In my work as a gender and communications specialist I have met &ndash; and in some cases professionally advised &ndash; female ministers, legislators, mayors, community leaders and judges across the world, from the Dominican Republic and Honduras to the Netherlands and Sweden.

I&rsquo;m Argentinean, so the struggles described to me by Latin American female leaders, who confront inter-party resistance and media double standards on a daily basis, are familiar ones. Our region&rsquo;s gender gap is a disheartening 30%; Guatemala and Paraguay are among the world&rsquo;s least gender-equal places.

I have been surprised, however, to hear that women in northern Europe &ndash; the most gender-equal region in the world &ndash; report the same grievances. While researching my latest book on women in power, I interviewed 18 female politicians in Sweden and The Netherlands, certain that their experience in public service would starkly contrast that of their Latin American peers.

After all, in those countries, women already occupy 40% of political positions &ndash; and they didn&rsquo;t need a quota system to do it. Only in a gender-equal paradise could that happen, right?

Sadly not.

The women I interviewed varied in age and ideological background. Some were already retired and others were engaged as EU parliamentarians, congresspeople, government ministers, judges and congressional commission presidents.&nbsp;

It turns out that although women in Sweden and the Netherlands have achieved near parity in national parliaments, they nonetheless share many challenges. Every person interviewed &ndash; conservative, progressive, junior or senior &ndash; felt that women still had a long way to go to achieve substantive equality.

&ldquo;When we talk about involvement of women in politics,&rdquo; one Dutch interviewee said, &ldquo;it is not just a matter of numbers, but &hellip; also of their position to exert influence. How many of them are in &lsquo;hard core&rsquo; areas like budget, for example, and really have visibility?&rdquo;

In other words, equality is not just numeric.

In the Netherlands, since the 1970s &ldquo;gender mainstreaming&rdquo; effort, the idea of gender equality is so firmly instilled that citizens won&rsquo;t vote for parties whose candidate lists aren&rsquo;t roughly gender-equal, ensuring women get on the ticket. The EU first began to legislate equal pay and equal rights for women in 1979, pressuring member states to adopt such laws nationally. So a top-down cultural shift has been underway for decades.

All the women I spoke to agreed that this has helped, but only to a degree. Women are still under-represented in ministries and decisive parliamentary commissions: among developed-world nations, only 17% of government ministers are women. It&rsquo;s also meaningful that in Spain only 9% of male ministers do not have children, while 45% of female ministers do not.

Neither Sweden nor the Netherlands has yet seen a female head of state &ndash; something that, for example, Argentina, Chile, Brazil and Costa Rica have all achieved.&nbsp;

We&rsquo;ve still got a long way to go

So even in the world&rsquo;s most egalitarian countries, the debate on women&rsquo;s rights continues.

&ldquo;There are still many stereotypes that exert influence, especially on domestic task divisions,&rdquo; one Dutch parliamentarian said. Yes, even Western European women confront the &ldquo;can she have it all?&rdquo; dilemma.

Another woman, an EU parliamentarian, told me:

When I became Member of Parliament, [the media] asked me how I managed to combine my work as a politician with motherhood or family life. Before we had kids, my husband had two jobs &hellip; He gave up one to take care of the household and our children. After eight years, he became Alderman of Amsterdam, &hellip; and then everybody turned to me and asked what I would do now. I answered &lsquo;well, I have the same job, he is the one who has a new one, so ask him.&rsquo;

Of course, in Northern Europe as in the rest of the world, stereotypes and double-standards still influence media coverage of women. Women said journalists made numerous comments about their hair or clothing, or about looking exhausted after a late-night session (men were celebrated for their stamina).

One woman with experience as both an EU parliamentarian and government minister, recounted this anecdote:

A photo journalist came to me and said &lsquo;Madam, you have always the same suit on&rsquo;. I said &lsquo;Yes, that&rsquo;s not a problem for me, is it a problem for you?&rsquo; And he answered that in fact it was &hellip; because it gave the impression that photographs were always the same one. I always wore a brooch, so I told him, &lsquo;Ok, I will give you something new: I will change the brooches.&rsquo;&nbsp;

Women make the road

The women interviewed shared recommendations for fixing these inequalities &ndash; again, political affiliation made no difference in these policy recommendations.

Every woman commented on the need to address gender bias in early childhood education. One congresswoman who suggested working with young boys and girls to raise awareness of gender stereotypes also commented that teachers at preschools and schools must be trained in equality as well. And indeed, some Scandanavian nations are, controversially, already mandating gender-neutral reading (goodbye, Snow White).

Although defying gender roles is everyone&rsquo;s job, women have a decisive part to play. Each and every woman I interviewed, regardless of age or political position, agreed that mentorship was key to her success. Women with more experience offered advice to those with less, and gave them strength to keep fighting.

At a collective level, too, these powerful women agreed that women&rsquo;s movements and women&rsquo;s organisations, both within civil society and inside political parties, are fundamental to the continued struggle for political inclusion. Such groups offer women &ldquo;a place where women meet [and] fight for their causes&rdquo;, one interview subject said.&nbsp;

When Prime Minister of Canada Justin Trudeau introduced his new cabinet, comprised of 15 men and 15 women, after his 2015 election victory, a reporter asked why it was important for him to have a gender-equal cabinet.

Trudeau&rsquo;s answer was, &ldquo;Because it&rsquo;s 2015.&rdquo;

But it&rsquo;s 2017 now, and I can&rsquo;t seem to find gender paradise &ndash; only more women struggling for it. Maybe in 2018?

&nbsp;

&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

&nbsp;

Even in egalitarian Europe, female politicians must battle gender stereotypes, biased media coverage, and entrenched power.

In my work as a gender and communications specialist I have met – and in some cases professionally advised – female ministers, legislators, mayors, community leaders and judges across the world, from the Dominican Republic and Honduras to the Netherlands and Sweden. I’m Argentinean, so the struggles described to me by Latin American female leaders, who confront inter-party resistance and media double standards on a daily basis, are familiar ones. Our region’s gender gap is a disheartening 30%; Guatemala and Paraguay are among the world’s least gender-equal places. I have been surprised, however, to hear that women in northern Europe – the most gender-equal region in the world – report the same grievances. While researching my latest book on women in power, I interviewed 18 female politicians in Sweden and The Netherlands, certain that their experience in public service would starkly contrast that of their Latin American peers. After all, in those countries, women already occupy 40% of political positions – and they didn’t need a quota system to do it. Only in a gender-equal paradise could that happen, right? Sadly not. The women I interviewed varied in age and ideological background. Some were already retired and others were engaged as EU parliamentarians, congresspeople, government ministers, judges and congressional commission presidents. It turns out that although women in Sweden and the Netherlands have achieved near parity in national parliaments, they nonetheless share many challenges. Every person interviewed – conservative, progressive, junior or senior – felt that women still had a long way to go to achieve substantive equality. “When we talk about involvement of women in politics,” one Dutch interviewee said, “it is not just a matter of numbers, but … also of their position to exert influence. How many of them are in ‘hard core’ areas like budget, for example, and really have visibility?” In other words, equality is not just numeric. In the Netherlands, since the 1970s “gender mainstreaming” effort, the idea of gender equality is so firmly instilled that citizens won’t vote for parties whose candidate lists aren’t roughly gender-equal, ensuring women get on the ticket. The EU first began to legislate equal pay and equal rights for women in 1979, pressuring member states to adopt such laws nationally. So a top-down cultural shift has been underway for decades. All the women I spoke to agreed that this has helped, but only to a degree. Women are still under-represented in ministries and decisive parliamentary commissions: among developed-world nations, only 17% of government ministers are women. It’s also meaningful that in Spain only 9% of male ministers do not have children, while 45% of female ministers do not. Neither Sweden nor the Netherlands has yet seen a female head of state – something that, for example, Argentina, Chile, Brazil and Costa Rica have all achieved. We’ve still got a long way to go So even in the world’s most egalitarian countries, the debate on women’s rights continues. “There are still many stereotypes that exert influence, especially on domestic task divisions,” one Dutch parliamentarian said. Yes, even Western European women confront the “can she have it all?” dilemma. Another woman, an EU parliamentarian, told me: When I became Member of Parliament, [the media] asked me how I managed to combine my work as a politician with motherhood or family life. Before we had kids, my husband had two jobs … He gave up one to take care of the household and our children. After eight years, he became Alderman of Amsterdam, … and then everybody turned to me and asked what I would do now. I answered ‘well, I have the same job, he is the one who has a new one, so ask him.’ Of course, in Northern Europe as in the rest of the world, stereotypes and double-standards still influence media coverage of women. Women said journalists made numerous comments about their hair or clothing, or about looking exhausted after a late-night session (men were celebrated for their stamina). One woman with experience as both an EU parliamentarian and government minister, recounted this anecdote: A photo journalist came to me and said ‘Madam, you have always the same suit on’. I said ‘Yes, that’s not a problem for me, is it a problem for you?’ And he answered that in fact it was … because it gave the impression that photographs were always the same one. I always wore a brooch, so I told him, ‘Ok, I will give you something new: I will change the brooches.’ Women make the road The women interviewed shared recommendations for fixing these inequalities – again, political affiliation made no difference in these policy recommendations. Every woman commented on the need to address gender bias in early childhood education. One congresswoman who suggested working with young boys and girls to raise awareness of gender stereotypes also commented that teachers at preschools and schools must be trained in equality as well. And indeed, some Scandanavian nations are, controversially, already mandating gender-neutral reading (goodbye, Snow White). Although defying gender roles is everyone’s job, women have a decisive part to play. Each and every woman I interviewed, regardless of age or political position, agreed that mentorship was key to her success. Women with more experience offered advice to those with less, and gave them strength to keep fighting. At a collective level, too, these powerful women agreed that women’s movements and women’s organisations, both within civil society and inside political parties, are fundamental to the continued struggle for political inclusion. Such groups offer women “a place where women meet [and] fight for their causes”, one interview subject said. When Prime Minister of Canada Justin Trudeau introduced his new cabinet, comprised of 15 men and 15 women, after his 2015 election victory, a reporter asked why it was important for him to have a gender-equal cabinet. Trudeau’s answer was, “Because it’s 2015.” But it’s 2017 now, and I can’t seem to find gender paradise – only more women struggling for it. Maybe in 2018? (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: In politics, gender equality can't really come only from numbers

A recent report taken out by a Washington D.C.-based think tank has predicted that Communist China is seeking to expand its military and political influence across Latin America.

The report prepared by the Center for a Secure Free Society (SFS) think-tank appears in the breitbart.com web site.

Titled, &quot;The Dragon and the Condor: Beyond China&#39;s Economic Influence in the Americas,&quot; the report has warned that Beijing is likely to increase its power through military and political means.

