The election of 2020 ended for Republican Party leaders a lot like the election of 2016 began: As much as they may want to move on from Donald Trump, he won’t let them — and neither will the voters.

After losing the White House to Joe Biden and the popular vote for the seventh time since 1980, and facing the possibility of once-unthinkable defeat in Arizona and Georgia, Republicans were grappling with how to untangle the man from a movement that is likely to dictate party politics for years.

Even in defeat, Republicans saw clear indicators of the enduring power of Trump-style populism. By the time Biden gave his victory speech Saturday evening, Trump had received 7.4 million more votes than he did in 2016 — 1 million more in the battleground of Florida alone. Republicans cut into the Democratic majority in the House with wins in several swing districts from Iowa to New York, where they followed Trump’s slash-and-burn playbook of branding his opponents as far-left hysterics.

No one seems to be under the illusion that Trump will fade quietly. All week, as he launched an extraordinary, baseless attack on the integrity of the election, few in his party challenged claims that he was being cheated of a victory. Privately, some began discussing the possibility that he may not concede, which would put them in the awkward position of having to choose whether to defend him until Biden’s inauguration in 2 1/2 months.

This dynamic presents a problem for the Republicans who will run for office after Trump is no longer the leader of the party — on paper, at least. In particular, Republicans in their 30s and 40s see a road map to the bigger and more diverse coalition that the party has tried to build for two decades, if they can salvage the more popular aspects of the president’s appeal to middle-class Americans while jettisoning the racial grievances he fanned.

From Senate offices, think tanks and off-the-record salons, the conversations about what’s next have grown in urgency now that the final months of the Trump presidency are at hand.

“He is sort of the king with no heirs,” said Oren Cass, executive director of American Compass, a group that hosts monthly online happy hours of Capitol Hill staff and policy experts to debate the successes and failures of the Trump agenda. Cass said Trump’s defeat sets up a clash between more conventional Republicans who, on one hand, took the attitude of “This too shall pass, and we can go back to doing to what we were doing before,” and those who think the president “called attention to a certain set of issues and voters that certainly the center-right wasn’t paying enough attention to.”

Sen. Marco Rubio of Florida, who said he has tried to reimagine Trumpism with “a mute button” for the president, expressed a view that had taken hold among conservatives — one that would seem to rule out any reflective, autopsy-style self-assessment of how they lost.

The fact that Trump’s defeat was not the blowout critics had hoped, Rubio said, means that the anticipated repudiation of Trumpian politics was wrong. “Trump was going to get wiped out. The GOP was going to get wiped out,” he said, running through often-repeated predictions. “Meanwhile, Republicans are going to probably hold the Senate and make up to a 10-seat gain in the House.”

While Rubio said he cannot imagine a scenario in which Trump was not in the picture — “He’s not going to just vanish into a building” — the president’s strong support among Latino voters in Florida (47%) and Texas (40%) showed how the party could expand a “multiethnic, working-class coalition” that did not fit neatly inside the left-right paradigm.

Navigating the unavoidable, disruptive force that is Trump complicates an already difficult job for conservatives like Rubio, 49. First, Republicans need to persuade more voters of color that they are welcoming, despite embracing Trump and his divisive rhetoric.

They also need to demonstrate that Republicans can be the party for Americans who are struggling economically — many of whom were won over by Trump’s message — not just the party that cuts taxes for corporations and dismantles government regulations.

A “pro-worker” Republican Party, as described by the likes of Sen. Josh Hawley, 40, of Missouri, would require a sea change in the way its members tend to balk at spending when there is a Democratic president.

Hawley, like Rubio, has been vocal about the need to pass a second coronavirus relief package, breaking with Republicans who have expressed concerns about growing deficits. Some conservatives have proposed less conventional ways of appealing to voters on the party’s traditional issues like family values, paid family leave and child tax credits.

Yuval Levin, a scholar with the American Enterprise Institute who has been convening discussions with leading conservatives about the post-Trump landscape, said it would be unwise for Republicans not to embrace the pro-middle-class parts of the Trump agenda that he campaigned on in 2016 but then largely abandoned. “It’s not really even Trump’s message," Levin said. “He’s been president for four years, and his only legislative accomplishment is a perfectly traditional tax cut bill.”

If Trump did anything, Levin said, it was to shatter the notion that voters want Republicans to talk about smaller government. “A lot of people have been instinctively, reflexively saying, ‘We can’t be spending this kind of money right now.’ And I’m thinking, what voters want that? Who’s saying don’t give us money?” he said.

For starters, Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas. He, Nikki Haley and other Republicans who want a starring role in the party’s post-Trump reboot have revived Tea Party-like critiques of government stimulus. Earlier this year, Haley resigned from the board of Boeing after the company asked for federal aid to help weather the pandemic-induced recession. She cited her “strong convictions that this is not the role of government.”

Other conservatives say that Republicans need to accept that Trump realigned the party’s coalition away from wealthy, well-educated people in the suburbs and that they should not obsess over winning those voters back.

“We are, by and large, no longer the party of white-college graduates,” said Rachel Bovard, senior director of policy at the Conservative Partnership Institute. “That was the Reagan coalition, and the Reagan coalition doesn’t exist anymore.”

Florida provided a model for what the future could look like. Trump easily won there, two Democratic members of Congress lost their seats, and voters approved a measure to increase the minimum wage to $15 an hour by 2026 — with 61% support. In a postelection memo, the Trump campaign noted how its improvement over 2016 came not from suburban or rural counties but “from larger, more urban counties.”

Gov. Larry Hogan of Maryland, a Republican elected twice in a heavily Democratic state, is credited with showing how his party can appeal in Black communities and with other traditionally left-leaning constituents by focusing on a middle-class message. He has one of the highest approval ratings of any governor in the country, with equal support from white and Black voters.

Unlike other Republicans, Hogan has been public in his criticism of the president and said he cast a write-in vote for Ronald Reagan. Reflecting on 2020, he argued that when Republicans look at how they lost, the answer won’t be voter fraud but rather a president who insisted on making his reelection about resentment and blame instead of how he would make the U.S. economy work for everyone. “One, he didn’t focus on the things that he ran on the first time. And he didn’t accomplish a lot for those folks,” Hogan said. “Two, the tone of anger and division turned off voters who might have been receptive to that message.”

Still, Hogan said, the election was neither a total repudiation of Trump or an embrace of Democrats. “It wasn’t a rejection of the Republican Party,” he said. “It was not an acceptance of the far-left.”

Republicans disagree on how deeply Trump has changed the party. In their most hopeful assessment, they argued that his influence was most noticeable in matters of style and tone, and that was not permanent. Dwindling are the days, some said, of Republican candidates bringing cardboard cutouts of Trump to campaign events, cursing in their ads and competing for the honor to claim they first embodied his belligerent style as someone who was “Trump before Trump.”

“We’ve got to figure out again how to be happy warriors like Reagan,” said Scott Walker, the former governor of Wisconsin who lost his seat in the Democratic rebound of 2018. He is now chief executive of Young America’s Foundation, where he is focused on college students, a group that has recoiled from the Republican Party under Trump.

Republicans, he said, need to do a better job of settling on a message that is more inclusive and begins “with the premise that even those you disagree can be inherently good.” 
&nbsp;

The election of 2020 ended for Republican Party leaders a lot like the election of 2016 began: As much as they may want to move on from Donald Trump, he won’t let them — and neither will the voters.

