Watch PM Modi's 1st speech since poll victory. PM Modi said that this was a historic election. He said, ''I'm grateful to India.'' Watch this video to know more.

PM Modi: I am grateful to people of India

Counting for 40 Lok Sabha seats in Bihar concluded on Thursday with the BJP-led NDA winning 39 out of 40 seats at stake in the stake. It was a disastrous show from Congress and its allies RJD, RLSP, HAM and VIP as they managed to win just one seat. Watch this video to know more.

India Votes: Welcome Modi 2.0!

The Union Cabinet is expected to meet today to pass the dissolution of the 16th Lok Sabha. Watch this video to know more.

India Votes: Union Cabinet to meet today

All eyes are on the economic performance of India as NDA 2.0 is on power, country is also poised to be the 5th largest economy of the world this year. Watch this video to know more.

WION Wallet: India hopes for economic revival under NDA 2.0

The YSR Congress Party, led by Y.S. Jagan Mohan Reddy, on Thursday stormed to power in Andhra Pradesh with a landslide victory, winning 148 seats in the 175-member Assembly. The YSR Congress Party (YSRCP) was leading in two other constituencies. The Telugu Desam Party (TDP), which was in power, bit the dust across the state, only bagging 19 seats so far while being ahead in 5 other seats. Watch this video to know more.

India Votes: Jagan Reddy trumps Chandrababu Naidu

Watch SWOT analysis for the Prime Minister of India only on WION, World Is One.

India Votes: SWOT analysis for the Prime Minister of India

World leaders welcome back PM Modi. Putin, Xi, Netanyahu congratulated PM Modi. Bhutan & Japan PM hail PM Modi's landslide victory. #GeneralElections2019 #LokSabhaElectionResult #PMModi #BJP #ResultsOnWion

India Votes: Wishes pour in for PM Modi

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has recorded a landslide victory in 2019 Uttar Pradesh Lok Sabha election. The Samajwadi Party-Bahujan Samaj Party-Rashtriya Lok Dal Mahagathbandhan failed to halt the Modi juggernaut, as Modi came back to power with a resounding victory margin. Congress suffered the biggest setback with party chief Rahul Gandhi losing the Amethi Lok Sabha constituency to BJP's Smriti Irani after a long neck-and-neck battle. Watch this video to know more.

India Votes: The test for political relevance

Rahul Gandhi concedes his defeat in a press conference. He also congratulated PM Modi as well as Smriti Irani for winning from Congress bastion Amethi. #GeneralElections2019 #LokSabhaElectionResults #PMModi #BJP #ResultsOnWion

India Votes: Rahul Gandhi loses Congress bastion Amethi

Narendra Modi relected as India's PM with a heavy mandate. The stats are very huge and sweeps away each and every opposition party in India. Looks like today India shows that they had choose development over the 'Dynasty' rule.

IEW: BJP scripts history, wins over 300 seats

Elections in India has been summed up now, PM Modi led BJP+ gets massive mandate and surely done a serious damage to opposition. People choose 'chowkidaar'over 'Naamdaar' again for the next 5 years, but have a look on how Pakistani Media covered PM Modi's win.

Lok Sabha Elections 2019: How Pakistani Newspapers covered Modi's Victory

PM Modi's women-centric schemes the secret ?

India recorded a stupendous victory by NDA in the Lok Sabha elections 2019, powering the BJP to over 300 seats in the 543-member lower house of Parliament. Watch this video to know how global media reacted to Indian elections.

India Votes: Global media reacts to Indian elections

Counting for 40 Lok Sabha seats in Bihar concluded on May 23 with the BJP-led NDA winning 39 out of 40 seats at stake in the stake. It was a disastrous show from Congress and its allies RJD, RLSP, HAM and VIP as they managed to win just one seat. Watch this video to know more.

India Votes: Did Congress misread the polls?

Get set, count! EC has begun with the process that would ultimately decide which party and alliance could form the next government in the country. BJP+ leading in first trends with 59 seats over Congress+ with 21 initially. Watch this video to know more.

