A BJP delegation that visited China recently has conveyed to the Communist Party leaders that trade relations between the two countries may be affected if the neighbouring country does not change its stand on issues "sensitive" to India.

During their visit to various provinces of China, the 10-member delegation of Bharatiya Janata Party had conveyed to the Communist Party leaders the need for checking the narrative that China stands with Pakistan on issues sensitive to India.&nbsp;

Speaking to ANI, Arun Singh, National General Secretary of BJP said that extensive discussions from trade to party ideologies took place.&nbsp;

However, the most vital among them was China`s stated affinity towards Pakistan.

"We told them when we use their products at home we become emotionally attached to them as well. But if the sentiment that you stand with the neighbouring country on issues sensitive to us prevails, then eventually it is bound to hurt the trade relations between two countries. If we see you siding with the neighbouring country, it hurts the sentiment of country and the trade between the two countries." he said.

Besides Singh, the delegation comprised foreign cell in-charge Vijay Chauthaiwale, Gopal Krishan Aggarwal, spokesperson, -Shiv Kumar Udasi, Suresh Pujari, Mahesh Poddar, Ramesh Shejwalkar and Raksha Khadse (all MPs) and some other party members.

They also discussed export of agricultural product especially soya, rice and sugar by China.

The BJP delegation also raised concerns about fiscal deficit and said it is a challenge.

"There are ways to cover this deficit through technology transfer, integrating MSME through the supply chain. FDI, transfer of technology and development of MSME and integrate into Chinese global chain. We raised concerns about visa norms and China`s stand on terrorism. As a political dispensation, we need to raise public concerns as well, " Aggarwal said.&nbsp;

Earlier, External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar had visited China where the concerns about territorial claims of Aksai Chin were addressed.&nbsp;

A BJP delegation that visited China recently has conveyed to the Communist Party leaders that trade relations between the two countries may be affected if the neighbouring country does not change its stand on issues "sensitive" to India.

A BJP delegation that visited China recently has conveyed to the Communist Party leaders that trade relations between the two countries may be affected if the neighbouring country does not change its stand on issues "sensitive" to India. During their visit to various provinces of China, the 10-member delegation of Bharatiya Janata Party had conveyed to the Communist Party leaders the need for checking the narrative that China stands with Pakistan on issues sensitive to India. Speaking to ANI, Arun Singh, National General Secretary of BJP said that extensive discussions from trade to party ideologies took place. However, the most vital among them was China`s stated affinity towards Pakistan. "We told them when we use their products at home we become emotionally attached to them as well. But if the sentiment that you stand with the neighbouring country on issues sensitive to us prevails, then eventually it is bound to hurt the trade relations between two countries. If we see you siding with the neighbouring country, it hurts the sentiment of country and the trade between the two countries." he said. Besides Singh, the delegation comprised foreign cell in-charge Vijay Chauthaiwale, Gopal Krishan Aggarwal, spokesperson, -Shiv Kumar Udasi, Suresh Pujari, Mahesh Poddar, Ramesh Shejwalkar and Raksha Khadse (all MPs) and some other party members. They also discussed export of agricultural product especially soya, rice and sugar by China. The BJP delegation also raised concerns about fiscal deficit and said it is a challenge. "There are ways to cover this deficit through technology transfer, integrating MSME through the supply chain. FDI, transfer of technology and development of MSME and integrate into Chinese global chain. We raised concerns about visa norms and China`s stand on terrorism. As a political dispensation, we need to raise public concerns as well, " Aggarwal said. Earlier, External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar had visited China where the concerns about territorial claims of Aksai Chin were addressed.

China's stand on Pakistan may affect trade relations: BJP tells Chinese leaders

It was after 10 years that I visited China. Capital Beijing has undergone a sea change, even though Sino-Indian relations have yet to achieve dizzying heights. &nbsp;

Beijing is booming with sky scrapers, once the prerogative of Shanghai. Gone are the days when it was termed as the city of bicycles; today latest models of cars zip through its boulevards. &nbsp;&nbsp;

Developments in Beijing, as far as Sino-Indian ties are concerned, can be summarised as being pre and post-Wuhan summit between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping. &nbsp;

Let’s take three issues, which have broadly dominated Sino-India relations before and after Wuhan. They are the border dispute, Sino-India relations viz a viz Pakistan and trade imbalance between the two nations. &nbsp;

The memory of Doklam is still fresh in Indian minds. The stand-off between India and China dominated much of 2017 until the Wuhan summit – the first informal summit between Modi and Xi in April, 2018. &nbsp;

Doklam was one of the biggest military standoffs in recent history between the two Asian giants. Talking to a cross section of Indian and Chinese leadership, it is evident that both sides want to move faster on the understanding reached at Wuhan.

The second round of the informal summit between Modi and Xi is slated for October 2019, the likely venue for this meeting being Varanasi. But before this, border talks between special representatives of India and China will be held. This is the first Sino-India meeting of Modi 2.0 and will be led by National Security Adviser Ajit Doval and Chinese Foreign Minister, Wang Yi. &nbsp;

Apparently, India is examining certain proposals put forth by the Chinese side, and in the words of Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, are “Looking for early harvest”. &nbsp;&nbsp;

Officials, witness to the Wuhan Summit, say that both leaders had hit it off quite well. They spent a considerable time alone, in the company of interpreters, but minus officials. This has helped both to understand each other well and away from stated positions, which officials usually insist on before any big meeting. &nbsp;

Both Modi and Xi are strong leaders and realise that if the two nations need to progress faster, they have to first close ranks. And this is the direction that the relationship between India and China is moving. &nbsp;

One can draw this inference from the fact that officials were open to discuss issues more elaborately than at any point of time earlier. As one observer said, instructions from Xi have gone down the Chinese official hierarchy and they are following it to the minutest detail.

The fact is the President Xi has travelled only twice outside Beijing to host a foreign leader and that is for Modi. &nbsp;

The second issue, Sino-India relations viz-a-viz Pakistan, is connected to the first. China’s relations with Pakistan is parabolically described as ‘Iron Brother’. But let’s examine this in the light of pre and post Wuhan. China has started to appreciate India’s position viz-a-viz terrorism and agreed on designating Masood Azhar as a global terrorist. There was tremendous pressure from Pakistan on China, but eventually it sided with India. &nbsp;

On the recent developments in Kashmir, India explained its position to China. A statement by MEA said that the “EAM (S Jaishankar) also stressed that the future of the India-China relationship will obviously depend on mutual sensitivity to each other’s core concerns” - India’s sensitivity is “Kashmir”, while for China is implies “Taiwan, Tibet and Hong Kong”. &nbsp;

The MEA went on to add that changes in Kashmir, “Had no bearing on Pakistan as it was an internal matter. It did not impact the LoC.”

The Pakistan Foreign Minister’s dash to Beijing, just ahead of Indian External Affairs Minister’s visit, almost crying and pleading with China, resulted in Beijing taking up the issue with India. This is probably one of the reasons why China went along with Pakistan at the informal meeting at UNSC on Kashmir. It had more do with pacifying Pakistan. &nbsp;

Of course, it would be naive to imagine that Beijing is moving away from Islamabad. Economic considerations weigh heavily on China’s mind with President Xi’s ambitious CPEC project currently underway in Pakistan. Also, Beijing will not want its ally to fall into US hands, which is why it is in her interest to continue shielding Islamabad. &nbsp;

Finally, trade. Figures reveal that in 2016, trade between the two countries stood at $70.08 billion; in 2017, it was $84.44 billion and in 2018, it went up to $95.54 billion. &nbsp;

Jaishankar, during his trip to Beijing, stressed that “the economic relationship had seen some progress, but the increasing trade deficit was a matter of concern.’’ India is keen that the Chinese side take steps to address this imbalance by enabling greater access for Indian pharmaceutical and IT products and services in the domestic Chinese market. &nbsp;

The trade potential remains vast. With the US-China trade war looming, there are opportunities for both the countries. &nbsp;&nbsp;

Relations between India and China are on the move and the credit for this goes to both Modi and Xi. As both countries get ready to celebrate the 70th anniversary of their diplomatic ties, the only way forward is to move ahead.

Direct contact between the political leadership, officials and even the two militaries, will carry forward this momentum.

The Wuhan effect is reflected across the spectrum of relationship between India and China. With the second informal summit due in just over a month, can it provide the impetus needed and will China stick to the Wuhan course? &nbsp; 
 
(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-unfolding-the-spirit-of-wuhan-2784044">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.) &nbsp; 
&nbsp;

It was after 10 years that I visited China. Capital Beijing has undergone a sea change, even though Sino-Indian relations have yet to achieve dizzying heights. Beijing is booming with sky scrapers, once the prerogative of Shanghai.

It was after 10 years that I visited China. Capital Beijing has undergone a sea change, even though Sino-Indian relations have yet to achieve dizzying heights. Beijing is booming with sky scrapers, once the prerogative of Shanghai. Gone are the days when it was termed as the city of bicycles; today latest models of cars zip through its boulevards. Developments in Beijing, as far as Sino-Indian ties are concerned, can be summarised as being pre and post-Wuhan summit between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping. Let’s take three issues, which have broadly dominated Sino-India relations before and after Wuhan. They are the border dispute, Sino-India relations viz a viz Pakistan and trade imbalance between the two nations. The memory of Doklam is still fresh in Indian minds. The stand-off between India and China dominated much of 2017 until the Wuhan summit – the first informal summit between Modi and Xi in April, 2018. Doklam was one of the biggest military standoffs in recent history between the two Asian giants. Talking to a cross section of Indian and Chinese leadership, it is evident that both sides want to move faster on the understanding reached at Wuhan. The second round of the informal summit between Modi and Xi is slated for October 2019, the likely venue for this meeting being Varanasi. But before this, border talks between special representatives of India and China will be held. This is the first Sino-India meeting of Modi 2.0 and will be led by National Security Adviser Ajit Doval and Chinese Foreign Minister, Wang Yi. Apparently, India is examining certain proposals put forth by the Chinese side, and in the words of Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, are “Looking for early harvest”. Officials, witness to the Wuhan Summit, say that both leaders had hit it off quite well. They spent a considerable time alone, in the company of interpreters, but minus officials. This has helped both to understand each other well and away from stated positions, which officials usually insist on before any big meeting. Both Modi and Xi are strong leaders and realise that if the two nations need to progress faster, they have to first close ranks. And this is the direction that the relationship between India and China is moving. One can draw this inference from the fact that officials were open to discuss issues more elaborately than at any point of time earlier. As one observer said, instructions from Xi have gone down the Chinese official hierarchy and they are following it to the minutest detail. The fact is the President Xi has travelled only twice outside Beijing to host a foreign leader and that is for Modi. The second issue, Sino-India relations viz-a-viz Pakistan, is connected to the first. China’s relations with Pakistan is parabolically described as ‘Iron Brother’. But let’s examine this in the light of pre and post Wuhan. China has started to appreciate India’s position viz-a-viz terrorism and agreed on designating Masood Azhar as a global terrorist. There was tremendous pressure from Pakistan on China, but eventually it sided with India. On the recent developments in Kashmir, India explained its position to China. A statement by MEA said that the “EAM (S Jaishankar) also stressed that the future of the India-China relationship will obviously depend on mutual sensitivity to each other’s core concerns” - India’s sensitivity is “Kashmir”, while for China is implies “Taiwan, Tibet and Hong Kong”. The MEA went on to add that changes in Kashmir, “Had no bearing on Pakistan as it was an internal matter. It did not impact the LoC.” The Pakistan Foreign Minister’s dash to Beijing, just ahead of Indian External Affairs Minister’s visit, almost crying and pleading with China, resulted in Beijing taking up the issue with India. This is probably one of the reasons why China went along with Pakistan at the informal meeting at UNSC on Kashmir. It had more do with pacifying Pakistan. Of course, it would be naive to imagine that Beijing is moving away from Islamabad. Economic considerations weigh heavily on China’s mind with President Xi’s ambitious CPEC project currently underway in Pakistan. Also, Beijing will not want its ally to fall into US hands, which is why it is in her interest to continue shielding Islamabad. Finally, trade. Figures reveal that in 2016, trade between the two countries stood at $70.08 billion; in 2017, it was $84.44 billion and in 2018, it went up to $95.54 billion. Jaishankar, during his trip to Beijing, stressed that “the economic relationship had seen some progress, but the increasing trade deficit was a matter of concern.’’ India is keen that the Chinese side take steps to address this imbalance by enabling greater access for Indian pharmaceutical and IT products and services in the domestic Chinese market. The trade potential remains vast. With the US-China trade war looming, there are opportunities for both the countries. Relations between India and China are on the move and the credit for this goes to both Modi and Xi. As both countries get ready to celebrate the 70th anniversary of their diplomatic ties, the only way forward is to move ahead. Direct contact between the political leadership, officials and even the two militaries, will carry forward this momentum. The Wuhan effect is reflected across the spectrum of relationship between India and China. With the second informal summit due in just over a month, can it provide the impetus needed and will China stick to the Wuhan course? (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Unfolding the spirit of Wuhan: Relations between India and China are on the move

India has told China that the abrogation of Article 370 and bifurcation of Jammu and Kashmir will have no impact on the Line of Actual Control (LAC). During a meeting with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi in Beijing on Monday, External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar said that China’s concerns were misplaced.

S Jaishankar: Abrogation of Article 370, bifurcation is India's internal matter

After China expressed disapproval of the Indian government’s decision to abrogate Article 370 of the Indian Constitution, Indian External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar, at a meeting with his Chinese counterpart Wang Yi in Beijing said,” Any bilateral differences should not become disputes.” Also, India and China on Monday signed four Memorandums of Understanding (MoUs)

Watch: India-China sign four MoUs

<div class="content" itemprop="articleBody">
<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/jk-decision-will-have-no-impact-on-line-of-actual-control-india-to-china-242545">India and China</a> on Monday signed four Memorandums of Understanding (MoUs) and agreed to organise 100 activities in the coming months in the domain of film and broadcasting in bid to further strengthen the cultural and people-to-people ties between the two countries.

The four agreements were signed following the second meeting of the India-China High-Level Mechanism (HLM) on Cultural and People-to-People Exchanges, chaired by <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/external-affairs-minister-s-jaishankar-meets-chinese-vice-president-discusses-strengthening-of-ties-242397">External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar</a> and his Chinese counterpart Wang Yi.

The two countries agreed to promote cultural exchanges for the preservation of intangible cultural heritage, organization of cultural activities and management of archaeological heritage sites.

They also agreed to enhance cooperation in the field of traditional medicine, where both India and China have a rich knowledge accumulated over centuries, with the objective of promoting the development of these medicines in the healthcare system of the two countries.

"Third, we agreed to promote exchanges between our National Sports Associations, sportspersons and youth for strengthening cooperation on international sports events," Jaishankar said at a joint press conference with Wang held in Beijing.

"Lastly, we agreed on the cooperation in Museum Management for promoting collaboration between Hubei Provincial Museum, Wuhan and the National Museum, New Delhi in the field of exhibitions, protection and restoration of collections and archaeological excavations for Museums," the foreign minister said.

During the second HLM meeting, China made clear its concerns over the recent tensions between India and Pakistan and also conveyed its "principled position" on the issue of sovereignty, an apparent reference to its opposition to India's decision on Ladakh.

"Regarding the recent tensions between India and Pakistan, we made clear China's concerns. On the issues involving China's sovereignty interest, we also stated China's principled position," said Jaishankar. 
During the joint press conference, the two leaders announced a range of new initiatives, including expanding facilities for Kailash Mansarovar pilgrims.

Jaishankar said China had made suggestions about expanding the Kailash Mansarovar Yatra. "Some suggestions were made by the Chinese side to expand Kailash Mansarovar Yatra and we are deeply appreciative of these initiatives," he said.

In turn, Wang said that China and Tibet government are working to improve facilities for Kailash pilgrims.

"The Chinese government and local government, in particular, have been working to provide facilities and that pathway has increasingly become a pathway of friendship. And today officials proposed that we can co-produce a documentary on pilgrims so that we can tell a good story of our traditional friendship," Wang said.

"Another example is that to carry forward Dr. (Dwarkanath) Kotnis and advocate the internationalism that he represents. China-India have put together a joint medical team on a regular basis. The medical workers will go to remote areas in both countries to provide treatment of the local people and promote their fitness and wellness. It is our hope that the agencies over here can follow on that intuitive and help us spread our story of friendship today," he added.

In addition, the two countries agreed to minimise their differences to strengthen people to people exchanges.

"We (India and China) both believe that to strengthen people to people exchanges we need to be inclusive and build common ground while minimising differences," said Wang. "It is even more important that we join hand to write a new chapter so that our two civilisations co-exist in harmony," Wang said.

Referring to India's trade deficit with China, Yi said China appreciates India's concerns over trade imbalances and "stands ready to continue to provide facilities for Indian exports". The two countries, he said, need to think more broadly and expand cooperation in fields of investment, industrial production, tourism and border issues.

