab countries that have hosted the bulk of refugees from Syria, such as Jordan and Lebanon, the government and people distanced themselves from their Arab brothers as the crisis became protracted. The national borders in the Middle East that were drawn up after the first world war still remain contested by pan-Arab, pan-Islamic and pan-Kurdish movements. Nevertheless, the Syrian refugee crisis showed how these borders and national identities are powerful drivers of everyday politics. A crisis politicised The stance of the governments in Jordan and Lebanon towards the Syrian conflict shaped the countries’ refugee policy. What started as a policy of open doors evolved from 2014 when restrictions were imposed on Syrians entering and staying in both countries. Jordan and Lebanon then began to cooperate with the international community to mitigate the refugee crisis in early 2016, and eventually began to actively encourage the return of refugees to Syria in 2018. Lebanon’s ruling elites capitalised on the humanitarian crisis by portraying the Syrian refugees as a security threat. Pro-Assad political parties Hezbollah and the Free Patriotic Movement used this narrative to undermine anti-Assad political forces in Lebanon, namely a party called the Future Movement. This, in turn, created a sense of urgency which encouraged the flow of foreign aid into the country in an attempt to bring stability. But this foreign aid fed corruption. The media has also played an important role in shaping the perception of Syrian refugees in Jordan and Lebanon by circulating a twofold government-sponsored narrative about the crisis. On one hand, this narrative tried to reassure Lebanese people of a sense of normalcy and fostered patience and societal strength. On the other, the government framed the refugee crisis as an emergency to convince international donors to channel humanitarian aid to the country. But as we found in our research, it was the second narrative that dominated, causing confusion among Lebanese and Jordanians who have started to ask for their share of the foreign aid. Stuck in the middle Amid this fragmented regional landscape and the politicisation of the crisis at the regional and national levels, the fate of Syrian refugees remains unclear. Russia has offered to facilitate dialogue between host countries – mainly Lebanon – and the Assad regime regarding the return of Syrian populations. But the ongoing process of their return to their home country might now be hampered by diplomatic tensions between Syria and its neighbours, especially Lebanon and Turkey. The safe return of Syrian refugees will also be restricted by the demographic changes initiated by the Turkish government in efforts to eliminate the Kurdish presence along its border. The fate of returnees is also jeopardised by the Assad regime’s policies against those who took part in the uprising, those who didn’t answer the conscription call during the war or those who own properties in former rebel-held areas. The Syrian refugee crisis will remain a major card both in the hands of the countries involved militarily in the conflict, and those hosting refugees. As for the Syrian refugees themselves, their lives, rights and future are precarious. They remain the primary victims of the regional competition for power. (Juline Beaujouan is Research Associate, Political Settlements Research Programme, University of Edinburgh) (Amjed Rasheed is Research Fellow, School of Government and International Affairs, Durham University) (This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article)

Fragmented politics of Syrian refugee crisis jeopardises the future of millions

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