WION Exclusive | In conversation with Amit Malviya | Lok Sabha Elections Results 2019 | Counting Day 2019

The rupee appreciated by 26 paise to 69.40 against the US dollar in opening trade Thursday, as counting of votes for the seven-phase Lok Sabha elections began across the country.

The counting exercise is on in over 4,000 counting centres. Most of the exit polls have predicted that the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) is on course to retain power for a second term.

The rupee opened strong at 69.45 at the interbank forex market, then gained further ground and touched 69.40, displaying gains of 26 paise over its last close.

The rupee had settled at 69.66 against the US dollar Wednesday.

Forex traders said, besides the Loka Sabha election outcome, easing crude prices and higher opening in domestic equities also supported the rupee.

Foreign fund outflows, however, dampened the sentiment of forex traders.

Foreign institutional investors (FIIs) were net sellers in the capital markets, pulling out Rs 965.02 crore Wednesday, according to provisional exchange data.

Brent crude futures, the global oil benchmark, eased 0.58 per cent to $70.58 per barrel.

Domestic bourses opened on a bullish note Thursday with both benchmark indices Sensex and Nifty hitting all-time highs.

The 30-share Sensex was trading at 39,722.15 points, up 611.94 points while Nifty was trading higher by 226.80 points at 11,964.70.

The rupee appreciated by 26 paise to 69.40 against the US dollar in opening trade Thursday, as counting of votes for the seven-phase Lok Sabha elections began across the country.

The rupee appreciated by 26 paise to 69.40 against the US dollar in opening trade Thursday, as counting of votes for the seven-phase Lok Sabha elections began across the country. The counting exercise is on in over 4,000 counting centres. Most of the exit polls have predicted that the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) is on course to retain power for a second term. The rupee opened strong at 69.45 at the interbank forex market, then gained further ground and touched 69.40, displaying gains of 26 paise over its last close. The rupee had settled at 69.66 against the US dollar Wednesday. Forex traders said, besides the Loka Sabha election outcome, easing crude prices and higher opening in domestic equities also supported the rupee. Foreign fund outflows, however, dampened the sentiment of forex traders. Foreign institutional investors (FIIs) were net sellers in the capital markets, pulling out Rs 965.02 crore Wednesday, according to provisional exchange data. Brent crude futures, the global oil benchmark, eased 0.58 per cent to $70.58 per barrel. Domestic bourses opened on a bullish note Thursday with both benchmark indices Sensex and Nifty hitting all-time highs. The 30-share Sensex was trading at 39,722.15 points, up 611.94 points while Nifty was trading higher by 226.80 points at 11,964.70.

Rupee rises 26 paise as early trends show return of NDA

Soon after the exit polls results came out, many media channels voiced their reservations about the return of Modi, the print media was also not far behind started bashing Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Meanwhile Britain's acclaimed newspaper The Guardian perhaps has a meanest take on India and PM Modi. The Guardian piece has a title, "Five more years of Narendra Modi will take India to a dark place."

India Election Watch: The Inherent bias of the western media

In a big blow to the opposition parties, the Election Commission has rejected their demand regarding VVPAT slips saying that the counting will take place as planned. Watch this video to know more.

India Election Watch: Election commission rejects VVPAT demand

According to CSDS Post Poll Survey, Prime Minister Narendra Modi's appeal has increased among Non-BJP voters over time. Watch this video to know more.

India Election Watch: Decoding the "Pro-incumbency wave"

By the time you read this, early trends of the results in the 2019 Lok Sabha election will have already started trickling in.&nbsp;

But, because of the Supreme Court’s direction to the Election Commission to increase the number of Voter-Verified Paper Audit Trail (VVPAT) slips from one Electronic Voting Machine (EVM) per assembly constituency to five, a full picture of the winners and losers in the most fiercely fought general election since Independence will be clear only later tonight or by early tomorrow morning.&nbsp;

What can, however, be ruled out is the dire pre-election prediction by the Opposition that the BJP will fall below 200 seats, shedding nearly 100 seats from its tally in 2014. That clearly is not going to happen even if the exit polls are off the mark.&nbsp;