&quot;It is also clear that China&#39;s strategic objectives and interests are well beyond the economic realm, and that they raise considerable national security concerns for the U.S. as well as for other nations in the hemisphere,&quot; the SFS report claims.

The assessment of the SFS is that there has been a &quot;steady increase in Chinese intelligence activities in Latin America,&quot; noting that the countries in the region cannot combat Beijing&#39;s capabilities.

SFS notes that Beijing&#39;s intelligence activities in the Americas likely seek to &quot;collect information on U.S. military technology and doctrine; conduct cyber warfare; and carryout corporate espionage.&quot;

&quot;China&#39;s presence in Latin America will continue to grow not only in the economic sphere, but also in political, security, and cultural aspects. China&#39;s intelligence operations in Latin America will be carried out gradually and in stages, especially until Beijing can develop trusted human intelligence networks to support its activity,&quot; the report suggests.

In its most recent assessment of its operations, focused on Latin American countries below Mexico and most of the Caribbean, the U.S. Southern Command (SOUTHCOM) concedes that China&#39;s activities in the Americas pose a threat to the United States.

SOUTHCOM specifically noted Beijing&#39;s decision to expand its ambitious multi-trillion-dollar &quot;One Belt, One Road&quot; (OBOR) initiative to Latin America as a menace to U.S. interests.

The U.S. military has cautioned that the strategic challenge posed by China in this region requires a new approach to get effective results.

The national security think-tank analysis also highlights China&#39;s OBOR or the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), as a threat to the United States.

The BRI raises serious inquiries about China&#39;s long-term interests and objectives abroad.

The U.S. Pacific Command (USPACOM), which covers American military activity in China, New Zealand, and all the countries in between, recently cautioned lawmakers the Chinese armed forces might soon challenge the United States&#39; military dominance in the Indo-Pacific region &quot;across almost all domains.&quot; (ANI)

'It is also clear that China's strategic objectives and interests are well beyond the economic realm, and that they raise considerable national security concerns for the U.S. as well as for other nations in the hemisphere,' say a recent report

A recent report taken out by a Washington D.C.-based think tank has predicted that Communist China is seeking to expand its military and political influence across Latin America. The report prepared by the Center for a Secure Free Society (SFS) think-tank appears in the breitbart.com web site. Titled, "The Dragon and the Condor: Beyond China's Economic Influence in the Americas," the report has warned that Beijing is likely to increase its power through military and political means. "It is also clear that China's strategic objectives and interests are well beyond the economic realm, and that they raise considerable national security concerns for the U.S. as well as for other nations in the hemisphere," the SFS report claims. The assessment of the SFS is that there has been a "steady increase in Chinese intelligence activities in Latin America," noting that the countries in the region cannot combat Beijing's capabilities. SFS notes that Beijing's intelligence activities in the Americas likely seek to "collect information on U.S. military technology and doctrine; conduct cyber warfare; and carryout corporate espionage." "China's presence in Latin America will continue to grow not only in the economic sphere, but also in political, security, and cultural aspects. China's intelligence operations in Latin America will be carried out gradually and in stages, especially until Beijing can develop trusted human intelligence networks to support its activity," the report suggests. In its most recent assessment of its operations, focused on Latin American countries below Mexico and most of the Caribbean, the U.S. Southern Command (SOUTHCOM) concedes that China's activities in the Americas pose a threat to the United States. SOUTHCOM specifically noted Beijing's decision to expand its ambitious multi-trillion-dollar "One Belt, One Road" (OBOR) initiative to Latin America as a menace to U.S. interests. The U.S. military has cautioned that the strategic challenge posed by China in this region requires a new approach to get effective results. The national security think-tank analysis also highlights China's OBOR or the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), as a threat to the United States. The BRI raises serious inquiries about China's long-term interests and objectives abroad. The U.S. Pacific Command (USPACOM), which covers American military activity in China, New Zealand, and all the countries in between, recently cautioned lawmakers the Chinese armed forces might soon challenge the United States' military dominance in the Indo-Pacific region "across almost all domains." (ANI)

China expanding military, political influence in Latin America

China invited Latin American and Caribbean countries to join its &quot;One Belt, One Road&quot; initiative on Monday, as part of an agreement to deepen economic and political cooperation in a region where US&nbsp;influence is historically strong.

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi said the region was a natural fit for the initiative, which China has leveraged to deepen economic and financial cooperation with developing nations.

&quot;China will always stay committed to the path of peaceful development and the win-win strategy of opening up and stands ready to share development dividends with all countries,&quot; Wang said at a meeting between China and 33 members of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC).

Representatives from China and CELAC signed a broad agreement to expand ties in the second time China has met with CELAC - a bloc formed in Venezuela in 2011 that does not include the United States or Canada.

Though it had few specific details, the agreement is part of an evolving and more aggressive Chinese foreign policy in Latin America as the United States, under President Donald Trump, has taken a more protectionist stance.

The &quot;One Belt, One Road&quot; initiative, proposed in 2013 by Chinese President Xi Jinping, promotes expanding links between Asia, Africa and Europe, with billions of dollars in infrastructure investment.

Wang emphasized projects to improve connectivity between land and sea, and cited the need to jointly build &quot;logistic, electricity and information pathways.&quot;

The so-called Santiago declaration, signed by China and CELAC delegates, also calls for bolstering trade and taking action on climate change.

Chile Foreign Minister Heraldo Munoz, who has criticized Trump in the past, said the agreement marked a &quot;historic&quot; new era of dialogue between the region and China.

&quot;China said something that is very important, that it wants to be our must trustworthy partner in Latin America and the Caribbean and we greatly value that,&quot; said Munoz. &quot;This meeting represents a categoric repudiation of protectionism and unilateralism.&quot;

China has sought a bigger role overseas since Trump was elected, presenting its Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership trade agreement as an alternative to the Trans-Pacific Partnership, which the United States has abandoned.

The country is already testing US&nbsp;dominance in Latin America, offering the region $250 billion in investment over the next decade. It is the top trading partner of many countries in the region, including Brazil, Chile and Argentina.

Still, Wang played down the idea of a race for influence.

&quot;It has nothing to do with geopolitical competition. It follows the principle of achieving shared growth through discussion and collaboration,&quot; Wang said in his remarks. &quot;It is nothing like a zero-sum game.&quot;

In recent years, Chinese companies have moved away from merely buying Latin American raw materials and are diversifying into sectors such as auto manufacturing, e-commerce and even technology businesses such as car-hailing services.

&ldquo;Our relations with China are very broad, this (CELAC) is one more pathway for Brazil to work with China. Together we identified more areas of cooperation,&rdquo; said Brazil&#39;s Vice Foreign Minister Marcos Galvao.

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi said the region was a natural fit for the initiative

China invited Latin American and Caribbean countries to join its "One Belt, One Road" initiative on Monday, as part of an agreement to deepen economic and political cooperation in a region where US influence is historically strong. Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi said the region was a natural fit for the initiative, which China has leveraged to deepen economic and financial cooperation with developing nations. "China will always stay committed to the path of peaceful development and the win-win strategy of opening up and stands ready to share development dividends with all countries," Wang said at a meeting between China and 33 members of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC). Representatives from China and CELAC signed a broad agreement to expand ties in the second time China has met with CELAC - a bloc formed in Venezuela in 2011 that does not include the United States or Canada. Though it had few specific details, the agreement is part of an evolving and more aggressive Chinese foreign policy in Latin America as the United States, under President Donald Trump, has taken a more protectionist stance. The "One Belt, One Road" initiative, proposed in 2013 by Chinese President Xi Jinping, promotes expanding links between Asia, Africa and Europe, with billions of dollars in infrastructure investment. Wang emphasized projects to improve connectivity between land and sea, and cited the need to jointly build "logistic, electricity and information pathways." The so-called Santiago declaration, signed by China and CELAC delegates, also calls for bolstering trade and taking action on climate change. Chile Foreign Minister Heraldo Munoz, who has criticized Trump in the past, said the agreement marked a "historic" new era of dialogue between the region and China. "China said something that is very important, that it wants to be our must trustworthy partner in Latin America and the Caribbean and we greatly value that," said Munoz. "This meeting represents a categoric repudiation of protectionism and unilateralism." China has sought a bigger role overseas since Trump was elected, presenting its Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership trade agreement as an alternative to the Trans-Pacific Partnership, which the United States has abandoned. The country is already testing US dominance in Latin America, offering the region $250 billion in investment over the next decade. It is the top trading partner of many countries in the region, including Brazil, Chile and Argentina. Still, Wang played down the idea of a race for influence. "It has nothing to do with geopolitical competition. It follows the principle of achieving shared growth through discussion and collaboration," Wang said in his remarks. "It is nothing like a zero-sum game." In recent years, Chinese companies have moved away from merely buying Latin American raw materials and are diversifying into sectors such as auto manufacturing, e-commerce and even technology businesses such as car-hailing services. “Our relations with China are very broad, this (CELAC) is one more pathway for Brazil to work with China. Together we identified more areas of cooperation,” said Brazil's Vice Foreign Minister Marcos Galvao.

China invites Latin America to take part in One Belt, One Road

The collapse of North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) would not be a disaster for Mexico, the top foreign policy advisor to leftist presidential election frontrunner Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador said, adding that Mexico should depend less on the United States and not interfere with regional neighbours.

In an interview with Reuters on Thursday (February 08), veteran diplomat Hector Vasconcelos echoed Lopez Obrador&#39;s position that Mexico should suspend talks to renegotiate the North American Free Trade Agreement until a new government is elected in July, and said Mexico had other trade options.

The United States takes about 80 percent of Mexico&#39;s exports, despite numerous international trade deals. The current government has stepped up efforts to diversify to other markets in response to US&nbsp;President Donald Trump&#39;s threats to scrap the 1990s-era NAFTA, which also includes Canada.

Vasconcelos emphasised that Mexico would keep close ties to the United States if Lopez Obrador were to win, saying his government would seek an alliance for economic growth instead of a focus on police and military relations.

The diplomat pushed back at political rivals who say that Lopez Obrador&#39;s policies would take Mexico down a route similar to crisis-hit Venezuela, but said he did not support US&nbsp;sanctions on Venezuela&#39;s socialist government.

US&nbsp;Secretary of State Rex Tillerson, on a five-nation tour of Latin America and the Caribbean this week, said the United States was moving closer to a decision on imposing sanctions on Venezuelan oil.

Canada, Mexico, and the United States agreed to form a working group to study how to mitigate any fallout from the potential sanctions.

