For a third consecutive day, fighting raged between the Islamic State and Kurdish forces in Syria. This was after IS attacked a prison housing jihadists. As per reports, so far 70 people have been killed in the fighting.

Reports: 70 people killed in Syria as fighting continues to rage between the IS & Kurdish forces

The revival of the Islamic State is knocking at West Asia's doors as two attacks took place, one at a high profile prison in Syria and the other at a military base near Iraq. Now, a car bomb went off outside the prison, shortly after which gunmen clashed with security forces. This led to the killings of at least 40 Kurdish security forces and five civilians.

ISIS resurgence further destabilise West Asia with 40 Kurdish security officers killed in attacks

Near the height of the war against the Islamic State group in Syria, a sudden riot of explosions rocked the country’s largest dam, a towering, 18-story structure on the Euphrates River that held back a 25-mile-long reservoir above a valley where hundreds of thousands of people lived.

The Tabqa Dam was a strategic linchpin controlled by the Islamic State group. The explosions March 26, 2017, knocked dam workers to the ground. A fire spread and crucial equipment failed. The flow of the Euphrates River suddenly had no way through, the reservoir began to rise and authorities used loudspeakers to warn people downstream to flee.

The Islamic State group, the Syrian government and Russia blamed the United States, but the dam was on the U.S. military’s “no-strike list” of protected civilian sites, and the commander of the U.S. offensive at the time, then-Lt. Gen. Stephen J. Townsend, said allegations of U.S. involvement were based on “crazy reporting.”

In fact, members of a top secret U.S. special operations unit called Task Force 9 had struck the dam using some of the largest conventional bombs in the US&nbsp;arsenal, including at least one BLU-109 bunker-buster bomb, according to two former senior officials. And they had done it despite a military report warning not to bomb the dam, because the damage could cause a flood that might kill tens of thousands of civilians.

The decision to strike the dam would normally have been made high up the chain of command. But the former officials said the task force used a procedural shortcut reserved for emergencies, allowing it to launch the attack without clearance.

The two former officials, who spoke on the condition that they not be named because they were not authorized to discuss the strikes, said some officers overseeing the air war viewed the task force’s actions as reckless.

Even with careful planning, hitting a dam with such large bombs would likely have been seen by top leaders as unacceptably dangerous, said Scott F. Murray, a retired Air Force colonel.

“Using a 2,000-pound bomb against a restricted target like a dam is extremely difficult and should have never been done on the fly,” he said. “Worst case, those munitions could have absolutely caused the dam to fail.”

After the strikes, dam workers stumbled on an ominous piece of good fortune: Five floors deep in the dam’s control tower, a US&nbsp;BLU-109 bunker buster lay on its side, scorched but intact — a dud. If it had exploded, experts say, the whole dam might have failed.

In response to questions from The New York Times, U.S. Central Command, which oversaw the air war in Syria, acknowledged dropping three 2,000-pound bombs but denied targeting the dam or sidestepping procedures. A spokesperson said that the bombs hit only the towers attached to the dam, not the dam itself, and while top leaders had not been notified beforehand, limited strikes on the towers had been preapproved by the command.

“Analysis had confirmed that strikes on the towers attached to the dam were not considered likely to cause structural damage to the Tabqa Dam itself,” said Capt. Bill Urban, the chief spokesperson for the command. Noting that the dam did not collapse, he added, “That analysis has proved accurate.”

But the two former officials, who were directly involved in the air war at the time, and Syrian witnesses interviewed by the Times, said the situation was far more dire than the US&nbsp;military publicly said.

Critical equipment lay in ruins and the dam stopped functioning entirely. The reservoir quickly rose 50 feet and nearly spilled over the dam, which engineers said would have been catastrophic. The situation grew so desperate that enemies in the yearslong conflict — the Islamic State group, the Syrian government, Syrian defense forces and the United States — called an emergency cease-fire so civilian engineers could race to avert a disaster.

Engineers who worked at the dam, who did not want to be identified because they feared reprisal, said it was only through quick work that the dam and the people living downstream of it were saved.

“The destruction would have been unimaginable,” a former director at the dam said.

The United States went into the war against the Islamic State group in 2014 with targeting rules intended to protect civilians and spare critical infrastructure.

But the Islamic State group sought to exploit those rules, using civilian no-strike sites as weapons depots, command centers and fighting positions. That included the Tabqa Dam.

The task force’s solution to this problem too often was to set aside the rules intended to protect civilians, current and former military personnel said.

Soon, the task force was justifying the majority of its airstrikes using emergency self-defense procedures intended to save troops in life-threatening situations, even when no troops were in danger. That allowed it to quickly hit targets — including no-strike sites — that would have otherwise been off-limits.

Perhaps no single incident shows the brazen use of self-defense rules and the potentially devastating costs more than the strike on the Tabqa Dam.

It is unclear what spurred the task force attack March 26.

Dam workers said they saw no heavy fighting or casualties that day before the bombs hit.

What is clear is that Task Force 9 operators called in a self-defense strike, which meant they did not have to seek permission from the chain of command.

A military report obtained through a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit shows the operators contacted a B-52 bomber and requested an immediate airstrike on three targets. But the report makes no mention of enemy forces firing or heavy casualties. Instead, it says the operators requested the strikes for “terrain denial.”

A senior Defense Department official disputed that the task force overstepped its authority by striking without informing top leaders. The official said the strikes were conducted “within approved guidance” set by Townsend, the commander of the campaign against the Islamic State group.

First, the B-52 dropped bombs set to explode in the air above the targets to avoid damaging the structures, the senior military official said. But when those failed to dislodge the enemy fighters, the task force called for the bomber to drop three 2,000-pound bombs, including at least one bunker buster, this time set to explode when they hit the concrete.

Two workers were at the dam that day. One of them, an electrical engineer, recalled Islamic State fighters positioned in the northern tower as usual that day, but no fighting underway when they went into the dam to work on the cooling system.

Hours later, a series of booms knocked them to the floor. The room filled with smoke. The engineer found his way out through a normally locked door that had been blown open. He froze when he saw the wings of a US&nbsp;B-52.

The dominoes of a potential disaster were now in motion. Damage to the control room caused water pumps to seize. Flooding then short-circuited electrical equipment. With no power to run crucial machinery, water couldn’t pass through the dam. There was a crane that could raise the emergency floodgate, but it, too, had been damaged by fighting.

The engineer hid inside until he saw the B-52 fly away and then found a motorcycle. He sped to the house where the dam manager lived and explained what had happened.

Engineers in Islamic State territory called their former colleagues in the Syrian government, who then contacted allies in the Russian military for help.

A few hours after the strike, a special desk phone reserved for directed communications between the United States and Russia started ringing in an operations center in Qatar. When a coalition officer picked up, a Russian officer warned that U.S. airstrikes had caused serious damage to the dam and there was no time to waste, according to a coalition official.

Less than 24 hours after the strikes, US-backed forces, Russian and Syrian officials and the Islamic State group coordinated a pause in hostilities. A team of 16 workers — some from the Islamic State group, some from the Syrian government, some from U.S. allies — drove to the site, according to the engineer, who was with the group.

They succeeded in repairing the crane, which eventually allowed the floodgates to open, saving the dam.

The US-backed Syrian Democratic Forces dismissed reports of serious damage as propaganda. A spokesperson said the coalition had struck the dam with only “light weapons, so as not to cause damage.”

A short time later, Townsend denied the dam was a target and said, “When strikes occur on military targets, at or near the dam, we use noncratering munitions to avoid unnecessary damage to the facility.”

No disciplinary action was taken against the task force, the senior officials said. The secret unit continued to strike targets using the same types of self-defense justifications it had used on the dam.

Near the height of the war against the Islamic State group in Syria, a sudden riot of explosions rocked the country’s largest dam, a towering, 18-story structure on the Euphrates River that held back a 25-mile-long reservoir above a valley where hundreds of thousands of people lived.

Near the height of the war against the Islamic State group in Syria, a sudden riot of explosions rocked the country’s largest dam, a towering, 18-story structure on the Euphrates River that held back a 25-mile-long reservoir above a valley where hundreds of thousands of people lived. The Tabqa Dam was a strategic linchpin controlled by the Islamic State group. The explosions March 26, 2017, knocked dam workers to the ground. A fire spread and crucial equipment failed. The flow of the Euphrates River suddenly had no way through, the reservoir began to rise and authorities used loudspeakers to warn people downstream to flee. The Islamic State group, the Syrian government and Russia blamed the United States, but the dam was on the U.S. military’s “no-strike list” of protected civilian sites, and the commander of the U.S. offensive at the time, then-Lt. Gen. Stephen J. Townsend, said allegations of U.S. involvement were based on “crazy reporting.” In fact, members of a top secret U.S. special operations unit called Task Force 9 had struck the dam using some of the largest conventional bombs in the US arsenal, including at least one BLU-109 bunker-buster bomb, according to two former senior officials. And they had done it despite a military report warning not to bomb the dam, because the damage could cause a flood that might kill tens of thousands of civilians. The decision to strike the dam would normally have been made high up the chain of command. But the former officials said the task force used a procedural shortcut reserved for emergencies, allowing it to launch the attack without clearance. The two former officials, who spoke on the condition that they not be named because they were not authorized to discuss the strikes, said some officers overseeing the air war viewed the task force’s actions as reckless. Even with careful planning, hitting a dam with such large bombs would likely have been seen by top leaders as unacceptably dangerous, said Scott F. Murray, a retired Air Force colonel. “Using a 2,000-pound bomb against a restricted target like a dam is extremely difficult and should have never been done on the fly,” he said. “Worst case, those munitions could have absolutely caused the dam to fail.” After the strikes, dam workers stumbled on an ominous piece of good fortune: Five floors deep in the dam’s control tower, a US BLU-109 bunker buster lay on its side, scorched but intact — a dud. If it had exploded, experts say, the whole dam might have failed. In response to questions from The New York Times, U.S. Central Command, which oversaw the air war in Syria, acknowledged dropping three 2,000-pound bombs but denied targeting the dam or sidestepping procedures. A spokesperson said that the bombs hit only the towers attached to the dam, not the dam itself, and while top leaders had not been notified beforehand, limited strikes on the towers had been preapproved by the command. “Analysis had confirmed that strikes on the towers attached to the dam were not considered likely to cause structural damage to the Tabqa Dam itself,” said Capt. Bill Urban, the chief spokesperson for the command. Noting that the dam did not collapse, he added, “That analysis has proved accurate.” But the two former officials, who were directly involved in the air war at the time, and Syrian witnesses interviewed by the Times, said the situation was far more dire than the US military publicly said. Critical equipment lay in ruins and the dam stopped functioning entirely. The reservoir quickly rose 50 feet and nearly spilled over the dam, which engineers said would have been catastrophic. The situation grew so desperate that enemies in the yearslong conflict — the Islamic State group, the Syrian government, Syrian defense forces and the United States — called an emergency cease-fire so civilian engineers could race to avert a disaster. Engineers who worked at the dam, who did not want to be identified because they feared reprisal, said it was only through quick work that the dam and the people living downstream of it were saved. “The destruction would have been unimaginable,” a former director at the dam said. The United States went into the war against the Islamic State group in 2014 with targeting rules intended to protect civilians and spare critical infrastructure. But the Islamic State group sought to exploit those rules, using civilian no-strike sites as weapons depots, command centers and fighting positions. That included the Tabqa Dam. The task force’s solution to this problem too often was to set aside the rules intended to protect civilians, current and former military personnel said. Soon, the task force was justifying the majority of its airstrikes using emergency self-defense procedures intended to save troops in life-threatening situations, even when no troops were in danger. That allowed it to quickly hit targets — including no-strike sites — that would have otherwise been off-limits. Perhaps no single incident shows the brazen use of self-defense rules and the potentially devastating costs more than the strike on the Tabqa Dam. It is unclear what spurred the task force attack March 26. Dam workers said they saw no heavy fighting or casualties that day before the bombs hit. What is clear is that Task Force 9 operators called in a self-defense strike, which meant they did not have to seek permission from the chain of command. A military report obtained through a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit shows the operators contacted a B-52 bomber and requested an immediate airstrike on three targets. But the report makes no mention of enemy forces firing or heavy casualties. Instead, it says the operators requested the strikes for “terrain denial.” A senior Defense Department official disputed that the task force overstepped its authority by striking without informing top leaders. The official said the strikes were conducted “within approved guidance” set by Townsend, the commander of the campaign against the Islamic State group. First, the B-52 dropped bombs set to explode in the air above the targets to avoid damaging the structures, the senior military official said. But when those failed to dislodge the enemy fighters, the task force called for the bomber to drop three 2,000-pound bombs, including at least one bunker buster, this time set to explode when they hit the concrete. Two workers were at the dam that day. One of them, an electrical engineer, recalled Islamic State fighters positioned in the northern tower as usual that day, but no fighting underway when they went into the dam to work on the cooling system. Hours later, a series of booms knocked them to the floor. The room filled with smoke. The engineer found his way out through a normally locked door that had been blown open. He froze when he saw the wings of a US B-52. The dominoes of a potential disaster were now in motion. Damage to the control room caused water pumps to seize. Flooding then short-circuited electrical equipment. With no power to run crucial machinery, water couldn’t pass through the dam. There was a crane that could raise the emergency floodgate, but it, too, had been damaged by fighting. The engineer hid inside until he saw the B-52 fly away and then found a motorcycle. He sped to the house where the dam manager lived and explained what had happened. Engineers in Islamic State territory called their former colleagues in the Syrian government, who then contacted allies in the Russian military for help. A few hours after the strike, a special desk phone reserved for directed communications between the United States and Russia started ringing in an operations center in Qatar. When a coalition officer picked up, a Russian officer warned that U.S. airstrikes had caused serious damage to the dam and there was no time to waste, according to a coalition official. Less than 24 hours after the strikes, US-backed forces, Russian and Syrian officials and the Islamic State group coordinated a pause in hostilities. A team of 16 workers — some from the Islamic State group, some from the Syrian government, some from U.S. allies — drove to the site, according to the engineer, who was with the group. They succeeded in repairing the crane, which eventually allowed the floodgates to open, saving the dam. The US-backed Syrian Democratic Forces dismissed reports of serious damage as propaganda. A spokesperson said the coalition had struck the dam with only “light weapons, so as not to cause damage.” A short time later, Townsend denied the dam was a target and said, “When strikes occur on military targets, at or near the dam, we use noncratering munitions to avoid unnecessary damage to the facility.” No disciplinary action was taken against the task force, the senior officials said. The secret unit continued to strike targets using the same types of self-defense justifications it had used on the dam.