If the BJP-led NDA forms the next government once all the results have been declared, it will point to a grim conclusion: the clear consolidation of the Hindu vote.&nbsp;

For that, the Opposition has only itself to blame. Over the years, the Congress, Samajwadi Party (SP), Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) and several others have positioned themselves as minority-leaning parties, pushing even moderate Hindu voters inexorably towards the BJP. As strategy, it has proved to be electorally disastrous.&nbsp;

The 2014 Lok Sabha election provided the first glimpse of this electoral polarisation. The BJP increased its vote share from 18.80 per cent in 2009 to 31 per cent in 2014 and more than doubled its seats from 116 to 282.

The 2019 Lok Sabha election, if the results are in the same range as the exit polls, could quicken this trend. The Congress realised far too late how minorityism was hurting its electoral prospects. Minorities need empowerment. The Congress, over the decades, has confused appeasement with empowerment. Muslims remain the poorest community in the country despite receiving patronising attention from Congress. Instead of communal fear-mongering, they need and deserve jobs, education and respect.

Rahul Gandhi belatedly recognised the dangers of this strategy before the December 2017 Gujarat Assembly election. He publicly embraced his Brahmin identity and did the rounds of temples. Yet, in the febrile campaign for the 2019 general election, Rahul made several tactical errors. He continued to focus on the Rafale fighter jet deal despite not providing a shred of evidence for his allegation of cronyism and corruption against Prime Minister Narendra Modi.&nbsp;

Proposing the NYAY minimum income guarantee scheme so late in the campaign ensured it made little impact at the grassroots. In comparison, the BJP’s handout of Rs 4,000 in two installments to small farmers during the campaign had an immediate effect.&nbsp;

The issues Rahul should have highlighted relentlessly during the campaign were rural distress and jobs. He did so at almost all rallies, but he was so obsessed with repeating his “chowkidar chor hai” taunt against Modi that genuine criticism of the BJP’s economic policies was lost in the din. The charge against Modi of being a “chor” found no resonance with voters. It simply showed Rahul as petulant rather than a serious contender for national leadership.&nbsp;

There will be questions asked about Rahul Gandhi’s leadership — but they will not emanate from the Congress. Its dynastic hierarchy is set in stone. Rahul will be shielded from blame. So will Priyanka Gandhi Vadra. That would compound the Congress’ litany of errors. &nbsp;

Dynastic parties across the country seem to have fared badly in these elections: the RJD’s Yadav family in Bihar, as well as the NCP’s Pawar clan in Maharashtra, have suffered setbacks. Only regional dynasties in states like Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana have maintained their hierarchical grip on the electorate due largely to provincial loyalties. But warning signs are flashing: political dynasties are an endangered species.

For the BJP, too, there are learnings from the 2019 general election. It ran a deliberately polarising campaign. There was no attempt to give an account of its economic performance and governance over the last five years. Voters did not vote for individual BJP candidates. They voted for Modi.&nbsp;

This, of course, was a calibrated ploy. Modi is aware that his bench strength is weak. Two of his top ministers — Arun Jaitley and Sushma Swaraj — are too unwell to campaign effectively. A majority of the BJP’s Lok Sabha MPs have contributed little to the party’s performance over the past five years.&nbsp;

Readers would be hard-pressed to name more than a few dozen of those 282 faceless MPs. Thirteen have since 2014 lost their seats in bypolls or have passed away. Several others were denied tickets in the 2019 Lok Sabha election.&nbsp;

In his second term as prime minister, Modi must build the party’s bench strength. The new BJP MPs in the seventeenth Lok Sabha that will be constituted later this month must be encouraged to contribute more both in Parliament and outside. The BJP has mastered the art of winning elections. It must now master the science of ideas and apply them to structural economic reforms in land, labour, tax, farm technology and PSU privatisation.&nbsp;

Remember, too, that the results of assembly elections in Odisha and Andhra Pradesh, held simultaneously with the Lok Sabha poll, will be declared later today as well. We could be in for interesting times in both states. 
 
