A day after G20 meet leaders agreed that 'today's era must not be of war', Russian-made missile has hit a village in Poland. At least two Polish citizens have been killed in the incident, late on Tuesday, the missiles landed in the South eastern village, which is just 6.4 kms away from the Ukrainian border.

'Russian-made missile' hits Poland: Warsaw likely to invoke NATO Article 4

The United Nations General Assembly has voted in favor of holding Russia accountable for its crimes in Ukraine. The resolution was supported by 94 out of 193 members.

UNGA votes to hold Russia accountable for Ukraine crimes

It has been several months since the Russian invasion of Ukraine has been raging on. There is no end in sight for the conflict yet. Now, Kremlin confirms US-Russia talks in Ankara.

Russia-Ukraine war: Kremlin confirms US-Russia talks in Ankara

It has been several months since the Russian invasion of Ukraine has been raging on. There is no end in sight for the conflict yet. Now, Zelensky accuses Russia of atrocities.

In Kherson, 'evidence' of war crimes: Zelensky accuses Russia of atrocities

Russian President Vladimir Putin recently dialed Iranian President Ibrahim Raisi. The Kremlin said that both leaders emphasized on deepening political trade and economic cooperation.

Putin speaks to Iranian President Raisi, Kremlin says emphasis was on deepening ties

The Ukrainian army has said that it has made more gains in the Kherson region after Russia ordered for its troops to be withdrawn.

Ukrainian troops liberate Kherson as Russia withdraw forces

What is seen as the major blow to Russia's invasion of Ukraine, Russian troops have been ordered to pull out of the Ukrainian city of Kherson. Watch this report.

Russia begins pulling out of Kherson; Ukraine skeptical, fears a Russian trap

Russia has faced multiple setbacks in the Ukraine war. Moscow's forces have retreated from Kherson. Will Russia resort to using EMP weapons to try and turn the tide? Neha Khanna brings you the details

WION Fineprint | Russia planning to use EMP weapons in Ukraine?

The Ukrainian army has said that it has made more gains in the Kherson region after Russia ordered for its troops to be withdrawn. Now, Russian missile strike kills six in Mykolaiv.

Russia's withdrawal from Kherson: Russian missile strike kills six in Mykolaiv

The Ukrainian army has said that it has made more gains in the Kherson region after Russia ordered for its troops to be withdrawn. In Kherson retreat, a chance for peace? Watch this report to know more.

Russia-Ukraine War: In Kherson retreat, a chance for peace?

Russia has ordered its troops to withdraw from Kherson. A city it said would remain Russian territory 'forever'. What explains this retreat Molly Gambhir brings you a report.

Gravitas: Russia asks troops to withdraw from Kherson

Russian President Vladimir Putin will skip the G20 leader summit which is scheduled to be held on November 15th and 16th in Bali, according to the Russian embassy. The Chief protocol at the embassy said that Putin's program is still being worked out and that he could participate virtually.

Putin will not go to Indonesia for G20 Summit; Sergei Lavrov to lead the Russian delegation

Russia's President Vladimir Putin to skip G20 meet in Indonesia

Kherson is a southern state in Ukraine and these last eight months when the war has been underway, it has brought unprecedented changes in this region. The pro-Kremlin region has complained of no power, no water in the area.

War in Ukraine: Russia loses ground after referendum

The US is privately urging Ukraine to remain open to engaging in talks with Russia, as per report in the Washington Post. In its report, the newspaper cited unnamed sources who said that the American request was not aimed at pushing Ukraine to negotiating table but was a calculated attempt to ensure Ukraine maintained support of other nations.

Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelensky has ruled out any discussion with Russian President Putin. This stance has caused concern across the globe where costs of food and fuel are rising.

"Ukraine fatigue is a real thing for some of our partners," the report quoted an unnamed U.S. official as saying.

Zelenskiy signed a decree on October 4 formally declaring the prospect of any Ukrainian talks with Putin "impossible" but leaving the door open to talks with Russia.

The White House National Security Council had no immediate comment on the accuracy of the report published in Washington Post.&nbsp;

A State Department spokesperson responded: "We've said it before and will say it again: Actions speak louder than words. If Russia is ready for negotiation, it should stop its bombs and missiles and withdraw its forces from Ukraine.

"The Kremlin continues to escalate this war. The Kremlin has demonstrated its unwillingness to seriously engage in negotiations since even before it launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine."