A dam in Syria was on a ‘no-strike’ list. US bombed it anyway

Syria's decade-long conflict has forced children out of the classroom and into child labour, where they work long hours to support their families in difficult conditions to put food on the table and provide education for their siblings, so they don't have to suffer the same fate. Ghadi Francis brings you their story.

The West Asia Post: Syria's children forced out of school and into work

Russian Sukhoi jets bombed areas near the northwestern Syrian city of Idlib, which is a bastion of Turkish-backed rebels.

Russian Sukhoi jets bombs areas near the northwestern Syrian city of Idlib

Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett on Sunday announced a plan costing more than USD 300 million to double Jewish Israeli settlers in the Golan Heights. This territory was captured by Israel from Syria more than 40 years ago.

Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, who held his weekly cabinet meeting at the Mevo Hama community in the Golan on Sunday, vowed this was the "moment" to boost the number of Jewish Israelis living in the territory.

"Our goal is to double the population in the Golan," the right-wing Bennett said as he presented his one billion shekel ($317 million) programme to improve housing, transportation, tourism and medical facilities in the area.

Israel captured Golan Heights from Syria during Six-Day War in 1967.&nbsp;

Around 25,000 Israeli settlers live in the Golan Heights, along with some 23,000 Druze, who remained on the land after it was seized by Israel in the 1967 Six-Day War.

Israel annexed the territory on December 14, 1981, in a move not recognised by most of the international community.

Former US president Donald Trump, widely viewed as pro-Israeli, granted US recognition to Israeli sovereignty over the Golan in 2019.

"It goes without saying that the Golan Heights is Israeli," Bennett said Sunday, noting the Trump recognition and what he described as the "important" fact that President Joe Biden's administration had "made it clear that there is no change in policy".

Shortly after the Biden administration took office in January, Secretary of State Antony Blinken suggested there were legal questions surrounding Trump's move, which Syria condemned as a "flagrant violation" of its sovereignty.

But Blinken indicated there was no thought of reversing course, especially amid the ongoing Syrian civil war.

Israel and Syria, which are still technically at war, are separated by a de facto border at the Golan Heights.

Bennett, who leads an ideologically disparate eight-party coalition, needs cabinet approval before his Golan plan can move forward.

Sunday's meeting was temporarily delayed after the premier's 14-year-old daughter tested positive for the coronavirus, sending Bennett into isolation, but a vote on the plan was still expected.

(With inputs from agencies)

Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett on Sunday announced a plan costing more than USD 300 million to double Jewish Israeli settlers in the Golan Heights. This territory was captured by Israel from Syria more than 40 years ago.

Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett on Sunday announced a plan costing more than USD 300 million to double Jewish Israeli settlers in the Golan Heights. This territory was captured by Israel from Syria more than 40 years ago. Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, who held his weekly cabinet meeting at the Mevo Hama community in the Golan on Sunday, vowed this was the "moment" to boost the number of Jewish Israelis living in the territory. "Our goal is to double the population in the Golan," the right-wing Bennett said as he presented his one billion shekel ($317 million) programme to improve housing, transportation, tourism and medical facilities in the area. Israel captured Golan Heights from Syria during Six-Day War in 1967. Around 25,000 Israeli settlers live in the Golan Heights, along with some 23,000 Druze, who remained on the land after it was seized by Israel in the 1967 Six-Day War. Israel annexed the territory on December 14, 1981, in a move not recognised by most of the international community. Former US president Donald Trump, widely viewed as pro-Israeli, granted US recognition to Israeli sovereignty over the Golan in 2019. "It goes without saying that the Golan Heights is Israeli," Bennett said Sunday, noting the Trump recognition and what he described as the "important" fact that President Joe Biden's administration had "made it clear that there is no change in policy". Shortly after the Biden administration took office in January, Secretary of State Antony Blinken suggested there were legal questions surrounding Trump's move, which Syria condemned as a "flagrant violation" of its sovereignty. But Blinken indicated there was no thought of reversing course, especially amid the ongoing Syrian civil war. Israel and Syria, which are still technically at war, are separated by a de facto border at the Golan Heights. Bennett, who leads an ideologically disparate eight-party coalition, needs cabinet approval before his Golan plan can move forward. Sunday's meeting was temporarily delayed after the premier's 14-year-old daughter tested positive for the coronavirus, sending Bennett into isolation, but a vote on the plan was still expected. (With inputs from agencies)

Israel to double settlers in Golan Heights

A number of ancient sites have turned into temporary shelters for the displaced. The fifth-century ruined and ancient monuments have become a convenient place for the people seeking a home in Syria, take a look.

Syria: Displaced citizens take shelter in ancient monuments

A controversial revelation by the Pentagon documents has shown that the US air wars in the Middle East, which have taken several civilian lives, was marked by “deeply flawed intelligence”.<o:p></o:p>

A report by the New York Times has revealed that a heap of confidential documents have reported that the US government has time and again failed to fulfil their pledge of transparency and accountability.<o:p></o:p>

"Not a single record provided includes a finding of wrongdoing or disciplinary action," the report stated.

<o:p>Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/science-technology/roswell-crash-pentagon-admits-testing-wreckage-from-ufo-crashes-363656">Roswell crash: Pentagon admits 'testing' wreckage from UFO crashes</a></o:p>

As per the New York Times newspaper, several confidential documents that highlighted more than 1,300 reports of civilian casualties during air wars in Middle East. This was justified by the government as a part of the wars fought with ‘precision bombs’.<o:p></o:p>

The newspaper has also claimed that the number of civilian deaths has been largely underreported by the US authorities and at least several hundreds of innocent civilians had lost their lives during these air wars.<o:p></o:p>

One such incident cited was bombing by US forces in northern Syria on July 19, 2016 during which it was reported that 85 fighters had been killed by the authorities. However, reports are now stating that 120 farmers and villagers were the ones who were killed during this strike.<o:p></o:p>

Similarly, during a November 2015 attack in Iraq’s Ramadi, the US forces had targeted a man carrying an ‘unidentified object’ into an Islamic State position. That ‘unidentified object’ was actually a small child, the report claimed.

<o:p>Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/all-you-need-to-know-about-pentagons-newly-discovered-secret-army-385910">All you need to know about Pentagon's newly discovered 'secret army'</a></o:p>

Similarly, the Times stated that sometimes "men on motorcycles moving 'in formation,' displaying the 'signature' of an imminent attack, were just men on motorcycles."<o:p></o:p>

Poor or inadequate surveillance footage has been given as a plausible reason behind such gruesome errors in these air wars.<o:p></o:p>

This report comes at a time when the world had already been questioning the US forces for its attack on an ‘unidentified vehicle’ and house in Kabul (a few days after Taliban took control of Afghanistan). What was described as an attack on possible IS militants actually turned out to be an error-filled attack on 10 members of a family, including minors.<o:p></o:p>

Many of these victims of US air strikes have also been left critically injured for life. However, the condolence payments have staggered.<o:p></o:p>

“Even with the best technology in the world, mistakes do happen, whether based on incomplete information or misinterpretation of the information available. And we try to learn from those mistakes,” Captain Bill Urban, spokesman for the US Central Command told the Times. “We work diligently to avoid such harm. We investigate each credible instance. And we regret each loss of innocent life."<o:p></o:p>

A controversial revelation by the Pentagon documents has shown that the US air wars in the Middle East, which have taken several civilian lives, was marked by “deeply flawed intelligence”.

