The Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly on Tuesday withdrew Bills seeking an increase in the salaries and allowances of the Chief Minister, Ministers and Members of the Legislative Assembly following objections raised by BJP legislators. Chief Minister Omar Abdullah, while responding to the objections, said there was no dissenting note in the House Committee that had recommended the proposed increase. He said BJP members were seeking higher salaries and allowances while also attempting to politicise the issue by referring to the problems faced by daily wagers. “I was never in favour of it. If a single member opposes, it will never pass. I withdraw the Bill,” Abdullah said. The House subsequently voted by majority in favour of withdrawing the legislation. The three Bills had sought to enhance the salaries and allowances of the Chief Minister, Ministers and Members of the Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly. Separately, the Assembly passed a Bill seeking to amend the Jammu and Kashmir State Legislature Members’ Pension Act, 1984.&nbsp;Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/bjp-mlas-walk-out-of-j-k-assembly-call-statehood-resolution-unconstitutional-1790660105875">BJP MLAs walk out of J&amp;K Assembly, call statehood resolution ‘unconstitutional’</a> The legislation, introduced as L.A. Bill No. 15 of 2026, was moved by Chief Minister Omar Abdullah, Minister Incharge of Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs, for consideration and passage. The Bill seeks to amend the existing law and provide for matters connected with or incidental to it. After the passage of the legislation, Abdullah said, “I am happy to go home in smiling mode, as I was under pressure from home also, as I was a pensioner there,” referring to his father, National Conference president Dr Farooq Abdullah, who was present in the House and watched the proceedings from the visitors’ gallery. The Assembly subsequently passed the pension amendment Bill.

The House subsequently voted by majority in favour of withdrawing the legislation. The three Bills had sought to enhance the salaries and allowances of the Chief Minister, Ministers and Members of the Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly. 

The Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly on Tuesday withdrew Bills seeking an increase in the salaries and allowances of the Chief Minister, Ministers and Members of the Legislative Assembly following objections raised by BJP legislators. Chief Minister Omar Abdullah, while responding to the objections, said there was no dissenting note in the House Committee that had recommended the proposed increase. He said BJP members were seeking higher salaries and allowances while also attempting to politicise the issue by referring to the problems faced by daily wagers. “I was never in favour of it. If a single member opposes, it will never pass. I withdraw the Bill,” Abdullah said. The House subsequently voted by majority in favour of withdrawing the legislation. The three Bills had sought to enhance the salaries and allowances of the Chief Minister, Ministers and Members of the Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly. Separately, the Assembly passed a Bill seeking to amend the Jammu and Kashmir State Legislature Members’ Pension Act, 1984. Also read: BJP MLAs walk out of J&K Assembly, call statehood resolution ‘unconstitutional’ The legislation, introduced as L.A. Bill No. 15 of 2026, was moved by Chief Minister Omar Abdullah, Minister Incharge of Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs, for consideration and passage. The Bill seeks to amend the existing law and provide for matters connected with or incidental to it. After the passage of the legislation, Abdullah said, “I am happy to go home in smiling mode, as I was under pressure from home also, as I was a pensioner there,” referring to his father, National Conference president Dr Farooq Abdullah, who was present in the House and watched the proceedings from the visitors’ gallery. The Assembly subsequently passed the pension amendment Bill.

The House subsequently voted by majority in favour of withdrawing the legislation. The three Bills had sought to enhance the salaries and allowances of the Chief Minister, Ministers and Members of the Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly.&nbsp;

J&K assembly withdraws bills on MLAs’ salaries and allowances, passes pension amendment

Ruckus erupted in the Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly on the second day of the autumn session after a row over government holidays triggered protests from BJP legislators.The proceedings began with Anantnag West MLA Abdul Majeed Larmi raising the issue of holidays observed by the government. Larmi said September 23 is observed as a holiday to mark the birth anniversary of Maharaja Hari Singh and urged the government to also declare a holiday on the birth anniversary of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah.Also read | <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/uproar-in-j-k-assembly-as-bjp-protests-over-public-issues-on-first-day-of-autumn-session-1789981014035">Uproar in J&amp;K Assembly as BJP protests over public issues on first day of Autumn Session</a>Larmi further said that if a holiday is not granted on Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah’s birth anniversary, the holiday observed on Maharaja Hari Singh’s birth anniversary should also be withdrawn.The remarks drew strong objections from BJP MLAs, who questioned the demand to withdraw the holiday marking Maharaja Hari Singh’s birth anniversary. The exchanges soon led to disruption in the House, following which BJP legislators staged a walkout.However, the protest did not last throughout the proceedings. One BJP legislator returned to the House to participate in the Question Hour. Chief Minister Omar Abdullah acknowledged the legislator’s return and appreciated the decision to take part in the proceedings.Also read | <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/eviction-notices-to-nazool-land-occupants-trigger-concern-among-srinagar-business-community-1789984788936">Eviction notices to Nazool land occupants trigger concern among Srinagar business community</a>During the Question Hour, BJP members raised questions with the government, including the rates being paid for accommodation of government employees in hotels during the shifting of offices.Later, the remaining BJP legislators also returned to the Assembly, bringing the walkout to an end and allowing the proceedings to continue. &nbsp;

A dispute over government holidays triggered an uproar in the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly on Tuesday. A demand linked to Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah’s birth anniversary drew BJP objections and led to a walkout before proceedings later resumed.

Ruckus erupted in the Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly on the second day of the autumn session after a row over government holidays triggered protests from BJP legislators. The proceedings began with Anantnag West MLA Abdul Majeed Larmi raising the issue of holidays observed by the government. Larmi said September 23 is observed as a holiday to mark the birth anniversary of Maharaja Hari Singh and urged the government to also declare a holiday on the birth anniversary of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah. Also read | Uproar in J&K Assembly as BJP protests over public issues on first day of Autumn Session Larmi further said that if a holiday is not granted on Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah’s birth anniversary, the holiday observed on Maharaja Hari Singh’s birth anniversary should also be withdrawn. The remarks drew strong objections from BJP MLAs, who questioned the demand to withdraw the holiday marking Maharaja Hari Singh’s birth anniversary. The exchanges soon led to disruption in the House, following which BJP legislators staged a walkout. However, the protest did not last throughout the proceedings. One BJP legislator returned to the House to participate in the Question Hour. Chief Minister Omar Abdullah acknowledged the legislator’s return and appreciated the decision to take part in the proceedings. Also read | Eviction notices to Nazool land occupants trigger concern among Srinagar business community During the Question Hour, BJP members raised questions with the government, including the rates being paid for accommodation of government employees in hotels during the shifting of offices. Later, the remaining BJP legislators also returned to the Assembly, bringing the walkout to an end and allowing the proceedings to continue.

A dispute over government holidays triggered an uproar in the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly on Tuesday. A demand linked to Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah’s birth anniversary drew BJP objections and led to a walkout before proceedings later resumed.

Ruckus in J&K assembly as BJP MLAs walk out, return during Question Hour

Ahead of the announcement by the Election Commission of India (ECI)&nbsp;on Friday (Aug 16)&nbsp;about the Assembly Elections in Jammu and Kashmir, the central and state governments have announced transfers of over 200 officers in the Union Territory.

The administration and police both have done a major reshuffle with immediate effect.&nbsp;

Jammu and Kashmir&nbsp;police got a new DGP and more than 30 officers of the&nbsp;department have been transferred.

The list includes DIG and SSP-level officers. The government has appointed Nitish Kumar (IPS) as the head of CID with immediate effect. According to three separate orders, Nitish Kumar, IPS, ADGP CID has been posted as head of CID, relieving R R Swain, IPS DGP, and J&amp;K of the additional charge of the post.&nbsp;

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/one-terrorist-killed-in-doda-gunfight-after-one-army-captain-succumbed-to-injuries-750117">One terrorist killed in Doda gunfight after army captain succumbs to injuries</a>

Bhim Sen Tuti, IPS, IGP (Hqrs) PHQ, IGP PHQ with additional charge of IGP (POS) and IGP Traffic has been posted as IGP (POS) with additional charge of IGP (Hqrs) PHQ, IGP (Telecom). Sunil Gupta, IPS, has been posted as Incharge IGP Crime, J&amp;K, relieving Deepak Kumar, IPS of the additional charge of the post, according to the order.&nbsp;

Sujit Kumar, IPS, has been posted as Incharge of IGP Security, J&amp;K, relieving M K&nbsp;Sinha, IPS of the additional charge of the post. Vivek Gupta, IPS, has been posted as the Incharge of IGP Railways J&amp;K, relieving S J M&nbsp;Gillani, IPS, in charge of the railways wing. &nbsp;&nbsp;

M Suleman Choudhary, IPS has been posted as Incharge IGP traffic. Dr Ajeet Singh, IPS, has been posted as DIG Traffic Kashmir against an available vacancy. Dr Vinod Kumar, IPS, has been posted as in charge&nbsp;of DIG Armed Jammu.&nbsp;

Maqsood-ul-Zaman, IPS, has been posted as in charge of DIG North Kashmir, Baramulla. Mubassir Latifi Ameer, IPS, has been posted as in charge of DIR (Pers) PHQ. Shiv Kumar, IPS, has been posted as DIG Jammu-Samba-Kathua Range. Rashmi Wazir, IPS, has been posted as DIG security, J&amp;K, against available vacancy Rajeshwar Singh, IPS, has been posted as in charge of DIG SIA.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/india-army-captain-critically-injured-in-doda-encounter-four-terrorists-believed-to-be-killed-750033">India: Army captain critically injured in Doda encounter, four terrorists believed to be killed</a>

Also, 21 other officers of various AGMUT cadres and JKPS were also ordered to be shifted.