(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-lessons-from-the-2019-election-2752313">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

&nbsp;

By the time you read this, early trends of the results in the 2019 Lok Sabha election will have already started trickling in. But, because of the Supreme Court’s direction to the Election Commission to increase the number of Voter-Verified Paper Audit Trail (VVPAT) slips from one Electronic Voting Machine (EVM) per assembly constituency to five, a full picture of the winners and losers in the most fiercely fought general election since Independence will be clear only later tonight or by early tomorrow morning.

By the time you read this, early trends of the results in the 2019 Lok Sabha election will have already started trickling in. But, because of the Supreme Court’s direction to the Election Commission to increase the number of Voter-Verified Paper Audit Trail (VVPAT) slips from one Electronic Voting Machine (EVM) per assembly constituency to five, a full picture of the winners and losers in the most fiercely fought general election since Independence will be clear only later tonight or by early tomorrow morning. What can, however, be ruled out is the dire pre-election prediction by the Opposition that the BJP will fall below 200 seats, shedding nearly 100 seats from its tally in 2014. That clearly is not going to happen even if the exit polls are off the mark. If the BJP-led NDA forms the next government once all the results have been declared, it will point to a grim conclusion: the clear consolidation of the Hindu vote. For that, the Opposition has only itself to blame. Over the years, the Congress, Samajwadi Party (SP), Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) and several others have positioned themselves as minority-leaning parties, pushing even moderate Hindu voters inexorably towards the BJP. As strategy, it has proved to be electorally disastrous. The 2014 Lok Sabha election provided the first glimpse of this electoral polarisation. The BJP increased its vote share from 18.80 per cent in 2009 to 31 per cent in 2014 and more than doubled its seats from 116 to 282. The 2019 Lok Sabha election, if the results are in the same range as the exit polls, could quicken this trend. The Congress realised far too late how minorityism was hurting its electoral prospects. Minorities need empowerment. The Congress, over the decades, has confused appeasement with empowerment. Muslims remain the poorest community in the country despite receiving patronising attention from Congress. Instead of communal fear-mongering, they need and deserve jobs, education and respect. Rahul Gandhi belatedly recognised the dangers of this strategy before the December 2017 Gujarat Assembly election. He publicly embraced his Brahmin identity and did the rounds of temples. Yet, in the febrile campaign for the 2019 general election, Rahul made several tactical errors. He continued to focus on the Rafale fighter jet deal despite not providing a shred of evidence for his allegation of cronyism and corruption against Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Proposing the NYAY minimum income guarantee scheme so late in the campaign ensured it made little impact at the grassroots. In comparison, the BJP’s handout of Rs 4,000 in two installments to small farmers during the campaign had an immediate effect. The issues Rahul should have highlighted relentlessly during the campaign were rural distress and jobs. He did so at almost all rallies, but he was so obsessed with repeating his “chowkidar chor hai” taunt against Modi that genuine criticism of the BJP’s economic policies was lost in the din. The charge against Modi of being a “chor” found no resonance with voters. It simply showed Rahul as petulant rather than a serious contender for national leadership. There will be questions asked about Rahul Gandhi’s leadership — but they will not emanate from the Congress. Its dynastic hierarchy is set in stone. Rahul will be shielded from blame. So will Priyanka Gandhi Vadra. That would compound the Congress’ litany of errors. Dynastic parties across the country seem to have fared badly in these elections: the RJD’s Yadav family in Bihar, as well as the NCP’s Pawar clan in Maharashtra, have suffered setbacks. Only regional dynasties in states like Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana have maintained their hierarchical grip on the electorate due largely to provincial loyalties. But warning signs are flashing: political dynasties are an endangered species. For the BJP, too, there are learnings from the 2019 general election. It ran a deliberately polarising campaign. There was no attempt to give an account of its economic performance and governance over the last five years. Voters did not vote for individual BJP candidates. They voted for Modi. This, of course, was a calibrated ploy. Modi is aware that his bench strength is weak. Two of his top ministers — Arun Jaitley and Sushma Swaraj — are too unwell to campaign effectively. A majority of the BJP’s Lok Sabha MPs have contributed little to the party’s performance over the past five years. Readers would be hard-pressed to name more than a few dozen of those 282 faceless MPs. Thirteen have since 2014 lost their seats in bypolls or have passed away. Several others were denied tickets in the 2019 Lok Sabha election. In his second term as prime minister, Modi must build the party’s bench strength. The new BJP MPs in the seventeenth Lok Sabha that will be constituted later this month must be encouraged to contribute more both in Parliament and outside. The BJP has mastered the art of winning elections. It must now master the science of ideas and apply them to structural economic reforms in land, labour, tax, farm technology and PSU privatisation. Remember, too, that the results of assembly elections in Odisha and Andhra Pradesh, held simultaneously with the Lok Sabha poll, will be declared later today as well. We could be in for interesting times in both states. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