(With inputs from agencies)

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The US is privately urging Ukraine to remain open to engaging in talks with Russia, as per report in the Washington Post. In its report, the newspaper cited unnamed sources who said that the American request was not aimed at pushing Ukraine to negotiating table but was a calculated attempt to ensure Ukraine maintained support of other nations.

The US is privately urging Ukraine to remain open to engaging in talks with Russia, as per report in the Washington Post. In its report, the newspaper cited unnamed sources who said that the American request was not aimed at pushing Ukraine to negotiating table but was a calculated attempt to ensure Ukraine maintained support of other nations. Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelensky has ruled out any discussion with Russian President Putin. This stance has caused concern across the globe where costs of food and fuel are rising. "Ukraine fatigue is a real thing for some of our partners," the report quoted an unnamed U.S. official as saying. Zelenskiy signed a decree on October 4 formally declaring the prospect of any Ukrainian talks with Putin "impossible" but leaving the door open to talks with Russia. The White House National Security Council had no immediate comment on the accuracy of the report published in Washington Post. A State Department spokesperson responded: "We've said it before and will say it again: Actions speak louder than words. If Russia is ready for negotiation, it should stop its bombs and missiles and withdraw its forces from Ukraine. "The Kremlin continues to escalate this war. The Kremlin has demonstrated its unwillingness to seriously engage in negotiations since even before it launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine." (With inputs from agencies) You can now write for wionews.com and be a part of the community. Share your stories and opinions with us here. WATCH WION LIVE HERE ×

US privately urging Ukraine to talk to Russia: Report

The mass mobilisation of reservists for the war in Ukraine was made with protests in Russia. However the Russian President has now said that thousands of volunteers are continuing to join the military.

Putin: Thousands continue to join army; Russia mobilises 318,000 recruits

Turkish foreign minister said on Tuesday (November 1) that President Recep Tayyip Erdogan will speak to Russian and Ukrainian presidents with a view to restore the grain deal.

"Our president will speak with (Russian President Vladimir) Putin and (Ukrainian President Volodymyr) Zelensky in the coming days," Mevlut Cavusoglu told reporters.

"We believe we will overcome this... (The grain deal) benefits everyone."

Watch | Ukraine hit by water, power cuts; Russia's 'revenge' missile strikes capital Kyiv

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Turkiye was one of the brokers of the grain deal struck in July alongside the United Nations. Export of grains from Ukraine, the 'bread basket' of the world was disrupted after Russian invasion in February this year. This had raised fear of global food crisis. The grain deal with Russia ensured safe passage for grain shipments from Ukraine.

However, the situation has become complex after Russia announced on Saturday that it was withdrawing from the deal.

Moscow has said it has suspended its participation for an indefinite time after accusing Kyiv of a "massive" attack on its Black Sea Fleet.&nbsp;

Also Read | <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/russia-accuses-uk-of-directing-and-coordinating-nord-stream-blasts-530231">Russia again accuses UK of 'directing and coordinating' Nord Stream blasts</a>

The agreement is set to be renewed on November 19. Erdogan said on Monday that Turkiye will take efforts to keep the agreement afloat.

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Turkish foreign minister said on Tuesday (November 1) that President Recep Tayyip Erdogan will speak to Russian and Ukrainian presidents with a view to restore the grain deal.

Turkish foreign minister said on Tuesday (November 1) that President Recep Tayyip Erdogan will speak to Russian and Ukrainian presidents with a view to restore the grain deal. "Our president will speak with (Russian President Vladimir) Putin and (Ukrainian President Volodymyr) Zelensky in the coming days," Mevlut Cavusoglu told reporters. "We believe we will overcome this... (The grain deal) benefits everyone." Watch | Ukraine hit by water, power cuts; Russia's 'revenge' missile strikes capital Kyiv × Turkiye was one of the brokers of the grain deal struck in July alongside the United Nations. Export of grains from Ukraine, the 'bread basket' of the world was disrupted after Russian invasion in February this year. This had raised fear of global food crisis. The grain deal with Russia ensured safe passage for grain shipments from Ukraine. However, the situation has become complex after Russia announced on Saturday that it was withdrawing from the deal. Moscow has said it has suspended its participation for an indefinite time after accusing Kyiv of a "massive" attack on its Black Sea Fleet. Also Read | Russia again accuses UK of 'directing and coordinating' Nord Stream blasts The agreement is set to be renewed on November 19. Erdogan said on Monday that Turkiye will take efforts to keep the agreement afloat. You can now write for wionews.com and be a part of the community. Share your stories and opinions with us here. WATCH WION LIVE HERE ×

Will Ukraine grain deal survive? Erdogan to speak with Putin, Zelensky

Russia's weekend pullout from an UN-brokered deal to export Black Sea grains is likely to hit shipments to import-dependent countries, deepening a global food crisis and sparking gains in prices.