Gurinderpal Singh was posted as SSP Baramulla, Nagpure Amod Ashok as SSP Udhampur, Amritpal Singh as SSP (Tech) CID Hqrs, Mumtaz Ahmed as SSP Poonch, and Mohammad Aslam as SSP Doda vice Javid Iqbal, who has been asked to await further postings at PHQ.&nbsp;

Sandeep Gupta as AIG (Tech) PHQ, Anuj Kumar as CO IR-11, Ms Tunushree as SP SIA Kashmir, Ananyat Ali Choudhary as SSP Shopian,&nbsp;Mohita Sharma as AIG (Prov) PHQ, Deepika as SSP Kathua, Gaurav Sikawar as SSP Reasi, Kulbir Singh as SSP Ramban, Joginder Singh as SSP Jammu, Ashok Kumar Sharma as CO 1 Border Battalion Jammu, Wasim Qadri as SSP Ganderbal, Yougal Kumar Manhas as SSP SIA Jammu, Tahir Geelani as AIG (procurement) PHQ, Shaheen Wahid as SSP telecom Jammu, Sandeep Bhat as Additional SP Udhampur and Baljeet Singh as Additional SP Nowshera. &nbsp;

In the Jammu and Kashmir administrations, several special secretaries, deputy commissioners and SDMs were transferred as well. Shakeel UI Rehman Rather, IAS, deputy commissioner, Bandipora, is transferred and posted as Director&nbsp;of Floriculture, Parks and Gardens, Kashmir. Mathora Masoom, JKAS, Director, Urban Local Bodies, Kashmir, is transferred and posted as special secretary to the government, tourism department.

Ahead of the announcement by the Election Commission of India (ECI) on Friday (Aug 16) about the Assembly Elections in Jammu and Kashmir, the central and state governments have announced transfers of over 200 officers in the Union Territory.

Ahead of the announcement by the Election Commission of India (ECI) on Friday (Aug 16) about the Assembly Elections in Jammu and Kashmir, the central and state governments have announced transfers of over 200 officers in the Union Territory. The administration and police both have done a major reshuffle with immediate effect. Jammu and Kashmir police got a new DGP and more than 30 officers of the department have been transferred. The list includes DIG and SSP-level officers. The government has appointed Nitish Kumar (IPS) as the head of CID with immediate effect. According to three separate orders, Nitish Kumar, IPS, ADGP CID has been posted as head of CID, relieving R R Swain, IPS DGP, and J&K of the additional charge of the post. Also read: One terrorist killed in Doda gunfight after army captain succumbs to injuries Bhim Sen Tuti, IPS, IGP (Hqrs) PHQ, IGP PHQ with additional charge of IGP (POS) and IGP Traffic has been posted as IGP (POS) with additional charge of IGP (Hqrs) PHQ, IGP (Telecom). Sunil Gupta, IPS, has been posted as Incharge IGP Crime, J&K, relieving Deepak Kumar, IPS of the additional charge of the post, according to the order. Sujit Kumar, IPS, has been posted as Incharge of IGP Security, J&K, relieving M K Sinha, IPS of the additional charge of the post. Vivek Gupta, IPS, has been posted as the Incharge of IGP Railways J&K, relieving S J M Gillani, IPS, in charge of the railways wing. M Suleman Choudhary, IPS has been posted as Incharge IGP traffic. Dr Ajeet Singh, IPS, has been posted as DIG Traffic Kashmir against an available vacancy. Dr Vinod Kumar, IPS, has been posted as in charge of DIG Armed Jammu. Maqsood-ul-Zaman, IPS, has been posted as in charge of DIG North Kashmir, Baramulla. Mubassir Latifi Ameer, IPS, has been posted as in charge of DIR (Pers) PHQ. Shiv Kumar, IPS, has been posted as DIG Jammu-Samba-Kathua Range. Rashmi Wazir, IPS, has been posted as DIG security, J&K, against available vacancy Rajeshwar Singh, IPS, has been posted as in charge of DIG SIA. Also read: India: Army captain critically injured in Doda encounter, four terrorists believed to be killed Also, 21 other officers of various AGMUT cadres and JKPS were also ordered to be shifted. Gurinderpal Singh was posted as SSP Baramulla, Nagpure Amod Ashok as SSP Udhampur, Amritpal Singh as SSP (Tech) CID Hqrs, Mumtaz Ahmed as SSP Poonch, and Mohammad Aslam as SSP Doda vice Javid Iqbal, who has been asked to await further postings at PHQ. Sandeep Gupta as AIG (Tech) PHQ, Anuj Kumar as CO IR-11, Ms Tunushree as SP SIA Kashmir, Ananyat Ali Choudhary as SSP Shopian, Mohita Sharma as AIG (Prov) PHQ, Deepika as SSP Kathua, Gaurav Sikawar as SSP Reasi, Kulbir Singh as SSP Ramban, Joginder Singh as SSP Jammu, Ashok Kumar Sharma as CO 1 Border Battalion Jammu, Wasim Qadri as SSP Ganderbal, Yougal Kumar Manhas as SSP SIA Jammu, Tahir Geelani as AIG (procurement) PHQ, Shaheen Wahid as SSP telecom Jammu, Sandeep Bhat as Additional SP Udhampur and Baljeet Singh as Additional SP Nowshera. In the Jammu and Kashmir administrations, several special secretaries, deputy commissioners and SDMs were transferred as well. Shakeel UI Rehman Rather, IAS, deputy commissioner, Bandipora, is transferred and posted as Director of Floriculture, Parks and Gardens, Kashmir. Mathora Masoom, JKAS, Director, Urban Local Bodies, Kashmir, is transferred and posted as special secretary to the government, tourism department.

Over 200 officials transferred in Jammu and Kashmir ahead of election announcement

General Bipin Rawat might have raised quite a few eyebrows among his critics by calling for de-radicalisation camps for the youth and children of Kashmir. In his first-ever address after taking over as the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), Rawat at the Raisina dialogues in New Delhi argued that there has been a significant increase in radicalisation among young people in Kashmir. General Rawat has raised a pertinent issue which needs to be tackled. The idea mooted by him has received backing by yet another influential voice J&amp;K Police Chief Dilbagh Singh. Singh said it would be a 'good sign' if such camps came up in J&amp;K and claimed that Pakistan had been spreading radicalisation here. He added that Kashmiri youth did not seem to be 'talking much sense' during their conversations with officials and often used radical language.&nbsp;

The Kashmir valley has been bearing the brunt of radicalisation for quite some time now. It is nothing short of a ticking time bomb and if not addressed in time, it has the potential to destroy the future generation of Kashmir. While I am not saying that every child is radicalised in Kashmir, radicalisation does exist there and we can’t turn a blind eye towards it. The recent remarks by Defence Minister Rajnath Singh assume significance, wherein he said that children in J&amp;K are 'nationalists' but they are sometimes motivated in the wrong direction. His view that handlers of such children must be punished holds true.&nbsp;

Radicalisation in J&amp;K has increased in the past decade or so. Radical Islamist outfits are spreading their ideology through vitriolic speeches, a network of Mosques, taking the control of Madrasas while expanding their influence across various colleges and universities. The gradual erosion of shrine worshipping or Sufism is an indicator of the growing radicalisation. Sufism is facing stiff competition from the Wahhabi brand of Islam as preached in Saudi Arabia and other parts of the world.&nbsp;

Extent of Radicalisation in J&amp;K&nbsp;

Even though the extent of radicalisation can’t be quantified, its spread on a large scale is evident in Kashmir. While a section of the society might disagree that children aren’t radicalised, the videos of children as small as 10 years pelting stones and hurling anti-India slogans isn’t a new development.&nbsp;