The election of 2020 ended for Republican Party leaders a lot like the election of 2016 began: As much as they may want to move on from Donald Trump, he won’t let them — and neither will the voters. After losing the White House to Joe Biden and the popular vote for the seventh time since 1980, and facing the possibility of once-unthinkable defeat in Arizona and Georgia, Republicans were grappling with how to untangle the man from a movement that is likely to dictate party politics for years. Even in defeat, Republicans saw clear indicators of the enduring power of Trump-style populism. By the time Biden gave his victory speech Saturday evening, Trump had received 7.4 million more votes than he did in 2016 — 1 million more in the battleground of Florida alone. Republicans cut into the Democratic majority in the House with wins in several swing districts from Iowa to New York, where they followed Trump’s slash-and-burn playbook of branding his opponents as far-left hysterics. No one seems to be under the illusion that Trump will fade quietly. All week, as he launched an extraordinary, baseless attack on the integrity of the election, few in his party challenged claims that he was being cheated of a victory. Privately, some began discussing the possibility that he may not concede, which would put them in the awkward position of having to choose whether to defend him until Biden’s inauguration in 2 1/2 months. This dynamic presents a problem for the Republicans who will run for office after Trump is no longer the leader of the party — on paper, at least. In particular, Republicans in their 30s and 40s see a road map to the bigger and more diverse coalition that the party has tried to build for two decades, if they can salvage the more popular aspects of the president’s appeal to middle-class Americans while jettisoning the racial grievances he fanned. From Senate offices, think tanks and off-the-record salons, the conversations about what’s next have grown in urgency now that the final months of the Trump presidency are at hand. “He is sort of the king with no heirs,” said Oren Cass, executive director of American Compass, a group that hosts monthly online happy hours of Capitol Hill staff and policy experts to debate the successes and failures of the Trump agenda. Cass said Trump’s defeat sets up a clash between more conventional Republicans who, on one hand, took the attitude of “This too shall pass, and we can go back to doing to what we were doing before,” and those who think the president “called attention to a certain set of issues and voters that certainly the center-right wasn’t paying enough attention to.” Sen. Marco Rubio of Florida, who said he has tried to reimagine Trumpism with “a mute button” for the president, expressed a view that had taken hold among conservatives — one that would seem to rule out any reflective, autopsy-style self-assessment of how they lost. The fact that Trump’s defeat was not the blowout critics had hoped, Rubio said, means that the anticipated repudiation of Trumpian politics was wrong. “Trump was going to get wiped out. The GOP was going to get wiped out,” he said, running through often-repeated predictions. “Meanwhile, Republicans are going to probably hold the Senate and make up to a 10-seat gain in the House.” While Rubio said he cannot imagine a scenario in which Trump was not in the picture — “He’s not going to just vanish into a building” — the president’s strong support among Latino voters in Florida (47%) and Texas (40%) showed how the party could expand a “multiethnic, working-class coalition” that did not fit neatly inside the left-right paradigm. Navigating the unavoidable, disruptive force that is Trump complicates an already difficult job for conservatives like Rubio, 49. First, Republicans need to persuade more voters of color that they are welcoming, despite embracing Trump and his divisive rhetoric. They also need to demonstrate that Republicans can be the party for Americans who are struggling economically — many of whom were won over by Trump’s message — not just the party that cuts taxes for corporations and dismantles government regulations. A “pro-worker” Republican Party, as described by the likes of Sen. Josh Hawley, 40, of Missouri, would require a sea change in the way its members tend to balk at spending when there is a Democratic president. Hawley, like Rubio, has been vocal about the need to pass a second coronavirus relief package, breaking with Republicans who have expressed concerns about growing deficits. Some conservatives have proposed less conventional ways of appealing to voters on the party’s traditional issues like family values, paid family leave and child tax credits. Yuval Levin, a scholar with the American Enterprise Institute who has been convening discussions with leading conservatives about the post-Trump landscape, said it would be unwise for Republicans not to embrace the pro-middle-class parts of the Trump agenda that he campaigned on in 2016 but then largely abandoned. “It’s not really even Trump’s message," Levin said. “He’s been president for four years, and his only legislative accomplishment is a perfectly traditional tax cut bill.” If Trump did anything, Levin said, it was to shatter the notion that voters want Republicans to talk about smaller government. “A lot of people have been instinctively, reflexively saying, ‘We can’t be spending this kind of money right now.’ And I’m thinking, what voters want that? Who’s saying don’t give us money?” he said. For starters, Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas. He, Nikki Haley and other Republicans who want a starring role in the party’s post-Trump reboot have revived Tea Party-like critiques of government stimulus. Earlier this year, Haley resigned from the board of Boeing after the company asked for federal aid to help weather the pandemic-induced recession. She cited her “strong convictions that this is not the role of government.” Other conservatives say that Republicans need to accept that Trump realigned the party’s coalition away from wealthy, well-educated people in the suburbs and that they should not obsess over winning those voters back. “We are, by and large, no longer the party of white-college graduates,” said Rachel Bovard, senior director of policy at the Conservative Partnership Institute. “That was the Reagan coalition, and the Reagan coalition doesn’t exist anymore.” Florida provided a model for what the future could look like. Trump easily won there, two Democratic members of Congress lost their seats, and voters approved a measure to increase the minimum wage to $15 an hour by 2026 — with 61% support. In a postelection memo, the Trump campaign noted how its improvement over 2016 came not from suburban or rural counties but “from larger, more urban counties.” Gov. Larry Hogan of Maryland, a Republican elected twice in a heavily Democratic state, is credited with showing how his party can appeal in Black communities and with other traditionally left-leaning constituents by focusing on a middle-class message. He has one of the highest approval ratings of any governor in the country, with equal support from white and Black voters. Unlike other Republicans, Hogan has been public in his criticism of the president and said he cast a write-in vote for Ronald Reagan. Reflecting on 2020, he argued that when Republicans look at how they lost, the answer won’t be voter fraud but rather a president who insisted on making his reelection about resentment and blame instead of how he would make the U.S. economy work for everyone. “One, he didn’t focus on the things that he ran on the first time. And he didn’t accomplish a lot for those folks,” Hogan said. “Two, the tone of anger and division turned off voters who might have been receptive to that message.” Still, Hogan said, the election was neither a total repudiation of Trump or an embrace of Democrats. “It wasn’t a rejection of the Republican Party,” he said. “It was not an acceptance of the far-left.” Republicans disagree on how deeply Trump has changed the party. In their most hopeful assessment, they argued that his influence was most noticeable in matters of style and tone, and that was not permanent. Dwindling are the days, some said, of Republican candidates bringing cardboard cutouts of Trump to campaign events, cursing in their ads and competing for the honor to claim they first embodied his belligerent style as someone who was “Trump before Trump.” “We’ve got to figure out again how to be happy warriors like Reagan,” said Scott Walker, the former governor of Wisconsin who lost his seat in the Democratic rebound of 2018. He is now chief executive of Young America’s Foundation, where he is focused on college students, a group that has recoiled from the Republican Party under Trump. Republicans, he said, need to do a better job of settling on a message that is more inclusive and begins “with the premise that even those you disagree can be inherently good.”

Trump lost the race. But Republicans know it's still his party.

Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden took a narrow lead over President Donald Trump in the battleground state of Georgia for the first time early on Friday, putting the White House within his reach as it and other undecided states continue to count ballots.

Joe Biden moves into lead in Georgia, inches closer to White House

The Texas Supreme Court on Sunday denied a Republican-led petition to toss nearly 127,000 ballots cast at drive-thru voting places in the Houston area.

Texas Supreme Court denies Republican petition to toss votes

As tech giants faced an intense hearing on Senate on Wednesday, Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey was in the centre to face the ire of conservative lawmakers.&nbsp;

"My concern is that these platforms have become powerful arbiters of what is true and what content users can access," said Roger Wicker, the Republican chairman of the Commerce Committee, as quoted by the news agency AFP.&nbsp;

Also read | <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/pick-eye-pish-eye-senators-struggle-to-pronounce-google-ceo-sundar-pichais-name-338710">'Pick Eye', 'Pish Eye': Senators struggle to pronounce Google CEO Sundar Pichai's name</a>

He said the panel had "dozens of examples of conservative content being censored," asking Dorsey on how Twitter decides to label or remove any post.&nbsp;

Also read | <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/facebook-ceo-mark-zuckerberg-hit-by-bad-connection-causes-delay-in-us-senate-hearing-338615">Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg hit by 'bad connection', causes delay in US Senate hearing</a>

"Your platform allows foreign dictators to post propaganda without restriction yet your routinely restrict the president of the United States," the Republican senator said, referring to one post from China accusing the US military of bringing the coronavirus.

Ted Cruz, a Texas Republican, came down heavily on Dorsey, even shouting at him at times and accusing Twitter of "silencing people" on speeches which it disagreed with.&nbsp;

He also rebuked Dorsey on Twitter's decision to restrict access to a New York Post story of questionable provenance that made corruption allegations against Joe Biden's son.

"Mr Dorsey who the hell elected you and put you in charge of what the media are allowed to report and what the American people are allowed to hear?" Cruz said.&nbsp;

Trump also endorsed in a tweet Republicans criticism during Senate as he faces a tough battle in the upcoming presidential election and accused social media giants to cover up "corruption" of Biden.&nbsp;

He also demanded "Repeal Section 230!", a section that protects social media organisations from content posted by the users.&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

As tech giants faced an intense hearing on Senate on Wednesday, Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey was in the centre to face the ire of conservative lawmakers. "My concern is that these platforms have become powerful arbiters of what is true and what content users can access," said Roger Wicker, the Republican chairman of the Commerce Committee, as quoted by the news agency AFP.

As tech giants faced an intense hearing on Senate on Wednesday, Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey was in the centre to face the ire of conservative lawmakers. "My concern is that these platforms have become powerful arbiters of what is true and what content users can access," said Roger Wicker, the Republican chairman of the Commerce Committee, as quoted by the news agency AFP. Also read | 'Pick Eye', 'Pish Eye': Senators struggle to pronounce Google CEO Sundar Pichai's name He said the panel had "dozens of examples of conservative content being censored," asking Dorsey on how Twitter decides to label or remove any post. Also read | Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg hit by 'bad connection', causes delay in US Senate hearing "Your platform allows foreign dictators to post propaganda without restriction yet your routinely restrict the president of the United States," the Republican senator said, referring to one post from China accusing the US military of bringing the coronavirus. Ted Cruz, a Texas Republican, came down heavily on Dorsey, even shouting at him at times and accusing Twitter of "silencing people" on speeches which it disagreed with. He also rebuked Dorsey on Twitter's decision to restrict access to a New York Post story of questionable provenance that made corruption allegations against Joe Biden's son. "Mr Dorsey who the hell elected you and put you in charge of what the media are allowed to report and what the American people are allowed to hear?" Cruz said. Trump also endorsed in a tweet Republicans criticism during Senate as he faces a tough battle in the upcoming presidential election and accused social media giants to cover up "corruption" of Biden. He also demanded "Repeal Section 230!", a section that protects social media organisations from content posted by the users.

'Who the hell put you in charge?' Republicans lash out at tech giants during Senate debate

The confirmation on Monday of Justice Amy Coney Barrett all but ensures a durable conservative majority on the Supreme Court for years to come and provides the capstone on the Trump administration’s broader effort to push the entire federal judiciary solidly to the right.

Its work has been so fast and so effective that there is only one vacancy now in the appellate courts: the seat left open by Barrett’s promotion.

But President Donald Trump and Republicans risk becoming victims of their own success. Without the specter of a liberal court to motivate conservative voters anymore, they may find themselves without the issue that played a crucial role in Trump’s unexpected victory four years ago and has fortified his political base throughout a tumultuous first term.

“It’s like the dog catching the car,” said Charlie Cook, editor of the nonpartisan Cook Political Report, which handicaps elections and is forecasting a difficult environment for Republicans up and down the ballot.

On a larger level, there is the risk of getting complacent. Republicans feel satisfied that they appear to have prevailed in their decades-long quest to install more conservatives on the courts. Then there is the issue that the Barrett confirmation was uneventful and anticlimactic — not exactly the kind of spectacle that gets people marching in the streets.

Normally, a Supreme Court confirmation fight is an occasion that seizes the country’s attention and energizes partisans left and right. But the fact the entire country knew Barrett’s confirmation was a virtual lock took away any sense of mystery or intrigue.

“There was no drama,” Cook said. “After about three days it became clear there was pretty much nothing the Democrats could do. So it just didn’t get legs. And there is just so much else going on.”

Privately, Republicans have expressed some disappointment that there was very little of the partisan fury and indignation that erupted during the confirmation of Justice Brett M. Kavanaugh in 2018. The Kavanaugh hearings included a sexual assault allegation against him from his high school years, and became a remarkably emotional and divisive culture war clash that raised questions of class and privilege, gender roles and the presumption of belief extended to victims of sexual assault.

Though Kavanaugh forcefully denied the charges, and his allies accused Democrats of a vicious smear campaign, Republicans also believe the hearings awakened their voters a few weeks before the midterm elections at a point when polls were showing low enthusiasm on their side and many donors were remaining on the sidelines.

That November, Republicans gained a total of two Senate seats. In red states like North Dakota, the Kavanaugh issue helped put already difficult races even more out of reach. Donors who had written the party off started signing checks again.

Strategists said they could not be as certain that conservative voters will view the court with the same urgency as they have before. And they are seeking new ways to motivate their base.

“Right now we’re fat and happy,” said Mike Davis, president of the Article III Project, a group that strategizes with Republican senators and the White House on judicial confirmations. “We have the first true conservative majority on the Supreme Court in 80 years. The president has done such an outstanding job on judicial appointments that we are out of federal circuit seats to fill. So Republicans could be complacent while Democrats are fired up.”

But Davis has not given up on the court as the path to igniting fervor on his side. He is pinning his hopes on court packing.

“Court packing is so much more of a culture fight,” Davis said, describing the Republican messaging on the issue, which encompasses a variety of proposals to reform the structure of the judiciary such as adding new justices to the Supreme Court and expanding the lower courts.

He ran through a list of rights that he thought an expanded court would jeopardize: religious expression, free speech, gun ownership. “Court packing is an extreme, clear and present danger,” he said.

Trump and Republicans in races across the country are amplifying those claims. Speaking at a campaign rally on Monday afternoon in Allentown, Pennsylvania, the president warned that his opponent, former Vice President Joe Biden, would “pack the Supreme Court with radical justices who will shred your Second Amendment and pro-life and so many other things.”