The top foreign policy advisor told this to leftist presidential election frontrunner Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador and added that Mexico should depend less on the United States and not interfere with regional neighbours

The collapse of North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) would not be a disaster for Mexico, the top foreign policy advisor to leftist presidential election frontrunner Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador said, adding that Mexico should depend less on the United States and not interfere with regional neighbours. In an interview with Reuters on Thursday (February 08), veteran diplomat Hector Vasconcelos echoed Lopez Obrador's position that Mexico should suspend talks to renegotiate the North American Free Trade Agreement until a new government is elected in July, and said Mexico had other trade options. The United States takes about 80 percent of Mexico's exports, despite numerous international trade deals. The current government has stepped up efforts to diversify to other markets in response to US President Donald Trump's threats to scrap the 1990s-era NAFTA, which also includes Canada. Vasconcelos emphasised that Mexico would keep close ties to the United States if Lopez Obrador were to win, saying his government would seek an alliance for economic growth instead of a focus on police and military relations. The diplomat pushed back at political rivals who say that Lopez Obrador's policies would take Mexico down a route similar to crisis-hit Venezuela, but said he did not support US sanctions on Venezuela's socialist government. US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson, on a five-nation tour of Latin America and the Caribbean this week, said the United States was moving closer to a decision on imposing sanctions on Venezuelan oil. Canada, Mexico, and the United States agreed to form a working group to study how to mitigate any fallout from the potential sanctions.

End of NAFTA wouldn't be 'end of world': Mexican leftist's top diplomat

Russia will face consequences if it meddles in the US legislative election this year, Secretary of State Rex Tillerson said Tuesday.

CIA Director Mike Pompeo warned last month that he does, in fact, expect Moscow to try to interfere, as US intelligence agencies insist it did in the 2016 presidential election to help Donald Trump beat Hillary Clinton.

Tillerson, speaking to Fox News during a tour of Latin America, said: &quot;there&#39;s a lot of ways that the Russians can meddle in the elections, a lot of different tools they can use.&quot;

&quot;And we are seeing certain behaviours. There are a number of important elections in this hemisphere this year, and leading up to the US in 2018,&quot; Tillerson said.

&quot;I think it&#39;s important we just continue to say to Russia &#39;Look, if you think we don&#39;t see what you&#39;re doing, we do see it and you need to stop. If you don&#39;t, you are going to just continue to invite consequences for yourself.&#39;&quot;&nbsp;

He added, though, that if Moscow decides to meddle in an election, &quot;it&#39;s very difficult to preempt it.&quot;

Special prosecutor Robert Mueller and US lawmakers are probing the Russian meddling in the 2016 presidential election, specifically whether the Trump campaign colluded in that effort and whether Trump has tried to obstruct justice by hindering the investigations.

CIA Director Mike Pompeo warned last month that he does, in fact, expect Moscow to try to interfere, as US intelligence agencies insist it did in the 2016 presidential election to help Donald Trump beat Hillary Clinton.

Russia will face consequences if it meddles in the US legislative election this year, Secretary of State Rex Tillerson said Tuesday. CIA Director Mike Pompeo warned last month that he does, in fact, expect Moscow to try to interfere, as US intelligence agencies insist it did in the 2016 presidential election to help Donald Trump beat Hillary Clinton. Tillerson, speaking to Fox News during a tour of Latin America, said: "there's a lot of ways that the Russians can meddle in the elections, a lot of different tools they can use." "And we are seeing certain behaviours. There are a number of important elections in this hemisphere this year, and leading up to the US in 2018," Tillerson said. "I think it's important we just continue to say to Russia 'Look, if you think we don't see what you're doing, we do see it and you need to stop. If you don't, you are going to just continue to invite consequences for yourself.'" He added, though, that if Moscow decides to meddle in an election, "it's very difficult to preempt it." Special prosecutor Robert Mueller and US lawmakers are probing the Russian meddling in the 2016 presidential election, specifically whether the Trump campaign colluded in that effort and whether Trump has tried to obstruct justice by hindering the investigations.

Russia to face 'consequences' if it meddles again: Tillerson

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/after-firing-one-trump-on-collision-course-with-new-fbi-director-31533" target="_blank">After firing one, Trump on collision course with new FBI director</a>

FBI Director Christopher Wray was hand-picked by Donald Trump to head a law enforcement agency the US president believed was biased against him.

Now, just six months into his tenure, the 50-year-old Wray finds himself on a collision course with a president who has already fired one FBI director.

CNN reported Thursday that Wray could quit if Trump goes ahead and approves the release of a secret memo at the center of a political firestorm in Washington.

 
<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/fidel-castros-eldest-son-commits-suicide-cuban-media-31534" target="_blank">Fidel Castro&#39;s eldest son commits suicide: Cuban media</a>

The son of late Cuban revolutionary leader Fidel Castro, Fidel Castro Diaz-Balart, committed suicide on Thursday after being treated for months for depression, Cuban state-run media reported.

&quot;Diaz-Balart, who had been attended by a group of doctors for several months due to a state of profound depression, committed suicide this morning,&quot; Cubadebate website said.

 
<a href="http://www.wionews.com/business-economy/apple-says-it-sold-fewer-iphones-but-made-record-profit-31535" target="_blank">Apple says it sold fewer iPhones but made record profit</a>

Apple on Thursday said its earnings in the final three months of last year set new records, with sales of its flagship iPhone X topping its expectations.

The California-based technology giant reported that profit climbed to $20 billion on revenue that increased 13 percent to $88.3 billion during the period.

&quot;We&#39;re thrilled to report the biggest quarter in Apple&#39;s history, with broad-based growth that included the highest revenue ever from a new iPhone lineup,&quot; said Apple chief executive Tim Cook.

 
<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/china-russia-roles-in-americas-alarming-says-rex-tillerson-31537" target="_blank">China, Russia roles in Americas &#39;alarming&#39;, says Rex Tillerson</a>

Secretary of State Rex Tillerson warned that China and Russia are assuming &quot;alarming&quot; roles in Latin America and urged regional powers to work with the United States instead.

&quot;Latin America doesn&#39;t need new imperial powers that seek only to benefit their own people,&quot; Tillerson said, in a major policy address yesterday before his first tour of South American capitals.

&quot;China&#39;s state-led model of development is reminiscent of the past. It doesn&#39;t have to be the hemisphere&#39;s future,&quot; he said, warning that &quot;unfair trading practices&quot; would cost local jobs.

 
<a href="http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/myanmar-turns-down-un-security-council-visit-31539" target="_blank">Myanmar turns down UN Security Council visit</a>

Myanmar&#39;s government has told the Security Council that this month was &quot;not the right time&quot; for a visit by the top UN body to see first-hand the Rohingya refugee crisis, the council president said on Thursday.

Kuwait&#39;s Ambassador Mansour al-Otaibi said Myanmar authorities were not opposed to such a visit, which could take place in March or April.

&quot;They just think that this is not the right time for a visit,&quot; Otaibi, who holds the council presidency for February, told reporters at UN headquarters.

After firing one, Trump on collision course with new FBI director FBI Director Christopher Wray was hand-picked by Donald Trump to head a law enforcement agency the US president believed was biased against him. Now, just six months into his tenure, the 50-year-old Wray finds himself on a collision course with a president who has already fired one FBI director. CNN reported Thursday that Wray could quit if Trump goes ahead and approves the release of a secret memo at the center of a political firestorm in Washington. Fidel Castro's eldest son commits suicide: Cuban media The son of late Cuban revolutionary leader Fidel Castro, Fidel Castro Diaz-Balart, committed suicide on Thursday after being treated for months for depression, Cuban state-run media reported. "Diaz-Balart, who had been attended by a group of doctors for several months due to a state of profound depression, committed suicide this morning," Cubadebate website said. Apple says it sold fewer iPhones but made record profit Apple on Thursday said its earnings in the final three months of last year set new records, with sales of its flagship iPhone X topping its expectations. The California-based technology giant reported that profit climbed to $20 billion on revenue that increased 13 percent to $88.3 billion during the period. "We're thrilled to report the biggest quarter in Apple's history, with broad-based growth that included the highest revenue ever from a new iPhone lineup," said Apple chief executive Tim Cook. China, Russia roles in Americas 'alarming', says Rex Tillerson Secretary of State Rex Tillerson warned that China and Russia are assuming "alarming" roles in Latin America and urged regional powers to work with the United States instead. "Latin America doesn't need new imperial powers that seek only to benefit their own people," Tillerson said, in a major policy address yesterday before his first tour of South American capitals. "China's state-led model of development is reminiscent of the past. It doesn't have to be the hemisphere's future," he said, warning that "unfair trading practices" would cost local jobs. Myanmar turns down UN Security Council visit Myanmar's government has told the Security Council that this month was "not the right time" for a visit by the top UN body to see first-hand the Rohingya refugee crisis, the council president said on Thursday. Kuwait's Ambassador Mansour al-Otaibi said Myanmar authorities were not opposed to such a visit, which could take place in March or April. "They just think that this is not the right time for a visit," Otaibi, who holds the council presidency for February, told reporters at UN headquarters.

WION Morning News Brief, February 2, 2018

Secretary of State Rex Tillerson warned that China and Russia are assuming &quot;alarming&quot; roles in Latin America and urged regional powers to work with the United States instead.

&quot;Latin America doesn&#39;t need new imperial powers that seek only to benefit their own people,&quot; Tillerson said, in a major policy address yesterday before his first tour of South American capitals.

&quot;China&#39;s state-led model of development is reminiscent of the past. It doesn&#39;t have to be the hemisphere&#39;s future,&quot; he said, warning that &quot;unfair trading practices&quot; would cost local jobs.

&quot;Russia&#39;s growing presence in the region is alarming too,&quot; he said, complaining that Moscow sells arms to &quot;unfriendly regimes who do not share or respect democratic process.&quot;

Tillerson was addressing staff and students at the University of Texas before he was to fly out on a six-day five-nation tour of Mexico, Argentina, Peru, Colombia and Jamaica.&nbsp;

Secretary of State Rex Tillerson warned that China and Russia are assuming "alarming" roles in Latin America.

Secretary of State Rex Tillerson warned that China and Russia are assuming "alarming" roles in Latin America and urged regional powers to work with the United States instead. "Latin America doesn't need new imperial powers that seek only to benefit their own people," Tillerson said, in a major policy address yesterday before his first tour of South American capitals. "China's state-led model of development is reminiscent of the past. It doesn't have to be the hemisphere's future," he said, warning that "unfair trading practices" would cost local jobs. "Russia's growing presence in the region is alarming too," he said, complaining that Moscow sells arms to "unfriendly regimes who do not share or respect democratic process." Tillerson was addressing staff and students at the University of Texas before he was to fly out on a six-day five-nation tour of Mexico, Argentina, Peru, Colombia and Jamaica.

China, Russia roles in Americas 'alarming', says Rex Tillerson

Venezuela, the South American country convulsed by economic and humanitarian catastrophe, has defaulted on some of its debt after missing an interest payment due in October.

Even as investors meet in Caracas to discuss restructuring US$60 billion in foreign debt, the country is in urgent need of international financial assistance.

