A United States intelligence report has warned terror attacks in India and Afghanistan due to "safe havens" provided to militants by Pakistan.&nbsp;

The "worldwide threat assessment of US intelligence community" report released by "The office of the director of national intelligence" said, "militant groups supported by Pakistan will continue to take advantage of their "safe haven"&nbsp;in Pakistan to plan and conduct attacks in India and Afghanistan, including against US interests."

Coming out strongly against "Islamabad’s narrow approach to counterterrorism cooperation" by "using some groups as policy tools and confronting only the militant groups that directly threaten Pakistan", the report said, will certainly "frustrate US counterterrorism efforts against the Taliban."

The report comes even as the US has been engaged with Taliban for a pact that will see <a href="http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/afghan-peace-talks-arab-divide-shadows-the-talks-as-us-says-negotiations-will-continue-193946">American troops leave Afghanistan </a>after 17 years. On the situation in Afghanistan, the report assesses a stalemate between the Afghan government and the Taliban in the coming year in terms of making any gains "if coalition support remains at current levels."

Lauding the Afghan forces, it said it has been able to "secure cities and other government strongholds" but the Taliban has "increased large-scale attacks".

Indo-Pak ties

The 42-page report doesn't see a major breakthrough in India-Pakistan ties. It listed "cross-border terrorism, firing across the Line of Control (LoC), divisive national elections in India, and Islamabad’s perception of its position with the United States relative to India" as the main factors that is contributing to "strained" Indo-Pak ties at least till May, 2019 when India's elections get over.

It further adds,"continued terrorist attacks and cross-border firing in Kashmir" has hardened "each country’s position" and "reduced their political will to seek rapprochement".

In November last year, both countries agreed to build Kartarpur corridor so that Indian pilgrims can visit the holy Gurudwara at Kartarpur, where the founder of Sikhism Guru Nanak stayed for 18 years. It is expected to be opened this year to celebrate the 550th anniversary of Guru Nanak Devji.

India-China ties

On India-China ties the report was gloomy saying that relations will remain tense despite "efforts on both sides to manage tensions." It said "misperceptions of military movements or construction" might result in tensions "escalating into armed conflict."

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping met four times in 2018 starting with the famous Wuhan Summit in April. In 2019, Chinese President Xi Jinping will visit India for the second informal summit. 2017 was a tense year for Sino India ties as the Chinese army sought to build a road in the Doklam area of Bhutan which was repelled by the Indian Army leading to a 73-day standoff.

Indian elections

The report also spoke on the Indian general elections saying that if the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party(BJP) stresses on "Hindu nationalist themes" it might result in "the possibility of communal violence". It added, communal clashes "could alienate Indian Muslims and allow Islamist terrorist groups in India to expand their influence."

A United States intelligence report has warned terror attacks in India and Afghanistan due to "safe havens" provided to militants by Pakistan. The "worldwide threat assessment of US intelligence community" report released by "The office of the director of national intelligence" said, "militant groups supported by Pakistan will continue to take advantage of their "safe haven" in Pakistan to plan and conduct attacks in India and Afghanistan, including against US interests.

A United States intelligence report has warned terror attacks in India and Afghanistan due to "safe havens" provided to militants by Pakistan. The "worldwide threat assessment of US intelligence community" report released by "The office of the director of national intelligence" said, "militant groups supported by Pakistan will continue to take advantage of their "safe haven" in Pakistan to plan and conduct attacks in India and Afghanistan, including against US interests." Coming out strongly against "Islamabad’s narrow approach to counterterrorism cooperation" by "using some groups as policy tools and confronting only the militant groups that directly threaten Pakistan", the report said, will certainly "frustrate US counterterrorism efforts against the Taliban." The report comes even as the US has been engaged with Taliban for a pact that will see American troops leave Afghanistan after 17 years. On the situation in Afghanistan, the report assesses a stalemate between the Afghan government and the Taliban in the coming year in terms of making any gains "if coalition support remains at current levels." Lauding the Afghan forces, it said it has been able to "secure cities and other government strongholds" but the Taliban has "increased large-scale attacks". Indo-Pak ties The 42-page report doesn't see a major breakthrough in India-Pakistan ties. It listed "cross-border terrorism, firing across the Line of Control (LoC), divisive national elections in India, and Islamabad’s perception of its position with the United States relative to India" as the main factors that is contributing to "strained" Indo-Pak ties at least till May, 2019 when India's elections get over. It further adds,"continued terrorist attacks and cross-border firing in Kashmir" has hardened "each country’s position" and "reduced their political will to seek rapprochement". In November last year, both countries agreed to build Kartarpur corridor so that Indian pilgrims can visit the holy Gurudwara at Kartarpur, where the founder of Sikhism Guru Nanak stayed for 18 years. It is expected to be opened this year to celebrate the 550th anniversary of Guru Nanak Devji. India-China ties On India-China ties the report was gloomy saying that relations will remain tense despite "efforts on both sides to manage tensions." It said "misperceptions of military movements or construction" might result in tensions "escalating into armed conflict." Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping met four times in 2018 starting with the famous Wuhan Summit in April. In 2019, Chinese President Xi Jinping will visit India for the second informal summit. 2017 was a tense year for Sino India ties as the Chinese army sought to build a road in the Doklam area of Bhutan which was repelled by the Indian Army leading to a 73-day standoff. Indian elections The report also spoke on the Indian general elections saying that if the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party(BJP) stresses on "Hindu nationalist themes" it might result in "the possibility of communal violence". It added, communal clashes "could alienate Indian Muslims and allow Islamist terrorist groups in India to expand their influence."

Militant groups supported by Pak will continue to conduct attacks on India, Afghanistan: US intelligence report

One of the disquieting aspects of India’s foreign trade is the rapidly growing imbalance with China, its largest trade partner.&nbsp;

This is an issue that has reverberated repeatedly through the concerns raised by a number of sectoral interests, the textiles industry being one of the more recent ones having petitioned the government for higher tariffs in order to protect their sector.&nbsp;

At the same time, however, there seems to be very little, if any, overall understanding about the implications of the imbalance in India-China trade, specifically the growing penetration of the Chinese products in the Indian economy.

In order to put the India-China trade imbalance in perspective, it necessary to see how the trade policies of the two neighbours have evolved since the beginning of this millennium.&nbsp;

This cut-off has a special significance for China; it became a member of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001. With this step, China realised the goal of almost fully integrating with the global economy, which was set after Deng Xiaoping brought the country out of its isolation and triggered the process of economic reforms in 1978.&nbsp;

That a confident China had emerged following its WTO accession was to be proven by its trade performance in the 2000s. Before it joined the WTO, China’s share in global exports had not reached 4 per cent, but by 2006, the share had doubled and by the end of the decade it was 10 per cent. These were definite signs that China had the momentum to capture global markets.

India, on the other hand, fast-tracked its trade liberalisation agenda by the turn of the millennium. The trigger for doing so was provided by India’s accession to the Information Technology Agreement (ITA) in 1998, under which commitments were taken to eliminate tariffs on information technology products by 2005.&nbsp;

Alongside, a decision was taken to unilaterally lower tariffs on most manufacturing products, which incidentally coincided with the phase of high growth. Thus, average tariffs on industrial products, which was 31 per cent in 2000-01, was slashed to less than 12 per cent by 2006.&nbsp;

It is pertinent to note here that this sharp decline in the levels of tariffs happened when the National Manufacturing Competitiveness Council (NMCC), which was established by the UPA Government in 2004, sounded alarm bells over the near stagnant share of manufacturing.&nbsp;

In its “The National Strategy for Manufacturing” unveiled in 2006, the NMCC argued that “one of the major reasons for the reduced level of contribution by manufacturing has been the inability of the country to build and maintain competitiveness needed to meet the global challenges as well as to develop a larger domestic market through low-cost production”.&nbsp;

To this day, and after several initiatives to make the manufacturing sector more competitive in the past 12 years, NMCC’s observation remains true.

How have the India-China trade dynamics played out since the early 2000s? Before India began its deep tariff cuts, China was outside the list of top five import sources for India, having a share of less than 3 per cent in India’s total imports.&nbsp;

In 2000-01, India’s imports were $1.5 billion and exports were $831 million, and the trade deficit was a modest $671 million. Imports from China recorded a dramatic increase from 2003-04, up from $4 billion to $32 billion in 2008-09. By 2014-15, Chinese imports were above $60 billion, and in the previous financial year, it had exceeded $76 billion.&nbsp;

On the other hand, India’s exports to China remained extremely sluggish, which was hardly surprising in light of the comments by NMCC. From $3 billion in 2003-04, exports reached $10 billion in 2007-08. In 2012-13, Indian exports peaked at $18 billion, but five years thereafter it could export no more than $13 billion.&nbsp;

Consequently, the trade deficit expanded drastically to over $63 billion in 2017-18. In 2016-17, India’s trade deficit with China accounted for over 47 per cent of its overall trade deficit; declining a tad in the following year.

More than the increase in imports, it is its composition of trade that is of serious concern. China has targeted the Indian market primarily in two commodity groups, namely electrical and electronic equipment and pharmaceuticals.&nbsp;

Almost 60 per cent of India’s import requirements of electrical and electronic equipment were met by China, and more than 75 per cent of the active pharmaceutical ingredient, the raw material used by India’s generic pharmaceutical industry, were imported from China.&nbsp;

In 2017-18, China supplied 80 per cent of the antibiotics imported by India, besides supplying the bulk of electronic products and components.&nbsp;

Clearly, some of the key sectors of the Indian economy are critically dependent on China. In sharp contrast, India’s top exports were mostly intermediate products and raw materials. These included cathodes, petroleum oils, intermediate products for the producing films, plastic and iron ore and concentrates.

The United Nations Commodity Trade Statistics database provides a useful way of assessing the pattern of trade between countries by classifying trade flows by the levels of technology and production sectors.&nbsp;

According to the figures from this database for 2017, manufactured products constituted 55 per cent of India’s non-oil exports to China, while the corresponding figure for China was as high as 95 per cent.