Wang added that the two countries need to firmly push back unilateralism, protectionism and bullying with concrete action and firmly uphold the purpose and principles of the UN Charter and the basic norms governing international relations.

Other than this, the two leaders discussed the full gamut of issues relating to the international situation, regional aspects and the bilateral relations including the visit of President Xi Jinping to India for the second informal summit later this year and celebrating the 70th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations next year.

Jaishankar stressed that "the future of the India-China relationship will obviously depend on mutual sensitivity to each other's core concerns".

"It is natural, both as neighbours and large developing economies that there would be issues in our ties. Properly managing differences is therefore vital. As agreed by the leaders in Astana, differences should not become disputes. That is how India-China relations can remain a factor of stability in an uncertain world," he said.

Later in the day, Jaishankar and Wang jointly inaugurated the 'India-China Film Week', marking the commemoration of 100 activities that would be organised in the coming months in the domain of film and broadcasting.&nbsp;
</div>

India and China on Monday signed four Memorandums of Understanding (MoUs) and agreed to organise 100 activities in the coming months in the domain of film and broadcasting in bid to further strengthen the cultural and people-to-people ties between the two countries.

India and China on Monday signed four Memorandums of Understanding (MoUs) and agreed to organise 100 activities in the coming months in the domain of film and broadcasting in bid to further strengthen the cultural and people-to-people ties between the two countries. The four agreements were signed following the second meeting of the India-China High-Level Mechanism (HLM) on Cultural and People-to-People Exchanges, chaired by External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and his Chinese counterpart Wang Yi. The two countries agreed to promote cultural exchanges for the preservation of intangible cultural heritage, organization of cultural activities and management of archaeological heritage sites. They also agreed to enhance cooperation in the field of traditional medicine, where both India and China have a rich knowledge accumulated over centuries, with the objective of promoting the development of these medicines in the healthcare system of the two countries. "Third, we agreed to promote exchanges between our National Sports Associations, sportspersons and youth for strengthening cooperation on international sports events," Jaishankar said at a joint press conference with Wang held in Beijing. "Lastly, we agreed on the cooperation in Museum Management for promoting collaboration between Hubei Provincial Museum, Wuhan and the National Museum, New Delhi in the field of exhibitions, protection and restoration of collections and archaeological excavations for Museums," the foreign minister said. During the second HLM meeting, China made clear its concerns over the recent tensions between India and Pakistan and also conveyed its "principled position" on the issue of sovereignty, an apparent reference to its opposition to India's decision on Ladakh. "Regarding the recent tensions between India and Pakistan, we made clear China's concerns. On the issues involving China's sovereignty interest, we also stated China's principled position," said Jaishankar. During the joint press conference, the two leaders announced a range of new initiatives, including expanding facilities for Kailash Mansarovar pilgrims. Jaishankar said China had made suggestions about expanding the Kailash Mansarovar Yatra. "Some suggestions were made by the Chinese side to expand Kailash Mansarovar Yatra and we are deeply appreciative of these initiatives," he said. In turn, Wang said that China and Tibet government are working to improve facilities for Kailash pilgrims. "The Chinese government and local government, in particular, have been working to provide facilities and that pathway has increasingly become a pathway of friendship. And today officials proposed that we can co-produce a documentary on pilgrims so that we can tell a good story of our traditional friendship," Wang said. "Another example is that to carry forward Dr. (Dwarkanath) Kotnis and advocate the internationalism that he represents. China-India have put together a joint medical team on a regular basis. The medical workers will go to remote areas in both countries to provide treatment of the local people and promote their fitness and wellness. It is our hope that the agencies over here can follow on that intuitive and help us spread our story of friendship today," he added. In addition, the two countries agreed to minimise their differences to strengthen people to people exchanges. "We (India and China) both believe that to strengthen people to people exchanges we need to be inclusive and build common ground while minimising differences," said Wang. "It is even more important that we join hand to write a new chapter so that our two civilisations co-exist in harmony," Wang said. Referring to India's trade deficit with China, Yi said China appreciates India's concerns over trade imbalances and "stands ready to continue to provide facilities for Indian exports". The two countries, he said, need to think more broadly and expand cooperation in fields of investment, industrial production, tourism and border issues. Wang added that the two countries need to firmly push back unilateralism, protectionism and bullying with concrete action and firmly uphold the purpose and principles of the UN Charter and the basic norms governing international relations. Other than this, the two leaders discussed the full gamut of issues relating to the international situation, regional aspects and the bilateral relations including the visit of President Xi Jinping to India for the second informal summit later this year and celebrating the 70th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations next year. Jaishankar stressed that "the future of the India-China relationship will obviously depend on mutual sensitivity to each other's core concerns". "It is natural, both as neighbours and large developing economies that there would be issues in our ties. Properly managing differences is therefore vital. As agreed by the leaders in Astana, differences should not become disputes. That is how India-China relations can remain a factor of stability in an uncertain world," he said. Later in the day, Jaishankar and Wang jointly inaugurated the 'India-China Film Week', marking the commemoration of 100 activities that would be organised in the coming months in the domain of film and broadcasting.

India, China sign four MoUs, agree to organise 100 activities

By

Sidhant Sibal/Naveen Kapoor

In a frank candid talk between India's external affairs minister S Jaishankar and Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi in Bejing on Monday, New Delhi has told China that its decision on&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/let-people-in-pakistan-kashmir-be-aware-unsc-not-waiting-for-you-qureshi-242536">Jammu and Kashmir </a>will have no impact on the&nbsp;Line of Actual Control (LAC) and Bejing's concerns are misplaced.&nbsp;

A release by ministry of external affairs on Jaishankar meeting with Wang said it was India's "internal matter" to remove the special status for the erstwhile state of Jammu and Kashmir "aimed at promoting better governance and socio-economic development" and "there was no implication for either the external boundaries of India or the Line of Actual Control (LAC) with China. India was not raising any additional territorial claims. The Chinese concerns in this regard were therefore misplaced"

The Line of Actual Control(LAC) is the demarcation line between Indian territory in the union territory of Ladakh and China occupied Jammu and Kashmir in Aksai Chin.

Earlier in the day, the Chinese foreign minister publically raised the issue at press statements at the media forum, Wang Yi said, "there are some differences between our two countries, we don't shy away from those differences. We exchanged view on those matters in a candid manner. Regarding recent tensions between India and Pakistan, we made clear China's concerns and issues regarding China's sovereignty, we stated China's principled position."

Jaishankar during the same press statement had called for "mutual sensitivity to each other's core concerns" and "properly managing differences is therefore vital. As our leaders agreed in Astana, differences should not become disputes. That is how India-China relations can remain a factor of stability in an uncertain world."

On India Pakistan tensions in the backdrop of New Delhi's decision, Jaishankar explained to the Chinese side that despite Pakistan's provocative rhetoric and actions, India "has always stood for normalisation of the ties in an atmosphere free of terror."

He also emphasised that administrative changes announced on Jammu and Kashmir won't have a &nbsp;"bearing on Pakistan as it was an internal matter" and "It did not impact the LoC", suggesting China to "base its assessment on realities".

By Sidhant Sibal/Naveen Kapoor In a frank candid talk between India's external affairs minister S Jaishankar and Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi in Bejing on Monday, New Delhi has told China that its decision on Jammu and Kashmir will have no impact on the Line of Actual Control (LAC) and Bejing's concerns are misplaced.

By Sidhant Sibal/Naveen Kapoor In a frank candid talk between India's external affairs minister S Jaishankar and Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi in Bejing on Monday, New Delhi has told China that its decision on Jammu and Kashmir will have no impact on the Line of Actual Control (LAC) and Bejing's concerns are misplaced. A release by ministry of external affairs on Jaishankar meeting with Wang said it was India's "internal matter" to remove the special status for the erstwhile state of Jammu and Kashmir "aimed at promoting better governance and socio-economic development" and "there was no implication for either the external boundaries of India or the Line of Actual Control (LAC) with China. India was not raising any additional territorial claims. The Chinese concerns in this regard were therefore misplaced" The Line of Actual Control(LAC) is the demarcation line between Indian territory in the union territory of Ladakh and China occupied Jammu and Kashmir in Aksai Chin. Earlier in the day, the Chinese foreign minister publically raised the issue at press statements at the media forum, Wang Yi said, "there are some differences between our two countries, we don't shy away from those differences. We exchanged view on those matters in a candid manner. Regarding recent tensions between India and Pakistan, we made clear China's concerns and issues regarding China's sovereignty, we stated China's principled position." Jaishankar during the same press statement had called for "mutual sensitivity to each other's core concerns" and "properly managing differences is therefore vital. As our leaders agreed in Astana, differences should not become disputes. That is how India-China relations can remain a factor of stability in an uncertain world." On India Pakistan tensions in the backdrop of New Delhi's decision, Jaishankar explained to the Chinese side that despite Pakistan's provocative rhetoric and actions, India "has always stood for normalisation of the ties in an atmosphere free of terror." He also emphasised that administrative changes announced on Jammu and Kashmir won't have a "bearing on Pakistan as it was an internal matter" and "It did not impact the LoC", suggesting China to "base its assessment on realities".

J&K decision will have no impact on Line of Actual Control: India to China

External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar will visit Bejing this month to prepare for the second informal summit between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping in India later this year.

Jaishankar is the first Indian minister to visit China after the Narendra Modi government came to power for a second consecutive term.

Jaishankar is expected to hold a wide range of talks with his Chinese counterpart Wang Yi to finalise XI Jinping's visit to India. According to reports, they would also address the 4th India-China Media Summit Forum on August 12.

Modi and Xi had met in Wuhan in April, 2018 for their first informal summit in order to deepen bilateral cooperation.

The External Affairs Minister is currently in Thailand to attend a host of engagements. Earlier on Friday, he participated at the 9th East Asia Summit Foreign Ministers' Meeting (EAS FMM). 
 
On Thursday, Jaishankar addressed ASEAN-India Ministerial Meeting and Mekong Ganga Cooperation (MGC) Ministerial Meeting and met 10 of his counterparts.&nbsp;

Talking about connectivity, he said, "India seeks greater connect with the ASEAN region. We envision connectivity within the region in very broad terms including physical, economic and political and close contact at people to people level."

"The historic, cultural, economic political that have existed between India and ASEAN region are the stepping stones to achieve the vision of a more connected India and ASEAN region and a closer partnership," he added.

(With inputs from agencies) 
&nbsp;

External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar will visit Bejing this month to prepare for the second informal summit between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping in India later this year.

External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar will visit Bejing this month to prepare for the second informal summit between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping in India later this year. Jaishankar is the first Indian minister to visit China after the Narendra Modi government came to power for a second consecutive term. Jaishankar is expected to hold a wide range of talks with his Chinese counterpart Wang Yi to finalise XI Jinping's visit to India. According to reports, they would also address the 4th India-China Media Summit Forum on August 12. Modi and Xi had met in Wuhan in April, 2018 for their first informal summit in order to deepen bilateral cooperation. The External Affairs Minister is currently in Thailand to attend a host of engagements. Earlier on Friday, he participated at the 9th East Asia Summit Foreign Ministers' Meeting (EAS FMM). On Thursday, Jaishankar addressed ASEAN-India Ministerial Meeting and Mekong Ganga Cooperation (MGC) Ministerial Meeting and met 10 of his counterparts. Talking about connectivity, he said, "India seeks greater connect with the ASEAN region. We envision connectivity within the region in very broad terms including physical, economic and political and close contact at people to people level." "The historic, cultural, economic political that have existed between India and ASEAN region are the stepping stones to achieve the vision of a more connected India and ASEAN region and a closer partnership," he added. (With inputs from agencies)

S Jaishankar to visit Beijing to prepare for PM Narendra Modi-Xi Jinping second informal summit

India, in its attempt to strike a rapport with China, should not renege on her time-honoured stand on Dalai Lama.&nbsp;

Earlier, the NDA government had issued a note to senior officials, asking them not to attend events organised by the Tibetan government-in-exile. India has also supported the ‘One China’ policy, which states that Taiwan and Tibet are part of China’s mainland. Beijing made the ‘One-China’ policy a prerequisite for countries to establish diplomatic ties with it.

Chinese authorities have warned that Dalai Lama’s successor has to be decided within China and any ‘interference’ by India will impact bilateral ties. The Tibetan spiritual leader has taken China to task for raking up the issue of his successor, asserting that the subject would be decided by the people of Tibet.&nbsp;

By tagging its sensitivities on Dalai Lama as a perquisite for settlement of the border dispute with India, China runs the risk of overusing its Tibet card, which India must not lose sight of.

Though Nehru’s unwillingness to condemn China’s invasion of Tibet and the expulsion of Dalai Lama in the 1950s was a mistake, his decision to give refuge to the spiritual guru and the ruler of Tibetan Buddhists, in India in March 1959, cannot be faulted. &nbsp;

In the aftermath of the Chinese invasion of Tibet in 1950, Nehru and his military advisors thought the Chinese takeover of Tibet could neither be resisted by India nor any other external power. India signed an agreement with China on Tibet in 1954, renouncing its inherited prerogatives and recognising Tibet as a ‘region of China’. The forfeiture of India’s rights in Tibet happened without China being made to recognise the Indian-claimed boundary.&nbsp;

Again, it was Atal Bihari Vajpayee in June 2003, who ceded Tibet to be ‘part of Chinese territory’ while trying to bargain Chinese recognition of Sikkim in exchange for Tibet.

The Uighurs have been condemned to a fate similar to the Tibetans, fighting Chinese domination for centuries, enjoying brief periods of independence twice during the twentieth century, facing threats from Han Chinese migration alongside rigours of “centrally” planned development policies besides being subject to newly- strengthened anti-terror measures.&nbsp;

All of this cannot be, and is not Western propaganda. Nehru signed the agreement in 1954, knowing fully well that Tibetans would be disappointed. In 1959, following a crackdown on an uprising by the local population in Tibet, the 14th Dalai Lama, Tenzin Gyatso, fled to India. Therefore, 2019 is the 60th year of the great event — incidentally when the Modi government’s policy of standing up to China is touted to be a sharp departure from Nehru’s China policy.&nbsp;

India, overly careful in assuaging Chinese sensitivities, must not concede further. If the fear to offend Beijing becomes an obsession, or India is seen to be too much in awe of China as has been the case for decades, it might be unfairly treated at international fora like the Organisation for Islamic Countries (OIC) that remains critical of India, but is wary of offending China.&nbsp;

With the succession issue of the Dalai Lama assuming importance, India would have to take a firm decision. The US Congress has made it clear that it would not recognise a Dalai Lama chosen by the Chinese government, nor does the current Dalai Lama believe anyone to trust the Chinese government’s choice.&nbsp;

The point is this: has India, which has seen Tibet as part of China for over five decades, made more concessions than it has received? No Indian government has ever sought to extend political support to the Dalai Lama, despite the tortuous contours of Sino-Indian relationship.&nbsp;

If China links Tibet and Dalai Lama to a settlement of the long-standing border dispute, it amounts to distrust of India’s position.&nbsp;

The succession of Dalai Lama is distinctly different from China’s claims to Tibet. If India lends support to a future Dalai Lama chosen by China, it would not only fritter away its time-honoured policy on Tibet, but the mistake of 1954 would also turn a full circle. &nbsp;

(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)&nbsp;

India, in its attempt to strike a rapport with China, should not renege on her time-honoured stand on Dalai Lama. Earlier, the NDA government had issued a note to senior officials, asking them not to attend events organised by the Tibetan government-in-exile.