In his second term as Prime Minister, Narendra Modi must build the party’s bench strength

UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi will be chairing a meeting of Opposition leaders in New Delhi on May 23, the day election results will be announced. UPA ally DMK has confirmed the meeting, saying that party chief M K Stalin has received an invite from Gandhi. Watch this video to know more.

India Election Watch: UPA reaches out to regional parties

As India completes its 17th general election in 70 years, it is an occasion to answer pessimists, who have doubted the vibrancy of India’s democracy. When the venerable Economist had put India in the `flawed democracy’ category in 2018, I had suggested that the foundations of Indian democracy run much deeper than what the New Delhi-centric media may portray. &nbsp;&nbsp;

One of the six criteria for that assessment was the country’s electoral system. A look at the electoral process of 2019, however, does give some cause for worry. &nbsp;&nbsp;

The efficacy of an electoral system is determined by how free and fair they are. In other words, how has the well- empowered Election Commission of India (ECI) functioned during the course of the recently-concluded elections? &nbsp;

The ECI can be credited with introducing improvements in the conduct of general election and more than 100 Assembly polls. But it is expected to function without any pressure, including from the incumbent government. Since each poll is unique and the chief election commissioners (CECs) are likely to be different, ECI’s performance may not be uniform. CEC TN Seshan, for example, was remembered as a benchmark for establishing the commission’s independence and neutrality. Even after 29 years, Seshan is remembered as India’s most effective CEC. He is seen as someone who upheld the special stature and unique potential of the ECI to streamline the poll process. Going by the concerns and complaints against the commission’s impartiality in 2019, it could perhaps not be said that it passed all the tests, particularly on the fairness criteria. &nbsp;

Justifiable doubts have been raised about its independence. Even the Supreme Court had to remind the commission midway through the elections, about its powers. Another criteria was whether there was a level-playing field for voters and recognised parties to contest and campaign. If complaints against one leader with a self-declared criminal record are acted upon promptly by the ECI at the expense of another, who is in power in the same state, the message of fair play takes a beating. &nbsp; &nbsp;

The ECI was also silent on the many violations of the Model Code of Conduct. Just when proactive initiatives were needed to safeguard the status of the ECI, the commission lost its voice.

Once the poll notification comes into play, it is the responsibility of the ECI to ensure that the code applies to all candidates and parties equally and not at the discretion of the commission. &nbsp;

None of the eight points in the Model Code of Conduct were adhered to by most leaders and parties, and yet the ECI did little except to issue a notice. &nbsp;

Campaign civility was the biggest casualty in these elections. Never before has a poll campaign led to so much animosity; yet the ECI preferred to opt in for a “wait and watch” policy. &nbsp;&nbsp;

The idea of a chief election commissioner and two commissioners was to add to the efficiency of the ECI. In reality, there was no evidence of such a thing happening. The two election commissioners never gave the impression of sharing any responsibility, or maybe were just plainly ignored.

The time taken to decide contentious issues had put the ECI’s objectivity to test. In fact, the very decision of seven-phase polling, where one has to wait for 43 days to know who is elected, itself is flawed. &nbsp; &nbsp;

Even more alarming was the situation in a state going to Assembly elections. The fact that the state had to function for 43 days, virtually without a government, was overlooked by the ECI.