This implies that primary commodities were a significant share of India’s exports to its largest trade partner, which is consistent with China’s strategy to function as the “factory of the world” by sourcing raw materials from its trading partners.&nbsp;

But for India, this pattern of trade is reminiscent of its colonial past, when Britain fuelled its industries by exploiting its colonies and used the latter as captive markets for its finished products. 
 
(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-the-ultimate-captive-market-2710618">original article)</a>

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

 
&nbsp;

One of the disquieting aspects of India’s foreign trade is the rapidly growing imbalance with China, its largest trade partner. This is an issue that has reverberated repeatedly through the concerns raised by a number of sectoral interests, the textiles industry being one of the more recent ones having petitioned the government for higher tariffs in order to protect their sector.

One of the disquieting aspects of India’s foreign trade is the rapidly growing imbalance with China, its largest trade partner. This is an issue that has reverberated repeatedly through the concerns raised by a number of sectoral interests, the textiles industry being one of the more recent ones having petitioned the government for higher tariffs in order to protect their sector. At the same time, however, there seems to be very little, if any, overall understanding about the implications of the imbalance in India-China trade, specifically the growing penetration of the Chinese products in the Indian economy. In order to put the India-China trade imbalance in perspective, it necessary to see how the trade policies of the two neighbours have evolved since the beginning of this millennium. This cut-off has a special significance for China; it became a member of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001. With this step, China realised the goal of almost fully integrating with the global economy, which was set after Deng Xiaoping brought the country out of its isolation and triggered the process of economic reforms in 1978. That a confident China had emerged following its WTO accession was to be proven by its trade performance in the 2000s. Before it joined the WTO, China’s share in global exports had not reached 4 per cent, but by 2006, the share had doubled and by the end of the decade it was 10 per cent. These were definite signs that China had the momentum to capture global markets. India, on the other hand, fast-tracked its trade liberalisation agenda by the turn of the millennium. The trigger for doing so was provided by India’s accession to the Information Technology Agreement (ITA) in 1998, under which commitments were taken to eliminate tariffs on information technology products by 2005. Alongside, a decision was taken to unilaterally lower tariffs on most manufacturing products, which incidentally coincided with the phase of high growth. Thus, average tariffs on industrial products, which was 31 per cent in 2000-01, was slashed to less than 12 per cent by 2006. It is pertinent to note here that this sharp decline in the levels of tariffs happened when the National Manufacturing Competitiveness Council (NMCC), which was established by the UPA Government in 2004, sounded alarm bells over the near stagnant share of manufacturing. In its “The National Strategy for Manufacturing” unveiled in 2006, the NMCC argued that “one of the major reasons for the reduced level of contribution by manufacturing has been the inability of the country to build and maintain competitiveness needed to meet the global challenges as well as to develop a larger domestic market through low-cost production”. To this day, and after several initiatives to make the manufacturing sector more competitive in the past 12 years, NMCC’s observation remains true. How have the India-China trade dynamics played out since the early 2000s? Before India began its deep tariff cuts, China was outside the list of top five import sources for India, having a share of less than 3 per cent in India’s total imports. In 2000-01, India’s imports were $1.5 billion and exports were $831 million, and the trade deficit was a modest $671 million. Imports from China recorded a dramatic increase from 2003-04, up from $4 billion to $32 billion in 2008-09. By 2014-15, Chinese imports were above $60 billion, and in the previous financial year, it had exceeded $76 billion. On the other hand, India’s exports to China remained extremely sluggish, which was hardly surprising in light of the comments by NMCC. From $3 billion in 2003-04, exports reached $10 billion in 2007-08. In 2012-13, Indian exports peaked at $18 billion, but five years thereafter it could export no more than $13 billion. Consequently, the trade deficit expanded drastically to over $63 billion in 2017-18. In 2016-17, India’s trade deficit with China accounted for over 47 per cent of its overall trade deficit; declining a tad in the following year. More than the increase in imports, it is its composition of trade that is of serious concern. China has targeted the Indian market primarily in two commodity groups, namely electrical and electronic equipment and pharmaceuticals. Almost 60 per cent of India’s import requirements of electrical and electronic equipment were met by China, and more than 75 per cent of the active pharmaceutical ingredient, the raw material used by India’s generic pharmaceutical industry, were imported from China. In 2017-18, China supplied 80 per cent of the antibiotics imported by India, besides supplying the bulk of electronic products and components. Clearly, some of the key sectors of the Indian economy are critically dependent on China. In sharp contrast, India’s top exports were mostly intermediate products and raw materials. These included cathodes, petroleum oils, intermediate products for the producing films, plastic and iron ore and concentrates. The United Nations Commodity Trade Statistics database provides a useful way of assessing the pattern of trade between countries by classifying trade flows by the levels of technology and production sectors. According to the figures from this database for 2017, manufactured products constituted 55 per cent of India’s non-oil exports to China, while the corresponding figure for China was as high as 95 per cent. This implies that primary commodities were a significant share of India’s exports to its largest trade partner, which is consistent with China’s strategy to function as the “factory of the world” by sourcing raw materials from its trading partners. But for India, this pattern of trade is reminiscent of its colonial past, when Britain fuelled its industries by exploiting its colonies and used the latter as captive markets for its finished products. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

How have India-China trade dynamics played out since early 2000s

India's GDP is expected to grow at <a href="http://www.wionews.com/business-economy/world-economy-to-slow-this-year-due-to-us-china-trade-conflict-world-bank-189112">7.3 per cent in the fiscal year 2018-19</a>, and 7.5 per cent in the following two years, the World Bank has forecast, attributing it to an upswing in consumption and investment.

The bank said India will <a href="http://www.wionews.com/business-economy/government-estimates-gdp-growth-at-72-for-2018-19-188853">continue to be the fastest</a> growing major economy in the world.

China's economic growth is projected to slow down to 6.2 each in 2019 and 2020 and 6 per cent in 2021, according to the January 2019 Global Economic Prospects report released by the World Bank on Tuesday.

In 2018, the Chinese economy is estimated to have grown by 6.5 per cent as against India's 7.3 per cent.&nbsp;

In 2017, China with 6.9 per cent growth was marginally ahead of India's 6.7 per cent, mainly because the slowdown in the Indian economy due to demonetisation and implementation of the Goods and Services Tax (GST), the report said. 
&nbsp; 
"India's growth outlook is still robust. India is still the fastest growing major economy," World Bank Prospects Group Director Ayhan Kose said.

"With investment picking up and consumption remaining strong, we expect India to grow 7.3 per cent in the fiscal year 2018-2019, and average 7.5 per cent in 2019 and 2020. India registered quite a bit of pick up in doing business ranking. The growth momentum is there (in India)," Kose informed.

In India, the growth has accelerated, driven by an upswing in consumption, and investment growth has firmed as the effects of temporary factors wane, the World Bank said in its latest report.&nbsp;

Domestic demand has strengthened as the benefits of structural reforms such as the Goods and Services Tax (GST) harmonisation and bank recapitalisation take effect.

"India's growth accelerated to an estimated 7.3 per cent in FY2018/19 (April to March) as economic activity continued to recover with strong domestic demand. While investment continued to strengthen amid the GST harmonisation and a rebound of credit growth, consumption remained the major contributor to growth," the World Bank said.

According to the report, India's GDP is forecast to grow by 7.3 per cent in FY2018/19 and 7.5 per cent thereafter, in line with June forecasts.&nbsp;

Private consumption is projected to remain robust and investment growth is expected to continue as the benefits of recent policy reforms begin to materialise and credit rebounds.

Strong domestic demand is envisioned to widen the current account deficit to 2.6 per cent of GDP next year. Inflation is projected to rise somewhat above the midpoint of the Reserve Bank of India's target range of 2 to 6 per cent, mainly owing to energy and food prices, the bank said. 
&nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp; 
It said in India the recent introduction of the GST and steps toward demonetisation are expected to encourage a shift from the informal to the formal sector.

"India's recent growth numbers suggest that the economy remains robust despite temporary setbacks (due top demonetisation and GST)," Kose said.&nbsp;

The World Bank's estimate suggest that India's potential growth rate is around seven per cent, and is expected to remain around seven per cent, he said in response to a question.&nbsp;

"The fact is that Indian economy is being able to deliver growth slightly above its potential is a very good sign," he added.

Refraining from commenting on the economic performance of the Modi government that too in an election year, the World Bank official said growth performance of India as compared to other emerging markets has been quite impressive.&nbsp;

"India's growth performance has been quite impressive. Year after year it has delivered strong numbers around its potential growth," he said.

India's GDP is expected to grow at 7.3 per cent in the fiscal year 2018-19, and 7.5 per cent in the following two years, the World Bank has forecast, attributing it to an upswing in consumption and investment.