India, in its attempt to strike a rapport with China, should not renege on her time-honoured stand on Dalai Lama. Earlier, the NDA government had issued a note to senior officials, asking them not to attend events organised by the Tibetan government-in-exile. India has also supported the ‘One China’ policy, which states that Taiwan and Tibet are part of China’s mainland. Beijing made the ‘One-China’ policy a prerequisite for countries to establish diplomatic ties with it. Chinese authorities have warned that Dalai Lama’s successor has to be decided within China and any ‘interference’ by India will impact bilateral ties. The Tibetan spiritual leader has taken China to task for raking up the issue of his successor, asserting that the subject would be decided by the people of Tibet. By tagging its sensitivities on Dalai Lama as a perquisite for settlement of the border dispute with India, China runs the risk of overusing its Tibet card, which India must not lose sight of. Though Nehru’s unwillingness to condemn China’s invasion of Tibet and the expulsion of Dalai Lama in the 1950s was a mistake, his decision to give refuge to the spiritual guru and the ruler of Tibetan Buddhists, in India in March 1959, cannot be faulted. In the aftermath of the Chinese invasion of Tibet in 1950, Nehru and his military advisors thought the Chinese takeover of Tibet could neither be resisted by India nor any other external power. India signed an agreement with China on Tibet in 1954, renouncing its inherited prerogatives and recognising Tibet as a ‘region of China’. The forfeiture of India’s rights in Tibet happened without China being made to recognise the Indian-claimed boundary. Again, it was Atal Bihari Vajpayee in June 2003, who ceded Tibet to be ‘part of Chinese territory’ while trying to bargain Chinese recognition of Sikkim in exchange for Tibet. The Uighurs have been condemned to a fate similar to the Tibetans, fighting Chinese domination for centuries, enjoying brief periods of independence twice during the twentieth century, facing threats from Han Chinese migration alongside rigours of “centrally” planned development policies besides being subject to newly- strengthened anti-terror measures. All of this cannot be, and is not Western propaganda. Nehru signed the agreement in 1954, knowing fully well that Tibetans would be disappointed. In 1959, following a crackdown on an uprising by the local population in Tibet, the 14th Dalai Lama, Tenzin Gyatso, fled to India. Therefore, 2019 is the 60th year of the great event — incidentally when the Modi government’s policy of standing up to China is touted to be a sharp departure from Nehru’s China policy. India, overly careful in assuaging Chinese sensitivities, must not concede further. If the fear to offend Beijing becomes an obsession, or India is seen to be too much in awe of China as has been the case for decades, it might be unfairly treated at international fora like the Organisation for Islamic Countries (OIC) that remains critical of India, but is wary of offending China. With the succession issue of the Dalai Lama assuming importance, India would have to take a firm decision. The US Congress has made it clear that it would not recognise a Dalai Lama chosen by the Chinese government, nor does the current Dalai Lama believe anyone to trust the Chinese government’s choice. The point is this: has India, which has seen Tibet as part of China for over five decades, made more concessions than it has received? No Indian government has ever sought to extend political support to the Dalai Lama, despite the tortuous contours of Sino-Indian relationship. If China links Tibet and Dalai Lama to a settlement of the long-standing border dispute, it amounts to distrust of India’s position. The succession of Dalai Lama is distinctly different from China’s claims to Tibet. If India lends support to a future Dalai Lama chosen by China, it would not only fritter away its time-honoured policy on Tibet, but the mistake of 1954 would also turn a full circle. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

India has to stand up to China on Dalai Lama’s succession

New Delhi’s strategy of prioritising BIMSTEC over SAARC, if only to isolate Pakistan and its China connection, has not deterred Beijing from stepping up its overtures to India’s other neighbours. So much so, that China’s shadow looms large over SAARC and the region.

Last week, the Chinese leadership had meetings with both the Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and Nepalese Foreign Minister Pradeep Kumar Gyawali. Both Hasina and Gyawali pledged to raise bilateral relations to new heights and advance their cooperation with China on its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). &nbsp; 
 
After his meeting with Gyawali, China’s State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi said that China stands ready to work with Nepal and take the BRI cooperation as an opportunity to explore building a Trans-Himalayan Multidimensional Connectivity Network. &nbsp;

In his effusive response, Gyawali said that Nepal sees in China a most important partner for sustainable development; and, it would like to further deepen the comprehensive cooperative partnership with China, enhance high-level exchange and step up BRI cooperation.

A day after that came Premier Li Keqiang’s meeting with Hasina, who also met President Xi Jinping. Both sides were emphatic in reiterating their commitment to advance cooperation on BRI. Of course, in the case of Bangladesh, BRI cooperation will be under the umbrella of the Bangladesh China India and Myanmar (BCIM) forum. Li said that the two countries should work together and build the BCIM Economic Corridor.

In effect, India would have to contend with two China-driven economic corridors: China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) in the north-west and BCIM-EC in the north-east and east. The BCIM risks being subsumed within BRI as BCIM-EC. In effect, New Delhi has to contend with not only China’s all-weather friend in SAARC. It has to also reckon with China as the more powerful magnet in SAARC and BCIM, and members of these two groupings in BIMSTEC being locked into BRI by China. &nbsp;The BCIM-EC will be a big-ticket project of China's next only to CPEC. 
 
(Disclaimer: WION Edit is the channel's take on the big events of the world) 
&nbsp;

New Delhi’s strategy of prioritising BIMSTEC over SAARC, if only to isolate Pakistan and its China connection, has not deterred Beijing from stepping up its overtures to India’s other neighbours.

New Delhi’s strategy of prioritising BIMSTEC over SAARC, if only to isolate Pakistan and its China connection, has not deterred Beijing from stepping up its overtures to India’s other neighbours. So much so, that China’s shadow looms large over SAARC and the region. Last week, the Chinese leadership had meetings with both the Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and Nepalese Foreign Minister Pradeep Kumar Gyawali. Both Hasina and Gyawali pledged to raise bilateral relations to new heights and advance their cooperation with China on its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). After his meeting with Gyawali, China’s State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi said that China stands ready to work with Nepal and take the BRI cooperation as an opportunity to explore building a Trans-Himalayan Multidimensional Connectivity Network. In his effusive response, Gyawali said that Nepal sees in China a most important partner for sustainable development; and, it would like to further deepen the comprehensive cooperative partnership with China, enhance high-level exchange and step up BRI cooperation. A day after that came Premier Li Keqiang’s meeting with Hasina, who also met President Xi Jinping. Both sides were emphatic in reiterating their commitment to advance cooperation on BRI. Of course, in the case of Bangladesh, BRI cooperation will be under the umbrella of the Bangladesh China India and Myanmar (BCIM) forum. Li said that the two countries should work together and build the BCIM Economic Corridor. In effect, India would have to contend with two China-driven economic corridors: China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) in the north-west and BCIM-EC in the north-east and east. The BCIM risks being subsumed within BRI as BCIM-EC. In effect, New Delhi has to contend with not only China’s all-weather friend in SAARC. It has to also reckon with China as the more powerful magnet in SAARC and BCIM, and members of these two groupings in BIMSTEC being locked into BRI by China. The BCIM-EC will be a big-ticket project of China's next only to CPEC. (Disclaimer: WION Edit is the channel's take on the big events of the world)

WION Edit: SAARC vs BIMSTEC vs BCIM

India-China to mark 70th anniversary of ties next year.35 events each to be held in India and China in 2020. PM Modi also said that he want Pakistan to take concrete action. Watch this video to know more.

19th SCO Summit: New momentum in India-China ties

Former Pakistani president Asif Ali Zardari has been found guilty in money laundering case. Watch full video to know more.

WION Dispatch: Former Pakistani president found guilty in corruption case

An AN-32 aircraft of the Indian Air Force with 13 people onboard has gone missing after taking off from Jorhat in Assam. The aircraft was headed to Mechuka Advance Landing Ground, the landing strip in the eastern Himalayas of Arunachal Pradesh’s West Siang district. The landing strip is about 30-odd km from the nearest point on the India-China border.

Indian Air Force’s AN-32 aircraft with 13 onboard goes missing

India and China on Friday agreed to work closely on the ongoing efforts to bring peace and <a href="https://www.wionews.com/opinions/afghan-peace-talks-india-must-update-its-contingency-plans-to-prevent-talibans-takeover-of-kabul-207911">stability in Afghanistan</a>.

The commitment came after Chinese Special Envoy Ambassador Deng Xijun was on a visit to New Delhi, where he met Indian officials to discuss Afghanistan's current situation.

The Chinese diplomat also met Foreign Secretary Vijay Gokhale, according to Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) spokesperson Raveesh Kumar.

"Chinese Special Envoy Ambassador Deng Xijun today held discussions with Indian officials on the situation in Afghanistan, including peace and reconciliation efforts. He also called on Foreign Secretary Vijay Gokhale," Kumar wrote on his Twitter handle.

"The two sides agreed to consult closely on the evolving situation in Afghanistan and carry forward the decision taken by the leadership of the two countries on joint cooperation in Afghanistan," read another tweet.

In April last year, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping had met in Wuhan.

During the meeting, the two leaders agreed to collaborate on Afghanistan's peace efforts in order to boost mutual trust between New Delhi and Beijing, following the 73-day standoff in Bhutan's Doklam plateau in 2017, which strained bilateral ties.

The US has been leading efforts to pressurise the Taliban to lay down their arms and end the nearly two-decades-long civil war in Afghanistan. Both sides have participated in several rounds of meeting in Qatar in an effort to chalk out a peace agreement.

On Tuesday, US Special Representative for Afghan Reconciliation Zalmay Khalilzad held consultations with Indian government officials and other stakeholders, including External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj in New Delhi.

Khalilzad, who was on a recent two-day visit to India, also met National Security Advisor Ajit Doval, Foreign Secretary Vijay Gokhale, and India's Ambassador to Afghanistan Vinay Kumar, among others.

During his meetings, Khalilzad welcomed India's support for the Afghan peace process, which "strengthens an emerging international consensus for peace efforts."

He also recognised that many important contributions India has made to Afghanistan's development.

India has been a key stakeholder in Afghanistan's peace and reconciliation process and has been pushing for an Afghan-led, Afghan-owned and Afghan-controlled peace process.

In November last year, India had participated in talks on 'Afghanistan peace process'&nbsp;in Moscow at a non-official level.

India sent two former diplomats to the meeting, which was also attended by Taliban leaders even though New Delhi has a policy on not engaging with the terror group.&nbsp;

India and China on Friday agreed to work closely on the ongoing efforts to bring peace and stability in Afghanistan. The commitment came after Chinese Special Envoy Ambassador Deng Xijun was on a visit to New Delhi, where he met Indian officials to discuss Afghanistan's current situation.

India and China on Friday agreed to work closely on the ongoing efforts to bring peace and stability in Afghanistan. The commitment came after Chinese Special Envoy Ambassador Deng Xijun was on a visit to New Delhi, where he met Indian officials to discuss Afghanistan's current situation. The Chinese diplomat also met Foreign Secretary Vijay Gokhale, according to Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) spokesperson Raveesh Kumar. "Chinese Special Envoy Ambassador Deng Xijun today held discussions with Indian officials on the situation in Afghanistan, including peace and reconciliation efforts. He also called on Foreign Secretary Vijay Gokhale," Kumar wrote on his Twitter handle. "The two sides agreed to consult closely on the evolving situation in Afghanistan and carry forward the decision taken by the leadership of the two countries on joint cooperation in Afghanistan," read another tweet. In April last year, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping had met in Wuhan. During the meeting, the two leaders agreed to collaborate on Afghanistan's peace efforts in order to boost mutual trust between New Delhi and Beijing, following the 73-day standoff in Bhutan's Doklam plateau in 2017, which strained bilateral ties. The US has been leading efforts to pressurise the Taliban to lay down their arms and end the nearly two-decades-long civil war in Afghanistan. Both sides have participated in several rounds of meeting in Qatar in an effort to chalk out a peace agreement. On Tuesday, US Special Representative for Afghan Reconciliation Zalmay Khalilzad held consultations with Indian government officials and other stakeholders, including External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj in New Delhi. Khalilzad, who was on a recent two-day visit to India, also met National Security Advisor Ajit Doval, Foreign Secretary Vijay Gokhale, and India's Ambassador to Afghanistan Vinay Kumar, among others. During his meetings, Khalilzad welcomed India's support for the Afghan peace process, which "strengthens an emerging international consensus for peace efforts." He also recognised that many important contributions India has made to Afghanistan's development. India has been a key stakeholder in Afghanistan's peace and reconciliation process and has been pushing for an Afghan-led, Afghan-owned and Afghan-controlled peace process. In November last year, India had participated in talks on 'Afghanistan peace process' in Moscow at a non-official level. India sent two former diplomats to the meeting, which was also attended by Taliban leaders even though New Delhi has a policy on not engaging with the terror group.

India, China to cooperate closely on Afghanistan's peace efforts

Ceremonial border personnel meetings on the occasion of "International Labour Day" were conducted at Chinese BPM huts at Moldo and TWT meeting points opposite eastern Ladakh in Jammu and Kashmir on Wednesday.

"The ceremonial border personnel meeting was marked by saluting the national flag by members of the delegations. This was followed by the ceremonial address by delegation leaders and exchange of greetings," Army PRO said in a statement.

Both sides reflected the mutual desire of maintaining peace,&nbsp;tranquillity and improving relations at functional level at the border areas.&nbsp;

On the occasion, a cultural programme was organised by the Chinese side which showcased its vibrant culture and traditions.

"Both the delegations interacted in a free, congenial and cordial environment. The delegations parted amidst a feeling of friendship and commitment towards enhancing the existing cordial relations and maintaining peace along the border areas," the statement read.&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

<img alt="Ceremonial border personnel meeting" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="1434db66-675e-4c65-b5b8-d8c4be7d3321" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/Untitled%20design%20%2811%29_1.jpg" />

<img alt="ceremonial border personnel meeting" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="df073b1d-cd8d-4e32-a42d-340d867c0c33" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/Untitled%20design%20%289%29_1.jpg" />

(Photo courtesy: WION)

Ceremonial border personnel meetings on the occasion of "International Labour Day" were conducted at Chinese BPM huts at Moldo and TWT meeting points opposite eastern Ladakh in Jammu and Kashmir on Wednesday.

Ceremonial border personnel meetings on the occasion of "International Labour Day" were conducted at Chinese BPM huts at Moldo and TWT meeting points opposite eastern Ladakh in Jammu and Kashmir on Wednesday. "The ceremonial border personnel meeting was marked by saluting the national flag by members of the delegations. This was followed by the ceremonial address by delegation leaders and exchange of greetings," Army PRO said in a statement. Both sides reflected the mutual desire of maintaining peace, tranquillity and improving relations at functional level at the border areas. On the occasion, a cultural programme was organised by the Chinese side which showcased its vibrant culture and traditions. "Both the delegations interacted in a free, congenial and cordial environment. The delegations parted amidst a feeling of friendship and commitment towards enhancing the existing cordial relations and maintaining peace along the border areas," the statement read. (Photo courtesy: WION)

Ladakh: Armies of India, China hold ceremonial border personnel meetings on International Labour Day

Foreign Secretary Vijay Gokhale on Monday held talks with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi and discussed the progress in bilateral ties since the Wuhan summit last year and said both sides were implementing the decisions in a manner in which "we are sensitive to each other's concerns".

His meeting with Wang, who is also the State Councillor, a high-level post in the hierarchy of the ruling Communist Party of China (CPC), took place as both the countries grappled with a host of issues, including Beijing's continued attempts block efforts list Pakistan-based Jaish-e-Muhammed (JeM) chief Masood Azhar as global terrorist by the UN.

In his opening remarks, Gokhale said it has been a year since Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping met at the Chinese city of Wuhan where the two leaders reached many understandings.

He said both sides were making efforts to implement the understandings reached the Wuhan meeting.

"As your Excellency said we will work together with the Chinese side to deepen understanding to strengthen trust to implement the decisions that are taken by leaders and to do it in a manner in which we are sensitive to each other's concerns," he said.

He also referred to the "brisk" political exchanges since the Wuhan summit, including Wang's visit to New Delhi to launch people to people mechanism and External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj is "looking forward to coming to China this year".

Gokhale, who arrived here on Sunday is also scheduled to hold detailed talks with Chinese Vice Foreign Minister Kong Xuanyou on Monday. 
In his opening remarks, Wang said China and India are two emerging market countries besides neighbours and "each other's strategic partners."

"In that sense, it is important for the two countries to work together to increase strategic communication, deepen mutual political trust and strengthen strategic cooperation on international and regional issues.

"Given that it is timely and important for you to have regular consultations with the Chinese side," he said.

One of the issues that were expected to figure during this round talk was China's continued attempts block efforts list JeM chief Azhar as a global terrorist by the UN.

China blocked Azhar's designation for the fourth-time recently stalling efforts by the US, the UK, France move at the 1267 UN counter-terrorism committee following the February Pulwama terrorist attack. It was the first technical hold put up by China post-Wuhan summit.

Also, India continues to have strong reservations to join China's mega Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) due to its objections over the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) as it is being laid through Pakistan-occupied Kashmir.

Both the issues have become major irritants in the bilateral ties.

In order to counter China's technical hold in the 1267 committee, the US, the UK and France have taken the Azhar issue to the UN Security Council (UNSC), which Beijing firmly opposed, saying that it should be resolved by the UN's 1267 Sanctions Committee.

China also said the issue moved towards settlement and accused the US of attempting to scuttling its resolution.

Gokhale's visit also coincides with China holding its biggest international event, the second Belt and Road Forum (BRF) next week to showcase its BRI projects.

India, like the first BRF held in 2017, is reportedly not attending its second edition being held here from April 25-27.

Foreign Minister Wang said on Friday that differences over the BRI would not come in the way of the development of India-China relations and China is preparing for a Wuhan-style summit meeting this year.

He also said the CPEC is an economic project and has nothing to do with the sovereignty issues.

"One of our differences is how to look at the BRI. The Indian side has its concerns. We understand that and that is why we have stated clearly on many occasions that the BRI including the CPEC is only an economic initiative and it does not target any third country and has nothing to do with the sovereign and territorial disputes left from history between any two countries," he said.

Foreign Secretary Vijay Gokhale on Monday held talks with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi and discussed the progress in bilateral ties since the Wuhan summit last year and said both sides were implementing the decisions in a manner in which "we are sensitive to each other's concerns".