Yet few nations are rushing in to offer financial assistance to the ailing country. Under the authoritarian regime of Nicol&aacute;s Maduro, Venezuela is isolated in Latin America, and the United States, Canada and the European Union have all imposed sanctions against Venezuelan officials. Maduro has at times suggested he would not even accept humanitarian aid.

Still, no indebted nation is totally alone in this world. As a financial analyst, I know there are always international players who see opportunity in the problems of others. And for Venezuela, my home country, all hope of a bailout rests with China, Russia and the International Monetary Fund.

Will they do anything to help?

Venezuela&rsquo;s debt: By the numbers

Before exploring a possible Venezuela rescue, it is useful to understand how the country&rsquo;s debt became such a burden.

In 1998, the year before the late Hugo Ch&aacute;vez came into power, Venezuela was rich. It produced roughly 60 barrels of oil per inhabitant per year.

By late 2017, my projections &ndash; based on data compiled from Venezuela&rsquo;s National Statistics Institute and BP&rsquo;s World Energy Report 2017 &ndash; show that production will have dropped to 20 barrels per capita. That&rsquo;s a 66 per cent drop in 20 years.

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false"><img alt="" draggable="false" src="http://s.wionews.com/photos/file-20171114-26426-4er2ac-20171115063417.png" />
<div class="media-description">
Oil output per capita in Venezuela has dropped significantly in the past several decades. Henkel Garcia/BP Statistical Review of World Energy 2017/National Statistics Institute (Others)
</div>
<a class="close-mark close-div" href="javascript:void(0)" id="jqclosemark">&times;</a></div>

Even as output steadily shrank, Ch&aacute;vez benefitted from relatively high oil prices, which allowed him to boost revenue from petroleum exports. And as oil sales rose, so did government expenditures, as well as imports of food and other goods.

Eventually, excess spending took a toll on Venezuela&rsquo;s international reserves. Rather than cut expenditures and imports, the Ch&aacute;vez regime piled up foreign debt.

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false"><img alt="" draggable="false" src="http://s.wionews.com/photos/file-20171114-26429-10u0f9q-20171115062643.png" />
<div class="media-description">
As exports (US$ per capita) rose, so too did government spending and imports. Banco Central de Venezuela, FRED (Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis), National Statistics Institute and Econom&eacute;trica. (Others)
</div>
<a class="close-mark close-div" href="javascript:void(0)" id="jqclosemark">&times;</a></div>

Then, in late 2014, international oil prices began to plunge. Today, estimates indicate that Venezuela&rsquo;s public sector debt tops $184.5 billion, including $60 billion in foreign debt, though the Venezuelan Central Bank claims it&rsquo;s much lower.

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false"><img alt="" draggable="false" src="http://s.wionews.com/photos/file-20171114-26465-1ga8tcj-20171115062229.png" />
<div class="media-description">
Venezuela&rsquo;s foreign public debt, in US$ million, is at an all-time high. (Venezuelan Central Bank) (Others)
</div>
<a class="close-mark close-div" href="javascript:void(0)" id="jqclosemark">&times;</a></div>

To service this debt, the government must pay $16 billion to $20 billion a year through at least 2022. Shouldering that huge expense has meant slashing imports, causing food and medicine shortages. As a result, almost 54 per cent of Venezuelan children are malnourished.

To ensure its citizens&rsquo; basic well-being, Venezuela must be able to import, on average, $1,000 a year per inhabitant &ndash; or roughly $33 billion a year. My data show it&rsquo;s currently bringing in about half that.

No Chinese largess

As an oil producer, Venezuela&rsquo;s desperation rouses geopolitical interests.

Venezuela owes $28.1 billion to China and $9.1 billion to Russia, its main creditors. In recent years, both countries have been eager to prop up the Maduro regime, with little concern for its authoritarian tendencies.

China, at least publicly, has remained decidedly mum on Venezuela&rsquo;s political crisis. According to a spokesperson from the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs in October, Beijing &ldquo;believe[s] that the government of this country is able to appropriately handle its domestic affairs within the law, maintaining stability and prosperity.&rdquo;

So far, though, Chinese financial institutions have not further opened their coffers. They have, however, granted Venezuela a grace period of at least 18 months to pay off the debt it owes them. This modest concession gives the government a bit of breathing room.

China has also allowed Venezuela to use shipments of crude to pay off some of its debt, revealing China&rsquo;s main interest in Venezuela: its oil.

But, in my view, Venezuela shouldn&rsquo;t count on Beijing for significant additional financial help. For China to issue new loans, insiders have told me, Maduro&rsquo;s government would have to show clear signs of fiscal discipline. Nothing indicates it is capable of that.

I believe a more likely next step is that Venezuela will bring in much-needed cash by selling off existing stakes in oil companies and resource-extraction ventures it co-owns with China.

Putin to the rescue?

Russia has been somewhat more generous with Venezuela, and its geopolitical interests here are clear.

The Kremlin benefits from having a trustworthy ally on this side of the world &ndash; especially one that is avowedly anti-U.S. and ranked as the 11th-largest oil producer worldwide.

Plus, Russia already has many oil interests in the country, including joint exploration projects with Petr&oacute;leos de Venezuela, the state-owned oil company.

Indeed, Russia and its state-funded oil venture, Rosneft, have already helped the country avoid default at least twice, providing Caracas with $10 billion in financial assistance. In an Oct. 29 New York Times article, oil expert Francisco Monaldi said Russia is &ldquo;the only country that can toss Venezuela a lifeline.&rdquo;

In my opinion, even its public declarations defending Venezuela&rsquo;s politics are more incisive than China&rsquo;s. Russia&rsquo;s Foreign Ministry has called international sanctions against Venezuela &ldquo;unacceptable.&rdquo;

Still, thus far, Russia has agreed only to restructure its bilateral debt with Venezuela. While the terms weren&rsquo;t disclosed, I don&rsquo;t believe anything like a real bailout is on offer.

Last resource

This could lead Venezuela to its last resort: the International Monetary Fund. In my opinion, this global lender would be the most appropriate source of a bailout.

Neither China nor Russia is willing or able to offer the huge sum Venezuela needs to stay afloat, at least $30 billion. Nor is any country likely to match the super-low 2 per cent interest rate that the IMF offers to emerging economies in crisis.

Bondholders typically look askance at this type of financial assistance. Countries receiving support from the IMF and other multilateral lenders are generally &ldquo;advised to renegotiate foreign debt,&rdquo; which can leave investors with empty pockets.

And today, Venezuela has no official relationship with the organisation. The Ch&aacute;vez administration loved to disparage the IMF, saying it should &ldquo;close down&rdquo; or &ldquo;vanish.&rdquo;

Even so, there are signs that the IMF is sketching out a possible rescue plan for the country. Bank officials have expressed concern with both Venezuela&rsquo;s humanitarian crisis and the possible spinoff effects of its economic collapse on other Latin American economies.

Since the multilateral organisation is unlikely to bail out the current regime &ndash; which has previously rebuked its possible intervention &ndash; the IMF probably hopes to work with some future transition government that&rsquo;s more democratic and open to international aid. If so, help may be a long time coming.

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com" rel="nofollow" target="blank">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/nobody-is-going-to-bail-out-venezuela-87428" rel="nofollow" target="blank">original article</a>.

China, Russia and the International Monetary Fund are among those contemplating a Venezuela bailout. But help for this debt-stricken nation seems far from assured.

Venezuela, the South American country convulsed by economic and humanitarian catastrophe, has defaulted on some of its debt after missing an interest payment due in October. Even as investors meet in Caracas to discuss restructuring US$60 billion in foreign debt, the country is in urgent need of international financial assistance. Yet few nations are rushing in to offer financial assistance to the ailing country. Under the authoritarian regime of Nicolás Maduro, Venezuela is isolated in Latin America, and the United States, Canada and the European Union have all imposed sanctions against Venezuelan officials. Maduro has at times suggested he would not even accept humanitarian aid. Still, no indebted nation is totally alone in this world. As a financial analyst, I know there are always international players who see opportunity in the problems of others. And for Venezuela, my home country, all hope of a bailout rests with China, Russia and the International Monetary Fund. Will they do anything to help? Venezuela’s debt: By the numbers Before exploring a possible Venezuela rescue, it is useful to understand how the country’s debt became such a burden. In 1998, the year before the late Hugo Chávez came into power, Venezuela was rich. It produced roughly 60 barrels of oil per inhabitant per year. By late 2017, my projections – based on data compiled from Venezuela’s National Statistics Institute and BP’s World Energy Report 2017 – show that production will have dropped to 20 barrels per capita. That’s a 66 per cent drop in 20 years. Oil output per capita in Venezuela has dropped significantly in the past several decades. Henkel Garcia/BP Statistical Review of World Energy 2017/National Statistics Institute (Others) × Even as output steadily shrank, Chávez benefitted from relatively high oil prices, which allowed him to boost revenue from petroleum exports. And as oil sales rose, so did government expenditures, as well as imports of food and other goods. Eventually, excess spending took a toll on Venezuela’s international reserves. Rather than cut expenditures and imports, the Chávez regime piled up foreign debt. As exports (US$ per capita) rose, so too did government spending and imports. Banco Central de Venezuela, FRED (Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis), National Statistics Institute and Econométrica. (Others) × Then, in late 2014, international oil prices began to plunge. Today, estimates indicate that Venezuela’s public sector debt tops $184.5 billion, including $60 billion in foreign debt, though the Venezuelan Central Bank claims it’s much lower. Venezuela’s foreign public debt, in US$ million, is at an all-time high. (Venezuelan Central Bank) (Others) × To service this debt, the government must pay $16 billion to $20 billion a year through at least 2022. Shouldering that huge expense has meant slashing imports, causing food and medicine shortages. As a result, almost 54 per cent of Venezuelan children are malnourished. To ensure its citizens’ basic well-being, Venezuela must be able to import, on average, $1,000 a year per inhabitant – or roughly $33 billion a year. My data show it’s currently bringing in about half that. No Chinese largess As an oil producer, Venezuela’s desperation rouses geopolitical interests. Venezuela owes $28.1 billion to China and $9.1 billion to Russia, its main creditors. In recent years, both countries have been eager to prop up the Maduro regime, with little concern for its authoritarian tendencies. China, at least publicly, has remained decidedly mum on Venezuela’s political crisis. According to a spokesperson from the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs in October, Beijing “believe[s] that the government of this country is able to appropriately handle its domestic affairs within the law, maintaining stability and prosperity.” So far, though, Chinese financial institutions have not further opened their coffers. They have, however, granted Venezuela a grace period of at least 18 months to pay off the debt it owes them. This modest concession gives the government a bit of breathing room. China has also allowed Venezuela to use shipments of crude to pay off some of its debt, revealing China’s main interest in Venezuela: its oil. But, in my view, Venezuela shouldn’t count on Beijing for significant additional financial help. For China to issue new loans, insiders have told me, Maduro’s government would have to show clear signs of fiscal discipline. Nothing indicates it is capable of that. I believe a more likely next step is that Venezuela will bring in much-needed cash by selling off existing stakes in oil companies and resource-extraction ventures it co-owns with China. Putin to the rescue? Russia has been somewhat more generous with Venezuela, and its geopolitical interests here are clear. The Kremlin benefits from having a trustworthy ally on this side of the world – especially one that is avowedly anti-U.S. and ranked as the 11th-largest oil producer worldwide. Plus, Russia already has many oil interests in the country, including joint exploration projects with Petróleos de Venezuela, the state-owned oil company. Indeed, Russia and its state-funded oil venture, Rosneft, have already helped the country avoid default at least twice, providing Caracas with $10 billion in financial assistance. In an Oct. 29 New York Times article, oil expert Francisco Monaldi said Russia is “the only country that can toss Venezuela a lifeline.” In my opinion, even its public declarations defending Venezuela’s politics are more incisive than China’s. Russia’s Foreign Ministry has called international sanctions against Venezuela “unacceptable.” Still, thus far, Russia has agreed only to restructure its bilateral debt with Venezuela. While the terms weren’t disclosed, I don’t believe anything like a real bailout is on offer. Last resource This could lead Venezuela to its last resort: the International Monetary Fund. In my opinion, this global lender would be the most appropriate source of a bailout. Neither China nor Russia is willing or able to offer the huge sum Venezuela needs to stay afloat, at least $30 billion. Nor is any country likely to match the super-low 2 per cent interest rate that the IMF offers to emerging economies in crisis. Bondholders typically look askance at this type of financial assistance. Countries receiving support from the IMF and other multilateral lenders are generally “advised to renegotiate foreign debt,” which can leave investors with empty pockets. And today, Venezuela has no official relationship with the organisation. The Chávez administration loved to disparage the IMF, saying it should “close down” or “vanish.” Even so, there are signs that the IMF is sketching out a possible rescue plan for the country. Bank officials have expressed concern with both Venezuela’s humanitarian crisis and the possible spinoff effects of its economic collapse on other Latin American economies. Since the multilateral organisation is unlikely to bail out the current regime – which has previously rebuked its possible intervention – the IMF probably hopes to work with some future transition government that’s more democratic and open to international aid. If so, help may be a long time coming. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