India's GDP is expected to grow at 7.3 per cent in the fiscal year 2018-19, and 7.5 per cent in the following two years, the World Bank has forecast, attributing it to an upswing in consumption and investment. The bank said India will continue to be the fastest growing major economy in the world. China's economic growth is projected to slow down to 6.2 each in 2019 and 2020 and 6 per cent in 2021, according to the January 2019 Global Economic Prospects report released by the World Bank on Tuesday. In 2018, the Chinese economy is estimated to have grown by 6.5 per cent as against India's 7.3 per cent. In 2017, China with 6.9 per cent growth was marginally ahead of India's 6.7 per cent, mainly because the slowdown in the Indian economy due to demonetisation and implementation of the Goods and Services Tax (GST), the report said. "India's growth outlook is still robust. India is still the fastest growing major economy," World Bank Prospects Group Director Ayhan Kose said. "With investment picking up and consumption remaining strong, we expect India to grow 7.3 per cent in the fiscal year 2018-2019, and average 7.5 per cent in 2019 and 2020. India registered quite a bit of pick up in doing business ranking. The growth momentum is there (in India)," Kose informed. In India, the growth has accelerated, driven by an upswing in consumption, and investment growth has firmed as the effects of temporary factors wane, the World Bank said in its latest report. Domestic demand has strengthened as the benefits of structural reforms such as the Goods and Services Tax (GST) harmonisation and bank recapitalisation take effect. "India's growth accelerated to an estimated 7.3 per cent in FY2018/19 (April to March) as economic activity continued to recover with strong domestic demand. While investment continued to strengthen amid the GST harmonisation and a rebound of credit growth, consumption remained the major contributor to growth," the World Bank said. According to the report, India's GDP is forecast to grow by 7.3 per cent in FY2018/19 and 7.5 per cent thereafter, in line with June forecasts. Private consumption is projected to remain robust and investment growth is expected to continue as the benefits of recent policy reforms begin to materialise and credit rebounds. Strong domestic demand is envisioned to widen the current account deficit to 2.6 per cent of GDP next year. Inflation is projected to rise somewhat above the midpoint of the Reserve Bank of India's target range of 2 to 6 per cent, mainly owing to energy and food prices, the bank said. It said in India the recent introduction of the GST and steps toward demonetisation are expected to encourage a shift from the informal to the formal sector. "India's recent growth numbers suggest that the economy remains robust despite temporary setbacks (due top demonetisation and GST)," Kose said. The World Bank's estimate suggest that India's potential growth rate is around seven per cent, and is expected to remain around seven per cent, he said in response to a question. "The fact is that Indian economy is being able to deliver growth slightly above its potential is a very good sign," he added. Refraining from commenting on the economic performance of the Modi government that too in an election year, the World Bank official said growth performance of India as compared to other emerging markets has been quite impressive. "India's growth performance has been quite impressive. Year after year it has delivered strong numbers around its potential growth," he said.

India's GDP to grow at 7.3%, China to grow at 6.5% this year: World Bank

China factor &nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;

With the advent of US-China trade war and reset of China-India relations with their informal summit at Wuhan, at the relations between the two countries seem to be getting better than the previous years when bitterness between both countries over Doklam crisis had touched a new height.&nbsp;

At this point, China needs good relations with India to ensure the latter does not get into the US club and peace and tranquillity prevails on the borders.

Meanwhile, there is going to be no change in India’s stance on the border issue or BRI/CPEC. However, some agreements on delimitation leading to the demarcation of LAC, to prevent a repeat of Doklam like incident is doable, if the political will exists on both sides.

China is expected to control its adventurism during the ongoing trade war. We can thus expect a relatively quiet period on Chinese borders, with some positive steps for better border management.

Pakistan factor

In 2019, I do not visualise any dramatic change in Pakistan’s behaviour. The terror industry and proxy war will continue, notwithstanding the perceived economic difficulties the country is facing. Whenever Pakistan is on the verge of sinking, some country will it out to foster its own interest through it.

Their terror industry is mainly sustained by parallel economy involving drug trafficking and assistance from ISI, with material and operational support from Pakistan Army. &nbsp;As the security situation unfolds in AfPak Region, I will not be surprised if Taliban would be in driving seat of power in Afghanistan (much against Indian interest), and the US may have no option but to silently end their pursuit against them.

Pakistan is well used to international isolation, hence, UN-declared terrorists will continue to move freely and plan terror operations against India in 2019. &nbsp;&nbsp;

Sino-Pak nexus&nbsp;

The progress on CPEC will continue despite India's opposition, although BRI will face many roadblocks in 2019 as well. According to experts, CPEC will force Pakistan to enter into a patron-client relationship, wherein strategic choices of Pakistan will be hostage to China. This brings out a long-term threat to India in terms of "two-front war" which India has to prepare for.

What should India do

Over the last few decades, financial allocations and attention towards military have been marred by bureaucratic denials. Chanakya, Clausewitz, and Sun Tzu have said, and rightly so, that no nation will be&nbsp;secure unless it has a powerful military which can deter a potential adversary.&nbsp;

The military is trained and equipped to launch operations across the IB/LC/LAC. We should realise that defence capabilities take a long time to build up, more-so, if India does not have a strong manufacturing base. The defence budget allocation made in 2018 should be increased in 2019. 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

China factor With the advent of US-China trade war and reset of China-India relations with their informal summit at Wuhan, at the relations between the two countries seem to be getting better than the previous years when bitterness between both countries over Doklam crisis had touched a new height.

China factor With the advent of US-China trade war and reset of China-India relations with their informal summit at Wuhan, at the relations between the two countries seem to be getting better than the previous years when bitterness between both countries over Doklam crisis had touched a new height. At this point, China needs good relations with India to ensure the latter does not get into the US club and peace and tranquillity prevails on the borders. Meanwhile, there is going to be no change in India’s stance on the border issue or BRI/CPEC. However, some agreements on delimitation leading to the demarcation of LAC, to prevent a repeat of Doklam like incident is doable, if the political will exists on both sides. China is expected to control its adventurism during the ongoing trade war. We can thus expect a relatively quiet period on Chinese borders, with some positive steps for better border management. Pakistan factor In 2019, I do not visualise any dramatic change in Pakistan’s behaviour. The terror industry and proxy war will continue, notwithstanding the perceived economic difficulties the country is facing. Whenever Pakistan is on the verge of sinking, some country will it out to foster its own interest through it. Their terror industry is mainly sustained by parallel economy involving drug trafficking and assistance from ISI, with material and operational support from Pakistan Army. As the security situation unfolds in AfPak Region, I will not be surprised if Taliban would be in driving seat of power in Afghanistan (much against Indian interest), and the US may have no option but to silently end their pursuit against them. Pakistan is well used to international isolation, hence, UN-declared terrorists will continue to move freely and plan terror operations against India in 2019. Sino-Pak nexus The progress on CPEC will continue despite India's opposition, although BRI will face many roadblocks in 2019 as well. According to experts, CPEC will force Pakistan to enter into a patron-client relationship, wherein strategic choices of Pakistan will be hostage to China. This brings out a long-term threat to India in terms of "two-front war" which India has to prepare for. What should India do Over the last few decades, financial allocations and attention towards military have been marred by bureaucratic denials. Chanakya, Clausewitz, and Sun Tzu have said, and rightly so, that no nation will be secure unless it has a powerful military which can deter a potential adversary. The military is trained and equipped to launch operations across the IB/LC/LAC. We should realise that defence capabilities take a long time to build up, more-so, if India does not have a strong manufacturing base. The defence budget allocation made in 2018 should be increased in 2019. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

What are India’s security challenges in 2019

China on Friday said "practical" cooperation <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/india-engaging-with-china-on-nsg-membership-terror-emanating-from-pakistan-188071">with India is on a fast track</a> since the last year's Wuhan summit between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi Jinping and expressed readiness to work with New Delhi to uphold the rights of the two countries at a time of global uncertainty.

Chinese foreign ministry spokesman Lu Kang during a media briefing here said the informal summit between President Xi and Prime Minister Modi in Wuhan has opened up new prospects for the bilateral ties.

"You can see that under the strategic guidance of the two leaders, China-India relations have shown a sound momentum of improvement with frequent high-level exchanges in all areas and practical cooperation has entered a fast track," Lu said responding to a question on Sino-India ties.

He said: "sound and steady China-India relations serve the interests of the two countries and people and contribute to world peace and development."

"Now the world is facing uncertainties and destabilising factors and in such background, China is willing to work with India to enhance coordination and communication in international affairs and jointly uphold legitimate rights and interests of our two countries and developing countries," he said.

He said the two countries cannot let differences become disputes and have been making efforts to use bilateral dialogue mechanism to conduct mutual and beneficial cooperation in all areas.

Last month, external affairs minister Sushma Swaraj and her Chinese counterpart Wang Yi had held extensive talks in New Delhi under a newly set up framework and agreed on "ten pillars" of cooperation to enhance cultural and people-to-people exchanges.

The setting up of the 'High Level Mechanism on Cultural and People-to-People Exchanges' was decided upon during the Wuhan summit.

Since the resolution of the Doklam face-off in 2017, the two countries have taken a series of measures to enhance overall ties.&nbsp;

China on Friday said "practical" cooperation with India is on a fast track since the last year's Wuhan summit between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi Jinping and expressed readiness to work with New Delhi to uphold the rights of the two countries at a time of global uncertainty.

China on Friday said "practical" cooperation with India is on a fast track since the last year's Wuhan summit between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi Jinping and expressed readiness to work with New Delhi to uphold the rights of the two countries at a time of global uncertainty. Chinese foreign ministry spokesman Lu Kang during a media briefing here said the informal summit between President Xi and Prime Minister Modi in Wuhan has opened up new prospects for the bilateral ties. "You can see that under the strategic guidance of the two leaders, China-India relations have shown a sound momentum of improvement with frequent high-level exchanges in all areas and practical cooperation has entered a fast track," Lu said responding to a question on Sino-India ties. He said: "sound and steady China-India relations serve the interests of the two countries and people and contribute to world peace and development." "Now the world is facing uncertainties and destabilising factors and in such background, China is willing to work with India to enhance coordination and communication in international affairs and jointly uphold legitimate rights and interests of our two countries and developing countries," he said. He said the two countries cannot let differences become disputes and have been making efforts to use bilateral dialogue mechanism to conduct mutual and beneficial cooperation in all areas. Last month, external affairs minister Sushma Swaraj and her Chinese counterpart Wang Yi had held extensive talks in New Delhi under a newly set up framework and agreed on "ten pillars" of cooperation to enhance cultural and people-to-people exchanges. The setting up of the 'High Level Mechanism on Cultural and People-to-People Exchanges' was decided upon during the Wuhan summit. Since the resolution of the Doklam face-off in 2017, the two countries have taken a series of measures to enhance overall ties.

Willing to work with India to enhance communication in international affairs: China

China is building the first of four "most advanced" naval warships for its "all-weather ally" Pakistan as part of a major bilateral arms deal to ensure among other things "balance of power" in the strategic Indian Ocean, state media reported.

Equipped with modern detection and weapon systems, it will be capable of anti-ship, anti-submarine and air-defence operations, China Daily quoted state-owned defence contractor China State Shipbuilding Corporation (CSSC) as saying.

The under-construction ship is a version of the Chinese Navy's most advanced guided missile frigate, it said.