Foreign Secretary Vijay Gokhale on Monday held talks with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi and discussed the progress in bilateral ties since the Wuhan summit last year and said both sides were implementing the decisions in a manner in which "we are sensitive to each other's concerns". His meeting with Wang, who is also the State Councillor, a high-level post in the hierarchy of the ruling Communist Party of China (CPC), took place as both the countries grappled with a host of issues, including Beijing's continued attempts block efforts list Pakistan-based Jaish-e-Muhammed (JeM) chief Masood Azhar as global terrorist by the UN. In his opening remarks, Gokhale said it has been a year since Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping met at the Chinese city of Wuhan where the two leaders reached many understandings. He said both sides were making efforts to implement the understandings reached the Wuhan meeting. "As your Excellency said we will work together with the Chinese side to deepen understanding to strengthen trust to implement the decisions that are taken by leaders and to do it in a manner in which we are sensitive to each other's concerns," he said. He also referred to the "brisk" political exchanges since the Wuhan summit, including Wang's visit to New Delhi to launch people to people mechanism and External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj is "looking forward to coming to China this year". Gokhale, who arrived here on Sunday is also scheduled to hold detailed talks with Chinese Vice Foreign Minister Kong Xuanyou on Monday. In his opening remarks, Wang said China and India are two emerging market countries besides neighbours and "each other's strategic partners." "In that sense, it is important for the two countries to work together to increase strategic communication, deepen mutual political trust and strengthen strategic cooperation on international and regional issues. "Given that it is timely and important for you to have regular consultations with the Chinese side," he said. One of the issues that were expected to figure during this round talk was China's continued attempts block efforts list JeM chief Azhar as a global terrorist by the UN. China blocked Azhar's designation for the fourth-time recently stalling efforts by the US, the UK, France move at the 1267 UN counter-terrorism committee following the February Pulwama terrorist attack. It was the first technical hold put up by China post-Wuhan summit. Also, India continues to have strong reservations to join China's mega Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) due to its objections over the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) as it is being laid through Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. Both the issues have become major irritants in the bilateral ties. In order to counter China's technical hold in the 1267 committee, the US, the UK and France have taken the Azhar issue to the UN Security Council (UNSC), which Beijing firmly opposed, saying that it should be resolved by the UN's 1267 Sanctions Committee. China also said the issue moved towards settlement and accused the US of attempting to scuttling its resolution. Gokhale's visit also coincides with China holding its biggest international event, the second Belt and Road Forum (BRF) next week to showcase its BRI projects. India, like the first BRF held in 2017, is reportedly not attending its second edition being held here from April 25-27. Foreign Minister Wang said on Friday that differences over the BRI would not come in the way of the development of India-China relations and China is preparing for a Wuhan-style summit meeting this year. He also said the CPEC is an economic project and has nothing to do with the sovereignty issues. "One of our differences is how to look at the BRI. The Indian side has its concerns. We understand that and that is why we have stated clearly on many occasions that the BRI including the CPEC is only an economic initiative and it does not target any third country and has nothing to do with the sovereign and territorial disputes left from history between any two countries," he said.

Gokhale holds talks with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang; tells China to be sensitive to India's concerns

Naval ships from Myanmar, India, <a href="https://www.wionews.com/photos/indian-australian-warships-arrive-in-china-for-naval-parade-212329">France have dropped anchor </a>at China's eastern coastal city of Qingdao to celebrate the 70th anniversary of the founding of the Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA) Navy.

Two Indian battleships - INS Shakti and stealth destroyer INS Kolkata will be taking part in the naval exercise which begins on April 23rd, the day the PLA was formed.

On Monday, a warship from Myanmar arrived to join the armada equipped with air defence weapons made in China and France. &nbsp;

The grand naval exercise also includes vessels from Russia, Thailand and Vietnam. Reports said at least 20 vessels will be deployed during the naval drill.

Delegations from more than 60 countries in Asia, Africa, Europe, America and Oceania will join the celebration, and over 30 countries will be sending naval leaders.

The Pakistan navy will not be present but top Pakistan naval officials will be present during the excercise.&nbsp;

China will be unleashing its naval power with the display of the first aircraft carrier - the Liaoning including&nbsp;nuclear submarines and destroyers.

Japan's Akizuki-class destroyer Suzutsuki, Russia's Admiral Gorshkov-class frigate, Bangladesh's stealth guided missile corvette BNS Prottoy along with&nbsp;Australian guided-missile destroyer HMAS Melbourne will also be taking part in the naval exercise.

Not just&nbsp;naval force, air power will also be on display with bombers, fighters, carrier-based fighters, and carrier-based helicopters on display.

Naval ships from Myanmar, India, France have dropped anchor at China's eastern coastal city of Qingdao to celebrate the 70th anniversary of the founding of the Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA) Navy.

Naval ships from Myanmar, India, France have dropped anchor at China's eastern coastal city of Qingdao to celebrate the 70th anniversary of the founding of the Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA) Navy. Two Indian battleships - INS Shakti and stealth destroyer INS Kolkata will be taking part in the naval exercise which begins on April 23rd, the day the PLA was formed. On Monday, a warship from Myanmar arrived to join the armada equipped with air defence weapons made in China and France. The grand naval exercise also includes vessels from Russia, Thailand and Vietnam. Reports said at least 20 vessels will be deployed during the naval drill. Delegations from more than 60 countries in Asia, Africa, Europe, America and Oceania will join the celebration, and over 30 countries will be sending naval leaders. The Pakistan navy will not be present but top Pakistan naval officials will be present during the excercise. China will be unleashing its naval power with the display of the first aircraft carrier - the Liaoning including nuclear submarines and destroyers. Japan's Akizuki-class destroyer Suzutsuki, Russia's Admiral Gorshkov-class frigate, Bangladesh's stealth guided missile corvette BNS Prottoy along with Australian guided-missile destroyer HMAS Melbourne will also be taking part in the naval exercise. Not just naval force, air power will also be on display with bombers, fighters, carrier-based fighters, and carrier-based helicopters on display.

INS Shakti, INS Kolkata arrive in China's Qingdao port for multinational naval exercise

Flanked by Nepal and Bhutan and facing China, Sikkim is geostrategically India’s most important state. The recognition of Sikkim by China in 2005 – even as the border is delineated, not demarcated – was a positive step.&nbsp;

The famous Black Cat division (17 Mountain Division) was raised a third time in 1960 and after 1962 became the custodian of Sikkim’s defence in 1964. Before Doklam, the Division had a serious brush with PLA in September and October 1967 at Nathu La and Cho la and gave it a bloody nose winning several gallantry awards.&nbsp;

Also known as the Watershed Warriors, the Division was instrumental in dismantling the institution of Chogyal and the Namgyal monarchy after which Sikkim merged with the union of India in 1975. But 17 Mountain Division’s most notable achievement is not blinking during the world’s longest 72-day face-off between PLA and the Black Cats also called Sentinels of Sikkim in Operation Juniper from 18 June to 28 August &nbsp;2017. &nbsp;

Precisely 50 years after the bloody skirmishes with PLA at Nathu la and Cho la, the stand-off at Doklam is a turning point in India-China border relations through the defeat of PLA’s coercive strategy. The episode is well known in India and internationally of China’s failure to present a fait accompli to Bhutan and India at Doklam in the geo-strategic Chumbi valley where Beijing has been planning to build a railway line from Lhasa to Yatung. &nbsp;

Nearly two years after the stand-off, hitherto unreported facts of grit and resolve of 9 JaK LI at Doka la post on the India-China border in Sikkim are available. When soldiers of 9 JaK Li trespassed into Bhutanese territory at Doklam allegedly violating Chinese territory they did so as part of legitimate treaty obligations with Bhutan which otherwise would have adversely affected India’s security concerns in the Chumbi valley.&nbsp;

Contrary to earlier reports 4/8 Gorkha Rifles (which is part of 27 Mountain Division in the same region based at Kalimpong) never confronted PLA at Doklam. That 4/8 Gorkha Rifles was at Doklam had fuelled serious concerns in Nepal, forcing its then foreign minister KB Mahara into saying that Nepal will maintain a neutral position during the India-China standoff. Nepal’s media had asked how could Kathmandu be neutral when its nationals (4/8 GR) were in a state of confrontation with the Chinese PLA? The factual position is that 4/8 GR was deployed along the second line of defence at Nathang behind Doklam. And as previously thought, was never in a lockdown with PLA at Doklam.&nbsp;

It can now be told that the first person to walk onto Doklam from the Doka la post was commander of 63 Mountain Brigade, Brig Gambhir Singh, who was awarded a UYSM. He went unarmed and alone warning the PLA that the actions it was planning were violative of standstill agreements between India and China of 2012, China and Bhutan of 1988 and 1998 and security-related treaty obligations between India and Bhutan of 2007. It was only after firmly explaining the implications of PLA’s intended road construction activities that Indian soldiers were rushed on to Doklam to assist the Royal Bhutan Army (RBA) in preventing them from doing so. &nbsp;

9JaK Li had one company at Doklam blocking PLA at the construction site. The rest of the battalion was deployed along the international border just in case PLA retaliated by entering Sikkim. Contrary to reports of the time, neither India nor PLA formed a human chain but confronted each other shoulder to shoulder and eyeball to eyeball. Each unarmed Indian soldier would do a 12-hour shift with troops being rotated.&nbsp;

There were no hostile incidents attempted by either side and troops behaved in a civilised manner. This routine was followed for 72 days when disengagement was ordered simultaneously by both sides to break the impasse.&nbsp;

The Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, led by Shashi Tharoor has commended the government for its strong and affirmative handling of the Doklam confrontation. It has, however, added that the PLA has built an impressive military infrastructure in North Doklam which will give it a strategic edge in the Chumbi valley where it was previously disadvantaged. The committee’s report has called the area north of the face-off site as North Doklam. It is reliably learnt that members of the Tharoor-led committee visited 33 Corps in Sukna and its Black Cat division in Gangtok but was not allowed to visit Doka la post due to a blanket ban on all visits there including by local forestry officials. Others say the parliamentary team was not allowed because it was headed by a member of the opposition Congress party.&nbsp;

Doklam has given a sudden impetus to infrastructural development in the region with long-delayed projects being sanctioned expeditiously. Now a black top road has replaced the track to Doka la post. The Sikkim allowance of Rs 3000 has been increased by a princely sum of Rs 41 and Gangtok declared semi-field area.&nbsp;

President Trump believed till recently that Sikkim’s two neighbours which were never colonised - Nepal and Bhutan – (he pronounced them as Nipples and Buttons) are part of India. That should settle the Doklam issue for good. Even otherwise, Doklam has tested in the affirmative, Article 2 of the India Bhutan Treaty of 2007 which corrected the missing defence and security clause in the 1949 Friendship treaty. Black Cats have reason to celebrate the victory of Operation Juniper at Doklam where every morning at 9 am, senior Indian and Chinese officers shake hands.&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)&nbsp; 
&nbsp; 
 
 
&nbsp;

Flanked by Nepal and Bhutan and facing China, Sikkim is geostrategically India’s most important state. The recognition of Sikkim by China in 2005 – even as the border is delineated, not demarcated – was a positive step.

Flanked by Nepal and Bhutan and facing China, Sikkim is geostrategically India’s most important state. The recognition of Sikkim by China in 2005 – even as the border is delineated, not demarcated – was a positive step. The famous Black Cat division (17 Mountain Division) was raised a third time in 1960 and after 1962 became the custodian of Sikkim’s defence in 1964. Before Doklam, the Division had a serious brush with PLA in September and October 1967 at Nathu La and Cho la and gave it a bloody nose winning several gallantry awards. Also known as the Watershed Warriors, the Division was instrumental in dismantling the institution of Chogyal and the Namgyal monarchy after which Sikkim merged with the union of India in 1975. But 17 Mountain Division’s most notable achievement is not blinking during the world’s longest 72-day face-off between PLA and the Black Cats also called Sentinels of Sikkim in Operation Juniper from 18 June to 28 August 2017. Precisely 50 years after the bloody skirmishes with PLA at Nathu la and Cho la, the stand-off at Doklam is a turning point in India-China border relations through the defeat of PLA’s coercive strategy. The episode is well known in India and internationally of China’s failure to present a fait accompli to Bhutan and India at Doklam in the geo-strategic Chumbi valley where Beijing has been planning to build a railway line from Lhasa to Yatung. Nearly two years after the stand-off, hitherto unreported facts of grit and resolve of 9 JaK LI at Doka la post on the India-China border in Sikkim are available. When soldiers of 9 JaK Li trespassed into Bhutanese territory at Doklam allegedly violating Chinese territory they did so as part of legitimate treaty obligations with Bhutan which otherwise would have adversely affected India’s security concerns in the Chumbi valley. Contrary to earlier reports 4/8 Gorkha Rifles (which is part of 27 Mountain Division in the same region based at Kalimpong) never confronted PLA at Doklam. That 4/8 Gorkha Rifles was at Doklam had fuelled serious concerns in Nepal, forcing its then foreign minister KB Mahara into saying that Nepal will maintain a neutral position during the India-China standoff. Nepal’s media had asked how could Kathmandu be neutral when its nationals (4/8 GR) were in a state of confrontation with the Chinese PLA? The factual position is that 4/8 GR was deployed along the second line of defence at Nathang behind Doklam. And as previously thought, was never in a lockdown with PLA at Doklam. It can now be told that the first person to walk onto Doklam from the Doka la post was commander of 63 Mountain Brigade, Brig Gambhir Singh, who was awarded a UYSM. He went unarmed and alone warning the PLA that the actions it was planning were violative of standstill agreements between India and China of 2012, China and Bhutan of 1988 and 1998 and security-related treaty obligations between India and Bhutan of 2007. It was only after firmly explaining the implications of PLA’s intended road construction activities that Indian soldiers were rushed on to Doklam to assist the Royal Bhutan Army (RBA) in preventing them from doing so. 9JaK Li had one company at Doklam blocking PLA at the construction site. The rest of the battalion was deployed along the international border just in case PLA retaliated by entering Sikkim. Contrary to reports of the time, neither India nor PLA formed a human chain but confronted each other shoulder to shoulder and eyeball to eyeball. Each unarmed Indian soldier would do a 12-hour shift with troops being rotated. There were no hostile incidents attempted by either side and troops behaved in a civilised manner. This routine was followed for 72 days when disengagement was ordered simultaneously by both sides to break the impasse. The Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, led by Shashi Tharoor has commended the government for its strong and affirmative handling of the Doklam confrontation. It has, however, added that the PLA has built an impressive military infrastructure in North Doklam which will give it a strategic edge in the Chumbi valley where it was previously disadvantaged. The committee’s report has called the area north of the face-off site as North Doklam. It is reliably learnt that members of the Tharoor-led committee visited 33 Corps in Sukna and its Black Cat division in Gangtok but was not allowed to visit Doka la post due to a blanket ban on all visits there including by local forestry officials. Others say the parliamentary team was not allowed because it was headed by a member of the opposition Congress party. Doklam has given a sudden impetus to infrastructural development in the region with long-delayed projects being sanctioned expeditiously. Now a black top road has replaced the track to Doka la post. The Sikkim allowance of Rs 3000 has been increased by a princely sum of Rs 41 and Gangtok declared semi-field area. President Trump believed till recently that Sikkim’s two neighbours which were never colonised - Nepal and Bhutan – (he pronounced them as Nipples and Buttons) are part of India. That should settle the Doklam issue for good. Even otherwise, Doklam has tested in the affirmative, Article 2 of the India Bhutan Treaty of 2007 which corrected the missing defence and security clause in the 1949 Friendship treaty. Black Cats have reason to celebrate the victory of Operation Juniper at Doklam where every morning at 9 am, senior Indian and Chinese officers shake hands. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Revisiting Doklam stand-off: How China failed to present fait accompli to Bhutan and India

Two Indian naval ships -- INS 'Kolkata' and 'Shakti' -- would take part in the Chinese Navy's 70th anniversary of celebrations later this month.

The two ships are scheduled to visit Chinese port of Qingdao from April 21 to 26 to participate in an International Fleet Review to celebrate the 70th anniversary of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) Navy, an Indian Embassy press release said here on Sunday.

During the visit, Indian Ambassador to China Vikram Misri long with the Commanding Officer of INS Kolkata, Captain Aditya Hara, will host an onboard reception for the public.&nbsp;

INS Kolkata is the lead ship of the Kolkata-class stealth guided-missile destroyers of the Indian Navy. It lists of armaments reportedly included Brahmos supersonic anti-ship and land-attack cruise missiles.&nbsp;

INS Shakti is tanker and supply ship.

The PLA Navy which is fast expanding its fleet including the aircraft carriers as China intensified efforts to increase global presence and influence plans to have grand celebrations to commemorate the event.&nbsp;

China's defence spokesman Col Wu Qian told the media on March 28 that over 60 countries would join the commemorative event for the PLA Navy's 70th founding anniversary on April 23.

It will include various activities, including high-level symposiums, an international fleet inspection, joint military music display, cultural and sports exchanges, among others.

Two Indian naval ships -- INS 'Kolkata' and 'Shakti' -- would take part in the Chinese Navy's 70th anniversary of celebrations later this month. The two ships are scheduled to visit Chinese port of Qingdao from April 21 to 26 to participate in an International Fleet Review to celebrate the 70th anniversary of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) Navy, an Indian Embassy press release said here on Sunday.