A controversial revelation by the Pentagon documents has shown that the US air wars in the Middle East, which have taken several civilian lives, was marked by “deeply flawed intelligence”. A report by the New York Times has revealed that a heap of confidential documents have reported that the US government has time and again failed to fulfil their pledge of transparency and accountability. "Not a single record provided includes a finding of wrongdoing or disciplinary action," the report stated. Also read | Roswell crash: Pentagon admits 'testing' wreckage from UFO crashes As per the New York Times newspaper, several confidential documents that highlighted more than 1,300 reports of civilian casualties during air wars in Middle East. This was justified by the government as a part of the wars fought with ‘precision bombs’. The newspaper has also claimed that the number of civilian deaths has been largely underreported by the US authorities and at least several hundreds of innocent civilians had lost their lives during these air wars. One such incident cited was bombing by US forces in northern Syria on July 19, 2016 during which it was reported that 85 fighters had been killed by the authorities. However, reports are now stating that 120 farmers and villagers were the ones who were killed during this strike. Similarly, during a November 2015 attack in Iraq’s Ramadi, the US forces had targeted a man carrying an ‘unidentified object’ into an Islamic State position. That ‘unidentified object’ was actually a small child, the report claimed. Also read | All you need to know about Pentagon's newly discovered 'secret army' Similarly, the Times stated that sometimes "men on motorcycles moving 'in formation,' displaying the 'signature' of an imminent attack, were just men on motorcycles." Poor or inadequate surveillance footage has been given as a plausible reason behind such gruesome errors in these air wars. This report comes at a time when the world had already been questioning the US forces for its attack on an ‘unidentified vehicle’ and house in Kabul (a few days after Taliban took control of Afghanistan). What was described as an attack on possible IS militants actually turned out to be an error-filled attack on 10 members of a family, including minors. Many of these victims of US air strikes have also been left critically injured for life. However, the condolence payments have staggered. “Even with the best technology in the world, mistakes do happen, whether based on incomplete information or misinterpretation of the information available. And we try to learn from those mistakes,” Captain Bill Urban, spokesman for the US Central Command told the Times. “We work diligently to avoid such harm. We investigate each credible instance. And we regret each loss of innocent life."

Unidentified objects? US air wars were 'deeply flawed' , Pentagon documents reveal: Report

From the Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq to Guantanamo Bay near Cuba, American soldiers have left a trail of blood and death. Their war crimes are well-documented, yet ignored. Palki Sharma lists out America's crimes in the last two decades.

Gravitas: From Iraq to Afghanistan: America's trail of deaths

A "top secret" strike cell of the US military dropped more than 100,000 bombs and missiles in Syria. Reports claim the military unit inflicted many civilian casualties - while American US military leaders looked the other way. Palki Sharma asks: Is America hiding its war crimes in Syria?

Gravitas: Secret American Death Squad "bombed civilians at will"

Israeli airstrikes struck the Syrian port of Latakia. Syria’s state media quoted that several missiles struck the containers area in the port setting some of them on fire.

Israeli warplanes struck Syria's Latakia port

How is the Syrian civil war affecting children? Watch this heartbreaking report from Syria.

How civil war is destroying Syria’s future?

America calls itself a 'beacon' of human rights, but it covered up a 2019 war crime in Syria. An airstrike killed 60 civilians, the U.S. military downplayed the deaths & 'sanitised' the reports. Palki Sharma asks: Who will sanction the US for its war crimes?

Gravitas: US hid a 2019 war crime in Syria that killed civilians

In the last days of the battle against the Islamic State group in Syria, when members of the once-fierce caliphate were cornered in a dirt field next to a town called Baghuz, a U.S. military drone circled high overhead, hunting for military targets. But it saw only a large crowd of women and children huddled against a river bank.

Without warning, a U.S. F-15E attack jet streaked across the drone’s high-definition field of vision and dropped a 500-pound bomb on the crowd. Then a jet dropped one 2,000-pound bomb, then another.

It was March 18, 2019. At the U.S. military’s busy Combined Air Operations Center at Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar, uniformed personnel watching the live drone footage looked on in stunned disbelief.

“Who dropped that?” a confused analyst typed on a secure chat system being used by those monitoring the drone. Another responded, “We just dropped on 50 women and children.”

An initial battle damage assessment quickly found that the number of dead was actually about 70.

The Baghuz strike was one of the largest civilian casualty incidents of the war against the Islamic State, but it has never been publicly acknowledged by the U.S. military. The details, reported here for the first time, show that the death toll was almost immediately apparent to military officials. A legal officer flagged the strike as a possible war crime that required an investigation. But at nearly every step, the military made moves that concealed the catastrophic strike. The death toll was downplayed. Reports were delayed, sanitized and classified. U.S.-led coalition forces bulldozed the blast site. And top leaders were not notified.

The Defense Department’s independent inspector general began an inquiry, but the report containing its findings was stalled and stripped of any mention of the strike.

“Leadership just seemed so set on burying this,” said Gene Tate, an evaluator who worked on the case for the inspector general’s office and agreed to discuss the aspects that were not classified.

Tate, a former Navy officer who had worked for years as a civilian analyst with the Defense Intelligence Agency and the National Counterterrorism Center before moving to the inspector general’s office, said he criticized the lack of action and was eventually forced out of his job.

The details of the strikes were pieced together by The New York Times over months from confidential documents and descriptions of classified reports as well as interviews with personnel directly involved and officials with top secret security clearances who discussed the incident on the condition that they not be named.

The Times investigation found that the bombing had been called in by a classified U.S. special operations unit, Task Force 9, which was in charge of ground operations in Syria. The task force operated in such secrecy that at times it did not inform even its own military partners of its actions. In the case of the Baghuz bombing, the U.S. Air Force command in Qatar had no idea the strike was coming.

After the strike, an alarmed Air Force intelligence officer in the operations center called over an Air Force lawyer in charge of determining the legality of strikes. The lawyer ordered the F-15E squadron and the drone crew to preserve all video and other evidence. He went upstairs and reported the strike to his chain of command, saying it was a possible violation of the law of armed conflict — a war crime — and regulations required a thorough, independent investigation.

But a thorough, independent investigation never happened.

This past week, after the Times sent its findings to U.S. Central Command, which oversaw the air war in Syria, the command acknowledged the strikes for the first time, saying 80 people were killed but the airstrikes were justified. It said the bombs killed 16 fighters and four civilians. As for the other 60 people killed, the statement said it was not clear that they were civilians, in part because women and children in the Islamic State sometimes took up arms.

The only assessment done immediately after the strike was performed by the same ground unit that ordered the strike. It determined that the bombing was lawful because it killed only a small number of civilians while targeting Islamic State fighters in an attempt to protect coalition forces. Therefore, no formal war crime notification, criminal investigation or disciplinary action was warranted.

But the Air Force lawyer, Lt. Col. Dean Korsak, believed he had witnessed possible war crimes and repeatedly pressed his leadership and Air Force criminal investigators to act. When they did not, he alerted the Defense Department’s independent inspector general. Two years after the strike, seeing no evidence that the watchdog agency was taking action, Korsak emailed the Senate Armed Services Committee.

Korsak did not respond to requests for comment.

A Secret Task Force

The United States portrayed the air war against the Islamic State as the most precise and humane bombing campaign in its history. The military said every report of civilian casualties was investigated and the findings reported publicly, creating what the military called a model of accountability.

But the strikes on Baghuz tell a different story.

The details suggest that while the military put strict rules in place to protect civilians, the Special Operations task force repeatedly used other rules to skirt them.

Even in the extraordinary case of Baghuz — which would rank third on the military’s worst civilian casualty events in Syria if 64 civilian deaths were acknowledged — regulations for reporting and investigating the potential crime were not followed, and no one was held accountable.

Nearly 1,000 strikes hit targets in Syria and Iraq in 2019, using 4,729 bombs and missiles. The official military tally of civilian dead for that entire year is only 22, and the strikes from March 18 are nowhere on the list.

The battle at Baghuz represented the end of a nearly five-year U.S.-led campaign to defeat the Islamic State in Syria. On the ground, Task Force 9 coordinated offensives and airstrikes. The unit included soldiers from the 5th Special Forces Group and the Army’s elite commando team Delta Force.

Over time, some officials overseeing the air campaign began to believe that the task force was systematically circumventing the safeguards created to limit civilian deaths.

The process was supposed to run through several checks and balances. Drones with high-definition cameras studied potential targets, sometimes for days or weeks. Analysts pored over intelligence data to differentiate combatants from civilians. And military lawyers were embedded with strike teams to ensure that targeting complied with the law of armed conflict.

But there was a quick and easy way to skip much of that oversight: claiming imminent danger.

The law of armed conflict — the rule book that lays out the military’s legal conduct in war — allows troops in life-threatening situations to sidestep the strike team lawyers, analysts and other bureaucracy and call in strikes directly from aircraft under what military regulations call an “inherent right of self-defense.”

Task Force 9 typically played only an advisory role in Syria, and its soldiers were usually well behind the front lines. Even so, by late 2018, about 80% of all airstrikes it was calling in claimed self-defense.

The rules allowed U.S. troops and local allies to invoke it when facing not just direct enemy fire, but anyone displaying “hostile intent.” Under that definition, something as mundane as a car driving miles from friendly forces could in some cases be targeted. The task force interpreted the rules broadly, the former officer said.

CIA officers working in Syria grew so alarmed over the task force’s strikes that agents reported their concern to the Department of Defense inspector general, which investigated the claims and produced a report. The results of that report are top secret, but a former task force officer said the CIA officers alleged that in about 10 incidents, the secretive task force hit targets knowing civilians would be killed. The former officer said the report determined that all the strikes were legal.

The inspector general declined to release the report or discuss its findings.

A Fatal Strike

The camp at Baghuz was effectively the Islamic State’s Alamo — a last stand where hard-core militants vowed to fight to the death. The coalition had laid siege, hoping to starve the fighters out. In six weeks, 29,000 people, most of them women and children, surrendered. On March 18, drone footage showed the camp still harbored large numbers of people suspected of being fighters and their families.

Coalition drones had scoured the camp 24 hours a day for weeks and knew nearly every inch, including the daily movements of groups of women and children.

What happened on the morning of March 18 is in dispute.

That day Islamic State fighters trapped in the camp launched a predawn counteroffensive, according to Central Command, which oversaw Task Force 9. It said hundreds of Islamic State fighters started firing rifles and grenade launchers and sending forward fighters with suicide vests. The coalition pummeled the fighters with airstrikes — so many that by midmorning, the coalition had used all the missiles on its drones. Only one U.S. drone, controlled by the task force, was left in the area, and it was unarmed.

At about 10 a.m., local Syrian forces reported they were under fire and in danger of being overrun and called for an airstrike, Central Command said. The task force drone tracked a group of fighters as they made their way through the camp to the area where the women and children sheltered.

A 5th Special Forces Group officer in the task force looked at the drone footage and did not see any civilians. But the drone he relied on had only a standard-definition camera. Central Command said there were no high-definition drones in the area that could get a better view of the target.

The Special Forces officer gave the order to fire. With no precision missiles left, the ground commander called in 500- and 2,000-pound bombs. The strike log classified the strike as self-defense.

In fact, a high-definition drone was available. The task force did not use it. Circling above, it was streaming footage of the same patch of ground to the operations center in Qatar. Because the task force operated at a high level of secrecy, the people in Qatar watching the high-definition drone were not aware the task force was about to call in a strike.

Central Command said the task force did not know that the better drone was overhead.

The high-definition drone recorded a very different scene from what was described by Central Command this past week. In it, two or three men — not 16 — wander through the frame. They have rifles but do not appear to be maneuvering, engaging coalition forces or acting in a way that would seem to justify a self-defense strike with 2,000-pound bombs. A chat log used by analysts who were watching the footage noted the presence of women, children and a man with a gun but did not mention any active combat.