He mentioned Barrett’s nomination only in passing. And he did not bring up the issue of the Supreme Court — the issue many conservative voters see as his greatest achievement — at all during the final presidential debate last week.

Few other Republican candidates are mentioning the Barrett confirmation in their campaigns, instead going after Democrats with exaggerated claims about a plot by “far-left Democrats like Nancy Pelosi” to pack the courts, as an ad by the National Republican Senatorial Committee in Kansas put it. As speaker of the House, Pelosi has no official role in court confirmations, which the Senate handles. And Biden has not said he supports any plan to add judges to the courts, but he has proposed studying the issue through a bipartisan commission if elected.

When Trump started running for president five years ago, the idea that he could be in a position to pick the next justice on the Supreme Court was enough to alarm many conservatives. They worried he didn’t understand how important the issue was, questioned the sincerity of his opposition to abortion and considered it a very real possibility that he would name his sister, a retired federal judge, to the bench.

But in the spring of 2016, as he was wrapping up the nomination, he released a list of noted conservative judges and lawyers he promised to stick to when nominating someone that helped give him credibility on the issue. And conservatives turned out, determined to prevent a Supreme Court shaped by Hillary Clinton that would perhaps forever foreclose overturning Roe v. Wade, which established a legal right to abortion.

The court as an issue helped Trump win 81% of the white evangelical vote. And his commitment to it throughout his first term — along with his willingness to talk about the issues so bluntly and declare his desire to see Roe undone, which Republicans typically did not say even if they believed it privately — has forged a seemingly unbreakable bond with social conservatives.

Robert P. Jones, president of the Public Religion Research Institute, said that those trends appeared likely to hold in this election. Nearly 9 in 10 white evangelicals say they are “absolutely certain” to vote, he said, and the share of white evangelicals who support the president remains high — 79%.

Jones believes there is room to grow. “At this point in the game in 2016, that number was only 69%,” he said.

Jessica Anderson, executive director of Heritage Action for America, cited “unprecedented enthusiasm” for Barrett’s nomination among grassroots conservatives and said her place on the bench would bring about “a much-needed change from the activist drift of the court.”

A significant number of people could, however, see the court as an issue that makes them vote for Biden. The death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, a hero to many liberals, was a galvanizing event unlike almost any other this year for Democrats.

Senate Democrats also played their weak hand during the confirmation more cautiously and strategically than Republicans anticipated. Instead of raising questions about Barrett’s religious convictions as a conservative Catholic and how that shaped her jurisprudence, which Republicans had expected and prepared for, Democrats were mostly focused on framing a Barrett confirmation as the death knell of the Affordable Care Act and the coverage it provides for preexisting medical conditions.

“That didn’t excite the conservative base,” said Frank Cannon, president of the American Principles Project.

But what can, he said, is a vote in the Senate to confirm a sixth conservative to the court — and a reminder that the election a week away could nullify that and all the work conservatives have done with the courts over the last four years.

“With our voters, we’ve been reminding them that if Trump loses and we lose the Senate, the Democrats are intent on packing the court,” he said. “We can lose this in a blink — one week after we won it — and I think that’s a powerful message.”

The confirmation on Monday of Justice Amy Coney Barrett all but ensures a durable conservative majority on the Supreme Court for years to come and provides the capstone on the Trump administration’s broader effort to push the entire federal judiciary solidly to the right.

The confirmation on Monday of Justice Amy Coney Barrett all but ensures a durable conservative majority on the Supreme Court for years to come and provides the capstone on the Trump administration’s broader effort to push the entire federal judiciary solidly to the right. Its work has been so fast and so effective that there is only one vacancy now in the appellate courts: the seat left open by Barrett’s promotion. But President Donald Trump and Republicans risk becoming victims of their own success. Without the specter of a liberal court to motivate conservative voters anymore, they may find themselves without the issue that played a crucial role in Trump’s unexpected victory four years ago and has fortified his political base throughout a tumultuous first term. “It’s like the dog catching the car,” said Charlie Cook, editor of the nonpartisan Cook Political Report, which handicaps elections and is forecasting a difficult environment for Republicans up and down the ballot. On a larger level, there is the risk of getting complacent. Republicans feel satisfied that they appear to have prevailed in their decades-long quest to install more conservatives on the courts. Then there is the issue that the Barrett confirmation was uneventful and anticlimactic — not exactly the kind of spectacle that gets people marching in the streets. Normally, a Supreme Court confirmation fight is an occasion that seizes the country’s attention and energizes partisans left and right. But the fact the entire country knew Barrett’s confirmation was a virtual lock took away any sense of mystery or intrigue. “There was no drama,” Cook said. “After about three days it became clear there was pretty much nothing the Democrats could do. So it just didn’t get legs. And there is just so much else going on.” Privately, Republicans have expressed some disappointment that there was very little of the partisan fury and indignation that erupted during the confirmation of Justice Brett M. Kavanaugh in 2018. The Kavanaugh hearings included a sexual assault allegation against him from his high school years, and became a remarkably emotional and divisive culture war clash that raised questions of class and privilege, gender roles and the presumption of belief extended to victims of sexual assault. Though Kavanaugh forcefully denied the charges, and his allies accused Democrats of a vicious smear campaign, Republicans also believe the hearings awakened their voters a few weeks before the midterm elections at a point when polls were showing low enthusiasm on their side and many donors were remaining on the sidelines. That November, Republicans gained a total of two Senate seats. In red states like North Dakota, the Kavanaugh issue helped put already difficult races even more out of reach. Donors who had written the party off started signing checks again. Strategists said they could not be as certain that conservative voters will view the court with the same urgency as they have before. And they are seeking new ways to motivate their base. “Right now we’re fat and happy,” said Mike Davis, president of the Article III Project, a group that strategizes with Republican senators and the White House on judicial confirmations. “We have the first true conservative majority on the Supreme Court in 80 years. The president has done such an outstanding job on judicial appointments that we are out of federal circuit seats to fill. So Republicans could be complacent while Democrats are fired up.” But Davis has not given up on the court as the path to igniting fervor on his side. He is pinning his hopes on court packing. “Court packing is so much more of a culture fight,” Davis said, describing the Republican messaging on the issue, which encompasses a variety of proposals to reform the structure of the judiciary such as adding new justices to the Supreme Court and expanding the lower courts. He ran through a list of rights that he thought an expanded court would jeopardize: religious expression, free speech, gun ownership. “Court packing is an extreme, clear and present danger,” he said. Trump and Republicans in races across the country are amplifying those claims. Speaking at a campaign rally on Monday afternoon in Allentown, Pennsylvania, the president warned that his opponent, former Vice President Joe Biden, would “pack the Supreme Court with radical justices who will shred your Second Amendment and pro-life and so many other things.” He mentioned Barrett’s nomination only in passing. And he did not bring up the issue of the Supreme Court — the issue many conservative voters see as his greatest achievement — at all during the final presidential debate last week. Few other Republican candidates are mentioning the Barrett confirmation in their campaigns, instead going after Democrats with exaggerated claims about a plot by “far-left Democrats like Nancy Pelosi” to pack the courts, as an ad by the National Republican Senatorial Committee in Kansas put it. As speaker of the House, Pelosi has no official role in court confirmations, which the Senate handles. And Biden has not said he supports any plan to add judges to the courts, but he has proposed studying the issue through a bipartisan commission if elected. When Trump started running for president five years ago, the idea that he could be in a position to pick the next justice on the Supreme Court was enough to alarm many conservatives. They worried he didn’t understand how important the issue was, questioned the sincerity of his opposition to abortion and considered it a very real possibility that he would name his sister, a retired federal judge, to the bench. But in the spring of 2016, as he was wrapping up the nomination, he released a list of noted conservative judges and lawyers he promised to stick to when nominating someone that helped give him credibility on the issue. And conservatives turned out, determined to prevent a Supreme Court shaped by Hillary Clinton that would perhaps forever foreclose overturning Roe v. Wade, which established a legal right to abortion. The court as an issue helped Trump win 81% of the white evangelical vote. And his commitment to it throughout his first term — along with his willingness to talk about the issues so bluntly and declare his desire to see Roe undone, which Republicans typically did not say even if they believed it privately — has forged a seemingly unbreakable bond with social conservatives. Robert P. Jones, president of the Public Religion Research Institute, said that those trends appeared likely to hold in this election. Nearly 9 in 10 white evangelicals say they are “absolutely certain” to vote, he said, and the share of white evangelicals who support the president remains high — 79%. Jones believes there is room to grow. “At this point in the game in 2016, that number was only 69%,” he said. Jessica Anderson, executive director of Heritage Action for America, cited “unprecedented enthusiasm” for Barrett’s nomination among grassroots conservatives and said her place on the bench would bring about “a much-needed change from the activist drift of the court.” A significant number of people could, however, see the court as an issue that makes them vote for Biden. The death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, a hero to many liberals, was a galvanizing event unlike almost any other this year for Democrats. Senate Democrats also played their weak hand during the confirmation more cautiously and strategically than Republicans anticipated. Instead of raising questions about Barrett’s religious convictions as a conservative Catholic and how that shaped her jurisprudence, which Republicans had expected and prepared for, Democrats were mostly focused on framing a Barrett confirmation as the death knell of the Affordable Care Act and the coverage it provides for preexisting medical conditions. “That didn’t excite the conservative base,” said Frank Cannon, president of the American Principles Project. But what can, he said, is a vote in the Senate to confirm a sixth conservative to the court — and a reminder that the election a week away could nullify that and all the work conservatives have done with the courts over the last four years. “With our voters, we’ve been reminding them that if Trump loses and we lose the Senate, the Democrats are intent on packing the court,” he said. “We can lose this in a blink — one week after we won it — and I think that’s a powerful message.”