Russia pulls out of UN-brokered grain deal. How will it impact global food prices?

Russian President Vladimir Putin has called Indian PM Narendra Modi a 'True Patriot' as he lauded India's foreign policy for being neutral amid the Ukraine war.

Putin calls Indian PM Modi a 'True Patriot' and lauds India's foreign policy

Russian President Putin has now warned about the development of terrorist groups along the Afghan border and also their infiltration into the Commonwealth independent states.

Russian President Vladimir Putin warns of terror cells at Afghan

This week, gas prices in Europe fell to a 4-month low. For months, officials and experts have warned of an energy crisis during the winter. Does Europe have enough gas now? Molly Gambhir tells you more

Gravitas: Gas wars: Is Putin losing the battle?

Pro-Russian officials claim to have removed Grigory Potemkin's remains from the captured Ukrainian city of Kherson. Potemkin was a famous Russian general who served in the 18th century.

According to Vladimir Saldo, the region's pro-Russian proxy governor, Potemkin's remains were removed from St. Catherine's Cathedral and relocated across the Dnipro river and farther into Russian-controlled territory, along with a statue of the military leader, reported&nbsp;CNN.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/the-task-set-by-you-has-been-completed-russia-ends-mobilisation-for-ukraine-zelensky-expresses-doubt-529302">'The task set by you has been completed': Russia ends mobilisation for Ukraine, Zelensky expresses doubt</a>

“We have moved the remains of His Serene Highness Prince Potemkin from St. Catherine’s Church and the monument itself to the left [east] bank,” Saldo said, according to Russian state news agency RIA Novosti.

Potemkin's memory is important to those in Russia who want to restore the country's former imperial power because of his crucial part in the conquest of Crimea from the Turks in 1783. Putin heavily relied on his legacy to support the 2014 annexation of Crimea.

Saldo reported that memorials commemorating naval commanders Fyodor Ushakov, Alexander Suvorov, and Vasily Margelov were also taken out of the chapel and placed somewhere secret. He said that the artefacts will be returned once the city was safe.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-firm-will-build-polands-first-nuclear-power-plant-529294">US firm will build Poland's first nuclear power plant</a>

The plan to conquer Crimea, which Russia originally seized in 1783 as a result of a peace treaty with the Ottoman Empire, is thought to have been orchestrated by Potemkin. After receiving the title of field marshal, he established the city of Sevastopol in the Crimea, which is now the principal Russian naval station on the Black Sea. The newly constructed Black Sea fleet under Potemkin was crucial to Russia's victory in the second Turkish war of 1768–1774.

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Pro-Russian officials claim to have removed Grigory Potemkin's remains from the captured Ukrainian city of Kherson. Potemkin was a famous Russian general who served in the 18th century.

Pro-Russian officials claim to have removed Grigory Potemkin's remains from the captured Ukrainian city of Kherson. Potemkin was a famous Russian general who served in the 18th century. According to Vladimir Saldo, the region's pro-Russian proxy governor, Potemkin's remains were removed from St. Catherine's Cathedral and relocated across the Dnipro river and farther into Russian-controlled territory, along with a statue of the military leader, reported CNN. Also read | 'The task set by you has been completed': Russia ends mobilisation for Ukraine, Zelensky expresses doubt “We have moved the remains of His Serene Highness Prince Potemkin from St. Catherine’s Church and the monument itself to the left [east] bank,” Saldo said, according to Russian state news agency RIA Novosti. Potemkin's memory is important to those in Russia who want to restore the country's former imperial power because of his crucial part in the conquest of Crimea from the Turks in 1783. Putin heavily relied on his legacy to support the 2014 annexation of Crimea. Saldo reported that memorials commemorating naval commanders Fyodor Ushakov, Alexander Suvorov, and Vasily Margelov were also taken out of the chapel and placed somewhere secret. He said that the artefacts will be returned once the city was safe. Also read | US firm will build Poland's first nuclear power plant The plan to conquer Crimea, which Russia originally seized in 1783 as a result of a peace treaty with the Ottoman Empire, is thought to have been orchestrated by Potemkin. After receiving the title of field marshal, he established the city of Sevastopol in the Crimea, which is now the principal Russian naval station on the Black Sea. The newly constructed Black Sea fleet under Potemkin was crucial to Russia's victory in the second Turkish war of 1768–1774. WATCH WION LIVE HERE:

Russia removes bones of commander admired by Putin from occupied Ukrainian city

Don’t count your chickens before they hatch, an old English proverb says. Its Russian counterpart advises you to count your chickens in the fall.

In Russia, fall starts looming in August and is often revelatory. The August 1991 putsch burst open the cracks within the Soviet elite, accelerating the country’s implosion, and the August 1998 financial crisis exposed the bankruptcy of the new Russian state. Terrorist bombings in 1999, the Beslan massacre in 2004 and even the revolution in 1917 all took place in the fall — as if not only nature but also social and political forces ripen and bear fruit this season.

In the fall of 2022, Russians have been forced to face the reality of war. Vladimir Putin’s decision in September to mobilize Russians lifted the final flimsy veil from what the government continues to call a special military operation in Ukraine. Many Russian families, after months of detachment, have had to confront the ugly face of war, a full 210 days into the full-scale invasion. Almost half of Russians felt “anxiety, fear and horror,” while 13 percent were angry, according to surveys conducted by the independent Levada Center after the announcement. A bitter war of revenge, borne with stunning resilience and moral courage in Ukraine, has been further underlined by Russia’s escalatory assault on civilian targets.

Yet for all the emotion it has inspired, the escalation hasn’t seemed to affect most Russians’ views of the war. According to one recent study, 43 percent of Russians support the bombing of Ukrainian cities and overall support for the war has not changed much. Given the parlous state of the country — internationally isolated and economically precarious — and the dawning realization of what the war in Ukraine entails, such a sturdy bank of support for the Kremlin’s actions might seem surprising. But it emerges from a deep well of collective feeling, nurtured in recent decades, that conflates individuals’ interests with those of the state, embodied by Mr. Putin. That support may dim, but it won’t disappear.

When the war started, hopes that Russians would rise up and challenge the senseless cruelty of their country’s leadership were quickly disappointed. Some courageous Russians, often from younger generations, took to the streets or engaged in more clandestine opposition to the war. But the protests, while attended by thousands in the initial days after the invasion, never really snowballed to a grand scale. The main factor was fear. After the Kremlin made criticism of the war punishable by up to 15 years in prison, protests understandably dropped away. After all, people have one life and want to live it, rather than spend it being tortured by a police officer and left to rot in jail.

If a minority of Russians were roused to anger by the invasion, the majority were in a state of shock. In days, Russia had become a pariah, cut off from international travel and targeted with deep sanctions. It was profoundly disorienting. To navigate this uncharted territory, Russians in the main reached for familiar moral ground: collective national identity. “My country, right or wrong” was the default reaction. One message from a popular movie star resonated intensely: “You don’t criticize your own folks in war, even if they are wrong.” Instead, people blamed President Joe Biden, NATO expansion and the West, as well as Ukrainian nationalists.

As time passed, many Russians distanced themselves. They lived the summer months as if nothing was happening. The Russian state took note of public disengagement and at the beginning of September state-controlled media moved away from the style of coverage that characterized the early war, with its emphasis on the demilitarization and denazification of Ukraine, and toward infotainment, with new historical television series and late-night shows with familiar hosts. For a while, soccer results and “House of the Dragon” trended in Google searches in Russia. Mr. Putin’s mobilization order, in response to the military’s difficulties on the battlefield, shattered this equilibrium. As men were called up to fight, Russians’ attitude toward the war was once again tested.

Mobilization was a second shock that was, once again, internalized by society. Despite instances of unrest and disquiet in some regions, the Russian public broadly acquiesced. The more educated and well-resourced Russians looked for ways to circumvent the potential draft; exit options ranged from leaving the country to obtaining official paperwork to avoid conscription. But the duty to the state and to their own folks is seen, by many ordinary Russians, as an unavoidable obligation.