Moments after the task force called in the strike, an F-15E attack plane hit the spot with a 500-pound bomb. Five minutes later, when ground forces saw people fleeing the blast site, the F-15E dropped two 2,000-pound bombs on the survivors. The entire attack took 12 minutes.

A Failed Investigation

Defense Department regulations require any “possible, suspected or alleged” violation of the law of armed conflict to be reported immediately to the combatant commander in charge as well as criminal investigators, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the secretary of defense and the secretary of the Army.

After viewing the footage, Korsak ordered the units involved to preserve nine pieces of evidence, including video, and reported the strike to his chain of command. He also notified the command of concerns that the unit appeared to be covering up the alleged war crimes violations by adding details to the strike log that would justify a self-defense strike. Commanders did not take action.

Coalition forces overran the camp that day and defeated the Islamic State a few days later.

Civilian observers who came to the area of the strike the next day found piles of dead women and children.

Satellite images from four days later show the sheltered bank and area around it appeared to have been bulldozed.

Concerned that details of the airstrike would be buried as well, Korsak alerted the Air Force’s version of the FBI, the Office of Special Investigations. A major responded that agents probably would not look into it.

The Air Force Office of Special Investigations declined to comment.

Korsak again pressed his chain of command to act, informing his command’s chief legal officer in a memo in May 2019 that regulations required an investigation. His superiors did not open an investigation.

Unwilling to let the issue drop, Korsak filed a hotline complaint with the inspector general’s office in August 2019.

A four-person team in the office was already looking into shortcomings in the civilian casualty reporting processes in Syria and quickly set up an interview in a secure setting. After reviewing the high-definition footage and interviewing Korsak, the team, which included Tate, told superiors in the inspector general’s office that the allegation of a war crime was “extremely credible.”

But like the Air Force lawyer’s earlier effort, Tate’s team soon hit roadblocks. Central Command was slow to turn over evidence. Tate obtained video from several drones flying over Baghuz that day but could not locate the footage from the task force drone that called in the strike.

Tate studied the task force’s casualty report, but it did not match what he saw on video. The civilian deaths stated in the report were “an impossibly small number,” he said.

The final section of the casualty report was reserved for the legal opinion. In one version of the report that Tate was sent by the staff at Operation Inherent Resolve, the Baghdad-based military command overseeing operations in Iraq and Syria, a task force lawyer and an operations officer wrote that a violation of the law of armed conflict may have taken place. In another copy that came from Central Command, he said, that opinion had been removed.

Tate could find no evidence that the Joint Chiefs, the defense secretary or criminal investigators had been alerted, as required.

Within days of interviewing Korsak, Tate’s team took their findings to supervisors and told them the office was required to alert those officials and criminal investigation agencies. Tate said his supervisors took no action. The team pressed leaders numerous times over the next several months, and in January 2020, Tate’s team leader drafted a memo that would formally alert authorities. It only needed to be signed by the deputy inspector general overseeing the team. Tate said the supervisor did not sign it.

In the months that followed in 2020, the team finished its report on broader issues in the civilian casualty reporting process, but as it went through the editing and approval process, all mentions of the Baghuz strike were cut.

Tate became increasingly pointed in criticizing the leadership of the inspector general’s office. In October 2020, he said he was forced out of his position and escorted from the building by security.

A spokesperson for the inspector general’s office disputed Tate’s account. She said that it alerted the proper authorities at Central Command shortly after receiving the first hotline complaint in 2019. The spokesperson said the office also notified criminal investigators about the strike in October 2020, 14 months after receiving the hotline call.

Tate refused to give up. He contacted the Senate Armed Services Committee in May and sent a 10-page letter describing the strike and what he viewed as a “systematic failure” on civilian casualty reporting. The committee then contacted Korsak, who replied with a detailed email.

Tate waited for months for the committee to call back and give him an indication that it was actively looking at the case. This past week, he said with a sigh that he was still waiting.

In the last days of the battle against the Islamic State group in Syria, when members of the once-fierce caliphate were cornered in a dirt field next to a town called Baghuz, a U.

In the last days of the battle against the Islamic State group in Syria, when members of the once-fierce caliphate were cornered in a dirt field next to a town called Baghuz, a U.S. military drone circled high overhead, hunting for military targets. But it saw only a large crowd of women and children huddled against a river bank. Without warning, a U.S. F-15E attack jet streaked across the drone’s high-definition field of vision and dropped a 500-pound bomb on the crowd. Then a jet dropped one 2,000-pound bomb, then another. It was March 18, 2019. At the U.S. military’s busy Combined Air Operations Center at Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar, uniformed personnel watching the live drone footage looked on in stunned disbelief. “Who dropped that?” a confused analyst typed on a secure chat system being used by those monitoring the drone. Another responded, “We just dropped on 50 women and children.” An initial battle damage assessment quickly found that the number of dead was actually about 70. The Baghuz strike was one of the largest civilian casualty incidents of the war against the Islamic State, but it has never been publicly acknowledged by the U.S. military. The details, reported here for the first time, show that the death toll was almost immediately apparent to military officials. A legal officer flagged the strike as a possible war crime that required an investigation. But at nearly every step, the military made moves that concealed the catastrophic strike. The death toll was downplayed. Reports were delayed, sanitized and classified. U.S.-led coalition forces bulldozed the blast site. And top leaders were not notified. The Defense Department’s independent inspector general began an inquiry, but the report containing its findings was stalled and stripped of any mention of the strike. “Leadership just seemed so set on burying this,” said Gene Tate, an evaluator who worked on the case for the inspector general’s office and agreed to discuss the aspects that were not classified. Tate, a former Navy officer who had worked for years as a civilian analyst with the Defense Intelligence Agency and the National Counterterrorism Center before moving to the inspector general’s office, said he criticized the lack of action and was eventually forced out of his job. The details of the strikes were pieced together by The New York Times over months from confidential documents and descriptions of classified reports as well as interviews with personnel directly involved and officials with top secret security clearances who discussed the incident on the condition that they not be named. The Times investigation found that the bombing had been called in by a classified U.S. special operations unit, Task Force 9, which was in charge of ground operations in Syria. The task force operated in such secrecy that at times it did not inform even its own military partners of its actions. In the case of the Baghuz bombing, the U.S. Air Force command in Qatar had no idea the strike was coming. After the strike, an alarmed Air Force intelligence officer in the operations center called over an Air Force lawyer in charge of determining the legality of strikes. The lawyer ordered the F-15E squadron and the drone crew to preserve all video and other evidence. He went upstairs and reported the strike to his chain of command, saying it was a possible violation of the law of armed conflict — a war crime — and regulations required a thorough, independent investigation. But a thorough, independent investigation never happened. This past week, after the Times sent its findings to U.S. Central Command, which oversaw the air war in Syria, the command acknowledged the strikes for the first time, saying 80 people were killed but the airstrikes were justified. It said the bombs killed 16 fighters and four civilians. As for the other 60 people killed, the statement said it was not clear that they were civilians, in part because women and children in the Islamic State sometimes took up arms. The only assessment done immediately after the strike was performed by the same ground unit that ordered the strike. It determined that the bombing was lawful because it killed only a small number of civilians while targeting Islamic State fighters in an attempt to protect coalition forces. Therefore, no formal war crime notification, criminal investigation or disciplinary action was warranted. But the Air Force lawyer, Lt. Col. Dean Korsak, believed he had witnessed possible war crimes and repeatedly pressed his leadership and Air Force criminal investigators to act. When they did not, he alerted the Defense Department’s independent inspector general. Two years after the strike, seeing no evidence that the watchdog agency was taking action, Korsak emailed the Senate Armed Services Committee. Korsak did not respond to requests for comment. A Secret Task Force The United States portrayed the air war against the Islamic State as the most precise and humane bombing campaign in its history. The military said every report of civilian casualties was investigated and the findings reported publicly, creating what the military called a model of accountability. But the strikes on Baghuz tell a different story. The details suggest that while the military put strict rules in place to protect civilians, the Special Operations task force repeatedly used other rules to skirt them. Even in the extraordinary case of Baghuz — which would rank third on the military’s worst civilian casualty events in Syria if 64 civilian deaths were acknowledged — regulations for reporting and investigating the potential crime were not followed, and no one was held accountable. Nearly 1,000 strikes hit targets in Syria and Iraq in 2019, using 4,729 bombs and missiles. The official military tally of civilian dead for that entire year is only 22, and the strikes from March 18 are nowhere on the list. The battle at Baghuz represented the end of a nearly five-year U.S.-led campaign to defeat the Islamic State in Syria. On the ground, Task Force 9 coordinated offensives and airstrikes. The unit included soldiers from the 5th Special Forces Group and the Army’s elite commando team Delta Force. Over time, some officials overseeing the air campaign began to believe that the task force was systematically circumventing the safeguards created to limit civilian deaths. The process was supposed to run through several checks and balances. Drones with high-definition cameras studied potential targets, sometimes for days or weeks. Analysts pored over intelligence data to differentiate combatants from civilians. And military lawyers were embedded with strike teams to ensure that targeting complied with the law of armed conflict. But there was a quick and easy way to skip much of that oversight: claiming imminent danger. The law of armed conflict — the rule book that lays out the military’s legal conduct in war — allows troops in life-threatening situations to sidestep the strike team lawyers, analysts and other bureaucracy and call in strikes directly from aircraft under what military regulations call an “inherent right of self-defense.” Task Force 9 typically played only an advisory role in Syria, and its soldiers were usually well behind the front lines. Even so, by late 2018, about 80% of all airstrikes it was calling in claimed self-defense. The rules allowed U.S. troops and local allies to invoke it when facing not just direct enemy fire, but anyone displaying “hostile intent.” Under that definition, something as mundane as a car driving miles from friendly forces could in some cases be targeted. The task force interpreted the rules broadly, the former officer said. CIA officers working in Syria grew so alarmed over the task force’s strikes that agents reported their concern to the Department of Defense inspector general, which investigated the claims and produced a report. The results of that report are top secret, but a former task force officer said the CIA officers alleged that in about 10 incidents, the secretive task force hit targets knowing civilians would be killed. The former officer said the report determined that all the strikes were legal. The inspector general declined to release the report or discuss its findings. A Fatal Strike The camp at Baghuz was effectively the Islamic State’s Alamo — a last stand where hard-core militants vowed to fight to the death. The coalition had laid siege, hoping to starve the fighters out. In six weeks, 29,000 people, most of them women and children, surrendered. On March 18, drone footage showed the camp still harbored large numbers of people suspected of being fighters and their families. Coalition drones had scoured the camp 24 hours a day for weeks and knew nearly every inch, including the daily movements of groups of women and children. What happened on the morning of March 18 is in dispute. That day Islamic State fighters trapped in the camp launched a predawn counteroffensive, according to Central Command, which oversaw Task Force 9. It said hundreds of Islamic State fighters started firing rifles and grenade launchers and sending forward fighters with suicide vests. The coalition pummeled the fighters with airstrikes — so many that by midmorning, the coalition had used all the missiles on its drones. Only one U.S. drone, controlled by the task force, was left in the area, and it was unarmed. At about 10 a.m., local Syrian forces reported they were under fire and in danger of being overrun and called for an airstrike, Central Command said. The task force drone tracked a group of fighters as they made their way through the camp to the area where the women and children sheltered. A 5th Special Forces Group officer in the task force looked at the drone footage and did not see any civilians. But the drone he relied on had only a standard-definition camera. Central Command said there were no high-definition drones in the area that could get a better view of the target. The Special Forces officer gave the order to fire. With no precision missiles left, the ground commander called in 500- and 2,000-pound bombs. The strike log classified the strike as self-defense. In fact, a high-definition drone was available. The task force did not use it. Circling above, it was streaming footage of the same patch of ground to the operations center in Qatar. Because the task force operated at a high level of secrecy, the people in Qatar watching the high-definition drone were not aware the task force was about to call in a strike. Central Command said the task force did not know that the better drone was overhead. The high-definition drone recorded a very different scene from what was described by Central Command this past week. In it, two or three men — not 16 — wander through the frame. They have rifles but do not appear to be maneuvering, engaging coalition forces or acting in a way that would seem to justify a self-defense strike with 2,000-pound bombs. A chat log used by analysts who were watching the footage noted the presence of women, children and a man with a gun but did not mention any active combat. Moments after the task force called in the strike, an F-15E attack plane hit the spot with a 500-pound bomb. Five minutes later, when ground forces saw people fleeing the blast site, the F-15E dropped two 2,000-pound bombs on the survivors. The entire attack took 12 minutes. A Failed Investigation Defense Department regulations require any “possible, suspected or alleged” violation of the law of armed conflict to be reported immediately to the combatant commander in charge as well as criminal investigators, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the secretary of defense and the secretary of the Army. After viewing the footage, Korsak ordered the units involved to preserve nine pieces of evidence, including video, and reported the strike to his chain of command. He also notified the command of concerns that the unit appeared to be covering up the alleged war crimes violations by adding details to the strike log that would justify a self-defense strike. Commanders did not take action. Coalition forces overran the camp that day and defeated the Islamic State a few days later. Civilian observers who came to the area of the strike the next day found piles of dead women and children. Satellite images from four days later show the sheltered bank and area around it appeared to have been bulldozed. Concerned that details of the airstrike would be buried as well, Korsak alerted the Air Force’s version of the FBI, the Office of Special Investigations. A major responded that agents probably would not look into it. The Air Force Office of Special Investigations declined to comment. Korsak again pressed his chain of command to act, informing his command’s chief legal officer in a memo in May 2019 that regulations required an investigation. His superiors did not open an investigation. Unwilling to let the issue drop, Korsak filed a hotline complaint with the inspector general’s office in August 2019. A four-person team in the office was already looking into shortcomings in the civilian casualty reporting processes in Syria and quickly set up an interview in a secure setting. After reviewing the high-definition footage and interviewing Korsak, the team, which included Tate, told superiors in the inspector general’s office that the allegation of a war crime was “extremely credible.” But like the Air Force lawyer’s earlier effort, Tate’s team soon hit roadblocks. Central Command was slow to turn over evidence. Tate obtained video from several drones flying over Baghuz that day but could not locate the footage from the task force drone that called in the strike. Tate studied the task force’s casualty report, but it did not match what he saw on video. The civilian deaths stated in the report were “an impossibly small number,” he said. The final section of the casualty report was reserved for the legal opinion. In one version of the report that Tate was sent by the staff at Operation Inherent Resolve, the Baghdad-based military command overseeing operations in Iraq and Syria, a task force lawyer and an operations officer wrote that a violation of the law of armed conflict may have taken place. In another copy that came from Central Command, he said, that opinion had been removed. Tate could find no evidence that the Joint Chiefs, the defense secretary or criminal investigators had been alerted, as required. Within days of interviewing Korsak, Tate’s team took their findings to supervisors and told them the office was required to alert those officials and criminal investigation agencies. Tate said his supervisors took no action. The team pressed leaders numerous times over the next several months, and in January 2020, Tate’s team leader drafted a memo that would formally alert authorities. It only needed to be signed by the deputy inspector general overseeing the team. Tate said the supervisor did not sign it. In the months that followed in 2020, the team finished its report on broader issues in the civilian casualty reporting process, but as it went through the editing and approval process, all mentions of the Baghuz strike were cut. Tate became increasingly pointed in criticizing the leadership of the inspector general’s office. In October 2020, he said he was forced out of his position and escorted from the building by security. A spokesperson for the inspector general’s office disputed Tate’s account. She said that it alerted the proper authorities at Central Command shortly after receiving the first hotline complaint in 2019. The spokesperson said the office also notified criminal investigators about the strike in October 2020, 14 months after receiving the hotline call. Tate refused to give up. He contacted the Senate Armed Services Committee in May and sent a 10-page letter describing the strike and what he viewed as a “systematic failure” on civilian casualty reporting. The committee then contacted Korsak, who replied with a detailed email. Tate waited for months for the committee to call back and give him an indication that it was actively looking at the case. This past week, he said with a sigh that he was still waiting.