Who is going to pay for Venezuela's oil debt

Brazilian lawmakers rejected corruption charges against&nbsp;President&nbsp;Michel Temer on Wednesday evening, shelving a case that had threatened to oust a center-right leader who investors hope will bring&nbsp;Brazil&#39;s budget deficit under control.

The corruption case, involving the payment of bribes by meatpacker JBS SA, had paralyzed Temer&#39;s reform agenda for six months and weakened his government.

The lower house of&nbsp;Brazil&#39;s Congress, which has the authority to decide whether a&nbsp;president should stand trial by the Supreme Court, voted 251-233 to throw out charges of obstruction of justice and organized crime filed by federal prosecutors.

The vote means that Temer is safe from prosecution while he remains&nbsp;president. But he is still subject to investigation and possible trial by lower courts after his term ends in late 2018.

While Temer&#39;s opponents were far from the 342 votes - or two-thirds of the seats - needed to put him on trial, he got 12 votes less than in August when the lower house voted 263-227 to block an initial corruption charge against him.

The slip in support signals Temer will have trouble passing a pension reform bill that is crucial for plugging&nbsp;Brazil&#39;s budget deficit. Many lawmakers are reluctant to back the reform, which would make&nbsp;Brazilians work more years before retirement.

The speaker of the house, Rodrigo Maia, said the shelving of the charges against Temer cleared the way for the government and Congress to move ahead with the pension reform debate.

Allies said&nbsp;Brazil&nbsp;could not afford the upheaval of removing a second&nbsp;president&nbsp;in little over a year, as Latin America&#39;s largest economy struggles to overcome a deep recession. Temer succeeded impeached leftist&nbsp;President&nbsp;Dilma Rousseff in 2016.

Opponents criticized Temer for making policy concessions and fast-tracking pork barrel spending to win votes to ensure his survival.

To please the powerful farm lobby that has two-fifths of the votes in the lower house, Temer agreed to lower fines for environmental damage. He attempted to relax a definition of slave labor but was forced to backtrack after an outcry.

A few hours before the vote, Temer was taken to hospital in pain due to a urinary tract obstruction, a health scare that triggered a brief selloff in financial markets.

His office said he underwent a bladder test by a catheter and left the hospital later on Wednesday. Temer, 77, was recently diagnosed with a partial coronary artery blockage.

Brazil&#39;s benchmark Bovespa stock index closed up 0.47 percent at 76,706 points after the house reached a quorum allowing the vote to go ahead.

Earlier, it touched session lows on the news that Temer was in the hospital. Stocks later pared losses and the currency was flat after his office gave details of his condition.

&nbsp;

&nbsp;

The corruption case, involving the payment of bribes by meatpacker JBS SA, had paralyzed Temer's reform agenda for six months and weakened his government.

Brazilian lawmakers rejected corruption charges against President Michel Temer on Wednesday evening, shelving a case that had threatened to oust a center-right leader who investors hope will bring Brazil's budget deficit under control. The corruption case, involving the payment of bribes by meatpacker JBS SA, had paralyzed Temer's reform agenda for six months and weakened his government. The lower house of Brazil's Congress, which has the authority to decide whether a president should stand trial by the Supreme Court, voted 251-233 to throw out charges of obstruction of justice and organized crime filed by federal prosecutors. The vote means that Temer is safe from prosecution while he remains president. But he is still subject to investigation and possible trial by lower courts after his term ends in late 2018. While Temer's opponents were far from the 342 votes - or two-thirds of the seats - needed to put him on trial, he got 12 votes less than in August when the lower house voted 263-227 to block an initial corruption charge against him. The slip in support signals Temer will have trouble passing a pension reform bill that is crucial for plugging Brazil's budget deficit. Many lawmakers are reluctant to back the reform, which would make Brazilians work more years before retirement. The speaker of the house, Rodrigo Maia, said the shelving of the charges against Temer cleared the way for the government and Congress to move ahead with the pension reform debate. Allies said Brazil could not afford the upheaval of removing a second president in little over a year, as Latin America's largest economy struggles to overcome a deep recession. Temer succeeded impeached leftist President Dilma Rousseff in 2016. Opponents criticized Temer for making policy concessions and fast-tracking pork barrel spending to win votes to ensure his survival. To please the powerful farm lobby that has two-fifths of the votes in the lower house, Temer agreed to lower fines for environmental damage. He attempted to relax a definition of slave labor but was forced to backtrack after an outcry. A few hours before the vote, Temer was taken to hospital in pain due to a urinary tract obstruction, a health scare that triggered a brief selloff in financial markets. His office said he underwent a bladder test by a catheter and left the hospital later on Wednesday. Temer, 77, was recently diagnosed with a partial coronary artery blockage. Brazil's benchmark Bovespa stock index closed up 0.47 percent at 76,706 points after the house reached a quorum allowing the vote to go ahead. Earlier, it touched session lows on the news that Temer was in the hospital. Stocks later pared losses and the currency was flat after his office gave details of his condition.

Brazil's Congress rejects corruption case against President Temer

By&nbsp;<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/cesar-renduels-menendez-de-llano-365327">C&eacute;sar Renduels Menendez de Llano</a>&nbsp;and <a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/donatella-della-porta-366380">Donatella Della Porta</a>

&nbsp;

In 1980, the novelist Martin Amis attended a meeting in Texas with Ronald Reagan, then in the midst of the campaign that would put him in the White House. Reagan liked to end his electoral activities with some audience Q+A. The more personal the question, <a href="https://archive.org/stream/HeliganSecretsOfTheLostGardens/AmisMartin-TheMoronicInfernoAndOtherVisitsToAmerica_djvu.txt">Amis explained</a>, the more Reagan enjoyed answering.

Question: &ldquo;Of all the people in America, sir, why you for President?&rdquo;

Reagan grins.

Answer: &ldquo;Well, I&rsquo;m not smart enough to tell a lie.&rdquo;

Laughter, applause.

Amis relays the exchange:

<blockquote>
&lsquo;But why do you want it, sir?&rsquo; Reagan flexes his worn, snipped, tucked, mottled face. &lsquo;This country needs a good Republican and I feel I can do the job. Why? I&rsquo;m happy. I&rsquo;m feeling good.&rsquo; Here he turns. &lsquo;And I have Nancy to tuck me up at night.&rsquo;
</blockquote>

Laughter, applause, hats in the air.

Anger, discontent and resentment

Imagine this anecdote today. Were Donald Trump had asked the same question in 2016, it seems like he may have responded: &ldquo;Because I&rsquo;m unhappy. I&rsquo;m feeling bad. And my relationship with my wife is catastrophic.&rdquo;

And surely his Republican audience would also have clapped, identifying now not with Reagan&rsquo;s optimism but with Trump&rsquo;s self-portrait of anger, discontent and resentment.

Ronald Reagan, that carefree actor-president, may have been the last US leader to channel Americans&rsquo; good feelings about the free market. As Robert Putnam outlines in his famous <a href="http://bowlingalone.com">investigation</a>, Bowling Alone, civil society and social bonds in the US strengthened from the early 20th century until the 1970s, when the era of neoliberal reforms began.

At that point, things quickly began to unravel. Historically speaking, the growth of mercantilism, en economic nationalism that seeks to enrich the state through trade and wealth accumulation, has always deteriorated social bonds, though that&rsquo;s not necessarily a bad thing. The market also <a href="http://www.rochelleterman.com/ComparativeExam/sites/default/files/Bibliography%20and%20Summaries/Comparative%20Politics_0.pdf">weakens relationships that are clientelistic</a>, toxic or patriarchal.

Problems arise when mercantilism becomes an expansive, generalised social dynamic, which is precisely what globalisation unleashed starting in the 1970s. After global economic crisis exposed the limits of the Fordist assembly line-style mass production model, the world veered sharply back toward the liberal, unregulated <a href="http://www.manchesteruniversitypress.co.uk/series/manchester-capitalism/">Manchester capitalism</a> that had predominated before the second world war.

The rest of the story, which is the subject of our new book <a href="http://www.wiley.com/WileyCDA/WileyTitle/productCd-1509522352,subjectCd-SO20.html">The Great Regression</a>, you know well.

&lsquo;A catastrophic level of social corrosion&rsquo;

We often make the mistake of thinking that globalisation is a radical new phenomenon, both postmodern and futuristic.