Kashmiri youth can be increasingly seen taking refuge in religious functions and discussions more than ever before. Sufi shrines are being burnt and there has hardly been any public outcry regarding the same. Some are even taking to social media to post incendiary messages terming the destruction of these shrines as a 'divine act of God.' This indicates the waning influence of the Hanafis. With the abundance of Saudi money, Wahhabi followers are gradually taking over Hanafi masjids in the valley. Kashmir is one among the most orthodox union territories in India. It has no functional cinema hall, thus underscoring locals losing out to the hardliners.&nbsp;

Xenophobia is also on the rise in the state. An incident pertaining to the rape and murder of a teenage girl Tabinda Gani was used by separatist Syed Ali Shah Geelani to initiate a xenophobic campaign against the presence of non-ethnic Kashmiri workers in the state. Terrorists have repeatedly targetted migrant workers, including the bombing of a bus of migrant workers by the Lashkar-e-Taiba. Geelani has time and again raised the issue of a large presence of migrant workers from Bihar in Kashmir.&nbsp;

Sense of Pride Associated with Jihad

Radicalisation owes its resurgence to the concept of ‘death with dignity’ which has long been propounded by jihadist elements. There are scores of families in J&amp;K who take pride in the fact that their sons died for the cause of ‘Azadi’ (freedom). It is astounding to see huge voter turnout in villages of Kashmir where there is hardly any development project or infrastructure. On the contrary, developed regions in the valley continue to be mired either under militancy or curfew. Even the religious shrines continue to be under the protection of security forces. Armed forces fear that anti-social elements may burn these holy places if security is removed even for a few hours. The world is witness to the dastardly attacks at the holy shrine of Charar-e-Sharief in Kashmir’s Budgam and the Hazratbal Dargah in Srinagar. These attacks, once again, reinforce the belief that these trouble peddlers are loyal to none. They only value their ideology and like to foment hate. Many a time, they even end up earning the sympathy of the locals, if caught in a gunfight with the Police or the Armed Forces. If killed or injured, they are projected as victims by their families. This fuels further anger towards the forces. When militants die in gunfights, their congregation is taken out across the streets with fervour. Celebratory gunshots are fired by terrorists in the air to pay obeisance to the departed. This sort of honour accorded to militants has often acted as a major source of inspiration to youths in becoming jihadis and terrorists.

This reminds me of an incident in Kulgam district of South Kashmir. A young militant found himself caught in the middle of a gunfight with the security forces. Sensing an opportunity, he called his father about what he should do next. His father advised him to not surrender and rather sacrifice his life. He thanked the almighty for giving his son the chance to do jihad. He proudly told his son that his effort would not go in vain. Rather, his sacrifice would ensure a place in heaven for the next seven generations of his family. One can only feel pity over such state of affairs and the dangerous magnitude radicalisation has assumed in Kashmir. Only a massive outreach and efforts aimed at de-radicalisation can bring the much-needed respite to the people of Kashmir, who seem to have lost their way and have been brainwashed by extremists, many from across the border, who are on the lookout to fulfil their notorious agenda.&nbsp;

Easy Availability of Radical Material

A sense of disgust and anguish seems to have crept into the minds of the youth in Kashmir. They seem directionless. It is hard to decipher as to what is making even schoolgirls resort to stone-pelting on the security forces. With the youth participating in large numbers, the new war in Kashmir is not only being fought on the streets, but through smartphones as well. Readily available material and literature on the streets and internet, along with clips on YouTube has been contributing to radicalisation. What is even more alarming is the sort of glorification and respect being commanded by the militants. They are no less than demi-gods in their respective locales. This needs to end. If not nipped in the bud, we will have a generation of Kashmiris growing up with militants and separatists as their role model.&nbsp;

The Problem is rooted to&nbsp;New Delhi

The prevailing problem in Kashmir has its roots linked to New Delhi as well. The Centre tends to take notice only when the violence in Kashmir gets out of hand. There were a lot of nationalists in Kashmir in 1947. However, those sitting in Delhi chose to give preference only to a few families and separatists. This created a feeling of alienation among the nationalists who felt unwanted. Some even had to leave Kashmir in the 1990s, or were forced out by the mujahids.&nbsp;

Radicalisation Not Linked to Unemployment

It is always being made out that unemployment is driving the Kashmiri youth to militancy and radicalisation. It is nothing but propaganda. Fact is that it is the misinterpretation of the Holy Quran and the call of jihad which is influencing them to take up arms. Furthermore, Muslim youth in Kashmir is being called to wage a war for “Ghazwa-e-Hind” (Battle of India) by terror outfits and handlers in Pakistan. The ideological differences and anti-India leaning are making people more prone to radicalisation and to indulge in violence.&nbsp;

Students right from their childhood have been taught that Kashmir is not a part of India, and that it has illegally been occupied by India. General Rawat had also stressed for a relook at the school curriculum that leads students into believing that they are not part of this country. The textbooks in Kashmiri schools have two maps - one of India and the other of J&amp;K, thus giving rise to a sense of separate identity.

Rich and Educated Youth Being Brainwashed to Take Up Arms

The participation of two Kashmiri boys in a fidayeen attack seems to have lifted the spirit of families of many militants. When the brother of one of the militants was asked by the Army to persuade his brother to shun militancy and return, he refused and told the officer that his brother had dropped out of engineering college to pursue his goal of jihad. He said that while his aim was to become a doctor, his brother had an entirely different purpose. This is one of the many instances as to how educated and rich Kashmiri youth are opting for militancy and posing further problems for policy-makers.&nbsp;

Radicalisation Has Taken a Religious Overtone&nbsp;

The trouble fomenting in Kashmir has now taken a completely religious form. The religious problem fueled by Jamaat-e-Islami, pro-Pakistan lobby, so-called Indian secularists, and a biased media behave as if they are the stakeholders of a company called Kashmir, and only they have a right on the whole of J&amp;K. The repeated pleas for softening of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) and anti-sedition law are a few instances. &nbsp;

Mosques and Madrasas Becoming Epicenter of Radicalisation

We all are aware - how Mosques in Kashmir valley have become congregation points for discussion on the threat to Islam and Kashmiriyat. Many of these Mosques are air-conditioned where radicals can be seen holding a discussion on the 'oppression' of Kashmiris. It is these Mosques which during gunfights appeal to locals to indulge in stone-pelting on Security Forces so that militants get a safe cover and are able to escape.&nbsp;

Madrasas have also emerged as the centers from where students are being radicalised. It is from such places that children first learn the concept of believers and non-believers (kaafirs) of Islam. They are the root cause of many ills.&nbsp;

Deradicalisation Camps Are Also Being Run in Pakistan&nbsp;

Not many are aware that even Pakistani General Qamar Bajwa has been a vocal supporter of de-radicalisation. De-radicalisation camps are also being run in Pakistan. General Bajwa is of the view that those studying in madrasas will either become Maulvis (clerics) or terrorists. Mohammad Ali Jinnah had once warned Mahatma Gandhi that bringing Maulvis into politics could have disastrous implications for India’s future, and this is what has happened. Even though Narendra Modi Government advocated the modernisation of Madrasas, it was faced with stiff resistance.&nbsp;

We Have Treated Only Symptoms, Not The Disease

In the past seven decades, we have only dealt with symptoms and not the disease. Article 370/ 35A was a sort of a disease giving rise to alienation and separate identity to Kashmiris which the Narendra Modi Government has removed. The likes of Jamaat-e-Islami, Hurriyat, and separatists – all owe their growth to Article 370. At least someone tried to address this issue, which had long been relegated to the backseat in the garb of vote-bank and appeasement politics. There used to be a time when the presence of para-military forces was dreaded by the locals. Protesters used to maintain a distance with the Police. However, thanks to outreach and confidence-building measures, this distance and fear regarding the forces have reduced.&nbsp;

Way Forward

We have long been busy in treating symptoms, and not the cancer of radicalisation. It is high time that we address the root cause; else radicalisation will continue to be a bleeding scar. Even as 'all-out' security operations have targetted militants, no comprehensive programme for addressing radicalisation has been formulated. Kashmir may be territorially secure now, but we have lost our grip on the valley emotionally and psychologically. We need to foster strong bonds with Kashmiri people and propagate the spirit of Kashmiriyat.&nbsp;

It was keeping this in mind that I organised the ‘Paigaam-e-Mohabbat’ event in November 2017. It was a reconciliation programme aimed at the family members of martyred soldiers, victims of militant attacks and families of slain militants. About 200 families that had lost their loved ones to violence in the Valley came on one platform to heal their hearts, forgive and promote peace and brotherhood.&nbsp;