‘Fat and happy’ with a conservative court, are Republicans losing a winning issue?

The Senate Judiciary Committee has approved President Donald Trumps SC nominee Amy Barrett. Watch report.

Your Story: Senate approves Trump's court nominee Amy Barrett

President Donald Trump clashed with his own party Thursday over a stimulus package to stabilize the economy, calling for a big-spending plan of the kind envisioned by Democrats even as the top Republican leader declared that such a measure had little support within the party.

Trump declared he “would go higher” than the latest $1.8 trillion framework the White House has put forward in negotiations with Speaker Nancy Pelosi of California, faulting his own Treasury secretary for failing to offer enough money in the talks.&nbsp;

A short time later, Sen. Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., the majority leader, all but ruled out such a deal, saying senators in his party would never support a package of that magnitude.

“He’s talking about a much larger amount than I can sell to my members,” McConnell told reporters in Kentucky, a refrain he reiterated in multiple appearances across the state. Instead, he plans next week to try to advance a scaled-down $500 billion package, which is likely to fail without Democratic support.

The stark division between the top two Republicans in Washington was the latest indication of the dim preelection prospects for enactment of a broad pandemic recovery package that economists have said is badly needed.&nbsp;

Tens of millions of Americans have slipped into poverty, and the country’s economic recovery has faltered without federal assistance.

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The public divisions also further undercut Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin in his attempts to reach an accord with Pelosi, who remains unmoved from the latest Democratic offer of $2.2 trillion.

Trump said in an interview with Fox Business that her proposal was so littered with Democratic priorities that his “pride” would not allow him to accept, but he also took aim at Mnuchin, saying he should “go big or go home.”

“So far he hasn’t come home with the bacon,” the president said.

His comments directly contradicted Republicans’ efforts to foist blame onto Pelosi and Democrats as the impasse has dragged on for months.

“Pelosi is holding up STIMULUS, not the Republicans!” he posted on Twitter on Thursday.

But it was Trump who abruptly pulled the plug on the talks last week, courting political risk before reversing course under pressure from alarmed Republicans.

In his most recent public concession to Pelosi, Mnuchin announced the administration would accept a key Democratic demand for carrying out a national testing strategy. “We’ll fundamentally agree with their testing language, subject to some minor issues,” he said on CNBC.

In a nearly 90-minute phone conversation with Pelosi, Mnuchin reiterated his willingness to accept Democratic language with “minor” edits and said he would provide a proposal Friday, Drew Hammill, a spokesperson for Pelosi, said in a statement summarizing the conversation. “The speaker looks forward to reviewing.”

But a number of unresolved differences remain, such as how much money to provide to state and local governments and lapsed federal unemployment benefits.

Investors, who have been following the stimulus talks closely, seemed unmoved by statements from Trump and Mnuchin on Thursday, with stocks on Wall Street dropping for a third consecutive day.&nbsp;

And Senate Republicans, who have grown increasingly frustrated with Mnuchin’s willingness to buck their narrow proposals and capitulate to Pelosi’s demands for a sweeping relief package, were equally reticent about the prospects of a deal before Nov. 3.

“I’m proposing what we think is appropriate,” McConnell said after voting in Louisville, Kentucky, when asked about the targeted bill he was preparing.&nbsp;

At later events in the state, he noted that the administration had not yet successfully reached a deal and said he felt “it was important to indicate to the American people before the election — not after — that we were not in favor of a stalemate, that we were not in favor of doing nothing.”

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McConnell, who has not formally unveiled legislation before an expected vote next week, said it would be similar to a scaled-down package that Senate Republicans proposed in September, which failed to meet the 60-vote threshold.

While some Democrats have pushed for Pelosi to accept a smaller relief package, she has insisted that the toll of the pandemic merits another broad package.&nbsp;

With the original Democratic offer costing about $3.4 trillion, the speaker has repeatedly argued that she has been more than willing to compromise with her Republican counterparts, counseling Democrats in a private phone call Tuesday that “I don’t think our leverage has ever been greater than it is now.”

“The disdain that they have for the state and local, the contempt that they have for science by not wanting to have a national strategic plan, and again, the unfairness when it comes to America’s workers is a tough nut to crack,” Pelosi said in an interview on MSNBC on Wednesday. “Still and all, we want to try and find our common ground.”

During the phone call, Pelosi raised McConnell’s comments in Kentucky and Mnuchin “indicated that the president would weigh in with Leader McConnell should an agreement be reached,” Hammill said.

In the CNBC interview, Mnuchin did not directly address the lack of support for a bill among Republicans, though he acknowledged that they preferred a more targeted relief bill that would provide a fraction of the new funding he and Pelosi were discussing.

And after conceding Wednesday that it would be difficult to pass and enact a deal in the next three weeks, Mnuchin continued to push for Congress to give him the authority to repurpose about $300 billion in unused relief money from the $2.2 trillion legislation that was passed in March.