In fact, in his 1944 book <a href="http://inctpped.ie.ufrj.br/spiderweb/pdf_4/Great_Transformation.pdf">The Great Transformation</a>, historian Karl Polanyi was already explaining the political and social crises of the inter-war period as a reaction to the failures of the free market.

<figure class="align-right "><img alt="" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/169363/width237/file-20170515-7024-fllol3.jpg" />
<figcaption>
<a class="source" href="https://www.amazon.com/Great-Regression-Heinrich-Geiselberger/dp/1509522360">Amazon</a>

&nbsp;
</figcaption>
</figure>

From his perspective, the whole utopian idea of a self-regulating market was nihilistic and self-destructive, materially incompatible with the variety of human social life of humans.

For the pragmatist Polanyi, the &ldquo;free market&rdquo; never existed and could never exist. To begin with, mercantilism as a financial system has always required aggressive state intervention, both to ease the pains of its flaws and to break people&rsquo;s natural resistance to being dragged along by the coattails of their economy.

Practically every government in the world has undertaken this process since the 1980s. In <a href="https://www.uow.edu.au/%7Esharonb/jape.html">privatising public services</a>, for example, they have created enormous business opportunities for local elites (<a href="http://www.nytimes.com/1992/09/06/business/the-big-push-toward-privatization-in-argentina.html?pagewanted1">Argentina</a> being a prime example), stimulated rampant real estate speculation (just look at <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2017/feb/06/made-london-property-speculation-industry-capital">the UK</a>) and used public resources to rescue the banking system from its own mistakes (remember <a href="http://www.reuters.com/article/spain-banks-timeline-idUSL5E8H88YV20120608">Spain</a>?).

When mercantilistm reaches the catastrophic point at which it begins to corrupt all society, Polanyi says, then collective counter-movements emerge. These efforts to reestablish communal living can have radically different political orientations.

The 20th century had the fascists, waging what Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci dubbed &ldquo;<a href="https://quadernidelcarcere.wordpress.com/tag/teoria-della-rivoluzione-passiva/">passive revolutions</a>&rdquo; that aspired to alter the economic and social machinery to preserve elite privileges. It also saw Roosevelt&rsquo;s New Deal, Europe&rsquo;s 1940s democratic socialist movements and <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/historic_figures/attlee_clement.shtml">Clement Attlee&rsquo;s reformist Labour government</a> in the UK (1945-1951).

All these were anti-mercantlist projects inspired by democratisation, learning and egalitarianism.

Anti-neoliberal counter reactions

This history is a reminder that there is an old pattern to these shaky modern times.

In the 21st century, counter reactions to globalisation have also been taking radically different forms. Early in the century, <a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13260219.2013.853353">Latin America&rsquo;s leftist governments</a> challenged the neoliberal order, rejecting the Washington Consensus and building regional solidarity.

Then, there were the <a href="https://theconversation.com/five-years-on-the-spirit-of-tahrir-square-has-been-all-but-crushed-53461">Arab Spring</a> uprisings of 2010 to 2013, which sought to deepen democracy in a region long dominated by dictators.

The former was crushed and the latter has <a href="https://theconversation.com/can-a-chilean-outsider-revive-latin-americas-ailing-left-71213">largely waned</a>. But the innovative ideas developed in the <a href="http://www.academia.edu/1644759/Understanding_European_movements_new_social_movements_global_justice_struggles_anti-austerity_protest">anti-austerity protests</a> of Iceland Greece, Spain and Portugal following the start of the European debt crisis in 2009 are still very much alive.

What has everyone talking are developments on the opposite end of the ideological spectrum: Brexit, Trump, the extreme right, Islamic fundamentalism &ndash; <a href="https://theconversation.com/from-brexit-to-colombias-no-vote-are-constitutional-democracies-in-crisis-66668">neoliberal backlashes</a> offering new solutions for global elites hoping to preserve their privileges in a turbulent international economy.

It is early yet for an in-depth analysis of the current regressive phenomenon. But we can at least start asking the right questions.

First, did economic discontent really fuel the rise of the modern right, as many claim? <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/news/datablog/2016/jun/24/the-areas-and-demographics-where-the-brexit-vote-was-won">Data from the UK</a> and <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2016/nov/09/white-voters-victory-donald-trump-exit-polls">the US</a> indicate exactly the opposite. Not only &ndash; not even mainly &ndash; blue collar workers supported Brexit and Donald Trump; <a href="https://theconversation.com/who-are-trump-voters-social-sciencing-the-s-t-out-of-yard-signs-66099">the rich and the educated did</a> too.

But it is misleading to blame the resentment of the declining middle class for the state of Western politics today.

Money played a crucial role in right-wing victories in the US. Big business and <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2010/08/29/opinion/29rich.html">well-funded think tanks</a>, including the <a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.com/brendan-demelle/study-confirms-tea-party-_b_2663125.html">tobacco lobby and the billionaire Koch brothers</a>, have funded the US Tea Party for years, and starting in 2015, they richly backed Trump.

To mobilise the traditional conservative base of the Republican Party, <a href="https://theconversation.com/are-trump-and-sanders-rewriting-the-rules-on-money-in-politics-56891">cash was injected</a> into media blitzes that spread simple messages, often lies, appealing to American fear.

Money is not the whole story, but it is an important part of it and it has historic resonance. During Europe&rsquo;s fascist and Nazi movements, regressive counter movements feigned solidarity with the 99% while clearly enjoying the support of the 1%. The market&rsquo;s positive response to Trump&rsquo;s victory may be a <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-we-can-learn-from-markets-reaction-to-a-president-trump-68116">clear indication that this is happening again</a>.

So far, the new regressive movements are adopting very different forms to their left-wing recent predecessors in Latin America and Europe. They diverge not only ideologically &ndash; with cosmopolitanism on the one side and xenophobia on the other &ndash; but also in their organisational models.

On the right, politics today is characterised by <a href="https://theconversation.com/trumps-inauguration-ushers-in-2017-the-year-of-the-strongman-70846">strong, personalised leadership</a>: Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Narendra Modi, Vladimir Putin and Donald Trump being prime examples.

Recent progressive anti-neoliberal movements, on the other hand, have been mostly been <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-to-hate-neoliberalism-but-love-each-other-a-latin-american-grassroots-guide-68899">defined by citizen participation</a>.

There&rsquo;s no evidence (yet) that regressive movements are necessarily more successful than their progressive counterparts. Rather, in times of economic crisis, left-wing advances such as workers&rsquo; rights have been met with a powerful, well-funded resistance.

The near-constant protest of Trump, Erdogan or Orban confirm progressive counter-reactions <a href="https://theconversation.com/trump-victory-comes-with-a-silver-lining-for-the-worlds-progressives-68523">are very much alive</a> indeed. But they seem unlikely to put regressive movements out of business any time soon.

<figure><iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="260" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/rmdiUoL-ZMk?wmode=transparent&amp;start=0" width="440"></iframe></figure>

&nbsp;

One step forward, two steps back

The mainstream progressive response to this reactionary challenge has been, primarily, nostalgia for Keynesian economics: increase public spending to stimulate the economy, boost demand and create employment, redistribute wealth to grow the economy, among other things.

That&rsquo;s a bad alternative. Keynes is dead and he&rsquo;s not coming back. Everything about his era &ndash; from the post-second world war international relations system of Bretton Woods and the Soviet threat to the fast clip of <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/books/bookreviews/6251312/Keynes-the-Return-of-the-Master-by-Robert-Skidelsky-review.html">economic expansion</a> back then &ndash; is unthinkable today.

Only in a few places has the popular response to the failure of the self-regulating free-market been to push for greater freedom and deeper democracy, rather than to retrench or reminisce.

In addition to a timid normalisation of such activism around basic rights such as housing, a universal basic income, cooperativism and feminism, we have <a href="https://theconversation.com/austerity-portugal-is-on-a-different-path-to-greece-and-spain-heres-why-48121">Portugal&rsquo;s left-wing ruling coalition</a>, <a href="https://theconversation.com/meet-podemos-the-party-revolutionising-spanish-politics-33802">Podemos</a> in Spain and the <a href="https://theconversation.com/syriza-sweeps-to-victory-in-greek-election-promising-an-end-to-humiliation-36680">Syriza government in Greece</a>.

Today, it is evident that Greece is not the European Union&rsquo;s burden to bear but rather part of its salvation. Syriza has proposed an alternative to European financial metastasis by <a href="http://fortune.com/2016/06/03/greece-eurozone/">reclaiming fiscal sovereignty</a>, battening down the markets, focusing on democratisation, and seeking continent-wide social solidarity.

It&rsquo;s noteworthy that virtually <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-to-hate-neoliberalism-but-love-each-other-a-latin-american-grassroots-guide-68899">all rights-based anti-neoliberalism</a> has come from peripheral or semi-peripheral nations: first Latin America a decade ago, and now southern Europe. All of them have faced fierce opposition from the rich West.

It may be time to start <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-to-hate-neoliberalism-but-love-each-other-a-latin-american-grassroots-guide-68899">thinking about the Global South not as a problem but as a solution</a> to the great regression.

*Llano is with the&nbsp;<a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/universidad-complutense-de-madrid-2383">Universidad Complutense de Madrid</a>

**&nbsp;<a href="https://theconversation.com/profiles/donatella-della-porta-366380">Porta</a>&nbsp;is with the&nbsp;<a href="http://theconversation.com/institutions/institute-of-human-and-social-sciences-scuola-normale-superiore-florence-3060">Institute of Human and Social sciences, Scuola Normale Superiore, Florence</a>

The Great Regression, available in 13 languages, can be <a href="http://www.thegreatregression.eu/">found online</a>.

&nbsp;

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-road-to-the-great-regression-76293">original article</a>.

On the right, politics today is characterised by strong, personalised leadership: Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Narendra Modi, Vladimir Putin and Donald Trump being prime examples.