How the US hid an airstrike that killed dozens of civilians in Syria

Qatar is not considering normalizing ties with Syria and hopes other countries will be discouraged from taking further steps with President Bashar al-Assad's government, foreign minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al-Thani said on Friday.

Qatar's Foreign Minister voiced halt to normalization with Syria

Syrian President Bashar al-Assad met the United Arab Emirates’s Foreign Minister Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed in Damascus. But the UAE's ally Washington quickly expressed concern over the signal sent by the encounter.

UAE foreign minister meets Syrian President in Damascus

At least 11 people were killed late Tuesday in an attack on a village in eastern Iraq blamed on the Islamic State group, security sources said.

The attack on Al-Rashad in Diyala province left "11 dead and 13 wounded", a local security source said.

Another said that civilians were among those killed by small arms fire in the village, home to many members of the security services.

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The area has been sealed off and reinforcements sent to hunt for the attackers, the first source said.

Both sources said most of the village's inhabitants belong to the same Bani Tamim tribe as the Diyala provincial governor.

IS surged to control large swathes of Iraq and Syria in 2014, but its "caliphate" later crumbled under successive attacks.

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Iraq declared it defeated in 2017 and the group was smashed in neighbouring Syria in 2019.

But the jihadist threat remains and the group continues to carry out attacks.

A UN report published early this year estimated that around 10,000 IS fighters remained active across Iraq and Syria.

In early September, 13 Iraqi federal police officers were killed in an IS attack on their checkpoint near northern city Kirkuk.

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In July, the group claimed responsibility for an attack on a market in a Shiite district of Baghdad, Sadr City, in which around 30 people died.

Earlier this month, authorities announced two significant arrests outside Iraq: of the planner of a 2016 IS-claimed attack that killed 320 in Baghdad, and of IS's suspected finance chief, Sami Jasim al-Jaburi.

At least 11 people were killed late Tuesday in an attack on a village in eastern Iraq blamed on the Islamic State group, security sources said. The attack on Al-Rashad in Diyala province left "11 dead and 13 wounded", a local security source said.

At least 11 people were killed late Tuesday in an attack on a village in eastern Iraq blamed on the Islamic State group, security sources said. The attack on Al-Rashad in Diyala province left "11 dead and 13 wounded", a local security source said. Another said that civilians were among those killed by small arms fire in the village, home to many members of the security services. Also Read | Car bomb kills six in Syria's Afrin: Monitor The area has been sealed off and reinforcements sent to hunt for the attackers, the first source said. Both sources said most of the village's inhabitants belong to the same Bani Tamim tribe as the Diyala provincial governor. IS surged to control large swathes of Iraq and Syria in 2014, but its "caliphate" later crumbled under successive attacks. Also read | 'Hardship of Life': Heartbreaking photo of Syrian father & son wins SIPA awards 2021 Iraq declared it defeated in 2017 and the group was smashed in neighbouring Syria in 2019. But the jihadist threat remains and the group continues to carry out attacks. A UN report published early this year estimated that around 10,000 IS fighters remained active across Iraq and Syria. In early September, 13 Iraqi federal police officers were killed in an IS attack on their checkpoint near northern city Kirkuk. Also Read | Iraq, Syria terrorists actively entering Afghanistan: Vladimir Putin In July, the group claimed responsibility for an attack on a market in a Shiite district of Baghdad, Sadr City, in which around 30 people died. Earlier this month, authorities announced two significant arrests outside Iraq: of the planner of a 2016 IS-claimed attack that killed 320 in Baghdad, and of IS's suspected finance chief, Sami Jasim al-Jaburi.

11 dead in Iraq attack blamed on IS group: Security sources

A senior al-Qaeda leader was killed in a US drone strike in Syria, the Pentagon said Friday.

The strike comes two days after a base in southern Syria, used by the US-led coalition fighting the Islamic State group, was assaulted.

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"A US airstrike today in northwest Syria killed senior al-Qaeda leader Abdul Hamid al-Matar," said Central Command spokesman Army Major John Rigsbee in a statement.

There were no known casualties from the strike, he said, adding it was conducted using an MQ-9 aircraft.

"The removal of this al-Qaeda senior leader will disrupt the terrorist organization's ability to further plot and carry out global attacks," he said.

At the end of September the Pentagon killed Salim Abu-Ahmad, another senior Al-Qaeda commander in Syria, in an airstrike near Idlib in the country's northwest.

He had been responsible for "planning, funding, and approving trans-regional Al-Qaeda attacks," according to Centcom.

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"Al-Qaeda continues to present a threat to America and our allies. Al-Qaeda uses Syria as a safe haven to rebuild, coordinate with external affiliates, and plan external operations," Rigsbee said.

The ongoing war in Syria has created a complex battlefield involving foreign armies, militias and jihadists.&nbsp;

The war has killed around half a million people since starting in 2011 with a brutal crackdown on anti-government protests.

A senior al-Qaeda leader was killed in a US drone strike in Syria, the Pentagon said Friday. The strike comes two days after a base in southern Syria, used by the US-led coalition fighting the Islamic State group, was assaulted.

A senior al-Qaeda leader was killed in a US drone strike in Syria, the Pentagon said Friday. The strike comes two days after a base in southern Syria, used by the US-led coalition fighting the Islamic State group, was assaulted. Also Read | Turkey sours on Syrians, but not in this sleepy town, jolted awake "A US airstrike today in northwest Syria killed senior al-Qaeda leader Abdul Hamid al-Matar," said Central Command spokesman Army Major John Rigsbee in a statement. There were no known casualties from the strike, he said, adding it was conducted using an MQ-9 aircraft. "The removal of this al-Qaeda senior leader will disrupt the terrorist organization's ability to further plot and carry out global attacks," he said. At the end of September the Pentagon killed Salim Abu-Ahmad, another senior Al-Qaeda commander in Syria, in an airstrike near Idlib in the country's northwest. He had been responsible for "planning, funding, and approving trans-regional Al-Qaeda attacks," according to Centcom. Also Read | Car bomb kills six in Syria's Afrin: Monitor "Al-Qaeda continues to present a threat to America and our allies. Al-Qaeda uses Syria as a safe haven to rebuild, coordinate with external affiliates, and plan external operations," Rigsbee said. The ongoing war in Syria has created a complex battlefield involving foreign armies, militias and jihadists. The war has killed around half a million people since starting in 2011 with a brutal crackdown on anti-government protests.