Spirituality can play a major role in guiding the youth. Teachings of the Quran have often been misinterpreted. Kashmiris can be won by spiritual merit, and not by force. We need to work on changing their thinking pattern. Elders and influential moderate clerics must be reached out to clear the misconceptions of youth regarding jihad. Several local clericshave helped with the de-radicalisation measures in the past. The same had been done previously with respect to clearing the misconceptions among the Muslim community regarding Poliodrops and the effort was successful.&nbsp;

The glorification and worship of militants need to be tackled urgently or else we will have a generation of Kashmiris growing up with militants or separatists as their heroes. Firing of gunshots or vitriolic speeches during such processions also needs to be curbed.&nbsp;

After Burhan Wani’s death in July 2016, more and more childrenhave become radicalised. Children have impressionable minds and are most vulnerable. Hence, children should be taught theright path of Islam and efforts should be made to de-radicalise their minds. General Rawat has done well by raising this issue.&nbsp;

However, at the same time, efforts must be made to clear the air regarding such de-radicalization camps. A section of the mediaand intelligentsia has already started drawing parallels of these camps with NRC camps for refuges in Assam, which is incorrect.&nbsp;

On the other hand, the bravery of local youth such as Rifleman Aurangzeb who was abducted by terrorists in 2018 when he was at his home in Pulwama to celebrate Eid needs to be propagated. His two brothers have also joined the Army in 2019 to avenge his killing and take part in 'operation all out' against the terrorists. A firm message &nbsp; that the country needs more Aurangzebs and not more Burhan Wanis needs to be communicated staunchly.&nbsp;

It is in this context that we would need to distinguish between the elements which are fighting for India from those who are waging jihad against India.&nbsp;

Upgrading the school curriculum assumes significance too, as advocated by General Rawat. De-radicalisation can be best achieved through effective teaching and incorporation of civic studies in the syllabus for children. Students should be empowered with pen and computers, in place of stones and guns.&nbsp;

India already has informal de-radicalisation centers being run by various state police forces in coordination with central agencies. Family members of the youth play a crucial role in the de-radicalisation of their children at such centers.&nbsp;

The long-term solution is through a movement that genuinely seeks to propagate the culture of Sufi Islam that promotes peace and tolerance for all and helps promote the spirit of Kashmiriyat. The approach that gives precedence to non-violence and dialogue can be the best insurance against intolerance and violence.

Even though the problem of radicalisation isn’t directly linked with employment, the creation of jobs and stepping up recruitment drives for positions in the security forces can provide a productive avenue to the youth in channelising their efforts. The abrogation of Article 370 is expected to generate more jobs for the local youth.&nbsp;

An administrative outreach to the citizenry not to give in to the radical demands and the rhetoric of extremists can go a long way in fostering peace in the region.

If a region continues to be under the grip of structural violence for long, a certain proportion of people tend to become dependent, either directly or indirectly, on this ecosystem of violence. Thus, we would need to fight against the jihadi ecosystem in J&amp;K, check the root cause of violence and provide a healing touch to the people of Kashmir.&nbsp; 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)&nbsp;

General Bipin Rawat might have raised quite a few eyebrows among his critics by calling for de-radicalisation camps for the youth and children of Kashmir. In his first-ever address after taking over as the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), Rawat at the Raisina dialogues in New Delhi argued that there has been a significant increase in radicalisation among young people in Kashmir.