Two Indian naval ships -- INS 'Kolkata' and 'Shakti' -- would take part in the Chinese Navy's 70th anniversary of celebrations later this month. The two ships are scheduled to visit Chinese port of Qingdao from April 21 to 26 to participate in an International Fleet Review to celebrate the 70th anniversary of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) Navy, an Indian Embassy press release said here on Sunday. During the visit, Indian Ambassador to China Vikram Misri long with the Commanding Officer of INS Kolkata, Captain Aditya Hara, will host an onboard reception for the public. INS Kolkata is the lead ship of the Kolkata-class stealth guided-missile destroyers of the Indian Navy. It lists of armaments reportedly included Brahmos supersonic anti-ship and land-attack cruise missiles. INS Shakti is tanker and supply ship. The PLA Navy which is fast expanding its fleet including the aircraft carriers as China intensified efforts to increase global presence and influence plans to have grand celebrations to commemorate the event. China's defence spokesman Col Wu Qian told the media on March 28 that over 60 countries would join the commemorative event for the PLA Navy's 70th founding anniversary on April 23. It will include various activities, including high-level symposiums, an international fleet inspection, joint military music display, cultural and sports exchanges, among others.

Two Indian naval ships to take part in Chinese Navy's 70th anniversary celebrations

The Madras High Court on Wednesday asked the government to ban Chinese video app TikTok, saying it was "encouraging pornography".

Created by Beijing Bytedance Technology Co, TikTok allows users to create and share short videos with special effects. It has become hugely popular in rural India.

Jokes, clips and footage related to India's thriving movie industry dominate the platform, along with memes and videos in which youngsters, some scantily clad, lip-sync and dance to popular music.

<iframe width="560" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/iCB0fMjhXzQ" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen></iframe>

Earlier, IT minister of Tamil Nadu had described some of its more suggestive dance content as "unbearable".

The Madras High Court, which has been hearing a public interest litigation against the app, on Wednesday said children who were using TikTok were vulnerable to exposure to sexual predators.

"Inappropriate" content was TikTok's "dangerous aspect", the court said in an order, adding that "there is a possibility of the children contacting strangers directly".

A TikTok spokesman said the company was committed to abiding by local laws and was awaiting a copy of the court’s order, following which it would take appropriate action.

"Maintaining a safe and positive in-app environment ... is our priority," he said.

As well as asking the government to ban the application and prohibit its downloads, the court said TikTok videos should not be broadcast by media.

TikTok, whose video-only interface makes it less elaborate and easier to use than platforms such as Facebook or Twitter, has been downloaded more than 240 million times in India, according to app analytics firm Sensor Tower.

The Madras High Court on Wednesday asked the government to ban Chinese video app TikTok, saying it was "encouraging pornography". Created by Beijing Bytedance Technology Co, TikTok allows users to create and share short videos with special effects.

The Madras High Court on Wednesday asked the government to ban Chinese video app TikTok, saying it was "encouraging pornography". Created by Beijing Bytedance Technology Co, TikTok allows users to create and share short videos with special effects. It has become hugely popular in rural India. Jokes, clips and footage related to India's thriving movie industry dominate the platform, along with memes and videos in which youngsters, some scantily clad, lip-sync and dance to popular music. Earlier, IT minister of Tamil Nadu had described some of its more suggestive dance content as "unbearable". The Madras High Court, which has been hearing a public interest litigation against the app, on Wednesday said children who were using TikTok were vulnerable to exposure to sexual predators. "Inappropriate" content was TikTok's "dangerous aspect", the court said in an order, adding that "there is a possibility of the children contacting strangers directly". A TikTok spokesman said the company was committed to abiding by local laws and was awaiting a copy of the court’s order, following which it would take appropriate action. "Maintaining a safe and positive in-app environment ... is our priority," he said. As well as asking the government to ban the application and prohibit its downloads, the court said TikTok videos should not be broadcast by media. TikTok, whose video-only interface makes it less elaborate and easier to use than platforms such as Facebook or Twitter, has been downloaded more than 240 million times in India, according to app analytics firm Sensor Tower.

Ban Chinese video app TikTok: Madras High Court to government

India has said it has no intention of <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/what-is-low-earth-orbit-satellite-against-which-india-launched-a-surgical-strike-in-space-205974">entering into an arms race</a> in outer space and Anti-Satellite Missile(ASAT) test was done just to "verify" that the country has the "capability to safeguard our space assets."

The test, Mission Shakti which was carried out by <a href="https://www.wionews.com/photos/all-you-need-to-know-about-mission-shakti-indias-anti-satellite-missile-test-205998">Defence Research and Development Organisation</a> (DRDO) and was conducted from the Dr APJ Abdul Kalam Island launch complex.&nbsp;

Remember that has been a long-standing policy of the Indian government there should not be any weaponisation of Outer Space and that space must be used only for peaceful purposes.

<iframe width="560" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/yEBlFh5knKw" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen></iframe>

The Ministry of external affairs( MEA) frequently asked questions (FAQ) released after the test said, "India believes that Outer space is the common heritage of humankind and it is the responsibility of all space-faring nations to preserve and promote the benefits flowing from advances made in space technology and its applications for all."

With this test, according to the FAQ, "India was able to demonstrate its capability to intercept a satellite in outer space based on complete indigenous technology. DRDO’s Ballistic Missile Defence interceptor was used to target an Indian satellite."

On the question of why the test was done now, India said since it had "acquired the required degree of confidence to ensure its success".

Since the test was done in the lower atmosphere, India has said, there isn't much space debris. Finance minister Arun Jaitley in a presser said, "In a matter of three weeks the whole environment will be debris free".

New Delhi in the past has participated in Inter-Agency Space Debris Coordination (IADC) activities with regard to space debris management.

India has also already clarified that the test is not against any country and the test provides deterrence against threats.

India is a party to all the major international treaties relating to Outer Space.

New Delhi supports UNGA resolution 69/32 on No First Placement of Weapons on Outer Space and has called for substantive legal measures to ensure the prevention of an arms race in outer space.

India has also ratified the 1967 Outer Space Treaty which prohibits weapons of mass destruction in outer space. 
&nbsp;

India has said it has no intention of entering into an arms race in outer space and Anti-Satellite Missile(ASAT) test was done just to "verify" that the country has the "capability to safeguard our space assets.

India has said it has no intention of entering into an arms race in outer space and Anti-Satellite Missile(ASAT) test was done just to "verify" that the country has the "capability to safeguard our space assets." The test, Mission Shakti which was carried out by Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) and was conducted from the Dr APJ Abdul Kalam Island launch complex. Remember that has been a long-standing policy of the Indian government there should not be any weaponisation of Outer Space and that space must be used only for peaceful purposes. The Ministry of external affairs( MEA) frequently asked questions (FAQ) released after the test said, "India believes that Outer space is the common heritage of humankind and it is the responsibility of all space-faring nations to preserve and promote the benefits flowing from advances made in space technology and its applications for all." With this test, according to the FAQ, "India was able to demonstrate its capability to intercept a satellite in outer space based on complete indigenous technology. DRDO’s Ballistic Missile Defence interceptor was used to target an Indian satellite." On the question of why the test was done now, India said since it had "acquired the required degree of confidence to ensure its success". Since the test was done in the lower atmosphere, India has said, there isn't much space debris. Finance minister Arun Jaitley in a presser said, "In a matter of three weeks the whole environment will be debris free". New Delhi in the past has participated in Inter-Agency Space Debris Coordination (IADC) activities with regard to space debris management. India has also already clarified that the test is not against any country and the test provides deterrence against threats. India is a party to all the major international treaties relating to Outer Space. New Delhi supports UNGA resolution 69/32 on No First Placement of Weapons on Outer Space and has called for substantive legal measures to ensure the prevention of an arms race in outer space. India has also ratified the 1967 Outer Space Treaty which prohibits weapons of mass destruction in outer space.

No intention of entering into arms race in outer space: India after ASAT test

China has destroyed 30,000 world maps printed in the country for export for not mentioning <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/pm-modis-arunachal-visit-irks-china-new-delhi-slams-beijing-saying-the-northeastern-state-is-integral-inalienable-to-india-196228">Arunachal Pradesh and Taiwan</a> as part of Chinese territory, the official media reported on Tuesday.

China claims the north-eastern Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh as part of South Tibet. China routinely objects to Indian leaders visiting Arunachal Pradesh to highlight its stand.

India says the State of Arunachal Pradesh is its integral and inalienable part and Indian leaders visit Arunachal Pradesh from time to time, as they visit other parts of the country.

The two countries have so far held 21 rounds of talks to resolve the border dispute covering 3,488-km-long Line of Actual Control (LAC).

China also claims the estranged island of Taiwan as part of its territory that must be reunified with the mainland, even by force.

The world maps were meant for export to an "unspecified country", state-run Global Times reported on Tuesday.

Almost 30,000 "incorrect" world maps<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/china-urges-us-to-block-taiwan-leaders-hawaii-stop-over-204683">, showing Taiwan as a separate country</a> and wrong depiction of the Sino-Indian border, were destroyed by the customs authorities in Qingdao in eastern Shandong province, it said.

"What China did in the map market was absolutely legitimate and necessary, because sovereignty and territorial integrity are the most important things to a country.&nbsp;

"Both Taiwan and South Tibet are parts of China's territory which is sacred and inviolable based on the international law," Liu Wenzong, professor from the Department of International Law of China Foreign Affairs University was quoted as saying.

China has destroyed 30,000 world maps printed in the country for export for not mentioning Arunachal Pradesh and Taiwan as part of Chinese territory, the official media reported on Tuesday.

China has destroyed 30,000 world maps printed in the country for export for not mentioning Arunachal Pradesh and Taiwan as part of Chinese territory, the official media reported on Tuesday. China claims the north-eastern Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh as part of South Tibet. China routinely objects to Indian leaders visiting Arunachal Pradesh to highlight its stand. India says the State of Arunachal Pradesh is its integral and inalienable part and Indian leaders visit Arunachal Pradesh from time to time, as they visit other parts of the country. The two countries have so far held 21 rounds of talks to resolve the border dispute covering 3,488-km-long Line of Actual Control (LAC). China also claims the estranged island of Taiwan as part of its territory that must be reunified with the mainland, even by force. The world maps were meant for export to an "unspecified country", state-run Global Times reported on Tuesday. Almost 30,000 "incorrect" world maps, showing Taiwan as a separate country and wrong depiction of the Sino-Indian border, were destroyed by the customs authorities in Qingdao in eastern Shandong province, it said. "What China did in the map market was absolutely legitimate and necessary, because sovereignty and territorial integrity are the most important things to a country. "Both Taiwan and South Tibet are parts of China's territory which is sacred and inviolable based on the international law," Liu Wenzong, professor from the Department of International Law of China Foreign Affairs University was quoted as saying.

China destroyed 30,000 world maps mentioning Arunachal Pradesh, Taiwan: Report

Not so long ago most Indians were rejoicing in their globe-trotting Prime Minister’s diplomatic conquests. He received rockstars welcome and charged the People of Indian origin with frenzy.&nbsp;

New ‘strategic partnerships’ were forged with potential allies ranging from the US to Japan. The neighbourhood wasn’t neglected either. Narendra Modi invited leaders of all SAARC nations to his oath-taking ceremony and followed it up by lavishing special attention on Nepal. An Olive Branch was extended to Pakistan and the warm welcome extended to Chinese President Xi Jinping arousing hopes of further ‘normalisation’ of relationship with the usually belligerent ‘superpower in the making.’&nbsp;

From G20 summits to BRICS conclaves and sessions at UN the Indian Prime Minister performed in dazzling contrast with his lacklustre predecessor-timid and tongue-tied Dr Manmohan Singh. It appeared for a few shining moments that India had arrived.&nbsp; 
 
As the nation goes to polls that many consider a decisive moment, a possible turning point, foreign policy is strangely forgotten in public discourse. In the aftermath of the terrorist attack in Pulwama and retaliatory air strikes across the border the many ‘achievements’ of past five years in the realm of international relations are not even being mentioned as an aside.&nbsp;

It seems that nothing matters more than an inimical Pakistan next door. Protected by China and forever propped up by the US it continues to cripple us like the proverbial albatross round the neck. The myriad options explored by Modi apparently were not enough to redress the imbalance tilting against our vital national interest in South Asia. The country seems to be back at square one.&nbsp;

What is even more distressing is that the election campaign has been highjacked by supercharged ‘Patriots’ and the ‘Traitors’ targeted by them. The dangerous labelling of political opponents as ‘jingoist chauvinists’ or ‘traitors and enemy agents’ has made it impossible to take stock of the challenges confronting the nation. Rhetoric devoid of reason is trying to sway voters it's way. The traditional consensus in matters of foreign policy has been almost entirely eroded.&nbsp;

We forget at our peril that in ultimate analysis foreign policy is an extension of domestic policy. It is an instrument to safeguard the independence and autonomy in the formulation of economic policies, to enjoy the freedom to live according to ones cultural preferences-inherited as well as acquired. In short, the task of foreign policy is not confined to protecting the borders from external invasions.&nbsp; 
 
This is where Pakistan has succeeded in distorting our perspective disastrously. Be it the perpetual turmoil in the valley of Kashmir or legislation affecting customary practices of Muslim Indian citizen those at the helm try to steal a look towards Islamabad. It isn’t surprising that this has resulted in an incurable painful squint. Either the secular-supposedly liberal- regime at the helm bends backwards to appease the self-styled leaders of minorities-Muslims, Sikhs and Christians- or those who have proclaimed themselves to be custodians of tradition and swadeshi &nbsp;culture, begin hounding anyone who dares to dissent- issuing ultimatums to ‘Go to Pakistan!’ or face the lynch mobs. Discussion on foreign policy has been reduced to a farce.

The response to China’s bullying isn’t very different. Few Indians have displayed the wisdom to assess the long term Chinese ‘threat’ dispensing with the Pakistani looking glass. It is the Chinese Veto shielding Azhar Masood that blinkers our eyes. China’s tentacles in Nepal, Sri Lanka and Myanmar remain invisible but the Dragon can bare its fangs and claws at will. China, today, no longer has to irritate India with Doklam like cleverly engineered crisis on the border. Fomenting resentment against India among its smaller neighbours. We occasionally express nominal concern about the Garland of Poisoned Pearls it has trigged to strangle us but remain blind to the traps it is laying for us in distant lands where we are China’s principal competitors in the domain of food and energy security.&nbsp; 
 
Pakistan and China keep us so preoccupied that the rest of foreign policy is forgotten. Election sloganeering deafens us to alarm bells ringing from West Asia to Europe. Let us wake up to the harsh realities of life. Foreign Policy isn’t some luxury that you can dispense with when elections are underway.&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.) 
&nbsp;

Not so long ago most Indians were rejoicing in their globe-trotting Prime Minister’s diplomatic conquests. He received rockstars welcome and charged the People of Indian origin with frenzy.

Not so long ago most Indians were rejoicing in their globe-trotting Prime Minister’s diplomatic conquests. He received rockstars welcome and charged the People of Indian origin with frenzy. New ‘strategic partnerships’ were forged with potential allies ranging from the US to Japan. The neighbourhood wasn’t neglected either. Narendra Modi invited leaders of all SAARC nations to his oath-taking ceremony and followed it up by lavishing special attention on Nepal. An Olive Branch was extended to Pakistan and the warm welcome extended to Chinese President Xi Jinping arousing hopes of further ‘normalisation’ of relationship with the usually belligerent ‘superpower in the making.’ From G20 summits to BRICS conclaves and sessions at UN the Indian Prime Minister performed in dazzling contrast with his lacklustre predecessor-timid and tongue-tied Dr Manmohan Singh. It appeared for a few shining moments that India had arrived. As the nation goes to polls that many consider a decisive moment, a possible turning point, foreign policy is strangely forgotten in public discourse. In the aftermath of the terrorist attack in Pulwama and retaliatory air strikes across the border the many ‘achievements’ of past five years in the realm of international relations are not even being mentioned as an aside. It seems that nothing matters more than an inimical Pakistan next door. Protected by China and forever propped up by the US it continues to cripple us like the proverbial albatross round the neck. The myriad options explored by Modi apparently were not enough to redress the imbalance tilting against our vital national interest in South Asia. The country seems to be back at square one. What is even more distressing is that the election campaign has been highjacked by supercharged ‘Patriots’ and the ‘Traitors’ targeted by them. The dangerous labelling of political opponents as ‘jingoist chauvinists’ or ‘traitors and enemy agents’ has made it impossible to take stock of the challenges confronting the nation. Rhetoric devoid of reason is trying to sway voters it's way. The traditional consensus in matters of foreign policy has been almost entirely eroded. We forget at our peril that in ultimate analysis foreign policy is an extension of domestic policy. It is an instrument to safeguard the independence and autonomy in the formulation of economic policies, to enjoy the freedom to live according to ones cultural preferences-inherited as well as acquired. In short, the task of foreign policy is not confined to protecting the borders from external invasions. This is where Pakistan has succeeded in distorting our perspective disastrously. Be it the perpetual turmoil in the valley of Kashmir or legislation affecting customary practices of Muslim Indian citizen those at the helm try to steal a look towards Islamabad. It isn’t surprising that this has resulted in an incurable painful squint. Either the secular-supposedly liberal- regime at the helm bends backwards to appease the self-styled leaders of minorities-Muslims, Sikhs and Christians- or those who have proclaimed themselves to be custodians of tradition and swadeshi culture, begin hounding anyone who dares to dissent- issuing ultimatums to ‘Go to Pakistan!’ or face the lynch mobs. Discussion on foreign policy has been reduced to a farce. The response to China’s bullying isn’t very different. Few Indians have displayed the wisdom to assess the long term Chinese ‘threat’ dispensing with the Pakistani looking glass. It is the Chinese Veto shielding Azhar Masood that blinkers our eyes. China’s tentacles in Nepal, Sri Lanka and Myanmar remain invisible but the Dragon can bare its fangs and claws at will. China, today, no longer has to irritate India with Doklam like cleverly engineered crisis on the border. Fomenting resentment against India among its smaller neighbours. We occasionally express nominal concern about the Garland of Poisoned Pearls it has trigged to strangle us but remain blind to the traps it is laying for us in distant lands where we are China’s principal competitors in the domain of food and energy security. Pakistan and China keep us so preoccupied that the rest of foreign policy is forgotten. Election sloganeering deafens us to alarm bells ringing from West Asia to Europe. Let us wake up to the harsh realities of life. Foreign Policy isn’t some luxury that you can dispense with when elections are underway. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Moving away from China and Pakistan, Indian foreign policy needs a major overhaul

India on Wednesday signalled that it will boycott <a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/southeast-asia-wary-of-chinas-belt-and-road-project-sceptical-of-us-report-188706">China's second Belt and Road</a> Forum for a second time, saying no country can participate in an initiative that ignores its core concerns on sovereignty and territorial integrity.