Senior al-Qaeda leader killed in US drone strike in Syria: Pentagon

For years, Syrian President Bashar al-Assad was an international pariah. But it looks like the leader is slowly returning to the world stage. On The West Asia Post this week, Ghadi Francis tells you how Assad is making a comeback.

The West Asia Post: Syrian President Bashar al-Assad makes a comeback

A human rights watch report said that dozens of Syrian refugees who fled the country to escape persecution have suffered abuse at the hands of authorities or pro-govt militias after returning home. The report documents several cases of arrest, arbitrary detention, torture, extrajudicial killings among returnees.

Dozens of Syrian refugees flee the country to escape persecution

Slumbering amid olive and pistachio groves on a hot plain near the Syrian border, Kilis was for many decades a quiet backwater, surviving, but hardly prospering, on cross-border trade and smuggling.

Then, 10 years ago, war broke out in Syria, refugees began fleeing across the border and Kilis was changed beyond all recognition. Over the next decade, 3.6 million Syrians settled in Turkey, and Kilis doubled in size to about 200,000 people.

Even as the influx of refugees put a heavy burden on Kilis, it also delivered a welcome jolt of energy to the formerly sleepy city.

“After the Syrians arrived, our lives changed quite a lot,” said Kadir Peker, a Turk who had to rebuild his minicab business after it collapsed with the onset of the war. “They benefited us in many ways. We are living together.”

Urged by President Recep Tayyip Erdogan to treat Syrians escaping the war as guests, Turkish citizens widely accepted the newcomers — at least at first. Yet in many places, the welcome has waned, and the long-term presence of Syrian refugees has become a bitterly contentious issue in the political arena.

Opposition parties have started openly to call for sending home Syrian refugees and recently warned Erdogan against admitting a wave of Afghan refugees fleeing the Taliban takeover. This summer, the mayor of a small town in central Turkey publicly called for Syrians to leave, complaining they could not integrate culturally and disrupted the economy.

Kilis is a notable exception to the increasingly toxic tone, a beacon of ethnic harmony where Turks and Syrians speak well of each other and men from the two groups settled a minor traffic accident in the city center recently with smiles.

One reason for the warmth of the welcome here is geographic. Many people in this region, just 30 miles north of the Syrian city of Aleppo, had relations with Syrians before the war.

Kilis’ own history of ethnic diversity, hardship and dislocation may also have fostered an openness to the refugees. It has a large number of Kurds, whose culture and political aspirations have long been suppressed in Turkey. The local population was mainly Jewish and Armenian until the upheavals of the 20th century led to an exodus and decimation of both communities, some of the oldest residents recalled.

An ethnic Kurd himself, Peker used to drive taxis across the border and speaks Kurdish and Arabic as well as Turkish.

For all they have suffered as refugees, many Syrians — now almost half the population of Kilis province — say they have been more welcomed here than in other Turkish cities.

“To be honest, we received a lot of help from the Turkish community here,” said Muhammad, a Syrian refugee who asked that only his first name be published in case it affected his application for Turkish citizenship. “We always hear there is a lot of racism, but I learned Turkish, and I never had a problem,” he added, saying he had found work in Turkish restaurants and businesses.

Still, even in Kilis, Syrians were cautious about discussing their lives in Turkey, where the police are quick to deport anyone without legal documents. Those who did speak pointed out that both sides have benefited, with Syrians finding safety and Kilis getting a much-needed infusion of energy.

“It was a miserable town when we arrived,” Muhammad said. “Everyone was asleep by 6 in the evening, and at night you would only see ghosts.”

The Syrians’ affinity for late nights was one of the cultural differences that irritated Turks, but Syrians have become more mindful of local mores, both communities said.

“It was better before; it was a quieter town,” said a restaurant owner, Murat Aygun, 40, who was born and raised in Kilis. “The culture changed. The city expanded.”

One of the first cultural shifts to emerge was in food. Syrians opened bakeries making the flatbread they ate back home and introduced roast chicken restaurants. Turks, who have always favored grilled meat, kebabs and meatballs, abstained at first but now have adopted the new fare as their own. Syrian favorites such as hummus and falafel have expanded Turkish menus.

Aygun’s two-story restaurant now caters to a multiethnic clientele, and he said he employs as many Syrians as Turks, adding, “They taught us Arabic, and we taught them Turkish.”

His staff members were cheerful about the diversity.

“Now I even eat falafel for breakfast,” Yalcin Ozkir, 37, a Turkish chef, said with a laugh.

Just as the benefits have extended both ways, so, however, have some hardships.

The refugees’ arrival brought a demand for housing, and rents soared beyond the means of many Turks. The war also cut off the cross-border trade that had provided a livelihood for many townspeople.

But the arrival of the Syrians also set off a building boom and brought investment that has transformed the city.

“The buildings started rising after the Syrians came,” Muhammad said of his fellow refugees. “They made a revolution in this town.”

Syrians renovated much of the old city center, opening small shops and businesses and greatly expanding the open-air markets for fruit, vegetables and livestock.

“Half this street was closed and rundown,” said Muhammad Waki, 19, a pastry chef in a Syrian sweet shop in the old town. “Seventy percent has changed. We renovated all these shops.”

There has been sporadic violence against refugees in Turkey but only one instance in Kilis, in 2015, when a crowd smashed the windows of Syrian-owned shops and cars, said Abdurahman Abu Jamil, 30, whose family operates several businesses in northern Syria and Kilis. He noted that his Turkish neighbor protected his shop from the mob.

“In Turkey, if you respect their rights, they will respect yours,” he said. “They respect us, and if you respect them, you preserve your dignity.”

A key turning point came five years ago, when the government integrated Syrian children into Turkish schools, said Omar al-Haji, administrator of the Kilis branch of an educational charity.

“Before, Syrians were going to temporary Syrian schools,” he said. “They could not study well, and they were not even learning Arabic well. But when they decided to take the children into Turkish schools, it helped merge the communities together.”

Authorities also ended the practice of waiving university fees for Syrians, which had fueled local resentment, al-Haji said.

“Hostility between the Turkish and Syrian people decreased because the two peoples started understanding each other, and the problems of the Syrians decreased a lot,” he said.

Intermarriage was another initial friction point, with parts of both communities at first upset when Turkish men started marrying Syrian women as second wives under religious law. But intermarriage has become increasingly common, many residents said, and the two communities have come to socialize together.

On a recent summer’s evening, Peker’s family held a street party to celebrate the circumcision of their son, Poyaz. Prominent among their guests: a refugee couple, a Syrian dentist and his wife, a teacher, who rent an apartment from them.

“I don’t see any difference,” said Nurdan Peker, Peker’s wife. “I don’t see people as Arab or Turkish. I just see them as human.”

Slumbering amid olive and pistachio groves on a hot plain near the Syrian border, Kilis was for many decades a quiet backwater, surviving, but hardly prospering, on cross-border trade and smuggling.

Slumbering amid olive and pistachio groves on a hot plain near the Syrian border, Kilis was for many decades a quiet backwater, surviving, but hardly prospering, on cross-border trade and smuggling. Then, 10 years ago, war broke out in Syria, refugees began fleeing across the border and Kilis was changed beyond all recognition. Over the next decade, 3.6 million Syrians settled in Turkey, and Kilis doubled in size to about 200,000 people. Even as the influx of refugees put a heavy burden on Kilis, it also delivered a welcome jolt of energy to the formerly sleepy city. “After the Syrians arrived, our lives changed quite a lot,” said Kadir Peker, a Turk who had to rebuild his minicab business after it collapsed with the onset of the war. “They benefited us in many ways. We are living together.” Urged by President Recep Tayyip Erdogan to treat Syrians escaping the war as guests, Turkish citizens widely accepted the newcomers — at least at first. Yet in many places, the welcome has waned, and the long-term presence of Syrian refugees has become a bitterly contentious issue in the political arena. Opposition parties have started openly to call for sending home Syrian refugees and recently warned Erdogan against admitting a wave of Afghan refugees fleeing the Taliban takeover. This summer, the mayor of a small town in central Turkey publicly called for Syrians to leave, complaining they could not integrate culturally and disrupted the economy. Kilis is a notable exception to the increasingly toxic tone, a beacon of ethnic harmony where Turks and Syrians speak well of each other and men from the two groups settled a minor traffic accident in the city center recently with smiles. One reason for the warmth of the welcome here is geographic. Many people in this region, just 30 miles north of the Syrian city of Aleppo, had relations with Syrians before the war. Kilis’ own history of ethnic diversity, hardship and dislocation may also have fostered an openness to the refugees. It has a large number of Kurds, whose culture and political aspirations have long been suppressed in Turkey. The local population was mainly Jewish and Armenian until the upheavals of the 20th century led to an exodus and decimation of both communities, some of the oldest residents recalled. An ethnic Kurd himself, Peker used to drive taxis across the border and speaks Kurdish and Arabic as well as Turkish. For all they have suffered as refugees, many Syrians — now almost half the population of Kilis province — say they have been more welcomed here than in other Turkish cities. “To be honest, we received a lot of help from the Turkish community here,” said Muhammad, a Syrian refugee who asked that only his first name be published in case it affected his application for Turkish citizenship. “We always hear there is a lot of racism, but I learned Turkish, and I never had a problem,” he added, saying he had found work in Turkish restaurants and businesses. Still, even in Kilis, Syrians were cautious about discussing their lives in Turkey, where the police are quick to deport anyone without legal documents. Those who did speak pointed out that both sides have benefited, with Syrians finding safety and Kilis getting a much-needed infusion of energy. “It was a miserable town when we arrived,” Muhammad said. “Everyone was asleep by 6 in the evening, and at night you would only see ghosts.” The Syrians’ affinity for late nights was one of the cultural differences that irritated Turks, but Syrians have become more mindful of local mores, both communities said. “It was better before; it was a quieter town,” said a restaurant owner, Murat Aygun, 40, who was born and raised in Kilis. “The culture changed. The city expanded.” One of the first cultural shifts to emerge was in food. Syrians opened bakeries making the flatbread they ate back home and introduced roast chicken restaurants. Turks, who have always favored grilled meat, kebabs and meatballs, abstained at first but now have adopted the new fare as their own. Syrian favorites such as hummus and falafel have expanded Turkish menus. Aygun’s two-story restaurant now caters to a multiethnic clientele, and he said he employs as many Syrians as Turks, adding, “They taught us Arabic, and we taught them Turkish.” His staff members were cheerful about the diversity. “Now I even eat falafel for breakfast,” Yalcin Ozkir, 37, a Turkish chef, said with a laugh. Just as the benefits have extended both ways, so, however, have some hardships. The refugees’ arrival brought a demand for housing, and rents soared beyond the means of many Turks. The war also cut off the cross-border trade that had provided a livelihood for many townspeople. But the arrival of the Syrians also set off a building boom and brought investment that has transformed the city. “The buildings started rising after the Syrians came,” Muhammad said of his fellow refugees. “They made a revolution in this town.” Syrians renovated much of the old city center, opening small shops and businesses and greatly expanding the open-air markets for fruit, vegetables and livestock. “Half this street was closed and rundown,” said Muhammad Waki, 19, a pastry chef in a Syrian sweet shop in the old town. “Seventy percent has changed. We renovated all these shops.” There has been sporadic violence against refugees in Turkey but only one instance in Kilis, in 2015, when a crowd smashed the windows of Syrian-owned shops and cars, said Abdurahman Abu Jamil, 30, whose family operates several businesses in northern Syria and Kilis. He noted that his Turkish neighbor protected his shop from the mob. “In Turkey, if you respect their rights, they will respect yours,” he said. “They respect us, and if you respect them, you preserve your dignity.” A key turning point came five years ago, when the government integrated Syrian children into Turkish schools, said Omar al-Haji, administrator of the Kilis branch of an educational charity. “Before, Syrians were going to temporary Syrian schools,” he said. “They could not study well, and they were not even learning Arabic well. But when they decided to take the children into Turkish schools, it helped merge the communities together.” Authorities also ended the practice of waiving university fees for Syrians, which had fueled local resentment, al-Haji said. “Hostility between the Turkish and Syrian people decreased because the two peoples started understanding each other, and the problems of the Syrians decreased a lot,” he said. Intermarriage was another initial friction point, with parts of both communities at first upset when Turkish men started marrying Syrian women as second wives under religious law. But intermarriage has become increasingly common, many residents said, and the two communities have come to socialize together. On a recent summer’s evening, Peker’s family held a street party to celebrate the circumcision of their son, Poyaz. Prominent among their guests: a refugee couple, a Syrian dentist and his wife, a teacher, who rent an apartment from them. “I don’t see any difference,” said Nurdan Peker, Peker’s wife. “I don’t see people as Arab or Turkish. I just see them as human.”