This ought not to be too surprising. War, after all, magnifies the role of collective identity — itself the primary standpoint from which many Russian individuals understand their reality. This isn’t just a matter of propaganda, though it’s true that the majority of citizens take their cues from government-controlled media. It operates at a deeper level of perception and interpretation, where citizens shape their opinions on the basis of what they know — or imagine — are the dominant, socially desirable views.

This reflex explains seeming contradictions thrown up by polling. A recent poll revealed that almost 40 percent of Russians were hypothetically ready to support any of Mr. Putin’s decisions, whether he were to sign a peace agreement or march to Kyiv. The paradox of support for these antithetical strategies dissolves once you grasp that people respond to these surveys not individually but collectively — they support whatever is thought to serve the collective interest, expressed by their president. In wartime, with the nation pitted against a range of adversaries, these dynamics are only intensified.

Rallying around the flag at times of war is not unique to Russia, of course. The uniqueness of Russia today is in the symbolic merger of its national identity with the figure of Vladimir Putin. This strange conflation is the fruit of a two-decade-long process of depoliticization, in which the Kremlin encouraged people to trust Mr. Putin — conceived as a uniquely heroic figure who saved the country from the wild and painful 1990s — while sowing a deep distrust of all other politicians.

In the 2000s, this largely successful strategy depended on rising living standards. In the past decade, as economic growth stalled and discontent broke out, it has taken the form of national identity politics. Patriotism, veneration of state symbols and admiration for the glories of Russian history and the country’s recent successes have become a burnished mirror in which citizens see themselves. At the center of this national idea sits Mr. Putin, the embodiment of a stronger and more successful Russia.

Awakening from this illusion will be nothing if not painful and prolonged. As of now, like their leader, many Russian citizens are invested in victory in Ukraine — whatever that is deemed to mean. Yet this fall, though it may take some time for Russians to admit it, has been similarly revelatory. It marks the point at which Mr. Putin started to slide, slowly but surely, from Russia’s national pedestal.

You can now write for wionews.com and be a part of the community. Share your stories and opinions with us <a href="https://www.wionews.com/content-contribution-registration-form">here</a>.

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Don’t count your chickens before they hatch, an old English proverb says. Its Russian counterpart advises you to count your chickens in the fall. In Russia, fall starts looming in August and is often revelatory.