General Bipin Rawat might have raised quite a few eyebrows among his critics by calling for de-radicalisation camps for the youth and children of Kashmir. In his first-ever address after taking over as the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), Rawat at the Raisina dialogues in New Delhi argued that there has been a significant increase in radicalisation among young people in Kashmir. General Rawat has raised a pertinent issue which needs to be tackled. The idea mooted by him has received backing by yet another influential voice J&K Police Chief Dilbagh Singh. Singh said it would be a 'good sign' if such camps came up in J&K and claimed that Pakistan had been spreading radicalisation here. He added that Kashmiri youth did not seem to be 'talking much sense' during their conversations with officials and often used radical language. The Kashmir valley has been bearing the brunt of radicalisation for quite some time now. It is nothing short of a ticking time bomb and if not addressed in time, it has the potential to destroy the future generation of Kashmir. While I am not saying that every child is radicalised in Kashmir, radicalisation does exist there and we can’t turn a blind eye towards it. The recent remarks by Defence Minister Rajnath Singh assume significance, wherein he said that children in J&K are 'nationalists' but they are sometimes motivated in the wrong direction. His view that handlers of such children must be punished holds true. Radicalisation in J&K has increased in the past decade or so. Radical Islamist outfits are spreading their ideology through vitriolic speeches, a network of Mosques, taking the control of Madrasas while expanding their influence across various colleges and universities. The gradual erosion of shrine worshipping or Sufism is an indicator of the growing radicalisation. Sufism is facing stiff competition from the Wahhabi brand of Islam as preached in Saudi Arabia and other parts of the world. Extent of Radicalisation in J&K Even though the extent of radicalisation can’t be quantified, its spread on a large scale is evident in Kashmir. While a section of the society might disagree that children aren’t radicalised, the videos of children as small as 10 years pelting stones and hurling anti-India slogans isn’t a new development. Kashmiri youth can be increasingly seen taking refuge in religious functions and discussions more than ever before. Sufi shrines are being burnt and there has hardly been any public outcry regarding the same. Some are even taking to social media to post incendiary messages terming the destruction of these shrines as a 'divine act of God.' This indicates the waning influence of the Hanafis. With the abundance of Saudi money, Wahhabi followers are gradually taking over Hanafi masjids in the valley. Kashmir is one among the most orthodox union territories in India. It has no functional cinema hall, thus underscoring locals losing out to the hardliners. Xenophobia is also on the rise in the state. An incident pertaining to the rape and murder of a teenage girl Tabinda Gani was used by separatist Syed Ali Shah Geelani to initiate a xenophobic campaign against the presence of non-ethnic Kashmiri workers in the state. Terrorists have repeatedly targetted migrant workers, including the bombing of a bus of migrant workers by the Lashkar-e-Taiba. Geelani has time and again raised the issue of a large presence of migrant workers from Bihar in Kashmir. Sense of Pride Associated with Jihad Radicalisation owes its resurgence to the concept of ‘death with dignity’ which has long been propounded by jihadist elements. There are scores of families in J&K who take pride in the fact that their sons died for the cause of ‘Azadi’ (freedom). It is astounding to see huge voter turnout in villages of Kashmir where there is hardly any development project or infrastructure. On the contrary, developed regions in the valley continue to be mired either under militancy or curfew. Even the religious shrines continue to be under the protection of security forces. Armed forces fear that anti-social elements may burn these holy places if security is removed even for a few hours. The world is witness to the dastardly attacks at the holy shrine of Charar-e-Sharief in Kashmir’s Budgam and the Hazratbal Dargah in Srinagar. These attacks, once again, reinforce the belief that these trouble peddlers are loyal to none. They only value their ideology and like to foment hate. Many a time, they even end up earning the sympathy of the locals, if caught in a gunfight with the Police or the Armed Forces. If killed or injured, they are projected as victims by their families. This fuels further anger towards the forces. When militants die in gunfights, their congregation is taken out across the streets with fervour. Celebratory gunshots are fired by terrorists in the air to pay obeisance to the departed. This sort of honour accorded to militants has often acted as a major source of inspiration to youths in becoming jihadis and terrorists. This reminds me of an incident in Kulgam district of South Kashmir. A young militant found himself caught in the middle of a gunfight with the security forces. Sensing an opportunity, he called his father about what he should do next. His father advised him to not surrender and rather sacrifice his life. He thanked the almighty for giving his son the chance to do jihad. He proudly told his son that his effort would not go in vain. Rather, his sacrifice would ensure a place in heaven for the next seven generations of his family. One can only feel pity over such state of affairs and the dangerous magnitude radicalisation has assumed in Kashmir. Only a massive outreach and efforts aimed at de-radicalisation can bring the much-needed respite to the people of Kashmir, who seem to have lost their way and have been brainwashed by extremists, many from across the border, who are on the lookout to fulfil their notorious agenda. Easy Availability of Radical Material A sense of disgust and anguish seems to have crept into the minds of the youth in Kashmir. They seem directionless. It is hard to decipher as to what is making even schoolgirls resort to stone-pelting on the security forces. With the youth participating in large numbers, the new war in Kashmir is not only being fought on the streets, but through smartphones as well. Readily available material and literature on the streets and internet, along with clips on YouTube has been contributing to radicalisation. What is even more alarming is the sort of glorification and respect being commanded by the militants. They are no less than demi-gods in their respective locales. This needs to end. If not nipped in the bud, we will have a generation of Kashmiris growing up with militants and separatists as their role model. The Problem is rooted to New Delhi The prevailing problem in Kashmir has its roots linked to New Delhi as well. The Centre tends to take notice only when the violence in Kashmir gets out of hand. There were a lot of nationalists in Kashmir in 1947. However, those sitting in Delhi chose to give preference only to a few families and separatists. This created a feeling of alienation among the nationalists who felt unwanted. Some even had to leave Kashmir in the 1990s, or were forced out by the mujahids. Radicalisation Not Linked to Unemployment It is always being made out that unemployment is driving the Kashmiri youth to militancy and radicalisation. It is nothing but propaganda. Fact is that it is the misinterpretation of the Holy Quran and the call of jihad which is influencing them to take up arms. Furthermore, Muslim youth in Kashmir is being called to wage a war for “Ghazwa-e-Hind” (Battle of India) by terror outfits and handlers in Pakistan. The ideological differences and anti-India leaning are making people more prone to radicalisation and to indulge in violence. Students right from their childhood have been taught that Kashmir is not a part of India, and that it has illegally been occupied by India. General Rawat had also stressed for a relook at the school curriculum that leads students into believing that they are not part of this country. The textbooks in Kashmiri schools have two maps - one of India and the other of J&K, thus giving rise to a sense of separate identity. Rich and Educated Youth Being Brainwashed to Take Up Arms The participation of two Kashmiri boys in a fidayeen attack seems to have lifted the spirit of families of many militants. When the brother of one of the militants was asked by the Army to persuade his brother to shun militancy and return, he refused and told the officer that his brother had dropped out of engineering college to pursue his goal of jihad. He said that while his aim was to become a doctor, his brother had an entirely different purpose. This is one of the many instances as to how educated and rich Kashmiri youth are opting for militancy and posing further problems for policy-makers. Radicalisation Has Taken a Religious Overtone The trouble fomenting in Kashmir has now taken a completely religious form. The religious problem fueled by Jamaat-e-Islami, pro-Pakistan lobby, so-called Indian secularists, and a biased media behave as if they are the stakeholders of a company called Kashmir, and only they have a right on the whole of J&K. The repeated pleas for softening of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) and anti-sedition law are a few instances. Mosques and Madrasas Becoming Epicenter of Radicalisation We all are aware - how Mosques in Kashmir valley have become congregation points for discussion on the threat to Islam and Kashmiriyat. Many of these Mosques are air-conditioned where radicals can be seen holding a discussion on the 'oppression' of Kashmiris. It is these Mosques which during gunfights appeal to locals to indulge in stone-pelting on Security Forces so that militants get a safe cover and are able to escape. Madrasas have also emerged as the centers from where students are being radicalised. It is from such places that children first learn the concept of believers and non-believers (kaafirs) of Islam. They are the root cause of many ills. Deradicalisation Camps Are Also Being Run in Pakistan Not many are aware that even Pakistani General Qamar Bajwa has been a vocal supporter of de-radicalisation. De-radicalisation camps are also being run in Pakistan. General Bajwa is of the view that those studying in madrasas will either become Maulvis (clerics) or terrorists. Mohammad Ali Jinnah had once warned Mahatma Gandhi that bringing Maulvis into politics could have disastrous implications for India’s future, and this is what has happened. Even though Narendra Modi Government advocated the modernisation of Madrasas, it was faced with stiff resistance. We Have Treated Only Symptoms, Not The Disease In the past seven decades, we have only dealt with symptoms and not the disease. Article 370/ 35A was a sort of a disease giving rise to alienation and separate identity to Kashmiris which the Narendra Modi Government has removed. The likes of Jamaat-e-Islami, Hurriyat, and separatists – all owe their growth to Article 370. At least someone tried to address this issue, which had long been relegated to the backseat in the garb of vote-bank and appeasement politics. There used to be a time when the presence of para-military forces was dreaded by the locals. Protesters used to maintain a distance with the Police. However, thanks to outreach and confidence-building measures, this distance and fear regarding the forces have reduced. Way Forward We have long been busy in treating symptoms, and not the cancer of radicalisation. It is high time that we address the root cause; else radicalisation will continue to be a bleeding scar. Even as 'all-out' security operations have targetted militants, no comprehensive programme for addressing radicalisation has been formulated. Kashmir may be territorially secure now, but we have lost our grip on the valley emotionally and psychologically. We need to foster strong bonds with Kashmiri people and propagate the spirit of Kashmiriyat. It was keeping this in mind that I organised the ‘Paigaam-e-Mohabbat’ event in November 2017. It was a reconciliation programme aimed at the family members of martyred soldiers, victims of militant attacks and families of slain militants. About 200 families that had lost their loved ones to violence in the Valley came on one platform to heal their hearts, forgive and promote peace and brotherhood. Spirituality can play a major role in guiding the youth. Teachings of the Quran have often been misinterpreted. Kashmiris can be won by spiritual merit, and not by force. We need to work on changing their thinking pattern. Elders and influential moderate clerics must be reached out to clear the misconceptions of youth regarding jihad. Several local clericshave helped with the de-radicalisation measures in the past. The same had been done previously with respect to clearing the misconceptions among the Muslim community regarding Poliodrops and the effort was successful. The glorification and worship of militants need to be tackled urgently or else we will have a generation of Kashmiris growing up with militants or separatists as their heroes. Firing of gunshots or vitriolic speeches during such processions also needs to be curbed. After Burhan Wani’s death in July 2016, more and more childrenhave become radicalised. Children have impressionable minds and are most vulnerable. Hence, children should be taught theright path of Islam and efforts should be made to de-radicalise their minds. General Rawat has done well by raising this issue. However, at the same time, efforts must be made to clear the air regarding such de-radicalization camps. A section of the mediaand intelligentsia has already started drawing parallels of these camps with NRC camps for refuges in Assam, which is incorrect. On the other hand, the bravery of local youth such as Rifleman Aurangzeb who was abducted by terrorists in 2018 when he was at his home in Pulwama to celebrate Eid needs to be propagated. His two brothers have also joined the Army in 2019 to avenge his killing and take part in 'operation all out' against the terrorists. A firm message that the country needs more Aurangzebs and not more Burhan Wanis needs to be communicated staunchly. It is in this context that we would need to distinguish between the elements which are fighting for India from those who are waging jihad against India. Upgrading the school curriculum assumes significance too, as advocated by General Rawat. De-radicalisation can be best achieved through effective teaching and incorporation of civic studies in the syllabus for children. Students should be empowered with pen and computers, in place of stones and guns. India already has informal de-radicalisation centers being run by various state police forces in coordination with central agencies. Family members of the youth play a crucial role in the de-radicalisation of their children at such centers. The long-term solution is through a movement that genuinely seeks to propagate the culture of Sufi Islam that promotes peace and tolerance for all and helps promote the spirit of Kashmiriyat. The approach that gives precedence to non-violence and dialogue can be the best insurance against intolerance and violence. Even though the problem of radicalisation isn’t directly linked with employment, the creation of jobs and stepping up recruitment drives for positions in the security forces can provide a productive avenue to the youth in channelising their efforts. The abrogation of Article 370 is expected to generate more jobs for the local youth. An administrative outreach to the citizenry not to give in to the radical demands and the rhetoric of extremists can go a long way in fostering peace in the region. If a region continues to be under the grip of structural violence for long, a certain proportion of people tend to become dependent, either directly or indirectly, on this ecosystem of violence. Thus, we would need to fight against the jihadi ecosystem in J&K, check the root cause of violence and provide a healing touch to the people of Kashmir. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Deradicalisation of youth in Jammu and Kashmir need of the hour

Amit Shah seems to have hit the ground running in the very first week of <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/amit-shah-takes-charge-as-union-home-minister-223339">taking over as India’s Home Minister</a>. He has held a slew of review meetings, mostly on internal security and the situation in Jammu and Kashmir.

In the latest review meeting on Jammu and Kashmir on Tuesday - his second in as many days - Shah reportedly discussed redrawing the long pending delimitation of constituencies in the state. However, there has been no confirmation from the Ministry of Home Affairs on whether the delimitation matter was discussed at the meeting today.&nbsp;

As of now, four MLAs are elected from the Ladakh region, 46 MLAs come from Kashmir and 37 from the Jammu region.&nbsp;

In case delimitation is implemented in J&amp;K, it will lead to an increase in number of seats from the Jammu region, thereby opening the door for a Hindu Chief Minister. Till now, the state has always seen a Muslim chief minister. Congress leader Ghulam Nabi Azad was the first Muslim chief minister from the Jammu region. Rest of the chief ministers have come from the Kashmir region.