By César Renduels Menendez de Llano and Donatella Della Porta In 1980, the novelist Martin Amis attended a meeting in Texas with Ronald Reagan, then in the midst of the campaign that would put him in the White House. Reagan liked to end his electoral activities with some audience Q+A. The more personal the question, Amis explained, the more Reagan enjoyed answering. Question: “Of all the people in America, sir, why you for President?” Reagan grins. Answer: “Well, I’m not smart enough to tell a lie.” Laughter, applause. Amis relays the exchange: ‘But why do you want it, sir?’ Reagan flexes his worn, snipped, tucked, mottled face. ‘This country needs a good Republican and I feel I can do the job. Why? I’m happy. I’m feeling good.’ Here he turns. ‘And I have Nancy to tuck me up at night.’ Laughter, applause, hats in the air. Anger, discontent and resentment Imagine this anecdote today. Were Donald Trump had asked the same question in 2016, it seems like he may have responded: “Because I’m unhappy. I’m feeling bad. And my relationship with my wife is catastrophic.” And surely his Republican audience would also have clapped, identifying now not with Reagan’s optimism but with Trump’s self-portrait of anger, discontent and resentment. Ronald Reagan, that carefree actor-president, may have been the last US leader to channel Americans’ good feelings about the free market. As Robert Putnam outlines in his famous investigation, Bowling Alone, civil society and social bonds in the US strengthened from the early 20th century until the 1970s, when the era of neoliberal reforms began. At that point, things quickly began to unravel. Historically speaking, the growth of mercantilism, en economic nationalism that seeks to enrich the state through trade and wealth accumulation, has always deteriorated social bonds, though that’s not necessarily a bad thing. The market also weakens relationships that are clientelistic, toxic or patriarchal. Problems arise when mercantilism becomes an expansive, generalised social dynamic, which is precisely what globalisation unleashed starting in the 1970s. After global economic crisis exposed the limits of the Fordist assembly line-style mass production model, the world veered sharply back toward the liberal, unregulated Manchester capitalism that had predominated before the second world war. The rest of the story, which is the subject of our new book The Great Regression, you know well. ‘A catastrophic level of social corrosion’ We often make the mistake of thinking that globalisation is a radical new phenomenon, both postmodern and futuristic. In fact, in his 1944 book The Great Transformation, historian Karl Polanyi was already explaining the political and social crises of the inter-war period as a reaction to the failures of the free market. Amazon From his perspective, the whole utopian idea of a self-regulating market was nihilistic and self-destructive, materially incompatible with the variety of human social life of humans. For the pragmatist Polanyi, the “free market” never existed and could never exist. To begin with, mercantilism as a financial system has always required aggressive state intervention, both to ease the pains of its flaws and to break people’s natural resistance to being dragged along by the coattails of their economy. Practically every government in the world has undertaken this process since the 1980s. In privatising public services, for example, they have created enormous business opportunities for local elites (Argentina being a prime example), stimulated rampant real estate speculation (just look at the UK) and used public resources to rescue the banking system from its own mistakes (remember Spain?). When mercantilistm reaches the catastrophic point at which it begins to corrupt all society, Polanyi says, then collective counter-movements emerge. These efforts to reestablish communal living can have radically different political orientations. The 20th century had the fascists, waging what Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci dubbed “passive revolutions” that aspired to alter the economic and social machinery to preserve elite privileges. It also saw Roosevelt’s New Deal, Europe’s 1940s democratic socialist movements and Clement Attlee’s reformist Labour government in the UK (1945-1951). All these were anti-mercantlist projects inspired by democratisation, learning and egalitarianism. Anti-neoliberal counter reactions This history is a reminder that there is an old pattern to these shaky modern times. In the 21st century, counter reactions to globalisation have also been taking radically different forms. Early in the century, Latin America’s leftist governments challenged the neoliberal order, rejecting the Washington Consensus and building regional solidarity. Then, there were the Arab Spring uprisings of 2010 to 2013, which sought to deepen democracy in a region long dominated by dictators. The former was crushed and the latter has largely waned. But the innovative ideas developed in the anti-austerity protests of Iceland Greece, Spain and Portugal following the start of the European debt crisis in 2009 are still very much alive. What has everyone talking are developments on the opposite end of the ideological spectrum: Brexit, Trump, the extreme right, Islamic fundamentalism – neoliberal backlashes offering new solutions for global elites hoping to preserve their privileges in a turbulent international economy. It is early yet for an in-depth analysis of the current regressive phenomenon. But we can at least start asking the right questions. First, did economic discontent really fuel the rise of the modern right, as many claim? Data from the UK and the US indicate exactly the opposite. Not only – not even mainly – blue collar workers supported Brexit and Donald Trump; the rich and the educated did too. But it is misleading to blame the resentment of the declining middle class for the state of Western politics today. Money played a crucial role in right-wing victories in the US. Big business and well-funded think tanks, including the tobacco lobby and the billionaire Koch brothers, have funded the US Tea Party for years, and starting in 2015, they richly backed Trump. To mobilise the traditional conservative base of the Republican Party, cash was injected into media blitzes that spread simple messages, often lies, appealing to American fear. Money is not the whole story, but it is an important part of it and it has historic resonance. During Europe’s fascist and Nazi movements, regressive counter movements feigned solidarity with the 99% while clearly enjoying the support of the 1%. The market’s positive response to Trump’s victory may be a clear indication that this is happening again. So far, the new regressive movements are adopting very different forms to their left-wing recent predecessors in Latin America and Europe. They diverge not only ideologically – with cosmopolitanism on the one side and xenophobia on the other – but also in their organisational models. On the right, politics today is characterised by strong, personalised leadership: Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Narendra Modi, Vladimir Putin and Donald Trump being prime examples. Recent progressive anti-neoliberal movements, on the other hand, have been mostly been defined by citizen participation. There’s no evidence (yet) that regressive movements are necessarily more successful than their progressive counterparts. Rather, in times of economic crisis, left-wing advances such as workers’ rights have been met with a powerful, well-funded resistance. The near-constant protest of Trump, Erdogan or Orban confirm progressive counter-reactions are very much alive indeed. But they seem unlikely to put regressive movements out of business any time soon. One step forward, two steps back The mainstream progressive response to this reactionary challenge has been, primarily, nostalgia for Keynesian economics: increase public spending to stimulate the economy, boost demand and create employment, redistribute wealth to grow the economy, among other things. That’s a bad alternative. Keynes is dead and he’s not coming back. Everything about his era – from the post-second world war international relations system of Bretton Woods and the Soviet threat to the fast clip of economic expansion back then – is unthinkable today. Only in a few places has the popular response to the failure of the self-regulating free-market been to push for greater freedom and deeper democracy, rather than to retrench or reminisce. In addition to a timid normalisation of such activism around basic rights such as housing, a universal basic income, cooperativism and feminism, we have Portugal’s left-wing ruling coalition, Podemos in Spain and the Syriza government in Greece. Today, it is evident that Greece is not the European Union’s burden to bear but rather part of its salvation. Syriza has proposed an alternative to European financial metastasis by reclaiming fiscal sovereignty, battening down the markets, focusing on democratisation, and seeking continent-wide social solidarity. It’s noteworthy that virtually all rights-based anti-neoliberalism has come from peripheral or semi-peripheral nations: first Latin America a decade ago, and now southern Europe. All of them have faced fierce opposition from the rich West. It may be time to start thinking about the Global South not as a problem but as a solution to the great regression. *Llano is with the Universidad Complutense de Madrid ** Porta is with the Institute of Human and Social sciences, Scuola Normale Superiore, Florence The Great Regression, available in 13 languages, can be found online. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

The road to the great regression

China has urged the US not to allow the Taiwan president Tsai Ing-wen to transit through US.&nbsp;

Tsai Ing-wen will make a stopover in US during her visit to meet allies in Latin America, ruffling feathers in the Chinese establishment, Reuters reported.

It is not clear whether Tsai Ing-wen will meet the US president-elect Donald Trump and his team.

The US mission in Taiwan, the American Institute in Taiwan (AIT), has termed the visit &quot;private and unofficial&quot; saying it is not in conflict with the &#39;&#39;one-China&#39;&#39; policy.&nbsp;

China considers Taiwan as a breakaway province and has objected to its diplomatic ties with another state.

US president-elect Donald Trump had called up the Taiwan president after his election moving away from the &#39;&#39;one-China&#39;&#39; policy which states the US doesn&#39;t have any official ties with Taiwan.&nbsp;

Tsai&#39;s proposed stopover comes on her way to Honduras, Nicaragua, Guatemala and El Salvador. She will leave Taiwan on January 7 and return on January 15.

China&#39;s position on Taiwan has its roots in the Chinese Civil War of 1949 when the Nationalists were pushed to the present-day Taiwan by 
the Communists.

(WION with inputs from Reuters)

China hopes the United States does not send any wrong signals to 'Taiwan?independence forces'

China has urged the US not to allow the Taiwan president Tsai Ing-wen to transit through US. Tsai Ing-wen will make a stopover in US during her visit to meet allies in Latin America, ruffling feathers in the Chinese establishment, Reuters reported. It is not clear whether Tsai Ing-wen will meet the US president-elect Donald Trump and his team. The US mission in Taiwan, the American Institute in Taiwan (AIT), has termed the visit "private and unofficial" saying it is not in conflict with the ''one-China'' policy. China considers Taiwan as a breakaway province and has objected to its diplomatic ties with another state. US president-elect Donald Trump had called up the Taiwan president after his election moving away from the ''one-China'' policy which states the US doesn't have any official ties with Taiwan. Tsai's proposed stopover comes on her way to Honduras, Nicaragua, Guatemala and El Salvador. She will leave Taiwan on January 7 and return on January 15. China's position on Taiwan has its roots in the Chinese Civil War of 1949 when the Nationalists were pushed to the present-day Taiwan by the Communists. (WION with inputs from Reuters)

China asks US not to allow Taiwan president stopover

Florencia was just 10 years old when her stepfather suffocated her with a plastic bag.

Lucia was 16 when two men drugged her, raped her and fatally impaled her on a spike.

Joseline was 22 when she was found strangled to death, her body covered in bruises.

They are three of the latest victims in a wave of horrific violence against women and girls that is stoking outrage in Latin America.

These three young women&#39;s countries -- Chile, Argentina and Mexico -- have, like much of the region, been swept by protests condemning domestic violence, machismo and what activists call a culture that values women less than men.

The movement is gaining momentum.

In Peru, President Pedro Pablo Kuczynski joined a protest in August that drew 50,000 people. Across the region, powerful labor unions and political parties are joining in.

&quot;There is a change, and it&#39;s very important,&quot; said Lakshmi Puri, the deputy executive director of UN Women.

&quot;This whole cry of zero tolerance is now catching on everywhere.&quot;

Puri compared what is happening in Latin America to her native India, where shock over the brutal gang rape and torture of a 23-year-old student unleashed a historic protest movement in 2012.

&quot;It&#39;s that same outrage now that is being provoked by this gruesome and brutal violence that is perpetrated against women and girls&quot; in Latin America, she told AFP.

She condemned the region&#39;s &quot;culture of machismo,&quot; saying it fuelled the violence.

Of the 25 countries that register the most women&#39;s murders worldwide, half are in Latin America, she said.

Social networks&nbsp; 
&quot;It&#39;s tremendously dangerous to be a woman in Latin America,&quot; said Ariadna Estevez, a researcher in human rights at the National Autonomous University of Mexico.

Mexicans have been protesting violence against women for at least 20 years, she said -- starting with the brutal murders of hundreds of women and girls in Ciudad Juarez, on the US border.

But that movement was mainly confined to victims&#39; friends and families.

Lately, there has been a broader, region-wide &quot;wake-up call,&quot; she said.