When government departments and agencies like the income tax, enforcement directorate and the intelligence bureau raided the homes of only those opposed to the government during the poll process, the ECI merely stood by. When questioned, all it could do was to ask the agencies to keep it informed. It is of little surprise that the agencies continued with their own agenda, ignoring the ECI. &nbsp;

The ECI cannot be treated like another government agency. Despite so many of the ECI’s ‘expenditure observers’, there was little that the commission did to curb increased poll expenditure. The cash, gold and liquor confiscated was larger than the 2014 general election levels. &nbsp;

With grapevine about 2019 being the most expensive elections ever, no serious steps were taken to cut down expenses, except to cancel a poll in one Tamil Nadu seat. No new ECI initiative to reduce campaign costs were evident. &nbsp;&nbsp;

Of course, the entire blame cannot be placed at the doorsteps of the ECI, as political parties, news media, and the civil society together are responsible for the state of affairs.

But ultimately, the ECI has to take the lead. It took the initiative in one or two instances, but only when a number of former senior bureaucrats and ex-Army men wrote to the President of India, criticising ECI’s rather submissive postures. &nbsp;

The present ECI, however, needs to be commended for continuing to facilitate ADR analysis on the affidavits of candidates, so as to put critical information about them in the public domain.

No wonder the Supreme Court asked the ECI to ensure that candidates put up information about their criminal antecedents in the public domain during the campaign, more than once. It is another matter that hardly a few followed it.&nbsp;&nbsp;

&nbsp;(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-revealing-a-vibrant-democracy-2751753">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

&nbsp;

As India completes its 17th general election in 70 years, it is an occasion to answer pessimists, who have doubted the vibrancy of India’s democracy. When the venerable Economist had put India in the `flawed democracy’ category in 2018, I had suggested that the foundations of Indian democracy run much deeper than what the New Delhi-centric media may portray.

As India completes its 17th general election in 70 years, it is an occasion to answer pessimists, who have doubted the vibrancy of India’s democracy. When the venerable Economist had put India in the `flawed democracy’ category in 2018, I had suggested that the foundations of Indian democracy run much deeper than what the New Delhi-centric media may portray. One of the six criteria for that assessment was the country’s electoral system. A look at the electoral process of 2019, however, does give some cause for worry. The efficacy of an electoral system is determined by how free and fair they are. In other words, how has the well- empowered Election Commission of India (ECI) functioned during the course of the recently-concluded elections? The ECI can be credited with introducing improvements in the conduct of general election and more than 100 Assembly polls. But it is expected to function without any pressure, including from the incumbent government. Since each poll is unique and the chief election commissioners (CECs) are likely to be different, ECI’s performance may not be uniform. CEC TN Seshan, for example, was remembered as a benchmark for establishing the commission’s independence and neutrality. Even after 29 years, Seshan is remembered as India’s most effective CEC. He is seen as someone who upheld the special stature and unique potential of the ECI to streamline the poll process. Going by the concerns and complaints against the commission’s impartiality in 2019, it could perhaps not be said that it passed all the tests, particularly on the fairness criteria. Justifiable doubts have been raised about its independence. Even the Supreme Court had to remind the commission midway through the elections, about its powers. Another criteria was whether there was a level-playing field for voters and recognised parties to contest and campaign. If complaints against one leader with a self-declared criminal record are acted upon promptly by the ECI at the expense of another, who is in power in the same state, the message of fair play takes a beating. The ECI was also silent on the many violations of the Model Code of Conduct. Just when proactive initiatives were needed to safeguard the status of the ECI, the commission lost its voice. Once the poll notification comes into play, it is the responsibility of the ECI to ensure that the code applies to all candidates and parties equally and not at the discretion of the commission. None of the eight points in the Model Code of Conduct were adhered to by most leaders and parties, and yet the ECI did little except to issue a notice. Campaign civility was the biggest casualty in these elections. Never before has a poll campaign led to so much animosity; yet the ECI preferred to opt in for a “wait and watch” policy. The idea of a chief election commissioner and two commissioners was to add to the efficiency of the ECI. In reality, there was no evidence of such a thing happening. The two election commissioners never gave the impression of sharing any responsibility, or maybe were just plainly ignored. The time taken to decide contentious issues had put the ECI’s objectivity to test. In fact, the very decision of seven-phase polling, where one has to wait for 43 days to know who is elected, itself is flawed. Even more alarming was the situation in a state going to Assembly elections. The fact that the state had to function for 43 days, virtually without a government, was overlooked by the ECI. When government departments and agencies like the income tax, enforcement directorate and the intelligence bureau raided the homes of only those opposed to the government during the poll process, the ECI merely stood by. When questioned, all it could do was to ask the agencies to keep it informed. It is of little surprise that the agencies continued with their own agenda, ignoring the ECI. The ECI cannot be treated like another government agency. Despite so many of the ECI’s ‘expenditure observers’, there was little that the commission did to curb increased poll expenditure. The cash, gold and liquor confiscated was larger than the 2014 general election levels. With grapevine about 2019 being the most expensive elections ever, no serious steps were taken to cut down expenses, except to cancel a poll in one Tamil Nadu seat. No new ECI initiative to reduce campaign costs were evident. Of course, the entire blame cannot be placed at the doorsteps of the ECI, as political parties, news media, and the civil society together are responsible for the state of affairs. But ultimately, the ECI has to take the lead. It took the initiative in one or two instances, but only when a number of former senior bureaucrats and ex-Army men wrote to the President of India, criticising ECI’s rather submissive postures. The present ECI, however, needs to be commended for continuing to facilitate ADR analysis on the affidavits of candidates, so as to put critical information about them in the public domain. No wonder the Supreme Court asked the ECI to ensure that candidates put up information about their criminal antecedents in the public domain during the campaign, more than once. It is another matter that hardly a few followed it. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Revealing a vibrant democracy: Electoral reforms are the need of the hour