Traditionally, the position of deputy chief minister has always been accorded a Hindu from the state no matter which government came in power.

Watch:&nbsp;Amit Shah takes charge as India's Home Minister

<div class="videoWrapper trancodeVideo"><iframe allowfullscreen="" autoplay="1" class="includeVideo" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/videos/amit-shah-takes-charge-as-indias-home-minister-223331/embed" style="width:100%;max-width:560px;" width="560"></iframe></div>

With President’s Rule operational in Jammu and Kashmir, Shah has already had a closed-door meeting with Governor Satyapal Malik. He also met Intelligence Bureau Director Rajiv Jain and Home Secretary Rajiv Gauba.

In December 2016, a Cabinet sub-committee on implementation of agenda of the alliance of PDP-BJP had referred the said issue of working out the modalities for delimitation to a high-level of the bureaucratic panel but it could not fructify. At the crux of delimitation is redrawing the scope and size of Assembly constituencies and determine the number of seats to be reserved for Scheduled Castes.

This is being planned to correct regional disparity long suffered by the Jammu region, and provide representation to all reserved categories in the State Assembly. As per the 2011 Census, Jammu holds 25.93 per cent of the area with 42.89 per cent of the population whereas the Kashmir valley has 15.73 per cent of the area and 54.93 per cent of the population. The Ladakh region holds 58.33 per cent of the area but only 2.18 per cent of the population.

The last time delimitation took place in Kashmir was in 1995 by a commission headed by Justice (retired) KK Gupta.

The Constitution of India provides for delimitation to be carried out every 10 years. Going by this logic, the next delimitation would have taken place in 2005 but in 2002 Farooq Abdullah chose to freeze delimitation exercise in the state until 2026 by amending the Jammu and Kashmir Representation Act and Section 47(3) of the state’s constitution. It put the contentious matter in abeyance.

This is where the Governor comes in. He is competent to amend Section 47 of the J&amp;K constitution because, during the President’s Rule, the legislative authority is vested in the Governor. During the last delimitation exercise, the state was divided into 87 Assembly constituencies.

Amit Shah seems to have hit the ground running in the very first week of taking over as India’s Home Minister. He has held a slew of review meetings, mostly on internal security and the situation in Jammu and Kashmir.

Amit Shah seems to have hit the ground running in the very first week of taking over as India’s Home Minister. He has held a slew of review meetings, mostly on internal security and the situation in Jammu and Kashmir. In the latest review meeting on Jammu and Kashmir on Tuesday - his second in as many days - Shah reportedly discussed redrawing the long pending delimitation of constituencies in the state. However, there has been no confirmation from the Ministry of Home Affairs on whether the delimitation matter was discussed at the meeting today. As of now, four MLAs are elected from the Ladakh region, 46 MLAs come from Kashmir and 37 from the Jammu region. In case delimitation is implemented in J&K, it will lead to an increase in number of seats from the Jammu region, thereby opening the door for a Hindu Chief Minister. Till now, the state has always seen a Muslim chief minister. Congress leader Ghulam Nabi Azad was the first Muslim chief minister from the Jammu region. Rest of the chief ministers have come from the Kashmir region. Traditionally, the position of deputy chief minister has always been accorded a Hindu from the state no matter which government came in power. Watch: Amit Shah takes charge as India's Home Minister With President’s Rule operational in Jammu and Kashmir, Shah has already had a closed-door meeting with Governor Satyapal Malik. He also met Intelligence Bureau Director Rajiv Jain and Home Secretary Rajiv Gauba. In December 2016, a Cabinet sub-committee on implementation of agenda of the alliance of PDP-BJP had referred the said issue of working out the modalities for delimitation to a high-level of the bureaucratic panel but it could not fructify. At the crux of delimitation is redrawing the scope and size of Assembly constituencies and determine the number of seats to be reserved for Scheduled Castes. This is being planned to correct regional disparity long suffered by the Jammu region, and provide representation to all reserved categories in the State Assembly. As per the 2011 Census, Jammu holds 25.93 per cent of the area with 42.89 per cent of the population whereas the Kashmir valley has 15.73 per cent of the area and 54.93 per cent of the population. The Ladakh region holds 58.33 per cent of the area but only 2.18 per cent of the population. The last time delimitation took place in Kashmir was in 1995 by a commission headed by Justice (retired) KK Gupta. The Constitution of India provides for delimitation to be carried out every 10 years. Going by this logic, the next delimitation would have taken place in 2005 but in 2002 Farooq Abdullah chose to freeze delimitation exercise in the state until 2026 by amending the Jammu and Kashmir Representation Act and Section 47(3) of the state’s constitution. It put the contentious matter in abeyance. This is where the Governor comes in. He is competent to amend Section 47 of the J&K constitution because, during the President’s Rule, the legislative authority is vested in the Governor. During the last delimitation exercise, the state was divided into 87 Assembly constituencies.

Amit Shah holds meetings on Jammu and Kashmir

In a move that could have a massive impact on the polity of the Jammu and Kashmir, the Central government is mulling on lifting the freeze on delimitation in the state. The move could result in increase in the representation of Jammu in the J&K assembly, thereby raising the prospects of the state getting its first Chief Minister, who does not hail from the Kashmir region. At present Kashmir sends more legislators to the J&K assembly than the Jammu

Shah takes the wheel: Delimitation Commission in J&K on the agenda

The Supreme Court on Monday dismissed a PIL challenging the dissolution of the <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/i-did-not-act-on-bjps-behest-nobody-gave-me-list-of-mlas-says-jk-governor-satya-pal-malik-after-dissolving-assembly-178721">Jammu and Kashmir Assembly</a> by Governor <a href="http://www.wionews.com/videos/governor-of-jammu-and-kashmir-satya-pal-malik-speaks-to-sudhir-chaudhary-173379">Satya Pal Malik</a>.

"We are not inclined to interfere (with the decision of the Governor)," a bench comprising Chief Justice Ranjan Gogoi and Justice S K Kaul said.

The bench was hearing a PIL filed by BJP leader Gagan Bhagat, who was an MLA before the Assembly was dissolved.

The <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/youth-will-take-up-guns-if-they-are-not-given-any-other-alternative-jk-governor-satya-pal-malik-to-wion-173385">Jammu and Kashmir </a>Assembly, which was in suspended animation, was abruptly dissolved by the governor on November 21, hours after the People's Democratic Party (PDP) staked claim to form a government with the backing of rival National Conference and the Congress.

This was followed by another bid from the two-member People's Conference, which claimed the support of the BJP and 18 legislators from other parties.

PDP president Mehbooba Mufti wrote to the governor that her party, which has 29 MLAs, was backed by the National Conference and the Congress with 15 and 12 legislators, respectively.

The dissolution was announced by Malik in a communique released by the Raj Bhavan.

The six-month tenure of governor's rule ends on December 18. This will be followed by the president's rule. The state assembly's tenure was till October 2020.

Governor's rule was clamped in the state on June 19 for a six-month period following the collapse of the Mehbooba Mufti-headed PDP-BJP coalition government after the saffron party withdrew support.

The state assembly was kept in suspended animation so political parties could explore the possibility of forming a new government.

The Supreme Court on Monday dismissed a PIL challenging the dissolution of the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly by Governor Satya Pal Malik. "We are not inclined to interfere (with the decision of the Governor)," a bench comprising Chief Justice Ranjan Gogoi and Justice S K Kaul said.

The Supreme Court on Monday dismissed a PIL challenging the dissolution of the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly by Governor Satya Pal Malik. "We are not inclined to interfere (with the decision of the Governor)," a bench comprising Chief Justice Ranjan Gogoi and Justice S K Kaul said. The bench was hearing a PIL filed by BJP leader Gagan Bhagat, who was an MLA before the Assembly was dissolved. The Jammu and Kashmir Assembly, which was in suspended animation, was abruptly dissolved by the governor on November 21, hours after the People's Democratic Party (PDP) staked claim to form a government with the backing of rival National Conference and the Congress. This was followed by another bid from the two-member People's Conference, which claimed the support of the BJP and 18 legislators from other parties. PDP president Mehbooba Mufti wrote to the governor that her party, which has 29 MLAs, was backed by the National Conference and the Congress with 15 and 12 legislators, respectively. The dissolution was announced by Malik in a communique released by the Raj Bhavan. The six-month tenure of governor's rule ends on December 18. This will be followed by the president's rule. The state assembly's tenure was till October 2020. Governor's rule was clamped in the state on June 19 for a six-month period following the collapse of the Mehbooba Mufti-headed PDP-BJP coalition government after the saffron party withdrew support. The state assembly was kept in suspended animation so political parties could explore the possibility of forming a new government.