Pelosi and Democrats have largely resisted voting on stand-alone bills.

President Donald Trump clashed with his own party Thursday over a stimulus package to stabilize the economy, calling for a big-spending plan of the kind envisioned by Democrats even as the top Republican leader declared that such a measure had little support within the party.

President Donald Trump clashed with his own party Thursday over a stimulus package to stabilize the economy, calling for a big-spending plan of the kind envisioned by Democrats even as the top Republican leader declared that such a measure had little support within the party. Trump declared he “would go higher” than the latest $1.8 trillion framework the White House has put forward in negotiations with Speaker Nancy Pelosi of California, faulting his own Treasury secretary for failing to offer enough money in the talks. A short time later, Sen. Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., the majority leader, all but ruled out such a deal, saying senators in his party would never support a package of that magnitude. “He’s talking about a much larger amount than I can sell to my members,” McConnell told reporters in Kentucky, a refrain he reiterated in multiple appearances across the state. Instead, he plans next week to try to advance a scaled-down $500 billion package, which is likely to fail without Democratic support. The stark division between the top two Republicans in Washington was the latest indication of the dim preelection prospects for enactment of a broad pandemic recovery package that economists have said is badly needed. Tens of millions of Americans have slipped into poverty, and the country’s economic recovery has faltered without federal assistance. Also Read | US election 2020: Joe Biden halts Kamala Harris' travel after campaign staffers test positive The public divisions also further undercut Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin in his attempts to reach an accord with Pelosi, who remains unmoved from the latest Democratic offer of $2.2 trillion. Trump said in an interview with Fox Business that her proposal was so littered with Democratic priorities that his “pride” would not allow him to accept, but he also took aim at Mnuchin, saying he should “go big or go home.” “So far he hasn’t come home with the bacon,” the president said. His comments directly contradicted Republicans’ efforts to foist blame onto Pelosi and Democrats as the impasse has dragged on for months. “Pelosi is holding up STIMULUS, not the Republicans!” he posted on Twitter on Thursday. But it was Trump who abruptly pulled the plug on the talks last week, courting political risk before reversing course under pressure from alarmed Republicans. In his most recent public concession to Pelosi, Mnuchin announced the administration would accept a key Democratic demand for carrying out a national testing strategy. “We’ll fundamentally agree with their testing language, subject to some minor issues,” he said on CNBC. In a nearly 90-minute phone conversation with Pelosi, Mnuchin reiterated his willingness to accept Democratic language with “minor” edits and said he would provide a proposal Friday, Drew Hammill, a spokesperson for Pelosi, said in a statement summarizing the conversation. “The speaker looks forward to reviewing.” But a number of unresolved differences remain, such as how much money to provide to state and local governments and lapsed federal unemployment benefits. Investors, who have been following the stimulus talks closely, seemed unmoved by statements from Trump and Mnuchin on Thursday, with stocks on Wall Street dropping for a third consecutive day. And Senate Republicans, who have grown increasingly frustrated with Mnuchin’s willingness to buck their narrow proposals and capitulate to Pelosi’s demands for a sweeping relief package, were equally reticent about the prospects of a deal before Nov. 3. “I’m proposing what we think is appropriate,” McConnell said after voting in Louisville, Kentucky, when asked about the targeted bill he was preparing. At later events in the state, he noted that the administration had not yet successfully reached a deal and said he felt “it was important to indicate to the American people before the election — not after — that we were not in favor of a stalemate, that we were not in favor of doing nothing.” Also Read | Two Americans, 240 Yemen rebel supporters freed in apparent prisoner exchange McConnell, who has not formally unveiled legislation before an expected vote next week, said it would be similar to a scaled-down package that Senate Republicans proposed in September, which failed to meet the 60-vote threshold. While some Democrats have pushed for Pelosi to accept a smaller relief package, she has insisted that the toll of the pandemic merits another broad package. With the original Democratic offer costing about $3.4 trillion, the speaker has repeatedly argued that she has been more than willing to compromise with her Republican counterparts, counseling Democrats in a private phone call Tuesday that “I don’t think our leverage has ever been greater than it is now.” “The disdain that they have for the state and local, the contempt that they have for science by not wanting to have a national strategic plan, and again, the unfairness when it comes to America’s workers is a tough nut to crack,” Pelosi said in an interview on MSNBC on Wednesday. “Still and all, we want to try and find our common ground.” During the phone call, Pelosi raised McConnell’s comments in Kentucky and Mnuchin “indicated that the president would weigh in with Leader McConnell should an agreement be reached,” Hammill said. In the CNBC interview, Mnuchin did not directly address the lack of support for a bill among Republicans, though he acknowledged that they preferred a more targeted relief bill that would provide a fraction of the new funding he and Pelosi were discussing. And after conceding Wednesday that it would be difficult to pass and enact a deal in the next three weeks, Mnuchin continued to push for Congress to give him the authority to repurpose about $300 billion in unused relief money from the $2.2 trillion legislation that was passed in March. Pelosi and Democrats have largely resisted voting on stand-alone bills.

Republicans clash on stimulus as Trump says ‘Go Big’ and McConnell demurs

US President Donald Trump's Twitter election campaign account was unblocked after the social media site temporarily restricted it. Twitter said that a video posted by the account about Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden's son violated its rules.

Trump campaign account unlocked: Senate Republicans summon Twitter CEO

The United States Supreme Court's top seat has become the most contested topics in the US election 2020. Watch report.

US Supreme Court nominee upends the US election 2020 | Amy Corney Barrett | World News

The <a href="https://www.wionews.com/topics/republican-party">Republican Party </a>clashed with California authorities after it placed ballot boxes at conservative churches, gun shops and other areas of the state.&nbsp;

A spokesperson of the party claimed that the boxes are kept simply for "ballot harvesting," which let third parties collect and deliver ballots in a few US states.

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"We're going to continue our ballot harvesting programs," said California Republican Party spokesperson Hector Barajas to local CBS station on Monday, as quoted by news agency AFP.&nbsp;

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Californian authorities argue that the boxes are "misleading" voters and have given an ultimatum to the party to remove them by Thursday.&nbsp;

"Misleading voters is wrong, regardless of who is doing it," said California Secretary of State Alex Padilla.&nbsp;

"Political parties and campaigns can engage in get out the vote efforts, but they cannot violate state law," Padilla added in a statement.&nbsp;

"The unofficial, unauthorized drop boxes in question violate state law and jeopardize the security of voters' ballots."

State Attorney General Xavier Becerra warned Republicans of civil or criminal punishment if they fail to remove the ballots.&nbsp;

The Republicans, however, are looking in no mood to remove the boxes as its spokesperson said they would erase the word "official", but they would themselves not remove the boxes.&nbsp;

"Show us within the law, where we should stop," Barajas said.&nbsp;

"Tell us within the law, where we’re breaking the law." 
&nbsp;

The Republican Party clashed with California authorities after it placed ballot boxes at conservative churches, gun shops and other areas of the state. A spokesperson of the party claimed that the boxes are kept simply for "ballot harvesting," which let third parties collect and deliver ballots in a few US states.