In Argentina, the protests started last year with a movement called #NiUnaMenos (Not One Woman Less). Born on Twitter and Facebook, it has since spread to several other countries.

In Mexico, it is called the Violet Spring (#PrimaveraVioleta).

&quot;Social networks played a fundamental role,&quot; said Estevez -- and not just to mobilise people.

&quot;It was also a form of catharsis,&quot; she said. &quot;A lot of women had never talked about sexual harassment and the violence they had faced. You realize it&#39;s not just you, it&#39;s the majority of women.&quot;

That is the case in Brazil, where the hashtag #MeuPrimeiroAssedio (My First Harassment) has gone viral.

In Uruguay, where social worker Fanny Samuniski has been helping abused women for years, she says she has noticed a change.

&quot;Now they arrive asking, What are my rights?&quot; she said.

New generation&nbsp; 
In Uruguay, one of the first countries in deeply Catholic Latin America to legalise divorce and abortion, 19 women have been killed by their partners or exes so far this year, activists say.

One case horrified the country in June, when a man set fire to his ex-girlfriend&#39;s house, badly burning her and killing her three daughters and a friend.

&quot;Women are reporting (domestic violence) much more, but they still put up with it for 10 years first,&quot; said Samuniski.

Part of the problem, she said, is they often have no means to support themselves.

She is pushing for Uruguay to pass a law imposing harsher sentences for &quot;femicide,&quot; as 16 Latin American countries have done.

Samuniski, who is nearly 80, said she has seen an awakening in the region.

&quot;The women of my generation were much more timid. They (the younger generations) are fighters,&quot; she said.

Women today are &quot;born and raised in another context,&quot; with more access to economic and educational resources, said Maria Nieves Rico, an Argentine who focuses on gender issues at the UN&#39;s Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean.

Change in the region will take time, but &quot;we are hearing their voices, and that always helps. Silence does not,&quot; she said.

(AFP)

The continent is coming together to protest against domestic violence, a culture of machismo, and the putting of men before women

Florencia was just 10 years old when her stepfather suffocated her with a plastic bag. Lucia was 16 when two men drugged her, raped her and fatally impaled her on a spike. Joseline was 22 when she was found strangled to death, her body covered in bruises. They are three of the latest victims in a wave of horrific violence against women and girls that is stoking outrage in Latin America. These three young women's countries -- Chile, Argentina and Mexico -- have, like much of the region, been swept by protests condemning domestic violence, machismo and what activists call a culture that values women less than men. The movement is gaining momentum. In Peru, President Pedro Pablo Kuczynski joined a protest in August that drew 50,000 people. Across the region, powerful labor unions and political parties are joining in. "There is a change, and it's very important," said Lakshmi Puri, the deputy executive director of UN Women. "This whole cry of zero tolerance is now catching on everywhere." Puri compared what is happening in Latin America to her native India, where shock over the brutal gang rape and torture of a 23-year-old student unleashed a historic protest movement in 2012. "It's that same outrage now that is being provoked by this gruesome and brutal violence that is perpetrated against women and girls" in Latin America, she told AFP. She condemned the region's "culture of machismo," saying it fuelled the violence. Of the 25 countries that register the most women's murders worldwide, half are in Latin America, she said. Social networks "It's tremendously dangerous to be a woman in Latin America," said Ariadna Estevez, a researcher in human rights at the National Autonomous University of Mexico. Mexicans have been protesting violence against women for at least 20 years, she said -- starting with the brutal murders of hundreds of women and girls in Ciudad Juarez, on the US border. But that movement was mainly confined to victims' friends and families. Lately, there has been a broader, region-wide "wake-up call," she said. In Argentina, the protests started last year with a movement called #NiUnaMenos (Not One Woman Less). Born on Twitter and Facebook, it has since spread to several other countries. In Mexico, it is called the Violet Spring (#PrimaveraVioleta). "Social networks played a fundamental role," said Estevez -- and not just to mobilise people. "It was also a form of catharsis," she said. "A lot of women had never talked about sexual harassment and the violence they had faced. You realize it's not just you, it's the majority of women." That is the case in Brazil, where the hashtag #MeuPrimeiroAssedio (My First Harassment) has gone viral. In Uruguay, where social worker Fanny Samuniski has been helping abused women for years, she says she has noticed a change. "Now they arrive asking, What are my rights?" she said. New generation In Uruguay, one of the first countries in deeply Catholic Latin America to legalise divorce and abortion, 19 women have been killed by their partners or exes so far this year, activists say. One case horrified the country in June, when a man set fire to his ex-girlfriend's house, badly burning her and killing her three daughters and a friend. "Women are reporting (domestic violence) much more, but they still put up with it for 10 years first," said Samuniski. Part of the problem, she said, is they often have no means to support themselves. She is pushing for Uruguay to pass a law imposing harsher sentences for "femicide," as 16 Latin American countries have done. Samuniski, who is nearly 80, said she has seen an awakening in the region. "The women of my generation were much more timid. They (the younger generations) are fighters," she said. Women today are "born and raised in another context," with more access to economic and educational resources, said Maria Nieves Rico, an Argentine who focuses on gender issues at the UN's Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean. Change in the region will take time, but "we are hearing their voices, and that always helps. Silence does not," she said. (AFP)

Shocked by women's murders, Latin Americans fight back

Singapore confirmed 26 more cases of locally transmitted Zika infections on Saturday, bringing the tally to 215, the health ministry and National Environment Agency (NEA) said in a joint statement.&nbsp; 
 
Of the 26 new cases, 24 were linked to a cluster in the Aljunied district where the country&#39;s first locally-transmitted cases were reported. While two cases have no known links to any existing cluster, the statement said. 
 
Meanwhile, a week after Singapore reported its first case of locally transmitted Zika infection, local scientists say they have completed genetic sequencing of the virus. 
 
&quot;The analysis found that the virus belongs to the Asian lineage and likely evolved from the strain that was already circulating in Southeast Asia. The virus from these two patients was not imported from South America,&quot; the statement said.&nbsp; 
 
Brazil hit hard by Zika&nbsp; 
 
Detected in about 67 countries and territories, the Aedes mosquito-borne Zika causes only mild symptoms for most people such as fever and a rash. 
 
It was first identified in Uganda in 1947 and was unknown in the Americas until 2014. The worst-affected regions include large parts of Latin America and the Caribbean, with Brazil the hardest hit so far.&nbsp; 
 
But pregnant women who catch it can give birth to babies with microcephaly, a deformation marked by abnormally small brains and heads. 
 
 
(WION with inputs from AFP, Reuters)&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

Of the 26 new cases, 24 were linked to a cluster in the Aljunied district where the country's first locally-transmitted cases were reported

Singapore confirmed 26 more cases of locally transmitted Zika infections on Saturday, bringing the tally to 215, the health ministry and National Environment Agency (NEA) said in a joint statement. Of the 26 new cases, 24 were linked to a cluster in the Aljunied district where the country's first locally-transmitted cases were reported. While two cases have no known links to any existing cluster, the statement said. Meanwhile, a week after Singapore reported its first case of locally transmitted Zika infection, local scientists say they have completed genetic sequencing of the virus. "The analysis found that the virus belongs to the Asian lineage and likely evolved from the strain that was already circulating in Southeast Asia. The virus from these two patients was not imported from South America," the statement said. Brazil hit hard by Zika Detected in about 67 countries and territories, the Aedes mosquito-borne Zika causes only mild symptoms for most people such as fever and a rash. It was first identified in Uganda in 1947 and was unknown in the Americas until 2014. The worst-affected regions include large parts of Latin America and the Caribbean, with Brazil the hardest hit so far. But pregnant women who catch it can give birth to babies with microcephaly, a deformation marked by abnormally small brains and heads. (WION with inputs from AFP, Reuters)

Singapore confirms 26 more local transmission Zika cases, tally reaches 215

The Inter-American Commission for Human Rights (IACHR) on Friday decried the dire shortages of food and medicine in Venezuela, calling on officials in Caracas to undertake &quot;urgent measures&quot; to try to stem the crisis. 
 
The Washington DC-based group &quot;regrets the urgent situation of extreme scarcity and shortages of medicine, medical supplies and food in Venezuela,&quot; it said in a statement. 
 
&quot;This situation has led to a significant deterioration in living conditions in the country and an increase in violence, which results in harm to people&#39;s health, personal integrity and life, to the detriment of the rights protected by the inter-American and universal human rights instruments,&quot; the commission, an autonomous human rights arm of the Organization of American States, added. 
 
The ongoing crisis &quot;has a negative impact on conditions to guarantee that Venezuelans can live a life of dignity, and it urges the State to adopt comprehensive measures to overcome this crisis,&quot; the IACHR said. 
 
Among the hardships created by the shortages in medical care and supplies are &quot;a significant number of neonatal deaths&quot; and &quot;long waits for critical surgical interventions,&quot; it added. 
 
With respect to food scarcity, the group expressed concern that for many Venezuelans &quot;it is impossible to obtain access to the food needed for an adequate diet.&quot; 
 
Venezuela&#39;s economy is reeling from the global crash in the price of oil, its main export. 
 
The plunge in crude revenues has unleashed a deep recession, chronic shortages and hyperinflation, threatening 17 years of socialist rule under President Nicolas Maduro and his late predecessor, Hugo Chavez. 
 
(AFP)&nbsp; 
 
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The group expressed concern that for many Venezuelans 'it is impossible to obtain access to the food needed for an adequate diet'

The Inter-American Commission for Human Rights (IACHR) on Friday decried the dire shortages of food and medicine in Venezuela, calling on officials in Caracas to undertake "urgent measures" to try to stem the crisis. The Washington DC-based group "regrets the urgent situation of extreme scarcity and shortages of medicine, medical supplies and food in Venezuela," it said in a statement. "This situation has led to a significant deterioration in living conditions in the country and an increase in violence, which results in harm to people's health, personal integrity and life, to the detriment of the rights protected by the inter-American and universal human rights instruments," the commission, an autonomous human rights arm of the Organization of American States, added. The ongoing crisis "has a negative impact on conditions to guarantee that Venezuelans can live a life of dignity, and it urges the State to adopt comprehensive measures to overcome this crisis," the IACHR said. Among the hardships created by the shortages in medical care and supplies are "a significant number of neonatal deaths" and "long waits for critical surgical interventions," it added. With respect to food scarcity, the group expressed concern that for many Venezuelans "it is impossible to obtain access to the food needed for an adequate diet." Venezuela's economy is reeling from the global crash in the price of oil, its main export. The plunge in crude revenues has unleashed a deep recession, chronic shortages and hyperinflation, threatening 17 years of socialist rule under President Nicolas Maduro and his late predecessor, Hugo Chavez. (AFP)

Rights group decries shortage of food, medicine in crisis-hit Venezuela

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