India boycotted the first Belt and Road Forum (BRF) in 2017 after protesting to Beijing over the controversial China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) which is being laid through the Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK) overriding New Delhi's sovereignty concerns.

Foreign Minister Wang Yi recently said that next month China plans to hold a much bigger, second BRF which will also be attended by Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan.

Speculation is rife whether India would attend the second BRF as China has deepened its commitment to expand the USD 60 billion CPEC, which aims to connect China's Xinjiang province with Pakistan's Gwadar port with a host of road, rail, gas and oil pipelines.

China has also undertaken a host of energy projects under the aegis of the CPEC.

India's Ambassador to China Vikram Misri told the state-run Global Times that "above all, connectivity initiatives must be pursued in a manner that respects the sovereignty, equality and territorial integrity of nations".

"No country can participate in an initiative that ignores its core concerns on sovereignty and territorial integrity," he replied to a question about India's concerns over the BRI and whether India would take part in the second BRF meet.

The Indian envoy's interview was carried by the daily on Wednesday.

"To be honest, we have made no secret of our views and our position on the BRI is clear and consistent and one that we have conveyed to the authorities concerned.

"India shares the global aspiration to strengthen connectivity and it is an integral part of our economic and diplomatic initiatives. We ourselves are working with many countries and international institutions in our region and beyond on a range of connectivity initiatives," Misri said.

"However, it is also our belief that connectivity initiatives must be based on universally recognised international norms, good governance and rule of law. They must emphasise social stability and environmental protection and preservation, promote skill and technology transfers and follow principles of openness, transparency and financial sustainability," the Indian envoy said.

India along with the US and several other countries have been highlighting the concerns over the BRI projects, leaving a number of smaller countries in debt traps.

The concerns grew louder after China took over Sri Lanka's Hambantota port on a 99-year lease as debt swap.

Several countries including Malaysia and even Pakistan have wished to reduce the Chinese projects over debt concerns.

Asked whether India-China ties are back on track, Misri said: "the bilateral relationship between India and China is of great significance not just to the two countries, but also to the larger region and the international community".

He said that the Wuhan summit between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi Jinping in April 2018 was a "milestone in bilateral relations during which the two leaders exchanged views on overarching issues of bilateral and global importance, and elaborated their respective visions and priorities for national development in context of the current international situation".

Last year, the two leaders also met on the sidelines of multilateral summits.

"These meetings have reinforced strategic communication between the two countries at the highest levels and helped in elaborating a road map for continuing contacts. China is India's biggest neighbour and we assign a very high priority to this relationship," the Indian envoy said.

"Unlike some 50 years ago, when our relationship had a much narrower basis and there was not much communication, today we have what one would call a full-spectrum relationship.

"This has been possible because our respective leaders have realised that mutually-beneficial cooperation responds to the most urgent developmental needs of our people and these needs to be prioritised over other issues," Misri said.

Asked about the impact of India's elections on India-China ties, Misri said: "my own feeling is that on foreign policy issues there is a broad political consensus in India on where our national interests lie. I do not think therefore that the outcome of the elections will impact the broad contours of India's foreign policy in general or the very important relationship with China in particular".&nbsp;

India on Wednesday signalled that it will boycott China's second Belt and Road Forum for a second time, saying no country can participate in an initiative that ignores its core concerns on sovereignty and territorial integrity.

India on Wednesday signalled that it will boycott China's second Belt and Road Forum for a second time, saying no country can participate in an initiative that ignores its core concerns on sovereignty and territorial integrity. India boycotted the first Belt and Road Forum (BRF) in 2017 after protesting to Beijing over the controversial China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) which is being laid through the Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK) overriding New Delhi's sovereignty concerns. Foreign Minister Wang Yi recently said that next month China plans to hold a much bigger, second BRF which will also be attended by Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan. Speculation is rife whether India would attend the second BRF as China has deepened its commitment to expand the USD 60 billion CPEC, which aims to connect China's Xinjiang province with Pakistan's Gwadar port with a host of road, rail, gas and oil pipelines. China has also undertaken a host of energy projects under the aegis of the CPEC. India's Ambassador to China Vikram Misri told the state-run Global Times that "above all, connectivity initiatives must be pursued in a manner that respects the sovereignty, equality and territorial integrity of nations". "No country can participate in an initiative that ignores its core concerns on sovereignty and territorial integrity," he replied to a question about India's concerns over the BRI and whether India would take part in the second BRF meet. The Indian envoy's interview was carried by the daily on Wednesday. "To be honest, we have made no secret of our views and our position on the BRI is clear and consistent and one that we have conveyed to the authorities concerned. "India shares the global aspiration to strengthen connectivity and it is an integral part of our economic and diplomatic initiatives. We ourselves are working with many countries and international institutions in our region and beyond on a range of connectivity initiatives," Misri said. "However, it is also our belief that connectivity initiatives must be based on universally recognised international norms, good governance and rule of law. They must emphasise social stability and environmental protection and preservation, promote skill and technology transfers and follow principles of openness, transparency and financial sustainability," the Indian envoy said. India along with the US and several other countries have been highlighting the concerns over the BRI projects, leaving a number of smaller countries in debt traps. The concerns grew louder after China took over Sri Lanka's Hambantota port on a 99-year lease as debt swap. Several countries including Malaysia and even Pakistan have wished to reduce the Chinese projects over debt concerns. Asked whether India-China ties are back on track, Misri said: "the bilateral relationship between India and China is of great significance not just to the two countries, but also to the larger region and the international community". He said that the Wuhan summit between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi Jinping in April 2018 was a "milestone in bilateral relations during which the two leaders exchanged views on overarching issues of bilateral and global importance, and elaborated their respective visions and priorities for national development in context of the current international situation". Last year, the two leaders also met on the sidelines of multilateral summits. "These meetings have reinforced strategic communication between the two countries at the highest levels and helped in elaborating a road map for continuing contacts. China is India's biggest neighbour and we assign a very high priority to this relationship," the Indian envoy said. "Unlike some 50 years ago, when our relationship had a much narrower basis and there was not much communication, today we have what one would call a full-spectrum relationship. "This has been possible because our respective leaders have realised that mutually-beneficial cooperation responds to the most urgent developmental needs of our people and these needs to be prioritised over other issues," Misri said. Asked about the impact of India's elections on India-China ties, Misri said: "my own feeling is that on foreign policy issues there is a broad political consensus in India on where our national interests lie. I do not think therefore that the outcome of the elections will impact the broad contours of India's foreign policy in general or the very important relationship with China in particular".

India may boycott China's Belt and Road Forum for second time

This is the way the cookie crumbles. A high-stakes international thriller, expected to climax in China backing the UN move to list Masood Azhar as a terrorist, ended in a whimper with India compelled to call its diplomatic defeat a “disappointment”. This should not have happened.&nbsp;

What could have been a high point of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s five years -- in the aftermath of the Pulwama suicide bombing followed by India's air strikes deep inside Pakistan – turned out to be a setback for India on the foreign front.&nbsp;

It is just as well that South Block maintained a visage of equanimity and, without naming China, made the point that “India is disappointed by this outcome”. Foreign policy observers are, however, divided on whether such a response to the outcome was appropriate and adequate. Vivek Katju, a former secretary in the Ministry of External Affairs struck, said that “India should have named China” (as the offending veto wielder among the UN Security Council's Permanent Five). Such a school of thought also includes those who feel that China should be named, shamed and “made to pay”, including with boycott of Chinese goods.&nbsp;

In contrast, Gautam Bambawale, a former High Commissioner to Pakistan who succeeded Foreign Secretary Vijay Gokhale as Ambassador to China, struck a pragmatic note saying that “We must continue to work with China to convince them to remove the hold” on the proposal for listing Azhar as a terrorist. Bambawale opted for understatement while summing up the denouement, “We're disappointed that China has once again for the fourth time blocked listing of Masood Azhar at UNSC under 1267 sanctions.&nbsp;

It is quite obvious that China is doing this as they have said they do not have enough information about Masood Azhar. We from India have already given more and more information. Rest of the world is convinced. So many countries, including France, the UK and the USA have backed the resolution. It is only one country, China, which is still objecting to it”. Yet he hinted that Beijing must be prepared for consequences, when he said that&nbsp;China must have factored in that there is a diplomatic cost of taking this step. If China opposes terrorism, it must allow this listing to go ahead”.&nbsp;

While Katju can be said to have spoken straight from the heart in expressing outrage against China, Bambawale wants New Delhi to make a cool appraisal and adopt a calculating approach towards China. He has seen and experienced China for 30 years, and knows that times have changed. India-China relations can no longer slide back to acrimony and finger-pointing and, accordingly, Indian diplomacy has changed its language.&nbsp;

When China thwarted India's efforts to get Azhar blacklisted in 2016, India had expressed “surprise” and “concern”. Naming China, the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) said: “We had expected China would have been more understanding of the danger posed to all by terrorism and would join India and others in fighting the common challenge of terrorism”. In 2017, when China again blocked a similar proposal, India did not name China, but referred to a “single country” as it has done now.&nbsp;

Sino-Indian relations were tense in 2017 and hit a low point with the Doklam stand-off. It was an uphill task to retrieve the situation and revive steps for strengthening ties, which India managed to do by adhering to the principle that differences would not be allowed to become disputes. Gradually, the strains disappeared. Prime Minister Modi and President Xi Jinping met four times in 2018 and the Wuhan Summit became a turning point.

Gokhale managed to do a splendid job of reviving ties. He turned the relationship around not only with China, but also Nepal, which had been driven to adopt an anti-Indian stand and lean towards Beijing.

The tonal similarity in MEA's statement and that of Bambawale suggest that the latter and the&nbsp;Foreign Secretary are on the same wavelength; and remain one in striving to strengthen and deepen China-India relations. Both favour pursuing new and non-confrontational ways to not just staying engaged with China but building on the gains made so far without letting differences and deficiencies become obstacles.

At a time when the GoI is faced with the issue of how to deal with China – which is of critical importance after Pulwama, the air strikes and China's hold on blacklisting Azhar – Bambawale has come up with a map for moving forward beyond Wuhan.

Both India and China, as he observes, have to “navigate incredibly difficult waters” to get along. India’s best way forward, including on the Azhar issue, is a transactional approach to dealing with China; which will permit the listing if India can do something in return for China; and, strike a bargain.

His set of suggestions, which has attracted attention among observers of Sino-Indian ties is called the 'Pune Plan of Action on India-China Relations'. It is a path-breaking plan, which includes: continued, intense high-level political interaction; enhanced and expanded military exchanges; boosting Chinese tourism to India; promoting sale of Indian films and yoga, both of which are popular in China; drawing more Chinese students to Indian universities; creating a financial model for Chinese firms to modernise Indian railway stations; persuading China to join the International Solar Alliance; and, expanding engagement with the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation.

Such a transactional approach, based solely on pursuit of mutual interests with tangible outcomes, may succeed in securing China's support for India's interests in world bodies. It would also be more rewarding than giving in to outrage, indignation and knee-jerk reactions like boycott of Chinese goods. Above all, such a course would signify that the leadership and relationship of the two countries have attained a sustainable level of strategic maturity.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

This is the way the cookie crumbles. A high-stakes international thriller, expected to climax in China backing the UN move to list Masood Azhar as a terrorist, ended in a whimper with India compelled to call its diplomatic defeat a “disappointment”.

This is the way the cookie crumbles. A high-stakes international thriller, expected to climax in China backing the UN move to list Masood Azhar as a terrorist, ended in a whimper with India compelled to call its diplomatic defeat a “disappointment”. This should not have happened. What could have been a high point of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s five years -- in the aftermath of the Pulwama suicide bombing followed by India's air strikes deep inside Pakistan – turned out to be a setback for India on the foreign front. It is just as well that South Block maintained a visage of equanimity and, without naming China, made the point that “India is disappointed by this outcome”. Foreign policy observers are, however, divided on whether such a response to the outcome was appropriate and adequate. Vivek Katju, a former secretary in the Ministry of External Affairs struck, said that “India should have named China” (as the offending veto wielder among the UN Security Council's Permanent Five). Such a school of thought also includes those who feel that China should be named, shamed and “made to pay”, including with boycott of Chinese goods. In contrast, Gautam Bambawale, a former High Commissioner to Pakistan who succeeded Foreign Secretary Vijay Gokhale as Ambassador to China, struck a pragmatic note saying that “We must continue to work with China to convince them to remove the hold” on the proposal for listing Azhar as a terrorist. Bambawale opted for understatement while summing up the denouement, “We're disappointed that China has once again for the fourth time blocked listing of Masood Azhar at UNSC under 1267 sanctions. It is quite obvious that China is doing this as they have said they do not have enough information about Masood Azhar. We from India have already given more and more information. Rest of the world is convinced. So many countries, including France, the UK and the USA have backed the resolution. It is only one country, China, which is still objecting to it”. Yet he hinted that Beijing must be prepared for consequences, when he said that China must have factored in that there is a diplomatic cost of taking this step. If China opposes terrorism, it must allow this listing to go ahead”. While Katju can be said to have spoken straight from the heart in expressing outrage against China, Bambawale wants New Delhi to make a cool appraisal and adopt a calculating approach towards China. He has seen and experienced China for 30 years, and knows that times have changed. India-China relations can no longer slide back to acrimony and finger-pointing and, accordingly, Indian diplomacy has changed its language. When China thwarted India's efforts to get Azhar blacklisted in 2016, India had expressed “surprise” and “concern”. Naming China, the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) said: “We had expected China would have been more understanding of the danger posed to all by terrorism and would join India and others in fighting the common challenge of terrorism”. In 2017, when China again blocked a similar proposal, India did not name China, but referred to a “single country” as it has done now. Sino-Indian relations were tense in 2017 and hit a low point with the Doklam stand-off. It was an uphill task to retrieve the situation and revive steps for strengthening ties, which India managed to do by adhering to the principle that differences would not be allowed to become disputes. Gradually, the strains disappeared. Prime Minister Modi and President Xi Jinping met four times in 2018 and the Wuhan Summit became a turning point. Gokhale managed to do a splendid job of reviving ties. He turned the relationship around not only with China, but also Nepal, which had been driven to adopt an anti-Indian stand and lean towards Beijing. The tonal similarity in MEA's statement and that of Bambawale suggest that the latter and the Foreign Secretary are on the same wavelength; and remain one in striving to strengthen and deepen China-India relations. Both favour pursuing new and non-confrontational ways to not just staying engaged with China but building on the gains made so far without letting differences and deficiencies become obstacles. At a time when the GoI is faced with the issue of how to deal with China – which is of critical importance after Pulwama, the air strikes and China's hold on blacklisting Azhar – Bambawale has come up with a map for moving forward beyond Wuhan. Both India and China, as he observes, have to “navigate incredibly difficult waters” to get along. India’s best way forward, including on the Azhar issue, is a transactional approach to dealing with China; which will permit the listing if India can do something in return for China; and, strike a bargain. His set of suggestions, which has attracted attention among observers of Sino-Indian ties is called the 'Pune Plan of Action on India-China Relations'. It is a path-breaking plan, which includes: continued, intense high-level political interaction; enhanced and expanded military exchanges; boosting Chinese tourism to India; promoting sale of Indian films and yoga, both of which are popular in China; drawing more Chinese students to Indian universities; creating a financial model for Chinese firms to modernise Indian railway stations; persuading China to join the International Solar Alliance; and, expanding engagement with the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. Such a transactional approach, based solely on pursuit of mutual interests with tangible outcomes, may succeed in securing China's support for India's interests in world bodies. It would also be more rewarding than giving in to outrage, indignation and knee-jerk reactions like boycott of Chinese goods. Above all, such a course would signify that the leadership and relationship of the two countries have attained a sustainable level of strategic maturity. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Chinese 'checkers' frustrate India

No doubt a UN ban on Jaish-e-Muhammed (JeM) leader Masood Azhar and designating him an international terrorist would have been the culmination of an energetic diplomatic campaign that India undertook after the Pulwama outrage. However, the inability to achieve this must not be counted as a failure. In fact, it should be looked upon as a defining moment when China has been isolated in its singular obstinacy out of sync with the international sentiment. It should also be considered the moment to trigger urgency in internally resolving J&amp;K to better effect and thereby discount any further strategic vulnerability.