The Republican Party clashed with California authorities after it placed ballot boxes at conservative churches, gun shops and other areas of the state. A spokesperson of the party claimed that the boxes are kept simply for "ballot harvesting," which let third parties collect and deliver ballots in a few US states. Also read | US election 2020: How are votes counted in the presidential election? "We're going to continue our ballot harvesting programs," said California Republican Party spokesperson Hector Barajas to local CBS station on Monday, as quoted by news agency AFP. Also read | Trump fumes as Facebook, Twitter limit reach of 'smoking gun' article on Biden and his son Californian authorities argue that the boxes are "misleading" voters and have given an ultimatum to the party to remove them by Thursday. "Misleading voters is wrong, regardless of who is doing it," said California Secretary of State Alex Padilla. "Political parties and campaigns can engage in get out the vote efforts, but they cannot violate state law," Padilla added in a statement. "The unofficial, unauthorized drop boxes in question violate state law and jeopardize the security of voters' ballots." State Attorney General Xavier Becerra warned Republicans of civil or criminal punishment if they fail to remove the ballots. The Republicans, however, are looking in no mood to remove the boxes as its spokesperson said they would erase the word "official", but they would themselves not remove the boxes. "Show us within the law, where we should stop," Barajas said. "Tell us within the law, where we’re breaking the law."

US election 2020: Republicans clash with California officials over ballot boxes

A new $1.8 trillion economic stimulus proposal from the Trump administration drew criticism from congressional Democrats and Republicans on Saturday, diminishing hopes for a coronavirus relief deal before the Nov. 3 election.

In a weekly letter to Democratic colleagues, Pelosi said the Trump administration`s proposal lacked a "strategic plan to crush the virus" and gave President Donald Trump too much discretion to decide how funds were allocated.

"At this point, we still have disagreement on many priorities, and Democrats are awaiting language from the Administration on several provisions as the negotiations on the overall funding amount continue," Pelosi`s letter said.

On a conference call on Saturday morning with Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin and White House chief of staff Mark Meadows, multiple Republican senators criticized the price tag of the Trump administration`s proposal, a source familiar with the matter said.

Mnuchin floated the $1.8 trillion proposal in a 30-minute Friday afternoon phone conversation with Pelosi, according to the White House.

The new White House package was higher than an earlier $1.6 trillion Mnuchin offer and closer to the $2.2 trillion the Democratic-controlled House of Representatives passed last week.

White House spokeswoman Alyssa Farah said the administration wanted to keep spending below $2 trillion but was eager to enact a fresh round of direct payments to individuals as well as aid for small businesses and airlines. 
Friday marked the third straight day of talks between Pelosi and Mnuchin.

Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, the top Republican in Congress, said on Friday he doubted lawmakers would pass a package before Nov. 3, although he has not directly participated in the talks.

"The proximity to the election and the differences of opinion over what is needed at this particular juncture are pretty vast," McConnell told a news conference.

There was no immediate comment on Saturday from the Treasury, White House, or McConnell`s office.

A new $1.8 trillion economic stimulus proposal from the Trump administration drew criticism from congressional Democrats and Republicans on Saturday, diminishing hopes for a coronavirus relief deal before the Nov.

A new $1.8 trillion economic stimulus proposal from the Trump administration drew criticism from congressional Democrats and Republicans on Saturday, diminishing hopes for a coronavirus relief deal before the Nov. 3 election. In a weekly letter to Democratic colleagues, Pelosi said the Trump administration`s proposal lacked a "strategic plan to crush the virus" and gave President Donald Trump too much discretion to decide how funds were allocated. "At this point, we still have disagreement on many priorities, and Democrats are awaiting language from the Administration on several provisions as the negotiations on the overall funding amount continue," Pelosi`s letter said. On a conference call on Saturday morning with Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin and White House chief of staff Mark Meadows, multiple Republican senators criticized the price tag of the Trump administration`s proposal, a source familiar with the matter said. Mnuchin floated the $1.8 trillion proposal in a 30-minute Friday afternoon phone conversation with Pelosi, according to the White House. The new White House package was higher than an earlier $1.6 trillion Mnuchin offer and closer to the $2.2 trillion the Democratic-controlled House of Representatives passed last week. White House spokeswoman Alyssa Farah said the administration wanted to keep spending below $2 trillion but was eager to enact a fresh round of direct payments to individuals as well as aid for small businesses and airlines. Friday marked the third straight day of talks between Pelosi and Mnuchin. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, the top Republican in Congress, said on Friday he doubted lawmakers would pass a package before Nov. 3, although he has not directly participated in the talks. "The proximity to the election and the differences of opinion over what is needed at this particular juncture are pretty vast," McConnell told a news conference. There was no immediate comment on Saturday from the Treasury, White House, or McConnell`s office.

Trump's stimulus proposal draws opposition from congressional Democrats and Republicans

Kamala Harris gave a blunt refresher on President Donald Trump's finances in the vice-presidential debate. Watch report.

Kamala Harris: Trump paid $750 in taxes, Who does he owe money to?

In the US vice presidential debate, Mike Pence said that the Donald Trump administration wants to improve its relationship with China but it is going to hold Beijing "accountable" for what it did to America with the deadly coronavirus.

Mike Pence: Joe Biden opposed Trump's decision to suspend travel

The two vice-presidential candidates, Kamala Harris and Mike Pence debated today on the Vice Presidential Debate. They debated on coronavirus impact on the US economy and unemployment.

Harris: Trump judges economy on how many rich around him

The two vice-presidential candidates, Kamala Harris and Mike Pence debated today on the Vice Presidential Debate. They debated on racial unrest, coronavirus, and much more.

Kamala Harris: In America, voters deserve better

In American politics, it was Mike Pence vs Kamala Harris. The two vice-presidential candidates who went toe-to-toe as they debated about Donald Trump's performance over the last four years. Watch report.

Harris vs Pence on the Vice Presidential Debate: Discuss Trump's response on pandemic

It was a face-off between Mike Pence and Kamala Harris for the Vice Presidential Debate. No physical contact was there between the two leaders and they discussed a variety of issues amongst first was the coronavirus pandemic.

US Elections 2020: Vice Presidential Debate, Harris and Pence's first and only face-off of election 2020

The volatile US presidential election enters a fierce new stage this week when Donald Trump and Joe Biden hold their first debate

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US President Donald Trump seems to be a softening stance on a possible transfer of power after the election. Trump has been warning his supporters that there could be a big case of fraud by Democrats.

Donald Trump: Want a friendly transition of power

US Senate majority Leader McConnell assured that the results of the presidential elections would be implemented in an orderly way. The statement came after just a day President Donald Trump refused to guarantee smooth transfer of power if he loses the election.

Republicans promise peaceful transition after Trump said elections will end up in SC

US Election 2020: Republicans split with Trump on peaceful transfer of power

With less than 50 days to go for US Elections, the peace treaty offers a rare diplomatic win to Donald Trump. But, will the accords have any meaningful impact on the upcoming polls?

What do Abraham Accords mean for Trump's politics? | WION, in collaboration with VOA, reports

The host of the republican national convention & once a GOP stronghold, North Carolina is now a key battleground state in the upcoming US Election. Though Donald Trump won the state in 2016, the democrats believe they can obtain a blue victory.

Who is leading in the swing states? |  WION, in collaboration with VOA, reports

Mike Pence has accepted his nomination as the Republican Vice Presidential candidate. Pence called Biden a trojan horse in his keynote speech on day 3 of the RNC. Who else spoke on the penultimate day of the convention? Palki Sharma Upadhyay has the details.