The CSSC did not specify the ship's type but said it is being constructed at its Hudong-Zhonghua shipyard in Shanghai.

China, an "all-weather ally" of Islamabad, is the largest supplier of weapon system to Pakistan. Both the countries also jointly manufacture JF-Thunder a single engine multi-role combat aircraft.

The ship's class is Type 054AP, which means it is based on the Type 054A of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) Navy, the report quoted the Pakistani Navy as saying.

The Pakistani Navy previously said four such ships had been ordered, according to the report.

Once constructed, the warship "will be one of the largest and technologically advanced platforms of the Pakistani Navy and strengthen the country's capability to respond to future challenges, maintain peace and stability and the balance of power in the Indian Ocean region," the report said.

It will also support the Pakistani Navy's initiative of securing sea lanes for international shipping by patrolling distant waters, the daily quoted the CSSC as saying.

The mention of the Indian Ocean is regarded as significant as China, which has already taken over Pakistan's strategic Gwadar port under the multi-billion China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), looks to assist the Pakistani navy to restore the balance of power in India's backyard.

China has acquired the logistical military base in Djibouti and taken over the Hambantota port of Sri Lanka under a 99-year debt swap deal.

China recently denied a New York Times report that it finalised a plan to build advanced fighter aircraft under the CPEC in Pakistan, adding a military dimension to it.

India protested to China over the CPEC as it is being laid through the Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK).

Pakistan became the first country to hook on to China's BeiDou Satellite Navigation System, a rival to the US Global Positioning System (GPS) which went global recently.

The system was expected to be used for military applications.

The report said Type 054A is the best frigate in service with the PLA Navy. Military sources said the ship has a fully loaded displacement of about 4,000 metric tonnes and is equipped with advanced radars and missiles. About 30 Type 054As are in service with the PLA Navy.

An insider in China's shipbuilding sector with knowledge of the Type 054AP programme told the Daily that the ship is the largest and most powerful combat vessel China has ever exported.

"Based on pictures circulating on the internet, the ship will have vertical launch cells that can fire Chinese HQ-16 air-defence missiles and other kinds of missiles. Vertical launch cells will bring flexibility to the user in terms of weapons portfolio, thus giving it a stronger fighting capability," he said, adding that the Type 054AP is the best frigate Pakistan can access in the international market.

"The service of Type 054APs will double the combat power of the Pakistani Navy's surface fleet," he said.

Commenting on the ship's construction, Cao Weidong, a senior researcher at the PLA's Naval Military Studies Research Institute, said in the past, the Pakistani Navy would ask its Chinese contractors to use Western radars or weapons on ships constructed by the Chinese shipbuilders because it believed the Western naval technologies were better than Chinese ones.

"But it seems that all weapons and radars on the new ship will be Chinese products, which reflects our progress in the industry and the Pakistani Navy's confidence in our technology and capability," he said.

Cao said there are many nations selling frigates in the market, so Pakistan must have made thorough comparisons in terms of combat capability and costs.

"I believe the reason they chose our type is that ours is one of the few that can carry out all of the air-defence, anti-ship and anti-submarine tasks," he said, expecting the service of the Chinese frigate to substantially boost Pakistan's defence capability.&nbsp;

Equipped with modern detection and weapon systems, it will be capable of anti-ship, anti-submarine and air-defence operations, China Daily quoted state-owned defence contractor China State Shipbuilding Corporation (CSSC) as saying.

China is building the first of four "most advanced" naval warships for its "all-weather ally" Pakistan as part of a major bilateral arms deal to ensure among other things "balance of power" in the strategic Indian Ocean, state media reported. Equipped with modern detection and weapon systems, it will be capable of anti-ship, anti-submarine and air-defence operations, China Daily quoted state-owned defence contractor China State Shipbuilding Corporation (CSSC) as saying. The under-construction ship is a version of the Chinese Navy's most advanced guided missile frigate, it said. The CSSC did not specify the ship's type but said it is being constructed at its Hudong-Zhonghua shipyard in Shanghai. China, an "all-weather ally" of Islamabad, is the largest supplier of weapon system to Pakistan. Both the countries also jointly manufacture JF-Thunder a single engine multi-role combat aircraft. The ship's class is Type 054AP, which means it is based on the Type 054A of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) Navy, the report quoted the Pakistani Navy as saying. The Pakistani Navy previously said four such ships had been ordered, according to the report. Once constructed, the warship "will be one of the largest and technologically advanced platforms of the Pakistani Navy and strengthen the country's capability to respond to future challenges, maintain peace and stability and the balance of power in the Indian Ocean region," the report said. It will also support the Pakistani Navy's initiative of securing sea lanes for international shipping by patrolling distant waters, the daily quoted the CSSC as saying. The mention of the Indian Ocean is regarded as significant as China, which has already taken over Pakistan's strategic Gwadar port under the multi-billion China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), looks to assist the Pakistani navy to restore the balance of power in India's backyard. China has acquired the logistical military base in Djibouti and taken over the Hambantota port of Sri Lanka under a 99-year debt swap deal. China recently denied a New York Times report that it finalised a plan to build advanced fighter aircraft under the CPEC in Pakistan, adding a military dimension to it. India protested to China over the CPEC as it is being laid through the Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK). Pakistan became the first country to hook on to China's BeiDou Satellite Navigation System, a rival to the US Global Positioning System (GPS) which went global recently. The system was expected to be used for military applications. The report said Type 054A is the best frigate in service with the PLA Navy. Military sources said the ship has a fully loaded displacement of about 4,000 metric tonnes and is equipped with advanced radars and missiles. About 30 Type 054As are in service with the PLA Navy. An insider in China's shipbuilding sector with knowledge of the Type 054AP programme told the Daily that the ship is the largest and most powerful combat vessel China has ever exported. "Based on pictures circulating on the internet, the ship will have vertical launch cells that can fire Chinese HQ-16 air-defence missiles and other kinds of missiles. Vertical launch cells will bring flexibility to the user in terms of weapons portfolio, thus giving it a stronger fighting capability," he said, adding that the Type 054AP is the best frigate Pakistan can access in the international market. "The service of Type 054APs will double the combat power of the Pakistani Navy's surface fleet," he said. Commenting on the ship's construction, Cao Weidong, a senior researcher at the PLA's Naval Military Studies Research Institute, said in the past, the Pakistani Navy would ask its Chinese contractors to use Western radars or weapons on ships constructed by the Chinese shipbuilders because it believed the Western naval technologies were better than Chinese ones. "But it seems that all weapons and radars on the new ship will be Chinese products, which reflects our progress in the industry and the Pakistani Navy's confidence in our technology and capability," he said. Cao said there are many nations selling frigates in the market, so Pakistan must have made thorough comparisons in terms of combat capability and costs. "I believe the reason they chose our type is that ours is one of the few that can carry out all of the air-defence, anti-ship and anti-submarine tasks," he said, expecting the service of the Chinese frigate to substantially boost Pakistan's defence capability.

China building 'most advanced' naval warships for Pakistan: Report

Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina secured a third consecutive term as the country's premiere on Sunday -- a win that wasn't just predictable but also in favour of India's vision of fostering ties with the South Asian nation.&nbsp;

Bangladesh's socio-economic development flourished a great deal under Hasina's decade-long rule and so was the case with the deepening relationship with neighbouring India.&nbsp;

PM Hasina's continuance in power is strategically important for India as her definitive stand on Islamic fundamentalists and extremists echoes with India's security interests.

PM Hasina's leadership has also maintained a sensitive stance toward India’s concerns about the northeast militancy fostered by ISI-backed Islamists operating from Bangladesh during the opposition BNP-Jamaat regime. With PM Hasina assuming power a decade ago, a serious crackdown was initiated which led to a considerable reduction of militancy in Northeastern states like Tripura and Meghalaya.&nbsp;

High-level visits from both sides led to steady growth in the Indo-Bangladesh ties. Last year, the two countries launched a series of developmental projects while complicated issues of land and coastal boundaries were resolved.

The construction of the Akhaura-Agartala rail line and the restoration of the Kulaura-Shahbazpur section of railway line were the highlights among all initiatives jointly taken by PM Modi and his Bangladeshi counterpart in 2018.

The two countries also inaugurated the construction of a 130-km Bangladesh-India Friendship Pipeline between Siliguri in West Bengal and Parbatipur in Dinajpur. However, the issue of Teesta water sharing issue remained unresolved.

But China's play in&nbsp;South Asia's political dynamics cannot be ruled out. China is Bangladesh’s major trading partner and the latter is one of the important determinants in former's key Belt and Road plan.&nbsp;

Earlier last month, a Chinese-Bangladeshi joint venture signed a deal with the Bangladeshi government to build a mega expressway. The project has been pegged as Bangladesh's first major public-private partnership (PPP) initiative aimed at boosting the nation's economic and infrastructural development and promote employment, a Chinese media report stated.&nbsp;

With PM Hasina in for another term, political analysts and experts predict India-Bangladesh ties to further flourish. However, the immediate task at hand for New Delhi is to keep Dhaka away from making any binary choices, especially with China's growing power and influence in South Asia.&nbsp; 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina secured a third consecutive term as the country's premiere on Sunday -- a win that wasn't just predictable but also in favour of India's vision of fostering ties with the South Asian nation.

Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina secured a third consecutive term as the country's premiere on Sunday -- a win that wasn't just predictable but also in favour of India's vision of fostering ties with the South Asian nation. Bangladesh's socio-economic development flourished a great deal under Hasina's decade-long rule and so was the case with the deepening relationship with neighbouring India. PM Hasina's continuance in power is strategically important for India as her definitive stand on Islamic fundamentalists and extremists echoes with India's security interests. PM Hasina's leadership has also maintained a sensitive stance toward India’s concerns about the northeast militancy fostered by ISI-backed Islamists operating from Bangladesh during the opposition BNP-Jamaat regime. With PM Hasina assuming power a decade ago, a serious crackdown was initiated which led to a considerable reduction of militancy in Northeastern states like Tripura and Meghalaya. High-level visits from both sides led to steady growth in the Indo-Bangladesh ties. Last year, the two countries launched a series of developmental projects while complicated issues of land and coastal boundaries were resolved. The construction of the Akhaura-Agartala rail line and the restoration of the Kulaura-Shahbazpur section of railway line were the highlights among all initiatives jointly taken by PM Modi and his Bangladeshi counterpart in 2018. The two countries also inaugurated the construction of a 130-km Bangladesh-India Friendship Pipeline between Siliguri in West Bengal and Parbatipur in Dinajpur. However, the issue of Teesta water sharing issue remained unresolved. But China's play in South Asia's political dynamics cannot be ruled out. China is Bangladesh’s major trading partner and the latter is one of the important determinants in former's key Belt and Road plan. Earlier last month, a Chinese-Bangladeshi joint venture signed a deal with the Bangladeshi government to build a mega expressway. The project has been pegged as Bangladesh's first major public-private partnership (PPP) initiative aimed at boosting the nation's economic and infrastructural development and promote employment, a Chinese media report stated. With PM Hasina in for another term, political analysts and experts predict India-Bangladesh ties to further flourish. However, the immediate task at hand for New Delhi is to keep Dhaka away from making any binary choices, especially with China's growing power and influence in South Asia. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

With eye on China, New Delhi needs to keep Dhaka away from making binary choices

India remained largely secure in 2018, but security being work in progress, always needs a pragmatic relook and year-end is a good time to take stock.&nbsp;

Its major strategic security concerns revolved around its relations with China, US, Russia and Pakistan with doses of attention towards the Indo-Pacific and the nations there.

In spite of the above focus, 2018 began with an achievement, which triggered a continuation of positive events through the first quarter. This was the presence of ten ASEAN leaders as guests of honour at the Republic Day parade. Following it was the visit of the Israeli Prime Minister and the visit of India’s Prime Minister to Palestine, Jordan, UAE and Oman, all crucial areas for India’s engagement.&nbsp;

The Iranian President’s visit to Delhi, so close to the visit of the Israeli Prime Minister, followed by the King of Jordan, truly demonstrated a straddling of interests and reflected the initial approach to multilateralism, which was to emerge later in the year.

After the palpable tension over Doklam that dominated the strategic discourse in the latter half of 2017, it needs to be recognised that India corrected course with the Wuhan and Sochi meetings allaying China’s fears about India’s strategic tie-up with the US. However, China has continued its campaign of psychological warfare, including the deployment of additional military resources and infrastructure along the Himalayan border.&nbsp;

Yet, 2018 did not witness any major standoff although attempted walk-in operations to perceived LAC continued, albeit at a lower key. With Russia also firmly with China, a level of discomfort was entering Indo-Russia relations where traditional strategic bonhomie was being compromised by India’s creeping proximity to the US.&nbsp;

A very deliberate diplomatic effort by the Indian government has apparently righted that perception and the $5 billion deal for acquisition of the Russian S-400 air defence system helped retrieve the relationship. The subsequent joint military training under the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCC) at Chebarkulsky in the Ural Mountains further helped the retrieval.&nbsp;

With China, the military-diplomatic domain saw greater positive strokes, but by no means should this be considered permanent. China exercises a repertoire of options to keep India under pressure such that the focus of Indian planners remains embedded at the Himalayan front. If a more aggressive strategy is contemplated, India will need to revisit its decision to put in cold storage the completion of raising of the mountain strike corps.

With India torn by multiple interests with different big powers, the situation demanded a level of multilateralism. To walk the multilateral route, various meetings were held of the different forums and summits of the developing Indo-US Strategic Partnership, including the Indo-US Leadership Summit, the Indo-US Strategic Partnership Forum and the 2+2 Dialogue. The two sides demonstrated appreciation of the constraints that influence the relationship due to extraneous factors. India’s ability to handle the sensitive issue of US sanctions on Iran and the Countering America’s Adversaries through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) in relation to the S-400 deal, demonstrated political maturity of both sides.&nbsp;

However, the year-end US decision to reduce its military presence in Afghanistan has caused some consternation in Indian strategic circles, which will need deliberation in 2019. India’s attendance of Asean-India and East Asia Summits in Singapore reflected its continued commitment to strengthen its engagement with Asean members and the wider Indo-Pacific region.

On the regional platform, the change of dispensation in Maldives marked a positive turn while Sri Lanka remained on the cusp with instability, although not negatively disposed towards India. To play an effective role in the Indo Pacific strategy, India will need to be deliberate in its relationships with important nations of the Indian Ocean Region.

It is with Pakistan that the relationship remained unchanged even with the arrival of Prime Minister Imran Khan at the helm. With the trust deficit and Pakistan’s continued intransigence over J&amp;K, India had to be diplomatically and militarily alert, a stance which will have to extend even more robustly into 2019.&nbsp;

The country’s national elections in the first half will prevent any decided response to Pakistan’s overtures. It would be far better that its strategic community deliberates on how to deal with Pakistan in the long run and have this in readiness for whichever government comes to power in May 2019.&nbsp;

This recommendation is as much applicable to J&amp;K where a season of high military achievements has been offset by the continuing local recruitment to terrorist ranks and increasing alienation.&nbsp;

The Kartarpur Corridor is a positive development, but contingent on how it is handled in the future. Clearly, Pakistan’s ISI is sensing an opportunity. That opportunity, which it seeks in embroiling India in a continuum of internal security challenges in Punjab and J&amp;K has to be met head-on; as much as the year-end discovery of fledgeling Islamic State networks in North India. 
&nbsp;

(This article was originally published on DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-secure-through-2018-india-has-work-cut-out-for-new-year-2702318">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) 
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India remained largely secure in 2018, but security being work in progress, always needs a pragmatic relook and year-end is a good time to take stock. Its major strategic security concerns revolved around its relations with China, US, Russia and Pakistan with doses of attention towards the Indo-Pacific and the nations there.

India remained largely secure in 2018, but security being work in progress, always needs a pragmatic relook and year-end is a good time to take stock. Its major strategic security concerns revolved around its relations with China, US, Russia and Pakistan with doses of attention towards the Indo-Pacific and the nations there. In spite of the above focus, 2018 began with an achievement, which triggered a continuation of positive events through the first quarter. This was the presence of ten ASEAN leaders as guests of honour at the Republic Day parade. Following it was the visit of the Israeli Prime Minister and the visit of India’s Prime Minister to Palestine, Jordan, UAE and Oman, all crucial areas for India’s engagement. The Iranian President’s visit to Delhi, so close to the visit of the Israeli Prime Minister, followed by the King of Jordan, truly demonstrated a straddling of interests and reflected the initial approach to multilateralism, which was to emerge later in the year. After the palpable tension over Doklam that dominated the strategic discourse in the latter half of 2017, it needs to be recognised that India corrected course with the Wuhan and Sochi meetings allaying China’s fears about India’s strategic tie-up with the US. However, China has continued its campaign of psychological warfare, including the deployment of additional military resources and infrastructure along the Himalayan border. Yet, 2018 did not witness any major standoff although attempted walk-in operations to perceived LAC continued, albeit at a lower key. With Russia also firmly with China, a level of discomfort was entering Indo-Russia relations where traditional strategic bonhomie was being compromised by India’s creeping proximity to the US. A very deliberate diplomatic effort by the Indian government has apparently righted that perception and the $5 billion deal for acquisition of the Russian S-400 air defence system helped retrieve the relationship. The subsequent joint military training under the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCC) at Chebarkulsky in the Ural Mountains further helped the retrieval. With China, the military-diplomatic domain saw greater positive strokes, but by no means should this be considered permanent. China exercises a repertoire of options to keep India under pressure such that the focus of Indian planners remains embedded at the Himalayan front. If a more aggressive strategy is contemplated, India will need to revisit its decision to put in cold storage the completion of raising of the mountain strike corps. With India torn by multiple interests with different big powers, the situation demanded a level of multilateralism. To walk the multilateral route, various meetings were held of the different forums and summits of the developing Indo-US Strategic Partnership, including the Indo-US Leadership Summit, the Indo-US Strategic Partnership Forum and the 2+2 Dialogue. The two sides demonstrated appreciation of the constraints that influence the relationship due to extraneous factors. India’s ability to handle the sensitive issue of US sanctions on Iran and the Countering America’s Adversaries through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) in relation to the S-400 deal, demonstrated political maturity of both sides. However, the year-end US decision to reduce its military presence in Afghanistan has caused some consternation in Indian strategic circles, which will need deliberation in 2019. India’s attendance of Asean-India and East Asia Summits in Singapore reflected its continued commitment to strengthen its engagement with Asean members and the wider Indo-Pacific region. On the regional platform, the change of dispensation in Maldives marked a positive turn while Sri Lanka remained on the cusp with instability, although not negatively disposed towards India. To play an effective role in the Indo Pacific strategy, India will need to be deliberate in its relationships with important nations of the Indian Ocean Region. It is with Pakistan that the relationship remained unchanged even with the arrival of Prime Minister Imran Khan at the helm. With the trust deficit and Pakistan’s continued intransigence over J&K, India had to be diplomatically and militarily alert, a stance which will have to extend even more robustly into 2019. The country’s national elections in the first half will prevent any decided response to Pakistan’s overtures. It would be far better that its strategic community deliberates on how to deal with Pakistan in the long run and have this in readiness for whichever government comes to power in May 2019. This recommendation is as much applicable to J&K where a season of high military achievements has been offset by the continuing local recruitment to terrorist ranks and increasing alienation. The Kartarpur Corridor is a positive development, but contingent on how it is handled in the future. Clearly, Pakistan’s ISI is sensing an opportunity. That opportunity, which it seeks in embroiling India in a continuum of internal security challenges in Punjab and J&K has to be met head-on; as much as the year-end discovery of fledgeling Islamic State networks in North India. (This article was originally published on DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Secure through 2018, India has work cut out for New Year

China has astounded the world with the speed and scale of its creation of artificial islands and military infrastructure in the South China Sea.&nbsp;

The first Chinese dredger initiated land reclamation in December 2013. Five years later, China has completed building its manmade islands and is now steadily ramping up its military assets in the South China Sea.