China earlier blocked the same resolution in the UN Security Council three times and now a fourth time it has asked for it to be placed on hold awaiting more evidence. The sentiments of those three attempts were transactional, but this time it was different. The outrage over Pulwama and the early claims made by JeM in taking ownership for the car bomb attack have created a different flavour which could play strategically to India’s advantage. China has reportedly acted in pursuance of its national interest.

What is China’s national interest which forces it to be out of sync with international sentiment and stand by its strategic partner, Pakistan at this juncture? In fact, what is Sino-Pak joint interest in the prevention of the proscribing of a terrorist the world at large has condemned, including many Islamic countries? At earlier times the negative perception about the JeM leader was never as intense and Indian diplomacy too wasn’t energetic enough about carrying this through.

However, the prevailing international strategic environment is altering by the day and much is dependent upon the status of things in the crucial Af-Pak region. In reality, the status is utterly confused with the US threatening a full and final pullout of its 14,000 troops from Afghanistan without any clarity about which way post pull out Afghanistan will go and who will fill the strategic space being vacated.

While China is playing a limited role in this, it is clear that its national interests will be met through Pakistan emerging the nodal centre with full control over the Taliban and the future dispensation in Afghanistan. Its support to the resolution would have meant an international diplomatic defeat for Pakistan and thus a potential downscaling of its significance in the Afghanistan imbroglio.

No doubt China gives much importance to its investment in the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and fears that Pakistan’s diplomatic isolation will reduce the chance of the final fructification of the CPEC, especially as financial strictures against it would initiate unprecedented unpredictability. This is where China perceives that by supporting Pakistan and giving Masood Azhar another lease of life it is warding off unpredictability. Given Pakistan’s crucial geo-strategic position China possibly considers that Pakistan with Chinese support can weather the current storm. Once the US is out of the region, the options for China would become manifold.

By having expected potential Chinese support for the resolution India may actually have been linking its situation to China’s suffering from the ills of its self-created terror problem in Xinjiang. However, China’s strategic thinking is only from the head and rarely from the heart. Weakening the Imran Khan government can only be catastrophic as Pakistan has run out of options in terms of leadership. Pakistan could have helped itself considerably by banning Masood Azhar internally. That would be wishful thinking and may have led to some degree of turmoil internally within Pakistan once again leading to political instability; much against Chinese interests. Anything leading to even part failure of the CPEC could also have a severe impact on the other projects of the Belt &amp; Road Initiative.

A diplomatic victory achieved by India would militate against the strategic interests of China. It would translate into disadvantage Pakistan. Chinese interests with reference to Jammu &amp; Kashmir (J&amp;K) revolve around promoting instability there which allows the larger Sino Pak game plan of containing India. India may have imagined that with the Wuhan spirit a period of rapprochement with China was unfolding. However, the New Great Game to the west is far too crucial to China because the future of its imagined empire lies through the connectivity gained there. Giving India any leverage through the strategic downsizing of Pakistan would be to China’s disadvantage. Masood Azhar is really not the issue for China as people may imagine, it’s the far more important dynamics of the strategic space around Pakistan which concern China.

Has India overestimated the Wuhan spirit? Prime Minister Modi rightly invested much time and energy in it to stabilise the post-Doklam relationship which was threatening to go out of control. There is no doubt that the Wuhan spirit cannot receive the same positivity when a crucial part of India is under threat with the support of China. It would thus be best for India to withhold positive gestures and let the Wuhan spirit be partially mothballed for the moment. Let realistic realpolitik play its role to communicate to China that two processes, one friendly and the other decidedly unfriendly cannot go hand in hand.

China is most sensitive to India’s active role in the Quadrilateral of Nations (Quad). It’s the Wuhan spirit which was holding India back from giving it unequivocal support to the Quad.&nbsp; In real terms the proscribing of Masood Azhar, even if not achieved, would make little difference.&nbsp; The wayward ways of Pakistan’s deep state remained intact even after Hafiz Sayeed was placed under UN ban ten years ago. However, given Pakistan’s continuously enhancing strategic significance we should be prepared for more surprises such as grant of the IMF loan and greater delay in the Financial Action Task Force strictures.

All the above would lead to greater Pakistani propensity to run the risk of targeting India in J&amp;K, in particular, through proxy actors. India which will have to calibrate better its hold over J&amp;K and resolve to go beyond just the military approach, to finally engage with the people and mainstream them with rest of India.

(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-masood-azhar-china-s-new-great-game-2729874">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

No doubt a UN ban on Jaish-e-Muhammed (JeM) leader Masood Azhar and designating him an international terrorist would have been the culmination of an energetic diplomatic campaign that India undertook after the Pulwama outrage.

No doubt a UN ban on Jaish-e-Muhammed (JeM) leader Masood Azhar and designating him an international terrorist would have been the culmination of an energetic diplomatic campaign that India undertook after the Pulwama outrage. However, the inability to achieve this must not be counted as a failure. In fact, it should be looked upon as a defining moment when China has been isolated in its singular obstinacy out of sync with the international sentiment. It should also be considered the moment to trigger urgency in internally resolving J&K to better effect and thereby discount any further strategic vulnerability. China earlier blocked the same resolution in the UN Security Council three times and now a fourth time it has asked for it to be placed on hold awaiting more evidence. The sentiments of those three attempts were transactional, but this time it was different. The outrage over Pulwama and the early claims made by JeM in taking ownership for the car bomb attack have created a different flavour which could play strategically to India’s advantage. China has reportedly acted in pursuance of its national interest. What is China’s national interest which forces it to be out of sync with international sentiment and stand by its strategic partner, Pakistan at this juncture? In fact, what is Sino-Pak joint interest in the prevention of the proscribing of a terrorist the world at large has condemned, including many Islamic countries? At earlier times the negative perception about the JeM leader was never as intense and Indian diplomacy too wasn’t energetic enough about carrying this through. However, the prevailing international strategic environment is altering by the day and much is dependent upon the status of things in the crucial Af-Pak region. In reality, the status is utterly confused with the US threatening a full and final pullout of its 14,000 troops from Afghanistan without any clarity about which way post pull out Afghanistan will go and who will fill the strategic space being vacated. While China is playing a limited role in this, it is clear that its national interests will be met through Pakistan emerging the nodal centre with full control over the Taliban and the future dispensation in Afghanistan. Its support to the resolution would have meant an international diplomatic defeat for Pakistan and thus a potential downscaling of its significance in the Afghanistan imbroglio. No doubt China gives much importance to its investment in the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and fears that Pakistan’s diplomatic isolation will reduce the chance of the final fructification of the CPEC, especially as financial strictures against it would initiate unprecedented unpredictability. This is where China perceives that by supporting Pakistan and giving Masood Azhar another lease of life it is warding off unpredictability. Given Pakistan’s crucial geo-strategic position China possibly considers that Pakistan with Chinese support can weather the current storm. Once the US is out of the region, the options for China would become manifold. By having expected potential Chinese support for the resolution India may actually have been linking its situation to China’s suffering from the ills of its self-created terror problem in Xinjiang. However, China’s strategic thinking is only from the head and rarely from the heart. Weakening the Imran Khan government can only be catastrophic as Pakistan has run out of options in terms of leadership. Pakistan could have helped itself considerably by banning Masood Azhar internally. That would be wishful thinking and may have led to some degree of turmoil internally within Pakistan once again leading to political instability; much against Chinese interests. Anything leading to even part failure of the CPEC could also have a severe impact on the other projects of the Belt & Road Initiative. A diplomatic victory achieved by India would militate against the strategic interests of China. It would translate into disadvantage Pakistan. Chinese interests with reference to Jammu & Kashmir (J&K) revolve around promoting instability there which allows the larger Sino Pak game plan of containing India. India may have imagined that with the Wuhan spirit a period of rapprochement with China was unfolding. However, the New Great Game to the west is far too crucial to China because the future of its imagined empire lies through the connectivity gained there. Giving India any leverage through the strategic downsizing of Pakistan would be to China’s disadvantage. Masood Azhar is really not the issue for China as people may imagine, it’s the far more important dynamics of the strategic space around Pakistan which concern China. Has India overestimated the Wuhan spirit? Prime Minister Modi rightly invested much time and energy in it to stabilise the post-Doklam relationship which was threatening to go out of control. There is no doubt that the Wuhan spirit cannot receive the same positivity when a crucial part of India is under threat with the support of China. It would thus be best for India to withhold positive gestures and let the Wuhan spirit be partially mothballed for the moment. Let realistic realpolitik play its role to communicate to China that two processes, one friendly and the other decidedly unfriendly cannot go hand in hand. China is most sensitive to India’s active role in the Quadrilateral of Nations (Quad). It’s the Wuhan spirit which was holding India back from giving it unequivocal support to the Quad. In real terms the proscribing of Masood Azhar, even if not achieved, would make little difference. The wayward ways of Pakistan’s deep state remained intact even after Hafiz Sayeed was placed under UN ban ten years ago. However, given Pakistan’s continuously enhancing strategic significance we should be prepared for more surprises such as grant of the IMF loan and greater delay in the Financial Action Task Force strictures. All the above would lead to greater Pakistani propensity to run the risk of targeting India in J&K, in particular, through proxy actors. India which will have to calibrate better its hold over J&K and resolve to go beyond just the military approach, to finally engage with the people and mainstream them with rest of India. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Masood Azhar and China's 'new great game'

The Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, in a recent statement, mentioned ‘age-old ties’ and ‘friendship’ that India and China have sustained using the metaphor of life-sustaining streams of water meandering through vast stretches of land in their long journey from source to the sea.&nbsp;

Names of rivers like Ganga and Yangtze do evoke historic civilisational memories of people but it would be naive to imagine that poetic imagery alone can help sustain meaningful, substantial relationships between nations. In the same speech, Wang reiterated that for China friendship with Pakistan remain important and he expressed hope that both India and Pakistan would respect each other's sovereignty and work for a stable peace. 
 
We can’t overlook that even after the terrorist attack in Pulwama and its aftermath nothing seems to have changed as far as China is concerned. 
 
It may be argued that the great rivers in the northern part of the Indian subcontinent all originate in the Tibetan plateau-conceded by India to be an integral part of the Peoples Republic of China albeit autonomous, and hence, China is entwined inextricably with events in neighbourhood downstream. It cant be denied that the most populous country in the world also shares thousands of kilometres long land border with India Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan and Myanmar. 
 
Bilateral disputes regarding border apart, this fact too appears to strengthen China’s claims to be ‘an interested party’ in South Asia’s future. However, to concede this without voicing legitimate apprehensions can only jeopardise our national interests. 
 
At the moment China, like the US, has also offered to help resolve explosive outstanding disputes between India and Pakistan. The wording may be cautious and euphemistic but let there be no doubt it is trying to make bilateral issues trilateral. By no stretch of imagination can China be considered an unbiased ‘honest broker’.&nbsp; 
 
Ever since Donald Trump declared ‘trade war’ against China there has been loose talk about unprecedented opportunities opening up for India to leverage this in its relations with China particularly in the context of its relations with Pakistan. Months have passed and by now it is clear there is no point in chasing this mirage. If we are to successfully resist arm twisting by anyone we have to rely on our own strength and unwavering resolve. Once we concede that any external power is ‘required’ to reduce ‘dangerous tensions’ in South Asian Nuclear Flashpoint, we will lose our autonomy forever. It is only in Pakistan’s interest to ‘invite’ friends getting impatient to gatecrash.

India at the moment should be consolidating its ties with other South Asian neighbours to make the point that it is a predominant regional power.

Much too easily, we have fallen in the trap laid by foreign analysts who have ‘theorised’ that India’s smaller neighbours look at it as a ‘bullying Big Brother’; they don’t trust her. In the past few decades, this analysis has spawned diplomatic strategies and economic aid programmes by the US, China and some European countries to alienate Nepal and Sri Lanka from India. Apprehensions have been systematically fuelled to become anxieties causing serious alienation.&nbsp; 
 
Take a close look, from Bangladesh and Myanmar to the Maldives, India is being encircled to cripple and curb it from operating in its natural sphere of influence. After all the subcontinent and the Ocean are identified as Indian. The legacy of history can't be wished away. The footprint of Indian civilisation-Hindu, Buddhist, Islamic- extends from Central Asia to Farthest reaches of South East Asia. It is this footprint that China is keen to erode and as fast as possible. If it succeeds in this design then it will emerge as the solitary power in Asia. Neither the US nor Russia could then think of balancing it with India.&nbsp; 
 
It is in this context that India needs to assess developments in the region and recast its policies. In Nepal, the rebel leadership has made peace with Kathmandu and the remains splinter group of Maoist guerrillas have signalled a willingness to join mainstream politics. This should remove outstanding irritants in our bilateral relationships with that landlocked neighbour. Rohingya refugees are a common problem shared by Myanmar, Bangladesh and India. One has to be extremely sensitive to its dangerous potential. The violation of human rights and genocide are allegations that are used opportunistically as weapons of mass destructions by Big Powers. Sri Lanka continues to be in the dock for atrocities committed by its armed forces particularly in the last phase of its long drawn civil war but one dare not question the US about its savagery in Iraq and Syria.

Nor are such concerns raised about Israel and Palestine or China and Tibet. Words like ‘People’s Inherent and Inalienable Right to Self Determination’ have lost all meaning due to selective prejudiced use and hypocrisy. India doesn’t have to be defensive at all.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

&nbsp;

The Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, in a recent statement, mentioned ‘age-old ties’ and ‘friendship’ that India and China have sustained using the metaphor of life-sustaining streams of water meandering through vast stretches of land in their long journey from source to the sea.

The Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, in a recent statement, mentioned ‘age-old ties’ and ‘friendship’ that India and China have sustained using the metaphor of life-sustaining streams of water meandering through vast stretches of land in their long journey from source to the sea. Names of rivers like Ganga and Yangtze do evoke historic civilisational memories of people but it would be naive to imagine that poetic imagery alone can help sustain meaningful, substantial relationships between nations. In the same speech, Wang reiterated that for China friendship with Pakistan remain important and he expressed hope that both India and Pakistan would respect each other's sovereignty and work for a stable peace. We can’t overlook that even after the terrorist attack in Pulwama and its aftermath nothing seems to have changed as far as China is concerned. It may be argued that the great rivers in the northern part of the Indian subcontinent all originate in the Tibetan plateau-conceded by India to be an integral part of the Peoples Republic of China albeit autonomous, and hence, China is entwined inextricably with events in neighbourhood downstream. It cant be denied that the most populous country in the world also shares thousands of kilometres long land border with India Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan and Myanmar. Bilateral disputes regarding border apart, this fact too appears to strengthen China’s claims to be ‘an interested party’ in South Asia’s future. However, to concede this without voicing legitimate apprehensions can only jeopardise our national interests. At the moment China, like the US, has also offered to help resolve explosive outstanding disputes between India and Pakistan. The wording may be cautious and euphemistic but let there be no doubt it is trying to make bilateral issues trilateral. By no stretch of imagination can China be considered an unbiased ‘honest broker’. Ever since Donald Trump declared ‘trade war’ against China there has been loose talk about unprecedented opportunities opening up for India to leverage this in its relations with China particularly in the context of its relations with Pakistan. Months have passed and by now it is clear there is no point in chasing this mirage. If we are to successfully resist arm twisting by anyone we have to rely on our own strength and unwavering resolve. Once we concede that any external power is ‘required’ to reduce ‘dangerous tensions’ in South Asian Nuclear Flashpoint, we will lose our autonomy forever. It is only in Pakistan’s interest to ‘invite’ friends getting impatient to gatecrash. India at the moment should be consolidating its ties with other South Asian neighbours to make the point that it is a predominant regional power. Much too easily, we have fallen in the trap laid by foreign analysts who have ‘theorised’ that India’s smaller neighbours look at it as a ‘bullying Big Brother’; they don’t trust her. In the past few decades, this analysis has spawned diplomatic strategies and economic aid programmes by the US, China and some European countries to alienate Nepal and Sri Lanka from India. Apprehensions have been systematically fuelled to become anxieties causing serious alienation. Take a close look, from Bangladesh and Myanmar to the Maldives, India is being encircled to cripple and curb it from operating in its natural sphere of influence. After all the subcontinent and the Ocean are identified as Indian. The legacy of history can't be wished away. The footprint of Indian civilisation-Hindu, Buddhist, Islamic- extends from Central Asia to Farthest reaches of South East Asia. It is this footprint that China is keen to erode and as fast as possible. If it succeeds in this design then it will emerge as the solitary power in Asia. Neither the US nor Russia could then think of balancing it with India. It is in this context that India needs to assess developments in the region and recast its policies. In Nepal, the rebel leadership has made peace with Kathmandu and the remains splinter group of Maoist guerrillas have signalled a willingness to join mainstream politics. This should remove outstanding irritants in our bilateral relationships with that landlocked neighbour. Rohingya refugees are a common problem shared by Myanmar, Bangladesh and India. One has to be extremely sensitive to its dangerous potential. The violation of human rights and genocide are allegations that are used opportunistically as weapons of mass destructions by Big Powers. Sri Lanka continues to be in the dock for atrocities committed by its armed forces particularly in the last phase of its long drawn civil war but one dare not question the US about its savagery in Iraq and Syria. Nor are such concerns raised about Israel and Palestine or China and Tibet. Words like ‘People’s Inherent and Inalienable Right to Self Determination’ have lost all meaning due to selective prejudiced use and hypocrisy. India doesn’t have to be defensive at all. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

India needs to recast its neighbourhood policies as China remains cryptic on Masood Azhar

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi in on Friday welcomed de-escalation of tensions between India and Pakistan that were on the rise since the Pulwama attack in Jammu and Kashmir's Pulwama region. However, the Chinese foreign minister made no&nbsp;mention of Pakistan support's to terrorism on its soil.