SC dismisses PIL challenging dissolution of J&K Assembly by Governor Satya Pal Malik

Governor Satya Pal Malik dissolved the Jammu &amp; Kashmir assembly on Wednesday night. Prior to the dissolution, he is said to have consulted Prime Minister Narendra Modi, BJP president Amit Shah and a few of PM’s advisers.

Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) president Mehbooba Mufti, according to media reports, is reported to have written to the Governor that she could not reach Raj Bhawan, but she tweeted in public domain, claiming that she had the support and backing of 56 MLAs. Soon after, Sajjad Lone, with only two MLAs in the assembly, showed his interest by saying that he had the support of BJP and over 18 other independent MLAs.

The legal position under Section 53 of the J&amp;K Constitution is that the action of the Governor does not need to be ratified by Parliament. It is only after the expiry of six months that President Rule can be imposed that needs Parliament’s ratification. The Governor has said that the reasons for his decision to dissolve the assembly that had a tenure till 2020, were reports of extensive horse trading and possible exchange of money in order to secure the support of legislators, thus jeopardising the fragile security scenario in the state. The Governor further said there is the impossibility of forming a stable government by coming together of political parties with opposing ideologies. 
 
&nbsp;The BJP, a partner of PDP until a few months ago, supported the Governor’s decision, saying that “J&amp;K needs a firm administration to deal with terrorism and not a combination of terror-friendly parties”. Further, BJP leaders commented, that “the best option in such a scenario is to go in for a fresh election at the earliest. This assembly cannot produce a stable government.”

Governor Malik has allowed his own reputation to be imperilled along with the impact he was reportedly making with Kashmiris by promoting his healing-touch policy, making efforts to reach out for peace and dialogue. Malik’s action has lowered the prestige of the gubernatorial office in a fragile and sensitive state of the Indian Union. He is an experienced politician and should have exhausted all the normal constitutional and democratic norms set out by the apex court.&nbsp;

Since the BJP-PDP government was dissolved in June, the Jammu and Kashmir assembly was kept in suspended animation and Governor’s Rule imposed in the state. Malik was not bound by the convention of recommending the dissolution of the assembly on advice of the chief minister and state cabinet, because neither existed. The dissolution deprived the elected legislators the opportunity to form a government in Jammu and Kashmir again.

Important political and constitutional issues lie at the heart of Governor’s action. Legally and constitutionally, Malik can say he was well within his rights to dissolve the assembly. Legitimately, power was exercised, but it was done in the pursuit of illegitimate goals. The timing of the dissolution makes it clear that Malik moved under orders — willingly or otherwise — to forestall the formation of a government that would prove inimical to the BJP’s calculations. By dissolving the J&amp;K assembly, he has ignored admittedly dodgy precedents set elsewhere.

Take Bihar. In 2015, an alliance of the Rashtriya Janata Dal, Janata Dal (United) and Congress had swept the state elections and formed a coalition government. In July 2017, barely two years later, in a move clearly orchestrated by outgoing and incoming chief minister Nitish Kumar, he disbanded the “grand alliance” by resigning as chief minister and was sworn in hours later in the same position, but with the BJP as his new ally. No gubernatorial compunctions seemed to have been experienced in showing the green light to this manoeuvre — a blatant betrayal of the 2015 mandate. In Goa, the Congress won 17 of the 40 assembly seats and the BJP, 13. The BJP got nine legislators on its side — three each from the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party and Goa Forward Party and three independents. Armed with a list of 22, it was invited to form a government, which it duly did. No one expressed any reservations whatsoever.&nbsp;

Now take Jammu and Kashmir. When the PDP and BJP decided to form a coalition government, no questions were raised by the governor about this decidedly surreal alliance. If you really stretch yourself, you can find some common ground between the PDP and National Conference — they are both Kashmiri parties, both are committed to some notion of Kashmiri exceptionalism and autonomy and share the same kind of social constituencies. Also, the PDP and Congress have been allies in the past.

But by what stretch of imagination did the then Governor of Jammu and Kashmir decide that the PDP and BJP, who are ideologically and programmatically on absolutely opposite ends of the spectrum, could form a “stable” government? The imagination boggles. It is reported that the central government views this coalition as detrimental to the political situation in Jammu and Kashmir. Of course, it does. But not because the “arrangement” would be riven by “contradictions”.

What will transpire now is not yet clear. Someone or the other could move court against the dismissal of the assembly, which makes logical sense. The Congress, National Conference, PDP and other political parties may be content to wait things out for another six months, by which time state elections will have to be held. 
&nbsp;

(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-give-everyone-a-chance-in-jk-2688311">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Governor Satya Pal Malik dissolved the Jammu & Kashmir assembly on Wednesday night. Prior to the dissolution, he is said to have consulted Prime Minister Narendra Modi, BJP president Amit Shah and a few of PM’s advisers.

Governor Satya Pal Malik dissolved the Jammu & Kashmir assembly on Wednesday night. Prior to the dissolution, he is said to have consulted Prime Minister Narendra Modi, BJP president Amit Shah and a few of PM’s advisers. Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) president Mehbooba Mufti, according to media reports, is reported to have written to the Governor that she could not reach Raj Bhawan, but she tweeted in public domain, claiming that she had the support and backing of 56 MLAs. Soon after, Sajjad Lone, with only two MLAs in the assembly, showed his interest by saying that he had the support of BJP and over 18 other independent MLAs. The legal position under Section 53 of the J&K Constitution is that the action of the Governor does not need to be ratified by Parliament. It is only after the expiry of six months that President Rule can be imposed that needs Parliament’s ratification. The Governor has said that the reasons for his decision to dissolve the assembly that had a tenure till 2020, were reports of extensive horse trading and possible exchange of money in order to secure the support of legislators, thus jeopardising the fragile security scenario in the state. The Governor further said there is the impossibility of forming a stable government by coming together of political parties with opposing ideologies. The BJP, a partner of PDP until a few months ago, supported the Governor’s decision, saying that “J&K needs a firm administration to deal with terrorism and not a combination of terror-friendly parties”. Further, BJP leaders commented, that “the best option in such a scenario is to go in for a fresh election at the earliest. This assembly cannot produce a stable government.” Governor Malik has allowed his own reputation to be imperilled along with the impact he was reportedly making with Kashmiris by promoting his healing-touch policy, making efforts to reach out for peace and dialogue. Malik’s action has lowered the prestige of the gubernatorial office in a fragile and sensitive state of the Indian Union. He is an experienced politician and should have exhausted all the normal constitutional and democratic norms set out by the apex court. Since the BJP-PDP government was dissolved in June, the Jammu and Kashmir assembly was kept in suspended animation and Governor’s Rule imposed in the state. Malik was not bound by the convention of recommending the dissolution of the assembly on advice of the chief minister and state cabinet, because neither existed. The dissolution deprived the elected legislators the opportunity to form a government in Jammu and Kashmir again. Important political and constitutional issues lie at the heart of Governor’s action. Legally and constitutionally, Malik can say he was well within his rights to dissolve the assembly. Legitimately, power was exercised, but it was done in the pursuit of illegitimate goals. The timing of the dissolution makes it clear that Malik moved under orders — willingly or otherwise — to forestall the formation of a government that would prove inimical to the BJP’s calculations. By dissolving the J&K assembly, he has ignored admittedly dodgy precedents set elsewhere. Take Bihar. In 2015, an alliance of the Rashtriya Janata Dal, Janata Dal (United) and Congress had swept the state elections and formed a coalition government. In July 2017, barely two years later, in a move clearly orchestrated by outgoing and incoming chief minister Nitish Kumar, he disbanded the “grand alliance” by resigning as chief minister and was sworn in hours later in the same position, but with the BJP as his new ally. No gubernatorial compunctions seemed to have been experienced in showing the green light to this manoeuvre — a blatant betrayal of the 2015 mandate. In Goa, the Congress won 17 of the 40 assembly seats and the BJP, 13. The BJP got nine legislators on its side — three each from the Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party and Goa Forward Party and three independents. Armed with a list of 22, it was invited to form a government, which it duly did. No one expressed any reservations whatsoever. Now take Jammu and Kashmir. When the PDP and BJP decided to form a coalition government, no questions were raised by the governor about this decidedly surreal alliance. If you really stretch yourself, you can find some common ground between the PDP and National Conference — they are both Kashmiri parties, both are committed to some notion of Kashmiri exceptionalism and autonomy and share the same kind of social constituencies. Also, the PDP and Congress have been allies in the past. But by what stretch of imagination did the then Governor of Jammu and Kashmir decide that the PDP and BJP, who are ideologically and programmatically on absolutely opposite ends of the spectrum, could form a “stable” government? The imagination boggles. It is reported that the central government views this coalition as detrimental to the political situation in Jammu and Kashmir. Of course, it does. But not because the “arrangement” would be riven by “contradictions”. What will transpire now is not yet clear. Someone or the other could move court against the dismissal of the assembly, which makes logical sense. The Congress, National Conference, PDP and other political parties may be content to wait things out for another six months, by which time state elections will have to be held. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Everyone should be given a chance in J&K

What started as a bang and great hope has ended in a great tragedy in Kashmir. The attempt to bridge Jammu with Kashmir has ended in a disaster. Today Kashmir is back to square one. The civilian life stands disrupted.&nbsp;

The modicum of normalcy which existed prior to 2014 lies completely shattered. Though every development in Kashmir cannot be heaped on BJP but the party is surely to be blamed for the response it came up with months after months.&nbsp;

Kashmir became an experiment shop for the nationalist narrative. Unnecessary debates dominated the tenure of the PDP-BJP development.&nbsp;

Whether it was the state flag, Article 370, Article 35(A) - unnecessary controversies dominated the tenure of the regime. The worst disservice was that Army was brought into Kashmir issue as a political agent. Indian Army’s view became another pillar in the conversation which was already suffering from political McCarthyism.