Don’t count your chickens before they hatch, an old English proverb says. Its Russian counterpart advises you to count your chickens in the fall. In Russia, fall starts looming in August and is often revelatory. The August 1991 putsch burst open the cracks within the Soviet elite, accelerating the country’s implosion, and the August 1998 financial crisis exposed the bankruptcy of the new Russian state. Terrorist bombings in 1999, the Beslan massacre in 2004 and even the revolution in 1917 all took place in the fall — as if not only nature but also social and political forces ripen and bear fruit this season. In the fall of 2022, Russians have been forced to face the reality of war. Vladimir Putin’s decision in September to mobilize Russians lifted the final flimsy veil from what the government continues to call a special military operation in Ukraine. Many Russian families, after months of detachment, have had to confront the ugly face of war, a full 210 days into the full-scale invasion. Almost half of Russians felt “anxiety, fear and horror,” while 13 percent were angry, according to surveys conducted by the independent Levada Center after the announcement. A bitter war of revenge, borne with stunning resilience and moral courage in Ukraine, has been further underlined by Russia’s escalatory assault on civilian targets. Yet for all the emotion it has inspired, the escalation hasn’t seemed to affect most Russians’ views of the war. According to one recent study, 43 percent of Russians support the bombing of Ukrainian cities and overall support for the war has not changed much. Given the parlous state of the country — internationally isolated and economically precarious — and the dawning realization of what the war in Ukraine entails, such a sturdy bank of support for the Kremlin’s actions might seem surprising. But it emerges from a deep well of collective feeling, nurtured in recent decades, that conflates individuals’ interests with those of the state, embodied by Mr. Putin. That support may dim, but it won’t disappear. When the war started, hopes that Russians would rise up and challenge the senseless cruelty of their country’s leadership were quickly disappointed. Some courageous Russians, often from younger generations, took to the streets or engaged in more clandestine opposition to the war. But the protests, while attended by thousands in the initial days after the invasion, never really snowballed to a grand scale. The main factor was fear. After the Kremlin made criticism of the war punishable by up to 15 years in prison, protests understandably dropped away. After all, people have one life and want to live it, rather than spend it being tortured by a police officer and left to rot in jail. If a minority of Russians were roused to anger by the invasion, the majority were in a state of shock. In days, Russia had become a pariah, cut off from international travel and targeted with deep sanctions. It was profoundly disorienting. To navigate this uncharted territory, Russians in the main reached for familiar moral ground: collective national identity. “My country, right or wrong” was the default reaction. One message from a popular movie star resonated intensely: “You don’t criticize your own folks in war, even if they are wrong.” Instead, people blamed President Joe Biden, NATO expansion and the West, as well as Ukrainian nationalists. As time passed, many Russians distanced themselves. They lived the summer months as if nothing was happening. The Russian state took note of public disengagement and at the beginning of September state-controlled media moved away from the style of coverage that characterized the early war, with its emphasis on the demilitarization and denazification of Ukraine, and toward infotainment, with new historical television series and late-night shows with familiar hosts. For a while, soccer results and “House of the Dragon” trended in Google searches in Russia. Mr. Putin’s mobilization order, in response to the military’s difficulties on the battlefield, shattered this equilibrium. As men were called up to fight, Russians’ attitude toward the war was once again tested. Mobilization was a second shock that was, once again, internalized by society. Despite instances of unrest and disquiet in some regions, the Russian public broadly acquiesced. The more educated and well-resourced Russians looked for ways to circumvent the potential draft; exit options ranged from leaving the country to obtaining official paperwork to avoid conscription. But the duty to the state and to their own folks is seen, by many ordinary Russians, as an unavoidable obligation. This ought not to be too surprising. War, after all, magnifies the role of collective identity — itself the primary standpoint from which many Russian individuals understand their reality. This isn’t just a matter of propaganda, though it’s true that the majority of citizens take their cues from government-controlled media. It operates at a deeper level of perception and interpretation, where citizens shape their opinions on the basis of what they know — or imagine — are the dominant, socially desirable views. This reflex explains seeming contradictions thrown up by polling. A recent poll revealed that almost 40 percent of Russians were hypothetically ready to support any of Mr. Putin’s decisions, whether he were to sign a peace agreement or march to Kyiv. The paradox of support for these antithetical strategies dissolves once you grasp that people respond to these surveys not individually but collectively — they support whatever is thought to serve the collective interest, expressed by their president. In wartime, with the nation pitted against a range of adversaries, these dynamics are only intensified. Rallying around the flag at times of war is not unique to Russia, of course. The uniqueness of Russia today is in the symbolic merger of its national identity with the figure of Vladimir Putin. This strange conflation is the fruit of a two-decade-long process of depoliticization, in which the Kremlin encouraged people to trust Mr. Putin — conceived as a uniquely heroic figure who saved the country from the wild and painful 1990s — while sowing a deep distrust of all other politicians. In the 2000s, this largely successful strategy depended on rising living standards. In the past decade, as economic growth stalled and discontent broke out, it has taken the form of national identity politics. Patriotism, veneration of state symbols and admiration for the glories of Russian history and the country’s recent successes have become a burnished mirror in which citizens see themselves. At the center of this national idea sits Mr. Putin, the embodiment of a stronger and more successful Russia. Awakening from this illusion will be nothing if not painful and prolonged. As of now, like their leader, many Russian citizens are invested in victory in Ukraine — whatever that is deemed to mean. Yet this fall, though it may take some time for Russians to admit it, has been similarly revelatory. It marks the point at which Mr. Putin started to slide, slowly but surely, from Russia’s national pedestal. You can now write for wionews.com and be a part of the community. Share your stories and opinions with us here. WATCH WION LIVE HERE ×

Russians know the reality of war, and many of them still support Putin

Russian President Vladimir Putin said on Thursday that the ongoing crisis in Ukraine is Moscow’s attempt to "defend its right to exist" as western countries try to “destroy the country”. Putin also accused the countries of interfering in the region and trying to disrupt its existing peace.

He further warned that the world is facing "probably the most dangerous" decade since the end of World War II.

"Russia is not challenging the elites of the West, Russia is just trying to defend its right to exist," Putin said during his annual speech at Russian think tank Valdai Club according to Reuters.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/russia-ukraine-war-moscow-warns-that-it-may-target-western-satellites-528918" hreflang="en">Russia-Ukraine war: Moscow warns of targeting West satellites helping Ukraine</a>

"Ahead is probably the most dangerous, unpredictable and at the same time important decade since the end of the Second World War," Putin said before adding the situation will "to a certain extent revolutionary" as the west try to "destroy (Russia), wipe if off the face of the political map."