Even after an international arbitral tribunal invalidated its claims in the South China Sea through a ruling in 2016, China continued with the frenzied expansion of its frontiers. Yet, it has incurred no international costs for pushing its borders far out into international waters.

Today, China has consolidated its hold in a strategically crucial body of water through which $5.3 trillion in global trade flows every year. It has set up an interconnected array of radar, electronic-attack facilities, missile batteries and airfields there.

And by turning its manmade islands into military bases, it has virtually established permanent aircraft carriers, whose role extends to the Indian Ocean and the western Pacific.&nbsp;

The South China Sea, in fact, highlights that Beijing’s favoured frontier strategy is pivoted on “salami slicing”. This involves — as witnessed in the Himalayas since the 1950s — a steady progression of small actions, none of which serves as a casus belli by itself, yet which over time lead cumulatively to a strategic transformation in China’s favour.

And by camouflaging offence as defence, China presents a targeted state with a Hobson’s choice: endure the territorial loss or face a dangerous and costly war with great power.

As other Asian nations are discovering, including India in the Himalayas and Japan in the East China Sea, the China challenge centres on Beijing’s lack of respect for existing frontier lines. China is still working to redraw political boundaries, almost 70 years after communists seized power there and began expanding the frontiers.

China clearly has been emboldened by America’s muted response to its expansionism. The US has focused its concern merely on safeguarding freedom of navigation through the South China Sea, not on ratcheting up pressure on China to stop its territorial revisionism.

In fact, the US has refused to take sides in the territorial disputes between China and the other claimant-states in the South China Sea. The US has similarly stayed neutral on disputes elsewhere between China and its neighbours, including in the East China Sea and the Himalayas.

For example, President Donald Trump’s administration did not issue a single statement in India’s support, but stayed neutral during the 73-day military standoff between Indian and Chinese forces on the remote Himalayan plateau of Doklam in mid-2017.&nbsp;

The Trump administration also stayed silent when Chinese military threats forced Vietnam in March 2018 to halt oil drilling within its own exclusive economic zone.

To be sure, the Trump-led US has stepped up the so-called freedom of navigation operations, or FONOPS, in the South China Sea.&nbsp;

However, while the US has yet to provide strategic heft to its much-publicized strategy to ensure a “free and open” Indo-Pacific region, China has embarked on robust initiatives, such as the twin Silk Road projects, with the aim of changing the regional geopolitical map.&nbsp;

ASEAN disunity has also aided Beijing’s aggression. The South China Sea has emerged as ASEAN’s Achilles heel. ASEAN’s reluctance to take a unified stance may have delighted Beijing — its largest trade partner — yet, by conveying weakness, it allows China to do as it pleases.

China’s strategic aim in the South China Sea is to legitimise its control over this critical corridor. Through various actions, China is etching a lasting presence in the claimed areas. For example, to create an administrative base, including setting up a local civilian government in the South China Sea, Beijing has established “Sansha City” on Woody Island. Woody Island was in the news recently when China, for the first time, landed the nuclear-capable H-6K heavy bomber aircraft there.

There is a distinct possibility that, like it did in the Paracel Islands in 1996, China might declare “straight baselines” in the Spratly Islands. Such baselines, connecting the outermost points of the island chain, would seek to turn the sea within, including features controlled by other nations, into China’s “internal waters”.

Against this background, the South China Sea has emerged as the symbolic centre of the international maritime challenges of the 21st century.&nbsp;

The developments in the South China Sea — the world’s main maritime hotspot — hold the potential of upending the current liberal world order by permitting brute power to trump rules.

For India, the South China Sea, which connects the Indian and Pacific oceans, is of central importance. About 60 per cent of India’s seaborne trade passes through the Strait of Malacca, the link between the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea. China’s expansionism in the South China Sea directly impinges on India’s vital interests.

In fact, China’s establishment of a naval hub in Djibouti — its first overseas military base — and its increasing submarine forays into the Indian Ocean draw strength from its aggressive actions in the South China Sea.

Given the South China Sea’s centrality to the wider geopolitics, balance of power and maritime order, like-minded states must work closely together to shape developments there, including ensuring that aggressive unilateralism is no longer cost-free. Failure to do that will create a systemic risk to Indo-Pacific stability and the world order. 
 
(This article was originally published on DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-china-and-the-critical-corridor-2700381">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

China has astounded the world with the speed and scale of its creation of artificial islands and military infrastructure in the South China Sea. The first Chinese dredger initiated land reclamation in December 2013.

China has astounded the world with the speed and scale of its creation of artificial islands and military infrastructure in the South China Sea. The first Chinese dredger initiated land reclamation in December 2013. Five years later, China has completed building its manmade islands and is now steadily ramping up its military assets in the South China Sea. Even after an international arbitral tribunal invalidated its claims in the South China Sea through a ruling in 2016, China continued with the frenzied expansion of its frontiers. Yet, it has incurred no international costs for pushing its borders far out into international waters. Today, China has consolidated its hold in a strategically crucial body of water through which $5.3 trillion in global trade flows every year. It has set up an interconnected array of radar, electronic-attack facilities, missile batteries and airfields there. And by turning its manmade islands into military bases, it has virtually established permanent aircraft carriers, whose role extends to the Indian Ocean and the western Pacific. The South China Sea, in fact, highlights that Beijing’s favoured frontier strategy is pivoted on “salami slicing”. This involves — as witnessed in the Himalayas since the 1950s — a steady progression of small actions, none of which serves as a casus belli by itself, yet which over time lead cumulatively to a strategic transformation in China’s favour. And by camouflaging offence as defence, China presents a targeted state with a Hobson’s choice: endure the territorial loss or face a dangerous and costly war with great power. As other Asian nations are discovering, including India in the Himalayas and Japan in the East China Sea, the China challenge centres on Beijing’s lack of respect for existing frontier lines. China is still working to redraw political boundaries, almost 70 years after communists seized power there and began expanding the frontiers. China clearly has been emboldened by America’s muted response to its expansionism. The US has focused its concern merely on safeguarding freedom of navigation through the South China Sea, not on ratcheting up pressure on China to stop its territorial revisionism. In fact, the US has refused to take sides in the territorial disputes between China and the other claimant-states in the South China Sea. The US has similarly stayed neutral on disputes elsewhere between China and its neighbours, including in the East China Sea and the Himalayas. For example, President Donald Trump’s administration did not issue a single statement in India’s support, but stayed neutral during the 73-day military standoff between Indian and Chinese forces on the remote Himalayan plateau of Doklam in mid-2017. The Trump administration also stayed silent when Chinese military threats forced Vietnam in March 2018 to halt oil drilling within its own exclusive economic zone. To be sure, the Trump-led US has stepped up the so-called freedom of navigation operations, or FONOPS, in the South China Sea. However, while the US has yet to provide strategic heft to its much-publicized strategy to ensure a “free and open” Indo-Pacific region, China has embarked on robust initiatives, such as the twin Silk Road projects, with the aim of changing the regional geopolitical map. ASEAN disunity has also aided Beijing’s aggression. The South China Sea has emerged as ASEAN’s Achilles heel. ASEAN’s reluctance to take a unified stance may have delighted Beijing — its largest trade partner — yet, by conveying weakness, it allows China to do as it pleases. China’s strategic aim in the South China Sea is to legitimise its control over this critical corridor. Through various actions, China is etching a lasting presence in the claimed areas. For example, to create an administrative base, including setting up a local civilian government in the South China Sea, Beijing has established “Sansha City” on Woody Island. Woody Island was in the news recently when China, for the first time, landed the nuclear-capable H-6K heavy bomber aircraft there. There is a distinct possibility that, like it did in the Paracel Islands in 1996, China might declare “straight baselines” in the Spratly Islands. Such baselines, connecting the outermost points of the island chain, would seek to turn the sea within, including features controlled by other nations, into China’s “internal waters”. Against this background, the South China Sea has emerged as the symbolic centre of the international maritime challenges of the 21st century. The developments in the South China Sea — the world’s main maritime hotspot — hold the potential of upending the current liberal world order by permitting brute power to trump rules. For India, the South China Sea, which connects the Indian and Pacific oceans, is of central importance. About 60 per cent of India’s seaborne trade passes through the Strait of Malacca, the link between the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea. China’s expansionism in the South China Sea directly impinges on India’s vital interests. In fact, China’s establishment of a naval hub in Djibouti — its first overseas military base — and its increasing submarine forays into the Indian Ocean draw strength from its aggressive actions in the South China Sea. Given the South China Sea’s centrality to the wider geopolitics, balance of power and maritime order, like-minded states must work closely together to shape developments there, including ensuring that aggressive unilateralism is no longer cost-free. Failure to do that will create a systemic risk to Indo-Pacific stability and the world order. (This article was originally published on DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

China’s expansionism in South China Sea impinges on India’s interests

A day after Chinese foreign minister <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/swaraj-wang-hold-talks-under-new-framework-to-boost-people-to-people-ties-cultural-exchanges-185734">Wang Yi concluded his India visit</a>, China's foreign ministry said a good momentum has been achieved in the current China-India relations.

"The official launch of China-India high-level people-to-people exchanges mechanism at this juncture is both an important step to implement the important consensus reached by the leaders of the two countries," China's foreign ministry spokesman Hua Chunyin said, adding,"the two sides agreed to determine eight key working areas, which include cultural exchanges and preservation of cultural heritage."

China's foreign minister during his four-day visit met India's external affairs minister Sushma Swaraj and visited India's financial capital Mumbai to meet Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis who sought Chinese investment in infrastructure and tourism development to strengthen cultural exchanges and boost tourism between India and China.

"The two sides will carry out various colourful&nbsp;activities to benefit the two peoples and attract more people of the two countries, including young people to devote more to the friendly exchanges between China and India," China's foreign ministry said.

India and China were at loggerheads last year with both armies in a near confrontation at Doklam during the 73-day standoff, however, after PM Modi met President Xi several times this year there was a visible thaw in India-China relations.