Unfortunate thing is that Army’s view was never an issue but their position on certain issues was continuously milked to attack and discredit the Opposition. It played out well for the audience in the heartland but ended up alienating average Kashmiri and adding strain on the alliance which ultimately cracked because of the inherent contradictions. Both of them were unnatural partners who were ideologically opposed and represented opposed social constituencies.

Despite unending failure at every level, BJP still thought of something unimaginable. It thought of pushing Sajad Lone as the CM face and tried to encourage defections. It pushed the narrative of 'Third Party' in a play where none existed. The push prompted political reorganisation by National Conference (NC), PDP and Congress. Whether it was fear, hard political compulsion or matter of survival, it spooked the BJP. The worst fear of BJP came into existence like wildfire. The real issue was what if 'Grand Alliance' becomes a reality in J&amp;K? Will it have an impact on elections?&nbsp;

These are conjunctures, but the fact remains that the BJP’s incessant push to remain in power through backdoor created an alignment which neither of them was interested in.

There is no doubt that PDP and NC are not the best of partners, but they have more ideological similarity than what is shared between BJP and PDP. On top of it, Congress has been in alliance with both NC and PDP. So, the reason given by the Governor of horse trading and ideological divide does not hold water. It shows that BJP became nervous that if this alliance comes to power then it will add weight to the idea behind 'Grand Alliance' again.&nbsp;

It is, for this reason, the BJP decided to opt for the more convenient option which is President’s rule. It happened despite the fact that both NC and Congress in long run did not want to tie up with PDP which has burnt its political ground in South Kashmir.&nbsp;

Kashmir shows the limit of push a political party and state can exert on society. Unbridled power and hard politics divorced from political ethics can produce results like these. Indira Gandhi’s total hegemony brought everyone together. Today, BJP stands in the same total position without realising that uncontained political ambition can be self-limiting.&nbsp;

Accommodative politics sometimes leads to better longevity. There are many lessons and less known issues. For example, as to why Home Minister Rajnath Singh and General Secretary in charge of J&amp;K Ram Madhav could not convince Modi-Shah duo to let Assembly survive for a few more days would be another story, but Kashmir, in the end, has come out as the real victim of national politics.

This is the tragedy with which the nation will have to deal with in the longer run. A Kashmir which is more fragile, more alienated and less safe and all cannot be blamed on the enemy across the border. Some responsibility also lies with BJP.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) 
&nbsp;

What started as a bang and great hope has ended in a great tragedy in Kashmir. The attempt to bridge Jammu with Kashmir has ended in a disaster. Today Kashmir is back to square one.

What started as a bang and great hope has ended in a great tragedy in Kashmir. The attempt to bridge Jammu with Kashmir has ended in a disaster. Today Kashmir is back to square one. The civilian life stands disrupted. The modicum of normalcy which existed prior to 2014 lies completely shattered. Though every development in Kashmir cannot be heaped on BJP but the party is surely to be blamed for the response it came up with months after months. Kashmir became an experiment shop for the nationalist narrative. Unnecessary debates dominated the tenure of the PDP-BJP development. Whether it was the state flag, Article 370, Article 35(A) - unnecessary controversies dominated the tenure of the regime. The worst disservice was that Army was brought into Kashmir issue as a political agent. Indian Army’s view became another pillar in the conversation which was already suffering from political McCarthyism. Unfortunate thing is that Army’s view was never an issue but their position on certain issues was continuously milked to attack and discredit the Opposition. It played out well for the audience in the heartland but ended up alienating average Kashmiri and adding strain on the alliance which ultimately cracked because of the inherent contradictions. Both of them were unnatural partners who were ideologically opposed and represented opposed social constituencies. Despite unending failure at every level, BJP still thought of something unimaginable. It thought of pushing Sajad Lone as the CM face and tried to encourage defections. It pushed the narrative of 'Third Party' in a play where none existed. The push prompted political reorganisation by National Conference (NC), PDP and Congress. Whether it was fear, hard political compulsion or matter of survival, it spooked the BJP. The worst fear of BJP came into existence like wildfire. The real issue was what if 'Grand Alliance' becomes a reality in J&K? Will it have an impact on elections? These are conjunctures, but the fact remains that the BJP’s incessant push to remain in power through backdoor created an alignment which neither of them was interested in. There is no doubt that PDP and NC are not the best of partners, but they have more ideological similarity than what is shared between BJP and PDP. On top of it, Congress has been in alliance with both NC and PDP. So, the reason given by the Governor of horse trading and ideological divide does not hold water. It shows that BJP became nervous that if this alliance comes to power then it will add weight to the idea behind 'Grand Alliance' again. It is, for this reason, the BJP decided to opt for the more convenient option which is President’s rule. It happened despite the fact that both NC and Congress in long run did not want to tie up with PDP which has burnt its political ground in South Kashmir. Kashmir shows the limit of push a political party and state can exert on society. Unbridled power and hard politics divorced from political ethics can produce results like these. Indira Gandhi’s total hegemony brought everyone together. Today, BJP stands in the same total position without realising that uncontained political ambition can be self-limiting. Accommodative politics sometimes leads to better longevity. There are many lessons and less known issues. For example, as to why Home Minister Rajnath Singh and General Secretary in charge of J&K Ram Madhav could not convince Modi-Shah duo to let Assembly survive for a few more days would be another story, but Kashmir, in the end, has come out as the real victim of national politics. This is the tragedy with which the nation will have to deal with in the longer run. A Kashmir which is more fragile, more alienated and less safe and all cannot be blamed on the enemy across the border. Some responsibility also lies with BJP. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

End of honeymoon: Political McCarthyism bites BJP in Kashmir

Noisy protests and anti-government slogans disrupted the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly today as the opposition Congress and National Conference (NC) staged a walkout over the issue of civilian killings and human rights violations in Kashmir.

The opposition parties were demanding a discussion on the issue.

As the house assembled, members of the NC and Congress asked for an adjournment of question hour for a discussion on the issue of civilian killings. However, Speaker Kavinder Gupta did not allow it, prompting them to troop into the well of the house amid protests and anti-government slogans.

The speaker rejected their demand and told them to raise the issue in zero hour. The opposition legislators continued to protest loudly, interrupting the proceedings of the house.

Minister A R Veeri said the opposition has no issue and was only wasting the time of the House.

Later, following more protests, the opposition walked out.

NC MLA Ali Mohd Sagar told reporters they wanted adjournment of the question hour for a discussion on the issue of civilian killings but the speaker did not allow it.

The opposition Congress and the National Conference staged a walkout over the issue

Noisy protests and anti-government slogans disrupted the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly today as the opposition Congress and National Conference (NC) staged a walkout over the issue of civilian killings and human rights violations in Kashmir. The opposition parties were demanding a discussion on the issue. As the house assembled, members of the NC and Congress asked for an adjournment of question hour for a discussion on the issue of civilian killings. However, Speaker Kavinder Gupta did not allow it, prompting them to troop into the well of the house amid protests and anti-government slogans. The speaker rejected their demand and told them to raise the issue in zero hour. The opposition legislators continued to protest loudly, interrupting the proceedings of the house. Minister A R Veeri said the opposition has no issue and was only wasting the time of the House. Later, following more protests, the opposition walked out. NC MLA Ali Mohd Sagar told reporters they wanted adjournment of the question hour for a discussion on the issue of civilian killings but the speaker did not allow it.

Pandemonium in J&K assembly over civilian killings, human rights violations

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