Turkey sours on Syrians, but not in this sleepy town, jolted awake

Syria once produced enough wheat to feed its entire population. But now the country has been hit by a historic drought. Crop failures are mounting. The situation is so bad that wheat farmers are mulling to leave the profession altogether. Our next report tells you more.

Crop failures mount after Syria gets hit by drought

Russian President Vladimir Putin said Wednesday that battle-hardened terrorists from Iraq and Syria are "actively" entering Afghanistan.

"The situation in Afghanistan is not easy," Putin said during a video conference with security service chiefs of ex-Soviet states.

"Militants from Iraq, Syria with experience in military operations are actively being drawn there," he said.

"It is possible that terrorists may try to destabilise the situation in neighbouring states," he added, warning that they could even try "direct expansion". 
 
Watch | Russia is building its military influence in Africa

<div class="videoWrapper trancodeVideo"><iframe allowfullscreen="" autoplay="1" class="includeVideo" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/videos/russia-is-building-its-military-influence-in-africa-412977/embed" style="width:100%;max-width:560px;" width="560"></iframe></div>

Putin has repeatedly warned about members of extremist groups exploiting political turmoil in Afghanistan to cross into neighbouring ex-Soviet countries as refugees.

While Moscow has been cautiously optimistic about the new Taliban leadership in Kabul, the Kremlin is concerned about instability spilling over into Central Asia where it houses military bases.

In the wake of the Taliban takeover, Russia held military drills with ex-Soviet Tajikistan -- where it operates a military base -- and in Uzbekistan. Both countries share a border with Afghanistan.

Tajikistan's national security chief, Saimumin Yatimov, for his part told the video conference that he had registered an "intensification" of attempts to "smuggle drugs, weapons, ammunition" from Afghanistan into his country.

Afghanistan has long been the world's largest producer of opium and heroin, with profits from the illicit trade helping fund the Taliban.

Earlier Wednesday French President Emmanuel Macron hosted Tajikistan's leader Emomali Rakhmon in Paris, vowing to help the Central Asian state maintain stability.

While the Taliban has said it does not pose a threat to Central Asian countries, the ex-Soviet republics in the region have previously been targeted by attacks attributed to allies of Afghan Islamists.

Last week the Kremlin's envoy to Afghanistan, Zamir Kabulov, said Russia will invite the Taliban to Moscow for international talks on Afghanistan scheduled for October 20.

Russian President Vladimir Putin said Wednesday that battle-hardened terrorists from Iraq and Syria are "actively" entering Afghanistan. "The situation in Afghanistan is not easy," Putin said during a video conference with security service chiefs of ex-Soviet states.

Russian President Vladimir Putin said Wednesday that battle-hardened terrorists from Iraq and Syria are "actively" entering Afghanistan. "The situation in Afghanistan is not easy," Putin said during a video conference with security service chiefs of ex-Soviet states. "Militants from Iraq, Syria with experience in military operations are actively being drawn there," he said. "It is possible that terrorists may try to destabilise the situation in neighbouring states," he added, warning that they could even try "direct expansion". Watch | Russia is building its military influence in Africa Putin has repeatedly warned about members of extremist groups exploiting political turmoil in Afghanistan to cross into neighbouring ex-Soviet countries as refugees. While Moscow has been cautiously optimistic about the new Taliban leadership in Kabul, the Kremlin is concerned about instability spilling over into Central Asia where it houses military bases. In the wake of the Taliban takeover, Russia held military drills with ex-Soviet Tajikistan -- where it operates a military base -- and in Uzbekistan. Both countries share a border with Afghanistan. Tajikistan's national security chief, Saimumin Yatimov, for his part told the video conference that he had registered an "intensification" of attempts to "smuggle drugs, weapons, ammunition" from Afghanistan into his country. Afghanistan has long been the world's largest producer of opium and heroin, with profits from the illicit trade helping fund the Taliban. Earlier Wednesday French President Emmanuel Macron hosted Tajikistan's leader Emomali Rakhmon in Paris, vowing to help the Central Asian state maintain stability. While the Taliban has said it does not pose a threat to Central Asian countries, the ex-Soviet republics in the region have previously been targeted by attacks attributed to allies of Afghan Islamists. Last week the Kremlin's envoy to Afghanistan, Zamir Kabulov, said Russia will invite the Taliban to Moscow for international talks on Afghanistan scheduled for October 20.

Iraq, Syria terrorists actively entering Afghanistan: Vladimir Putin 

Record low rainfall has resulted in a drought. The Euphrates river which provides water to Iraq and Syria has been drying up. The harvest has been hit, food security is under threat.

Syria: Historic drought devastates the country's breadbasket

A car bombing in the northern Syrian city of Afrin on Monday killed six people, including at least one Turkey-backed rebel fighter, a war monitor said.

Afrin, like all areas held by pro-Turkish rebels, is the scene of regular targeted killings, bombings and shootings that largely remain unclaimed.

On Monday, an explosive-laden vehicle detonated in "an area crowded with civilians" in the centre of the rebel-held city, said the Britain-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights.

Also Read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/two-killed-in-israel-strike-on-syria-base-monitor-419395">Two killed in Israel strike on Syria base: Monitor</a>

The explosion hit near a market and military outpost for the hardline Jaysh al-Islam rebel group, according to the monitor which relies on a network of sources inside Syria.

At least two civilians and one Jaysh fighter were among those killed, while 12 other people were wounded, the Observatory said.

"Hospitals in Afrin received charred corpses of unidentified persons," the monitor added.&nbsp;

According to the Observatory, a local police force in Afrin arrested two young men suspected of involvement.

Last month, Afrin was hit by 4 separate attacks using explosive devices, including one targeting the vehicle of a rebel commander.

Also Read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/prominent-al-qaeda-figure-killed-in-drone-attack-in-syria-jihadist-sources-7077">Prominent al-Qaeda figure killed in drone attack in Syria: Jihadist sources</a>

Turkey and its Syrian proxies have seized territory inside Syria in several military operations since 2016 against the Islamic State (IS) group and the Kurdish YPG militia.

In March 2018, they seized the town of Afrin after pushing out Syrian Kurdish forces.

The conflict in Syria has killed nearly 500,000 people since it started in 2011 with the brutal repression of peaceful demonstrations.

A car bombing in the northern Syrian city of Afrin on Monday killed six people, including at least one Turkey-backed rebel fighter, a war monitor said. Afrin, like all areas held by pro-Turkish rebels, is the scene of regular targeted killings, bombings and shootings that largely remain unclaimed.

A car bombing in the northern Syrian city of Afrin on Monday killed six people, including at least one Turkey-backed rebel fighter, a war monitor said. Afrin, like all areas held by pro-Turkish rebels, is the scene of regular targeted killings, bombings and shootings that largely remain unclaimed. On Monday, an explosive-laden vehicle detonated in "an area crowded with civilians" in the centre of the rebel-held city, said the Britain-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights. Also Read | Two killed in Israel strike on Syria base: Monitor The explosion hit near a market and military outpost for the hardline Jaysh al-Islam rebel group, according to the monitor which relies on a network of sources inside Syria. At least two civilians and one Jaysh fighter were among those killed, while 12 other people were wounded, the Observatory said. "Hospitals in Afrin received charred corpses of unidentified persons," the monitor added. According to the Observatory, a local police force in Afrin arrested two young men suspected of involvement. Last month, Afrin was hit by 4 separate attacks using explosive devices, including one targeting the vehicle of a rebel commander. Also Read | Prominent al-Qaeda figure killed in drone attack in Syria: Jihadist sources Turkey and its Syrian proxies have seized territory inside Syria in several military operations since 2016 against the Islamic State (IS) group and the Kurdish YPG militia. In March 2018, they seized the town of Afrin after pushing out Syrian Kurdish forces. The conflict in Syria has killed nearly 500,000 people since it started in 2011 with the brutal repression of peaceful demonstrations.

Car bomb kills six in Syria's Afrin: Monitor

An Israeli missile strike on an airbase in central Syria has killed two Damascus-allied foreign fighters and wounded several Syrian service personnel, a Britain-based war monitor said on Saturday.

The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights said the two foreigners were killed in the raid on the T4 airbase late Friday, but their nationality was not immediately clear.

The official Syrian news agency SANA earlier said that, "at around 9:00 pm (1800 GMT), the Israeli enemy... fired a volley of missiles towards the T4 military airport".

"The aggression wounded six soldiers and led to some material damage," it added.

The Observatory said the attack targeted a drone depot at the base.

Contacted by AFP, an Israeli army spokesperson said the military did not comment on foreign media reports.

Since the outbreak of the Syrian civil war in 2011, Israel has routinely carried out air strikes inside Syria, mostly targeting Iranian and Lebanese Hezbollah forces allied to the Damascus regime, as well as Syrian government troops.

The Israeli army rarely acknowledges individual strikes but has said repeatedly that it will not allow Syria to become a stronghold of its arch-foe Iran.

An Israeli missile strike on an airbase in central Syria has killed two Damascus-allied foreign fighters and wounded several Syrian service personnel, a Britain-based war monitor said on Saturday.

An Israeli missile strike on an airbase in central Syria has killed two Damascus-allied foreign fighters and wounded several Syrian service personnel, a Britain-based war monitor said on Saturday. The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights said the two foreigners were killed in the raid on the T4 airbase late Friday, but their nationality was not immediately clear. The official Syrian news agency SANA earlier said that, "at around 9:00 pm (1800 GMT), the Israeli enemy... fired a volley of missiles towards the T4 military airport". "The aggression wounded six soldiers and led to some material damage," it added. The Observatory said the attack targeted a drone depot at the base. Contacted by AFP, an Israeli army spokesperson said the military did not comment on foreign media reports. Since the outbreak of the Syrian civil war in 2011, Israel has routinely carried out air strikes inside Syria, mostly targeting Iranian and Lebanese Hezbollah forces allied to the Damascus regime, as well as Syrian government troops. The Israeli army rarely acknowledges individual strikes but has said repeatedly that it will not allow Syria to become a stronghold of its arch-foe Iran.