Gravitas: US elections: Mike Pence accepts Republican VP nomination

US President Donald Trump will deliver acceptance speech on Day 4 of Republic National Convention. Watch this video to know what all to expect on Day 4 of Republican National Convention.

US President Trump to deliver acceptance speech on Day 4 of RNC

The Trump Family dominated the 2nd day of the #RepublicanNationalConvention. Eric Trump & Tiffany Ariana Trump took on the American Media. But, Melania Trump was the show-stopper as she acknowledged America's COVID-19 challenge. Palki Sharma Upadhyay gets you the big takeaways.

Gravitas: Trump Family dominates Day 2 of RNC

Takeaways from the first two days of the Republican National Convention

The GOP went all guns blazing on the first night of its National convention. Nikki Haley invoked her Indian roots to counter the immigrant narrative of the Democrats. Meanwhile, Kimberly Guilfoyle stole the show with her 'high-spirited' speech. Palki Sharma Upadhyay gets you the big highlights.

Gravitas: Republicans go all guns-blazing on Day 1 of RNC

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi is on a five-nation tour to Europe. The visit is seen as an attempt at damage control by China - after its diplomats triggered several diplomatic fires. Palki Sharma Upadhyay tells you how China is losing ground in Europe.

Gravitas: Wang Yi on a damage control mission to Europe

Republicans pressed their case on Tuesday for US&nbsp;President Donald Trump's re-election over Democrat Joe Biden, arguing as their convention opened for a second day that Trump's leadership was vital to the country's economic and political future.

First lady Melania Trump and US&nbsp;Secretary of State Mike Pompeo will highlight the program in speeches that have drawn complaints from Democrats for using the White House and a diplomatic trip for partisan purposes.

Also see:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/photos/takeaways-from-the-first-night-of-the-republican-national-convention-322889">Takeaways from the first night of the Republican National Convention</a>

Hours before&nbsp;Republicans reconvened, the president issued a pardon to a convicted Nevada bank robber, Jon Ponder, who has become an advocate for other inmates and will speak to the convention on Tuesday.

"Jon's life is a beautiful testament to the power of redemption," Trump said in a video.

Also speaking will be Richard Beasley, the FBI agent, now retired, who arrested Ponder in 2004. They are among an array of Americans to testify that Trump's policies have helped them.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/fbi-warns-american-businesses-to-stop-dealing-with-chinese-companies-322844" hreflang="en">FBI warns American businesses to stop dealing with Chinese companies</a>

"I strongly support President Trump’s re-election. When he sees something isn't right, he’s fearless in fixing it. He listens to working people," Maine lobsterman Jason Joyce was expected to say, according to advance excerpts.

Other Americans speaking in defense of Trump's policies on Tuesday had been expected to include Mary Ann Mendoza, whose police officer son died in a head-on collision with a drunk driver who was in the country illegally. She was pulled from the program after retweeting an anti-Semitic conspiracy theory. She later apologised.

Also scheduled to make&nbsp;the case for Trump against his Democratic rival Joe Biden include Trump's son, Eric, and daughter, Tiffany, as well as Iowa Governor Kim Reynolds and US&nbsp;Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky.

On Monday, the opening day,&nbsp;Republicans painted a dire portrait of a future America under Biden's leadership, with Trump campaign adviser Kimberly Guilfoyle asserting that Democrats want to "destroy this country."

The tone drew complaints from Democrats who said Trump was to blame for mismanaging the coronavirus outbreak that has killed more than 177,000 Americans - more than any other country in the world - and thrown millions out of work.

"Last night was grim and spiteful and fear-inducing," Michigan Democratic Governor Gretchen Whitmer told reporters in a call.

Adding to the dark picture, parts of Kenosha, Wisconsin, were smoldering after another night of unrest sparked by the shooting of a Black man by police. The man, who remains in intensive care, was shot in the back.

Biden leads in the polls

With 70 days remaining until the November&nbsp;3 election, Biden, 77, who served as vice president under Barack Obama, leads Trump, 74, in opinion polls. Democrats nominated Biden to challenge Trump at their party's convention last week.

A total of 17 million people watched the&nbsp;Republican&nbsp;convention's first night on Monday, according to Nielsen, fewer than the 19.7 million TV viewers who watched the first night of the Democratic National Convention last week.

Republicans pressed their case on Tuesday for US President Donald Trump's re-election over Democrat Joe Biden, arguing as their convention opened for a second day that Trump's leadership was vital to the country's economic and political future.

Republicans pressed their case on Tuesday for US President Donald Trump's re-election over Democrat Joe Biden, arguing as their convention opened for a second day that Trump's leadership was vital to the country's economic and political future. First lady Melania Trump and US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo will highlight the program in speeches that have drawn complaints from Democrats for using the White House and a diplomatic trip for partisan purposes. Also see: Takeaways from the first night of the Republican National Convention Hours before Republicans reconvened, the president issued a pardon to a convicted Nevada bank robber, Jon Ponder, who has become an advocate for other inmates and will speak to the convention on Tuesday. "Jon's life is a beautiful testament to the power of redemption," Trump said in a video. Also speaking will be Richard Beasley, the FBI agent, now retired, who arrested Ponder in 2004. They are among an array of Americans to testify that Trump's policies have helped them. Also read: FBI warns American businesses to stop dealing with Chinese companies "I strongly support President Trump’s re-election. When he sees something isn't right, he’s fearless in fixing it. He listens to working people," Maine lobsterman Jason Joyce was expected to say, according to advance excerpts. Other Americans speaking in defense of Trump's policies on Tuesday had been expected to include Mary Ann Mendoza, whose police officer son died in a head-on collision with a drunk driver who was in the country illegally. She was pulled from the program after retweeting an anti-Semitic conspiracy theory. She later apologised. Also scheduled to make the case for Trump against his Democratic rival Joe Biden include Trump's son, Eric, and daughter, Tiffany, as well as Iowa Governor Kim Reynolds and US Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky. On Monday, the opening day, Republicans painted a dire portrait of a future America under Biden's leadership, with Trump campaign adviser Kimberly Guilfoyle asserting that Democrats want to "destroy this country." The tone drew complaints from Democrats who said Trump was to blame for mismanaging the coronavirus outbreak that has killed more than 177,000 Americans - more than any other country in the world - and thrown millions out of work. "Last night was grim and spiteful and fear-inducing," Michigan Democratic Governor Gretchen Whitmer told reporters in a call. Adding to the dark picture, parts of Kenosha, Wisconsin, were smoldering after another night of unrest sparked by the shooting of a Black man by police. The man, who remains in intensive care, was shot in the back. Biden leads in the polls With 70 days remaining until the November 3 election, Biden, 77, who served as vice president under Barack Obama, leads Trump, 74, in opinion polls. Democrats nominated Biden to challenge Trump at their party's convention last week. A total of 17 million people watched the Republican convention's first night on Monday, according to Nielsen, fewer than the 19.7 million TV viewers who watched the first night of the Democratic National Convention last week.

Republicans press their case for Trump as party begins Day 2 of convention

US President Donald Trump has won an official nomination as the 2020 Republican presidential candidate on Monday, a symbolic moment to open the party’s convention and officially kick off the final stretch of his uphill climb for a second term.

Republican Party officially nominates Trump for President | US elections 2020

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