On Saturday, Indian and Chinese troops concluded the seventh round of counter-terrorism military exercises in China's Chengdu city in which over 100-strong contingents from both nations took part in the drills.

This year's 'Hand-in-Hand' exercises focussed on urban terrorism. The drills were not held last year following the Doklam standoff as tensions between the two armies reached boiling point.

During his visit, Wang attended the first meeting of the high level mechanism on people-to-people exchanges. He also called on President Ram Nath Kovind. During his four-day trip, the Chinese foreign minister also visit Aurangabad.

Earlier this month, foreign secretary Vijay Gokhale had held talks with Chinese vice foreign minister Kong Xuanyou and reviewed the progress made in the bilateral ties since the Wuhan "informal"&nbsp;summit between PM Modi and President Xi in April.

A day after Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi concluded his India visit, China's foreign ministry said a good momentum has been achieved in the current China-India relations.

A day after Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi concluded his India visit, China's foreign ministry said a good momentum has been achieved in the current China-India relations. "The official launch of China-India high-level people-to-people exchanges mechanism at this juncture is both an important step to implement the important consensus reached by the leaders of the two countries," China's foreign ministry spokesman Hua Chunyin said, adding,"the two sides agreed to determine eight key working areas, which include cultural exchanges and preservation of cultural heritage." China's foreign minister during his four-day visit met India's external affairs minister Sushma Swaraj and visited India's financial capital Mumbai to meet Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis who sought Chinese investment in infrastructure and tourism development to strengthen cultural exchanges and boost tourism between India and China. "The two sides will carry out various colourful activities to benefit the two peoples and attract more people of the two countries, including young people to devote more to the friendly exchanges between China and India," China's foreign ministry said. India and China were at loggerheads last year with both armies in a near confrontation at Doklam during the 73-day standoff, however, after PM Modi met President Xi several times this year there was a visible thaw in India-China relations. On Saturday, Indian and Chinese troops concluded the seventh round of counter-terrorism military exercises in China's Chengdu city in which over 100-strong contingents from both nations took part in the drills. This year's 'Hand-in-Hand' exercises focussed on urban terrorism. The drills were not held last year following the Doklam standoff as tensions between the two armies reached boiling point. During his visit, Wang attended the first meeting of the high level mechanism on people-to-people exchanges. He also called on President Ram Nath Kovind. During his four-day trip, the Chinese foreign minister also visit Aurangabad. Earlier this month, foreign secretary Vijay Gokhale had held talks with Chinese vice foreign minister Kong Xuanyou and reviewed the progress made in the bilateral ties since the Wuhan "informal" summit between PM Modi and President Xi in April.

Good momentum achieved in relations with India: China

As China's foreign minister Wang Yi arrived in <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/g20-pm-modi-invites-president-xi-to-india-for-next-informal-summit-180529">India on a four-day visit</a> in the early morning hours on Friday, Tibetan activists put massive banner on the flyover outside the T3 international airport in New Delhi asking China to leave Tibet.

The convoy of the Chinese foreign minister passed through the same route where the banners were put. Wang Yi arrived in India at 1:30 am(IST).

Wang Yi will be meeting external affairs minister Sushma Swaraj today and will inaugurate the first India-China high-level media forum.

On Thursday, China in a <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/tibetans-ready-to-be-part-of-china-if-allowed-to-preserve-culture-dalai-lama-158386">statement had said it "resolutely opposes"</a> President Trump's decision to sign the Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act. The act allows access to Tibet for US diplomats and other officials, journalists and other citizens by denying US entry for Chinese officials deemed responsible for restricting access to Tibet.

China had annexed Tibet in 1950 leading spiritual leader the Dalai Lama to flee to Dharamsala in India in 1959. In July, the Dalai Lama celebrated his 83rd birthday in &nbsp;Ladakh on the outskirts of Leh. Reports at the time said Chinese authorities had placed restrictions on celebrations of Lama's birthday inside Tibet.

Tibetans in Kardze Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture were warned against celebration by Beijing, local news reports said even as three people were detained for carrying out activities related to the birthday celebration.

The Chinese foreign minister's visit comes with both government determined to push cultural and people-to-people exchange between the two countries. The decision to establish a "special mechanism" was taken during the "informal" summit between PM Modi and Chinese President Xi in Wuhan.

Wang Yi will also visit Aurangabad and Mumbai and sign MoU's with the Indian government during his visit. The Chinese foreign minister's visit is being seen as a step forward in India-China relations post-Doklam after PM Modi and President Xi reaffirmed their commitment to cement ties several times this year during their meetings.

As China's foreign minister Wang Yi arrived in India on a four-day visit in the early morning hours on Friday, Tibetan activists put massive banner on the flyover outside the T3 international airport in New Delhi asking China to leave Tibet.

As China's foreign minister Wang Yi arrived in India on a four-day visit in the early morning hours on Friday, Tibetan activists put massive banner on the flyover outside the T3 international airport in New Delhi asking China to leave Tibet. The convoy of the Chinese foreign minister passed through the same route where the banners were put. Wang Yi arrived in India at 1:30 am(IST). Wang Yi will be meeting external affairs minister Sushma Swaraj today and will inaugurate the first India-China high-level media forum. On Thursday, China in a statement had said it "resolutely opposes" President Trump's decision to sign the Reciprocal Access to Tibet Act. The act allows access to Tibet for US diplomats and other officials, journalists and other citizens by denying US entry for Chinese officials deemed responsible for restricting access to Tibet. China had annexed Tibet in 1950 leading spiritual leader the Dalai Lama to flee to Dharamsala in India in 1959. In July, the Dalai Lama celebrated his 83rd birthday in Ladakh on the outskirts of Leh. Reports at the time said Chinese authorities had placed restrictions on celebrations of Lama's birthday inside Tibet. Tibetans in Kardze Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture were warned against celebration by Beijing, local news reports said even as three people were detained for carrying out activities related to the birthday celebration. The Chinese foreign minister's visit comes with both government determined to push cultural and people-to-people exchange between the two countries. The decision to establish a "special mechanism" was taken during the "informal" summit between PM Modi and Chinese President Xi in Wuhan. Wang Yi will also visit Aurangabad and Mumbai and sign MoU's with the Indian government during his visit. The Chinese foreign minister's visit is being seen as a step forward in India-China relations post-Doklam after PM Modi and President Xi reaffirmed their commitment to cement ties several times this year during their meetings.

Video: Tibetan activists protest as Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi arrives in India

Just as China has changed the status quo in the South China Sea through an island-building strategy, it is working to re-engineer cross-border flows of international rivers that originate in Tibet, which Beijing annexed in 1951.

No country will be more affected by China's dam frenzy than India because of one telling statistic: out of the 718 billion cubic metres of surface water that flows out of Chinese-held territory yearly, 347 billion cubic meters (or 48.3 per cent of the total) runs directly into India. Several major Indian rivers originate in Tibet, including the Brahmaputra, the Kosi, the Sutlej and the Indus.

China already boasts more large dams than the rest of the world put together. More importantly, it has emerged as the key obstacle to building institutionalised collaboration on shared water resources in Asia.

In contrast to the bilateral water treaties between many of its neighbours, China rejects the concept of a water-sharing arrangement or joint, rules-based management of common resources.

India has water-sharing treaties with both the countries located downstream to it: Pakistan and Bangladesh. These treaties govern the Indus and the Ganges.

By contrast, China, despite its unrivalled international status as the source of river flows to more than a dozen countries, stands out for not having a single water-sharing arrangement with any neighbour.

India's treaties with Pakistan and Bangladesh have actually set new principles in international water law. The 1996 Ganges treaty — which coincided with the 25th anniversary of Bangladesh's Indian-assisted independence — set a new standard by guaranteeing delivery of specific water quantities in the critical dry season.

The Indus treaty stands out as the world's most generous water pact, in terms of both the sharing ratio (80.52 per cent of the aggregate water flows in the six-river Indus system are reserved for Pakistan) and the total volume of basin waters for the downstream state (Pakistan gets 90 times greater volume of water than Mexico's share under a 1944 pact with the US).

China, in rejecting the 1997 UN convention that lays down rules on shared water resources, contended that an upstream power has the right to assert absolute territorial sovereignty over the waters on its side of the international boundary — or the right to divert as much water as it wishes for its needs, irrespective of the effects on a downriver state.

Today, by building mega-dams and reservoirs in its borderlands, China is working to divert the flows of major rivers that are the lifeline of lower riparian states.

Since the last decade, China's major dam building has moved from dam-saturated internal rivers to international rivers located in ethnic-minority homelands like Tibet.

On the Brahmaputra, China is racing to complete several additional dams located in close proximity to each other. This cascade of dams is likely to affect the quality and quantity of downstream flows into India and Bangladesh.

Only five rivers in the world carry more water than the Brahmaputra and only one — mainland China's Yellow River — carries more silt. The Brahmaputra is the world's highest-altitude river. It represents a unique fluvial ecosystem largely due to the heavy load of high-quality nutrient-rich silt it carries from forbidding Himalayan heights.

The Brahmaputra's annual flooding cycle helps to re-fertilize overworked soils in India's Assam plains and large parts of Bangladesh, where the river is the biggest source of water supply.

The silt-movement impediment by China's upstream dam projects constitutes a bigger threat to the biophysical vitality of the river and to the soil fertility of downstream plains than even the likely diminution of cross-border flows.

China's centralised, mega-projects-driven approach to water resources is the antithesis of the policy in India, where water is a state (not federal) subject under the Constitution and where anti-dam non-governmental organisations (NGOs) are powerful. India's Narmada Dam project, which remains incomplete decades after its construction began, symbolises the power of NGOs.

The largest dam India has built since independence — the 2,000-megawatt Tehri Dam on River Bhagirathi — pales in comparison to China's giant projects, such as the 22,500-megawatt Three Gorges Dam and the new mega-dams on the Mekong like Xiaowan, which dwarfs Paris's Eiffel Tower in height, and Nuozhadu, which boasts of a 190-square-km reservoir.