Addressing the annual presser in Beijing,&nbsp;Wang Yi said, "China has played a constructive role and both India and Pakistan have indicated the desire to de-escalate and we welcome this."

The foreign minister also did not make any comments on the listing of Jaish-e-Mohammad chief Masood Azhar under the UN terror list.&nbsp;

The development comes in the backdrop of India Pakistan tensions. Last week in response to India's anti-terror operation in Balakot, Pakistan launched strikes on Indian military installations.&nbsp;

Wan Yi also called 2018 a year of "great significance for China India relations" and added, cooperation between the two countries should "surge ahead like Ganga and the Yangtze giving a strong and sustained impetus to our relationship."

The Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping both have met four times in 2018 starting with the famous Wuhan informal summit in April to the last meeting on the sidelines of G20 summit in Argentina.

Wang Yi said, "Over the past year government departments on both sides have done a lot and made considerable progress in following through on many of the understandings reached between our leaders. The priority now is that strategic understanding of our leaders trickles down to our common people".

Chinese President will be coming to India in 2019 for the second informal summit between both countries.

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi in on Friday welcomed de-escalation of tensions between India and Pakistan that were on the rise since the Pulwama attack in Jammu and Kashmir's Pulwama region.

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi in on Friday welcomed de-escalation of tensions between India and Pakistan that were on the rise since the Pulwama attack in Jammu and Kashmir's Pulwama region. However, the Chinese foreign minister made no mention of Pakistan support's to terrorism on its soil. Addressing the annual presser in Beijing, Wang Yi said, "China has played a constructive role and both India and Pakistan have indicated the desire to de-escalate and we welcome this." The foreign minister also did not make any comments on the listing of Jaish-e-Mohammad chief Masood Azhar under the UN terror list. The development comes in the backdrop of India Pakistan tensions. Last week in response to India's anti-terror operation in Balakot, Pakistan launched strikes on Indian military installations. Wan Yi also called 2018 a year of "great significance for China India relations" and added, cooperation between the two countries should "surge ahead like Ganga and the Yangtze giving a strong and sustained impetus to our relationship." The Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping both have met four times in 2018 starting with the famous Wuhan informal summit in April to the last meeting on the sidelines of G20 summit in Argentina. Wang Yi said, "Over the past year government departments on both sides have done a lot and made considerable progress in following through on many of the understandings reached between our leaders. The priority now is that strategic understanding of our leaders trickles down to our common people". Chinese President will be coming to India in 2019 for the second informal summit between both countries.

China welcomes de-escalation of Indo-Pak tensions; makes no mention of Masood Azhar in annual presser

How China armed Pakistan's Air Force with JF-17 Thunder - backbone of PAF

In the backdrop of Pakistan’s intrusion into <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/india-pakistan-standoff-us-supports-indias-airstrikes-on-jem-terror-camp-and-other-developments-200164">the Indian air space on Wednesday</a>, the Indian Army has decided to shift the headquarters of Mountain Strike Corps from Ranchi to Panagarh in West Bengal to keep a close watch on China.

The XVII Mountain Strike Corps also known as the Brahmastra Corps is a China-specific Strike Corps considering its location having a close proximity with China.&nbsp;The creation of the Corps was cleared by the Cabinet Committee on Security in 2013 and was to have close to 90,000 troops. But, the work to raise the Mountain Strike Corps slowed due to fund constraints.

However, the headquarters of the Mountain Strike Corps is being shifted from Ranchi to its original place – Panagarh in West Bengal to keep a watch on Pakistan’s ally: China and strengthen the North-Eastern borders in the present day scenario.

On Wednesday, the Eastern Army Commander General Officer Commanding-in-Chief (GOC-in-C) Lieutenant General MM Naravane visited and met the General Officer Commanding (Brahmastra Corps) Lt Gen P. N. Rao.

He checked the operational preparedness and took stock of the situation at Panagarh.

“Eastern Command Army commander visited Panagarh Military Station on Wednesday. He was received by Lieutenant General P N Rao, GOC, Brahmastra Corps. The Corps which was raised at Ranchi will shortly be shifting to Panagarh. The Army Commander reviewed the security situation and operational preparedness of the formation. He emphasised the need for remaining ready at all times to meet the emerging security challenges. The GOC-in-C also interacted with the troops and appreciated their continued efforts in developing the military station,"&nbsp;said a statement from the Eastern Command.

The country’s first Mountain Strike Corps has several infantry and armoured battalions, artillery and aviation wing. The unit at Panagarh, has a team of Special Forces skilled in para-dropping and lifting. They can be deployed in a war-like situation in the dark without the enemy getting to know of it.

Significantly, the Panagarh Air Force Station houses the second squadron of the C-130J Super Hercules after the Hindon Air Base. It would take less than 60 minutes to reach the Chinese border or the LAC when airborne from the Panagarh AFS.

The C-130J can land on unpaved surfaces, short airstrips, advanced landing grounds (ALG) in Arunachal Pradesh like Tuting, Mechuka, Ziro, Aalo, Pasighat, Walong, Tawang and Vijaynagar closer to the Line of Actual Control (LAC) with troops and materials. &nbsp;

It can also para-drop special forces - known for their speed and stealth -&nbsp;and move faster with equipment and good and return to the base quickly to dispatch the next team.

In the backdrop of Pakistan’s intrusion into the Indian air space on Wednesday, the Indian Army has decided to shift the headquarters of Mountain Strike Corps from Ranchi to Panagarh in West Bengal to keep a close watch on China.

In the backdrop of Pakistan’s intrusion into the Indian air space on Wednesday, the Indian Army has decided to shift the headquarters of Mountain Strike Corps from Ranchi to Panagarh in West Bengal to keep a close watch on China. The XVII Mountain Strike Corps also known as the Brahmastra Corps is a China-specific Strike Corps considering its location having a close proximity with China. The creation of the Corps was cleared by the Cabinet Committee on Security in 2013 and was to have close to 90,000 troops. But, the work to raise the Mountain Strike Corps slowed due to fund constraints. However, the headquarters of the Mountain Strike Corps is being shifted from Ranchi to its original place – Panagarh in West Bengal to keep a watch on Pakistan’s ally: China and strengthen the North-Eastern borders in the present day scenario. On Wednesday, the Eastern Army Commander General Officer Commanding-in-Chief (GOC-in-C) Lieutenant General MM Naravane visited and met the General Officer Commanding (Brahmastra Corps) Lt Gen P. N. Rao. He checked the operational preparedness and took stock of the situation at Panagarh. “Eastern Command Army commander visited Panagarh Military Station on Wednesday. He was received by Lieutenant General P N Rao, GOC, Brahmastra Corps. The Corps which was raised at Ranchi will shortly be shifting to Panagarh. The Army Commander reviewed the security situation and operational preparedness of the formation. He emphasised the need for remaining ready at all times to meet the emerging security challenges. The GOC-in-C also interacted with the troops and appreciated their continued efforts in developing the military station," said a statement from the Eastern Command. The country’s first Mountain Strike Corps has several infantry and armoured battalions, artillery and aviation wing. The unit at Panagarh, has a team of Special Forces skilled in para-dropping and lifting. They can be deployed in a war-like situation in the dark without the enemy getting to know of it. Significantly, the Panagarh Air Force Station houses the second squadron of the C-130J Super Hercules after the Hindon Air Base. It would take less than 60 minutes to reach the Chinese border or the LAC when airborne from the Panagarh AFS. The C-130J can land on unpaved surfaces, short airstrips, advanced landing grounds (ALG) in Arunachal Pradesh like Tuting, Mechuka, Ziro, Aalo, Pasighat, Walong, Tawang and Vijaynagar closer to the Line of Actual Control (LAC) with troops and materials. It can also para-drop special forces - known for their speed and stealth - and move faster with equipment and good and return to the base quickly to dispatch the next team.

To keep eye on China, Indian Army shifts Mountain Strike Corps’ headquarters from Jharkhand to West Bengal

NASA in a report has said that its high-resolution satellites have shown that the world "is literally a greener place than it was 20 years ago" due to two emerging countries with the world’s biggest populations - China and India- leading in "greening on land".

The <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/2018-was-fourth-warmest-year-since-1880-nasa-195681">space agency made the discovery</a> with the help of two powerful&nbsp;satellites known as Moderate Resolution Imaging Spectroradiometer, or MODIS which revealed an increase in "leaf area on plants and trees equivalent to the area covered by all the Amazon rainforests."

"There are now more than two million square miles of extra green leaf area per year, compared to the early 2000s – a&nbsp; 5 per cent increase," the report asserted.

<img alt="NASA image" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="52ce1efe-820e-4d9b-9108-07e73f6c9729" src="/sites/default/files/inline-images/NAASA.jpg" />

The author of the study, Chi Chen of the Department of Earth and Environment at Boston University, in Massachusetts, said: "China and India account for one-third of the greening, but contain only 9 per cent of the planet’s land area covered in vegetation – a surprising finding, considering the general notion of land degradation in populous countries from overexploitation."

The report pointed out that although the land area used to grow crops hadn't changed since 2000's in China and India which was "more than 770,000 square miles" but the regions had increased both its "annual total green leaf area" and food production.

The<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/nasa-space-probe-phones-home-in-landmark-mission-to-solar-systems-edge-187869"> international space agency</a> said the 'greening trend'&nbsp;India was caused due to several factors namely food production grew&nbsp;due to increased groundwater irrigation.

"If the groundwater is depleted, this trend may change," the report cautioned.

The space body said China’s "outsized contribution" to the global greening trend at 42 per cent comes in large part from programs to "conserve and expand forests".

"82 per cent of greening seen in India comes from intensive cultivation of food crops," the report claimed.

The report credited increased greening in India and China to "multiple cropping practices" when a field is "replanted" to produce harvest several times in a year.

"Production of grains, vegetables, fruits and more have increased by about 35-40 per cent since 2000 to feed their large populations," NASA noted.

NASA in a report has said that its high-resolution satellites have shown that the world "is literally a greener place than it was 20 years ago" due to two emerging countries with the world’s biggest populations - China and India- leading in "greening on land".

NASA in a report has said that its high-resolution satellites have shown that the world "is literally a greener place than it was 20 years ago" due to two emerging countries with the world’s biggest populations - China and India- leading in "greening on land". The space agency made the discovery with the help of two powerful satellites known as Moderate Resolution Imaging Spectroradiometer, or MODIS which revealed an increase in "leaf area on plants and trees equivalent to the area covered by all the Amazon rainforests." "There are now more than two million square miles of extra green leaf area per year, compared to the early 2000s – a 5 per cent increase," the report asserted. The author of the study, Chi Chen of the Department of Earth and Environment at Boston University, in Massachusetts, said: "China and India account for one-third of the greening, but contain only 9 per cent of the planet’s land area covered in vegetation – a surprising finding, considering the general notion of land degradation in populous countries from overexploitation." The report pointed out that although the land area used to grow crops hadn't changed since 2000's in China and India which was "more than 770,000 square miles" but the regions had increased both its "annual total green leaf area" and food production. The international space agency said the 'greening trend' India was caused due to several factors namely food production grew due to increased groundwater irrigation. "If the groundwater is depleted, this trend may change," the report cautioned. The space body said China’s "outsized contribution" to the global greening trend at 42 per cent comes in large part from programs to "conserve and expand forests". "82 per cent of greening seen in India comes from intensive cultivation of food crops," the report claimed. The report credited increased greening in India and China to "multiple cropping practices" when a field is "replanted" to produce harvest several times in a year. "Production of grains, vegetables, fruits and more have increased by about 35-40 per cent since 2000 to feed their large populations," NASA noted.

China, India have helped in greening of Earth: NASA report

India has once again underlined the importance of maintaining peace and tranquillity along the border with China as a prerequisite for "smooth" development of overall ties between the two countries.

Both sides reviewed the situation along the border Tuesday during the 13th meeting of the Working Mechanism for Consultation and Coordination (WMCC) on India-China Border Affairs, the Ministry of External Affairs said.

It said the two sides reviewed the progress on implementation of various confidence-building measures (CBMs) to enhance mutual trust and understanding.

"The Indian side reiterated the importance of maintaining peace and tranquillity in the border areas as a prerequisite to smooth development of overall bilateral relations," the MEA said.

The WMCC was established in 2012 as an institutional mechanism for consultation and coordination for management of India-China border areas as well as to exchange views on strengthening communication, including between the border security personnel of the two sides.

In the meeting, both sides reviewed the situation in the border areas with a view to ensuring peace and tranquillity in accordance with the strategic guidance given by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi Jinping during the Wuhan Summit last year, the MEA said.

"In this context, both sides recognised the important role of constant exchanges between the two sides, including at the WMCC meetings, towards strengthening communication for effective border management," it said.

In their informal summit in the Chinese city of Wuhan in April last year, Modi and Xi decided to issue "strategic guidance" to their militaries to strengthen communications so that they can build trust and understanding.

The informal summit had taken place seven months after the Doklam standoff.

Troops of India and China were locked in a 73-day face-off in Doklam from June 16, 2017, after the Indian side stopped the building of a road in the disputed area by the Chinese Army. The impasse ended on August 28.

The Indian delegation at the WMCC was led by Pranay Verma, Joint Secretary (East Asia) in the MEA while the Chinese delegation was led by Yi Xianliang, Director General, Department of Boundary and Oceanic Affairs in Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

India has once again underlined the importance of maintaining peace and tranquillity along the border with China as a prerequisite for "smooth" development of overall ties between the two countries.

India has once again underlined the importance of maintaining peace and tranquillity along the border with China as a prerequisite for "smooth" development of overall ties between the two countries. Both sides reviewed the situation along the border Tuesday during the 13th meeting of the Working Mechanism for Consultation and Coordination (WMCC) on India-China Border Affairs, the Ministry of External Affairs said. It said the two sides reviewed the progress on implementation of various confidence-building measures (CBMs) to enhance mutual trust and understanding. "The Indian side reiterated the importance of maintaining peace and tranquillity in the border areas as a prerequisite to smooth development of overall bilateral relations," the MEA said. The WMCC was established in 2012 as an institutional mechanism for consultation and coordination for management of India-China border areas as well as to exchange views on strengthening communication, including between the border security personnel of the two sides. In the meeting, both sides reviewed the situation in the border areas with a view to ensuring peace and tranquillity in accordance with the strategic guidance given by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi Jinping during the Wuhan Summit last year, the MEA said. "In this context, both sides recognised the important role of constant exchanges between the two sides, including at the WMCC meetings, towards strengthening communication for effective border management," it said. In their informal summit in the Chinese city of Wuhan in April last year, Modi and Xi decided to issue "strategic guidance" to their militaries to strengthen communications so that they can build trust and understanding. The informal summit had taken place seven months after the Doklam standoff. Troops of India and China were locked in a 73-day face-off in Doklam from June 16, 2017, after the Indian side stopped the building of a road in the disputed area by the Chinese Army. The impasse ended on August 28. The Indian delegation at the WMCC was led by Pranay Verma, Joint Secretary (East Asia) in the MEA while the Chinese delegation was led by Yi Xianliang, Director General, Department of Boundary and Oceanic Affairs in Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

For smooth ties with China, peace along border a prerequisite: India

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