Putin also said that the need for Russia’s victory in the crisis is very important for the world as the result can end up creating "tectonic shifts of the entire world order".

"The historical period of undivided dominance of the West in world affairs is coming to an end. The unipolar world is becoming a thing of the past," he said.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/is-united-states-planning-to-accelerate-the-plans-to-store-upgraded-nukes-in-europe-528891">Is United States accelerating plans to upgrade nukes at NATO bases in Europe?</a>

"We are at a historical frontier," he added.

Earlier, Russian diplomat Konstantin Vorontsov said that the “trend” of using western satellites can cause harm to both Russia and Ukraine.

"Quasi-civilian infrastructure may be a legitimate target for a retaliatory strike."

"We are talking about the involvement of components of civilian space infrastructure, including commercial, by the United States and its allies in armed conflicts," Vorontsov said. 
&nbsp;

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Russian President Vladimir Putin said on Thursday that the ongoing crisis in Ukraine is Moscow’s attempt to "defend its right to exist" as western countries try to “destroy the country”.

Russian President Vladimir Putin said on Thursday that the ongoing crisis in Ukraine is Moscow’s attempt to "defend its right to exist" as western countries try to “destroy the country”. Putin also accused the countries of interfering in the region and trying to disrupt its existing peace. He further warned that the world is facing "probably the most dangerous" decade since the end of World War II. "Russia is not challenging the elites of the West, Russia is just trying to defend its right to exist," Putin said during his annual speech at Russian think tank Valdai Club according to Reuters. Also read | Russia-Ukraine war: Moscow warns of targeting West satellites helping Ukraine "Ahead is probably the most dangerous, unpredictable and at the same time important decade since the end of the Second World War," Putin said before adding the situation will "to a certain extent revolutionary" as the west try to "destroy (Russia), wipe if off the face of the political map." Putin also said that the need for Russia’s victory in the crisis is very important for the world as the result can end up creating "tectonic shifts of the entire world order". "The historical period of undivided dominance of the West in world affairs is coming to an end. The unipolar world is becoming a thing of the past," he said. Also read | Is United States accelerating plans to upgrade nukes at NATO bases in Europe? "We are at a historical frontier," he added. Earlier, Russian diplomat Konstantin Vorontsov said that the “trend” of using western satellites can cause harm to both Russia and Ukraine. "Quasi-civilian infrastructure may be a legitimate target for a retaliatory strike." "We are talking about the involvement of components of civilian space infrastructure, including commercial, by the United States and its allies in armed conflicts," Vorontsov said.

World facing most dangerous decade since World War II, Russia defending its right to exist: Putin

It has been several months since the Russian invasion of Ukraine has been raging on and scores of civilians have lost their lives in the conflict. Now, Ukrainians expect a tough fight for Kherson.

Russia-Ukraine war: Ukrainians expect a tough fight for Kherson

Did Iran send suicide drones to Russia? Israel says it will give U.S. intel over Kamizake drones. If the claims proved right, Russia could be facing UN sanctions.

Did Iran send suicide drones to Russia? Israel to give U.S. intel over Kamizake drones

Israel has been caught in the crosshairs over assistance to Kyiv. Ukraine President Zelensky slammed Israel for not sending arms to Ukraine amid the ongoing war.

WION Dispatch: Ukraine President Zelensky slams Israel for not sending arms

Russian President Vladimir Putin has declared a martial law in four annexed Ukrainian regions. But what does it mean for the war? Is Putin planning something big? Know here.

Putin declares martial law in annexed regions. What does it mean for the war?

A small recaptured Ukrainian village, just few kilometers from the Russian border, is trying to figure how to adjust back to life and prepare for the upcoming winter.

New bakery set up to help retaken Ukraine village in Vilcha

The ongoing Russia-Ukraine war that started in February has killed & displaced millions from their homes. Now, civilians speak of hardship & devastation in recaptured Ukrainian territories.

In recaptured Ukrainian territories, civilians speak of hardship & devastation

Russian President Vladimir Putin imposed martial law in four Ukrainian regions and one of them is Kherson. Once an economic hub for the country today it has become something that could change the course of the war entirely.

Kherson: From an economic hub to a combat zone; Putin imposes martial law in four Ukrainian region

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