Watch this video of India Election Watch: State Govt. in Tamil Nadu, MP, are nervous. Bypolls in Goa could alter the Govt. Govt. change could also happen in Goa & Manipur too. #LokSabhaElection2019 #GeneralElections2019 #PMModi

India Election Watch: May 23- Judgement Day For Many Seats

In this segment of WION's India Election Watch, We Decode with Panel of Special Guests or Experts With Us, Why Are Some State Govt. Nervous? #LokSabhaElection2019 #GeneralElections2019 #PMModi

India Election Watch: Decodes Why Are Some State Govt. Nervous

Watch 'India Election Watch.' This is the show that brings you the latest on world's biggest electoral exercise, Verified updates & Unbiased analysis. #LokSabhaElection2019 #GeneralElections2019 #PMModi

India Election Watch, 20th May 2019

India Election Watch, 21st May 2019

In this segment of India Election Watch, Know How Do The Markets See Exit Polls. #LokSabhaElection2019 #GeneralElections2019 #PMModi

India Election Watch: Know How Do The Markets See Exit Polls

In this segment of India Election Watch, Know How Global Media Views Indian Exit Polls. #LokSabhaElection2019 #GeneralElections2019 #PMModi

India Election Watch: Know How Global Media Views Indian Exit Polls

Watch this video of India Election Watch: In 2007, A RSS Member was shot dead. In that Pragya Thakur & 7 others were charged with murder. #LokSabhaElection2019 #GeneralElections2019 #PMModi

India Election Watch: MP Govt. Targets BJP's Pragya Thakur

In this segment of WION's India Election Watch, We Decodes Opposition's accusation on EVM & Opposition's Demand For VVPAT's Slips Verification Before Votes Counting with Panel of Special Guests or Experts With Us. #LokSabhaElection2019 #GeneralElections2019 #PMModi

India Election Watch: Decodes Opposition's accusation on EVM With Some Experts

In this segment of India Election Watch, Know how this time was Highest Ever Voter Turnout. #LokSabhaElection2019 #GeneralElections2019 #PMModi

India Election Watch: Highest Ever Voter Turnout

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