Two killed in Israel strike on Syria base: Monitor

A Syrian refugee puppet is trekking across Europe to raise awareness about the plight of refugee children. On The West Asia Post, Ghadi Francis brings you the story of Amal.

The West Asia Post: Meet Amal, the refugee puppet on a mission

A Canadian jihadist who fought for the Islamic State group and narrated violent propaganda videos has been taken into custody by the United States and charged, the Justice Department said Saturday.

Mohammed Khalifa, who was born in Saudi Arabia, was captured during a firefight in January 2019 by Kurdish-dominated Syrian forces allied with the United States.

The 38-year-old was handed over "recently" to US authorities and charged in Virginia with conspiring to provide material support to IS resulting in death, says a Justice Department statement.

Khalifa left Canada in 2013 to join the Islamic State group in Syria, and by the next year had become a key member of its propaganda team because of his fluent English and Arabic, according to the statement.

He allegedly served as a lead translator in Islamic State propaganda production and as the English-speaking narrator on two violent recruitment videos.

The cell was behind videos showing the beheadings of foreigners including the US journalists James Foley and Steven Sotloff, who died in 2014.

He faces a possible life sentence in the United States. Canada additionally hopes to charge him, according to media there.

The Canadian government said it was in contact with local authorities on the matter and that its federal police were aware "that he will be facing charges" in the United States.

In an exchange of emails cited in the charge sheet, Khalifa defended the IS killings he was associated with.

"Mohammed Khalifa not only fought for ISIS on the battlefield in Syria, but he was also the voice behind the violence," said Acting US attorney Raj Parekh for the Eastern District of Virginia, using another acronym for the Islamic State group.

According to the indictment, Khalifa's "primary focus" was "enticing ISIS supporters to travel to ISIS-controlled areas to join ISIS or to conduct attacks in the West, including in the United States."

The jihadist group, classified as a terrorist organization by US authorities, is responsible for a wave of deadly attacks in Western countries.

Its emergence prompted intervention by a US-led international military coalition, which succeeded in defeating the self-proclaimed "caliphate" even though IS is still present in many additional countries, particularly in Africa and Asia, and continues to pose a threat according to US and European intelligence services.

- 'Glorified' murders, cruelty -

In a 2019 interview with Canada's CBC from his Syrian prison, Khalifa showed no regret for his actions. He said he wanted to return to Canada with his wife and their three children, but on the condition that he would not be tried there.

"Through his alleged leading role in translating, narrating, and advancing ISIS's online propaganda, Khalifa promoted the terrorist group, furthered its worldwide recruitment efforts, and expanded the reach of videos that glorified the horrific murders and indiscriminate cruelty of ISIS," Parekh said.

This is the first known indictment of a foreign IS fighter in America since President Joe Biden took power in January.

Two members of the notorious Islamic State kidnapping cell dubbed the "Beatles," Alexanda Kotey and El Shafee Elsheikh, are currently in the hands of US authorities after being transferred to the United States from Iraq nearly a year ago.

The pair are accused of involvement in the murders of Foley and Sotloff, as well as those of relief workers Peter Kassig and Kayla Mueller.

Kotey, a former British national who was stripped of his citizenship, pleaded guilty in early September to charges of conspiring to murder the four American hostages.

A Canadian jihadist who fought for the Islamic State group and narrated violent propaganda videos has been taken into custody by the United States and charged, the Justice Department said Saturday.

A Canadian jihadist who fought for the Islamic State group and narrated violent propaganda videos has been taken into custody by the United States and charged, the Justice Department said Saturday. Mohammed Khalifa, who was born in Saudi Arabia, was captured during a firefight in January 2019 by Kurdish-dominated Syrian forces allied with the United States. The 38-year-old was handed over "recently" to US authorities and charged in Virginia with conspiring to provide material support to IS resulting in death, says a Justice Department statement. Khalifa left Canada in 2013 to join the Islamic State group in Syria, and by the next year had become a key member of its propaganda team because of his fluent English and Arabic, according to the statement. He allegedly served as a lead translator in Islamic State propaganda production and as the English-speaking narrator on two violent recruitment videos. The cell was behind videos showing the beheadings of foreigners including the US journalists James Foley and Steven Sotloff, who died in 2014. He faces a possible life sentence in the United States. Canada additionally hopes to charge him, according to media there. The Canadian government said it was in contact with local authorities on the matter and that its federal police were aware "that he will be facing charges" in the United States. In an exchange of emails cited in the charge sheet, Khalifa defended the IS killings he was associated with. "Mohammed Khalifa not only fought for ISIS on the battlefield in Syria, but he was also the voice behind the violence," said Acting US attorney Raj Parekh for the Eastern District of Virginia, using another acronym for the Islamic State group. According to the indictment, Khalifa's "primary focus" was "enticing ISIS supporters to travel to ISIS-controlled areas to join ISIS or to conduct attacks in the West, including in the United States." The jihadist group, classified as a terrorist organization by US authorities, is responsible for a wave of deadly attacks in Western countries. Its emergence prompted intervention by a US-led international military coalition, which succeeded in defeating the self-proclaimed "caliphate" even though IS is still present in many additional countries, particularly in Africa and Asia, and continues to pose a threat according to US and European intelligence services. - 'Glorified' murders, cruelty - In a 2019 interview with Canada's CBC from his Syrian prison, Khalifa showed no regret for his actions. He said he wanted to return to Canada with his wife and their three children, but on the condition that he would not be tried there. "Through his alleged leading role in translating, narrating, and advancing ISIS's online propaganda, Khalifa promoted the terrorist group, furthered its worldwide recruitment efforts, and expanded the reach of videos that glorified the horrific murders and indiscriminate cruelty of ISIS," Parekh said. This is the first known indictment of a foreign IS fighter in America since President Joe Biden took power in January. Two members of the notorious Islamic State kidnapping cell dubbed the "Beatles," Alexanda Kotey and El Shafee Elsheikh, are currently in the hands of US authorities after being transferred to the United States from Iraq nearly a year ago. The pair are accused of involvement in the murders of Foley and Sotloff, as well as those of relief workers Peter Kassig and Kayla Mueller. Kotey, a former British national who was stripped of his citizenship, pleaded guilty in early September to charges of conspiring to murder the four American hostages.

US charges Canadian who narrated Islamic State videos

The US military on Friday named the senior al Qaeda commander killed in an airstrike in the Idlib region of northwest Syria on September 20 as Salim Abu-Ahmad.

The drone strike targeted a vehicle on the road from Idlib city to Binnish, according to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, which said two jihadist commanders died.

US Central Command acknowledged killing an al Qaeda official at the time, but did not name him.

In a statement on Friday, Centcom spokesman John Rigsbee said Salim Abu-Ahmad "was responsible for planning, funding, and approving trans-regional Al-Qaeda attacks."

"There are no indications of civilian casualties as a result of the strike," the statement added.

The Idlib region is dominated by Syria's former Al-Qaeda affiliate, but rebels and other jihadists are also present.

Jihadist factions have been the target of Syrian, Russian, US and international coalition strikes in the past. 
&nbsp;

The US military on Friday named the senior al Qaeda commander killed in an airstrike in the Idlib region of northwest Syria on September 20 as Salim Abu-Ahmad. The drone strike targeted a vehicle on the road from Idlib city to Binnish, according to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, which said two jihadist commanders died.

The US military on Friday named the senior al Qaeda commander killed in an airstrike in the Idlib region of northwest Syria on September 20 as Salim Abu-Ahmad. The drone strike targeted a vehicle on the road from Idlib city to Binnish, according to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, which said two jihadist commanders died. US Central Command acknowledged killing an al Qaeda official at the time, but did not name him. In a statement on Friday, Centcom spokesman John Rigsbee said Salim Abu-Ahmad "was responsible for planning, funding, and approving trans-regional Al-Qaeda attacks." "There are no indications of civilian casualties as a result of the strike," the statement added. The Idlib region is dominated by Syria's former Al-Qaeda affiliate, but rebels and other jihadists are also present. Jihadist factions have been the target of Syrian, Russian, US and international coalition strikes in the past.

US names al Qaeda commander killed in Syria

Jordan has reopened its main crossing with Syria and its state carrier is set to resume flights to Damascus. As Jordan and Syria put aside their differences to rebuild ties, is this the beginning of the end of Syria's isolation? For more such stories, keep watching the West Asia post with Ghadi Francis every Friday at 8:30 PM IST, only on WION.

The West Asia Post: Jordan, Syria put aside their differences

Hospitals in the Syrian capital Damascus and the coastal province of Latakia have reached capacity due to rising coronavirus admissions, a health official said Sunday.

"We have started transferring Covid-19 patients from the province of Damascus to the (central) province of Homs, and from Latakia to the province of Tartus," Tawfiq Hasaba, a health ministry official, was quoted as saying by Syrian state TV.

The move came after "hospitals in these areas reached capacity because of a large spike in coronavirus cases," he added.&nbsp;

Syria on Saturday logged 442 new coronavirus infections in government-held areas -- a new daily record for a conflict-hit country that has documented more than 32,580 cases, including 2,198 deaths in regime controlled territory, since the start of its outbreak last year.

"It is the first time the number of cases reaches 400" in one day, Hasaba said, adding that the number of new infections was highest in Damascus, Aleppo and Latakia.

Coronavirus cases have been on the rise across Syria since mid-August, including in the northwest and northeast, large parts of which fall beyond government control.&nbsp;

According to the World Health Organization, only two percent of Syria's population has been at least partially vaccinated.

Syria's conflict has since 2011 killed nearly half a million people and ravaged a healthcare sector struggling to cope with a mass outflux of professionals.

Around 70 percent of the country's pre-war medical staff have left since the start of the war.

Hospitals in the Syrian capital Damascus and the coastal province of Latakia have reached capacity due to rising coronavirus admissions, a health official said Sunday.

Hospitals in the Syrian capital Damascus and the coastal province of Latakia have reached capacity due to rising coronavirus admissions, a health official said Sunday. "We have started transferring Covid-19 patients from the province of Damascus to the (central) province of Homs, and from Latakia to the province of Tartus," Tawfiq Hasaba, a health ministry official, was quoted as saying by Syrian state TV. The move came after "hospitals in these areas reached capacity because of a large spike in coronavirus cases," he added. Syria on Saturday logged 442 new coronavirus infections in government-held areas -- a new daily record for a conflict-hit country that has documented more than 32,580 cases, including 2,198 deaths in regime controlled territory, since the start of its outbreak last year. "It is the first time the number of cases reaches 400" in one day, Hasaba said, adding that the number of new infections was highest in Damascus, Aleppo and Latakia. Coronavirus cases have been on the rise across Syria since mid-August, including in the northwest and northeast, large parts of which fall beyond government control. According to the World Health Organization, only two percent of Syria's population has been at least partially vaccinated. Syria's conflict has since 2011 killed nearly half a million people and ravaged a healthcare sector struggling to cope with a mass outflux of professionals. Around 70 percent of the country's pre-war medical staff have left since the start of the war.

Syria coronavirus spike sees hospitals reach capacity

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