China's population is just marginally larger than India's, but its internally renewable water resources (2,813 billion cubic meters per year) are almost twice as large as India's. In aggregate water availability, including external inflows (which are sizeable in India's case), China boasts virtually 50 per cent larger water resources than India.

India's surface-water storage capacity — an important measure of any nation's ability to deal with drought or seasonal imbalances in water availability — is one of the world's lowest: Amounting to 200 cubic metres per head per year, it is more than 11 times lower than China's. The 2030 Water Resources Group, an international unit, has warned that India is likely to face a 50 per cent deficit between water demand and supply by 2030.

In the coming years, China, by ramping up construction of dams on trans-Himalayan rivers, could fashion water into a political weapon against India. 
 
(This article was originally published on DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-dragon-s-water-weapon-against-india-2694354">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Just as China has changed the status quo in the South China Sea through an island-building strategy, it is working to re-engineer cross-border flows of international rivers that originate in Tibet, which Beijing annexed in 1951.

Just as China has changed the status quo in the South China Sea through an island-building strategy, it is working to re-engineer cross-border flows of international rivers that originate in Tibet, which Beijing annexed in 1951. No country will be more affected by China's dam frenzy than India because of one telling statistic: out of the 718 billion cubic metres of surface water that flows out of Chinese-held territory yearly, 347 billion cubic meters (or 48.3 per cent of the total) runs directly into India. Several major Indian rivers originate in Tibet, including the Brahmaputra, the Kosi, the Sutlej and the Indus. China already boasts more large dams than the rest of the world put together. More importantly, it has emerged as the key obstacle to building institutionalised collaboration on shared water resources in Asia. In contrast to the bilateral water treaties between many of its neighbours, China rejects the concept of a water-sharing arrangement or joint, rules-based management of common resources. India has water-sharing treaties with both the countries located downstream to it: Pakistan and Bangladesh. These treaties govern the Indus and the Ganges. By contrast, China, despite its unrivalled international status as the source of river flows to more than a dozen countries, stands out for not having a single water-sharing arrangement with any neighbour. India's treaties with Pakistan and Bangladesh have actually set new principles in international water law. The 1996 Ganges treaty — which coincided with the 25th anniversary of Bangladesh's Indian-assisted independence — set a new standard by guaranteeing delivery of specific water quantities in the critical dry season. The Indus treaty stands out as the world's most generous water pact, in terms of both the sharing ratio (80.52 per cent of the aggregate water flows in the six-river Indus system are reserved for Pakistan) and the total volume of basin waters for the downstream state (Pakistan gets 90 times greater volume of water than Mexico's share under a 1944 pact with the US). China, in rejecting the 1997 UN convention that lays down rules on shared water resources, contended that an upstream power has the right to assert absolute territorial sovereignty over the waters on its side of the international boundary — or the right to divert as much water as it wishes for its needs, irrespective of the effects on a downriver state. Today, by building mega-dams and reservoirs in its borderlands, China is working to divert the flows of major rivers that are the lifeline of lower riparian states. Since the last decade, China's major dam building has moved from dam-saturated internal rivers to international rivers located in ethnic-minority homelands like Tibet. On the Brahmaputra, China is racing to complete several additional dams located in close proximity to each other. This cascade of dams is likely to affect the quality and quantity of downstream flows into India and Bangladesh. Only five rivers in the world carry more water than the Brahmaputra and only one — mainland China's Yellow River — carries more silt. The Brahmaputra is the world's highest-altitude river. It represents a unique fluvial ecosystem largely due to the heavy load of high-quality nutrient-rich silt it carries from forbidding Himalayan heights. The Brahmaputra's annual flooding cycle helps to re-fertilize overworked soils in India's Assam plains and large parts of Bangladesh, where the river is the biggest source of water supply. The silt-movement impediment by China's upstream dam projects constitutes a bigger threat to the biophysical vitality of the river and to the soil fertility of downstream plains than even the likely diminution of cross-border flows. China's centralised, mega-projects-driven approach to water resources is the antithesis of the policy in India, where water is a state (not federal) subject under the Constitution and where anti-dam non-governmental organisations (NGOs) are powerful. India's Narmada Dam project, which remains incomplete decades after its construction began, symbolises the power of NGOs. The largest dam India has built since independence — the 2,000-megawatt Tehri Dam on River Bhagirathi — pales in comparison to China's giant projects, such as the 22,500-megawatt Three Gorges Dam and the new mega-dams on the Mekong like Xiaowan, which dwarfs Paris's Eiffel Tower in height, and Nuozhadu, which boasts of a 190-square-km reservoir. China's population is just marginally larger than India's, but its internally renewable water resources (2,813 billion cubic meters per year) are almost twice as large as India's. In aggregate water availability, including external inflows (which are sizeable in India's case), China boasts virtually 50 per cent larger water resources than India. India's surface-water storage capacity — an important measure of any nation's ability to deal with drought or seasonal imbalances in water availability — is one of the world's lowest: Amounting to 200 cubic metres per head per year, it is more than 11 times lower than China's. The 2030 Water Resources Group, an international unit, has warned that India is likely to face a 50 per cent deficit between water demand and supply by 2030. In the coming years, China, by ramping up construction of dams on trans-Himalayan rivers, could fashion water into a political weapon against India. (This article was originally published on DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Dragon's water weapon against India

India's bid to start trade with China in domestic currency has suffered a setback when China outrightly rejected the demand. The move could have not only helped India bridge the trade deficit with China but could also have acted as a booster for the depreciating rupee.

The trade deficit between the two Asian neighbours has ballooned to $63 billion in China's favour. This is over a nine-fold increase over the past decade, claimed a Reuters report.&nbsp;

India's export to China has improved in the last few years but there hasn't been any colossal change in the trends. It's export to China had grown by 13 per cent in FY17, by 31 per cent in FY18, and by around 17 per cent in the first half of FY19.&nbsp;

While India wants to supply more sugar, medicines, soymeal, rapeseed meal, and rice to China, the latter want to increase its export of dairy products, apples and pears.&nbsp;

The meeting between Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping on the sidelines of G20 Summit has not yielded anything good for India except a progress in talks.&nbsp;

China had imposed a ban on Soymeal import from India over quality issues in 2011. India is trying hard to get the ban removed. Also, the trade tariff truce between China and the US is good news for global markets but not for India.&nbsp;

India and China need to iron out their differences as neither of the two neighbours can afford to sit back comfortably amid&nbsp;uncertainty about the US trade policy.

However, bridging a trade deficit of this magnitude will not be an easy task for India especially when the Sino-US trade battle is seeing a temporary truce. The escalation of the issue may have forced China to look for alternatives like India. Nonetheless, the trade war is a temporary solution. China and India must work collectively to find a permanent solution to the persisting issues.

As of now, India is trying to catch a train which has just left the platform with China onboard.&nbsp; 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

India's bid to start trade with China in domestic currency has suffered a setback when China outrightly rejected the demand. The move could have not only helped India bridge the trade deficit with China but could also have acted as a booster for the depreciating rupee.

India's bid to start trade with China in domestic currency has suffered a setback when China outrightly rejected the demand. The move could have not only helped India bridge the trade deficit with China but could also have acted as a booster for the depreciating rupee. The trade deficit between the two Asian neighbours has ballooned to $63 billion in China's favour. This is over a nine-fold increase over the past decade, claimed a Reuters report. India's export to China has improved in the last few years but there hasn't been any colossal change in the trends. It's export to China had grown by 13 per cent in FY17, by 31 per cent in FY18, and by around 17 per cent in the first half of FY19. While India wants to supply more sugar, medicines, soymeal, rapeseed meal, and rice to China, the latter want to increase its export of dairy products, apples and pears. The meeting between Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping on the sidelines of G20 Summit has not yielded anything good for India except a progress in talks. China had imposed a ban on Soymeal import from India over quality issues in 2011. India is trying hard to get the ban removed. Also, the trade tariff truce between China and the US is good news for global markets but not for India. India and China need to iron out their differences as neither of the two neighbours can afford to sit back comfortably amid uncertainty about the US trade policy. However, bridging a trade deficit of this magnitude will not be an easy task for India especially when the Sino-US trade battle is seeing a temporary truce. The escalation of the issue may have forced China to look for alternatives like India. Nonetheless, the trade war is a temporary solution. China and India must work collectively to find a permanent solution to the persisting issues. As of now, India is trying to catch a train which has just left the platform with China onboard. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

India, China must take steps to bridge trade deficit

The elections to state legislatures in India have for the past few months engrossed the specialist analysts and lay audience alike. The results, it is widely believed, will indicate which way the political wind is blowing. This has distracted us from taking note of significant developments in the neighbourhood. It’s time that we turn our gaze outwards and take stalk of the strategic situation in the flux.

In the Maldives and in Sri Lanka the situation appears to have changed in favour of India. In the atoll island it was the presidential elections that threw out the incumbent who had adopted a hostile posture towards India throughout his tenure and in Sri Lanka the country’s Supreme Court stepped in to resolve - at least for the moment- a constitutional crisis and a coup of sorts to instal Mahinda Rajapaksa was nipped in the bud. In both cases, the change in circumstances was not a result of Indian diplomatic exertions or efforts to tilt the balance in its favour.

No one in his right mind can ever suggest that India should interfere in the internal affairs of a neighbour but the fact is that it can not remain indifferent to continued strife and political instability in its immediate neighbourhood.&nbsp;

Nor can it turn a blind eye to Chinese machinations to encircle India and spread misinformation about India. Both in Sri Lanka and the Maldives, the Chinese have tried to upstage and oust India from infrastructural projects and replace it as the leading strategic partner in economic and technical sphere.&nbsp;

Regime change in Male and restoration of status quo in Colombo had naturally aroused hopes that the balance was now tilting in favour of India. Now, it seems that the rejoicing was hasty. Sri Lanka continues to be under strong pressure to honour its ‘contractual commitment’ to PRC and Maldives too has lost no time in signalling that it will maintain friendly equidistance between India and China. We have to be patient with Sri Lanka; the most important thing is not to let our policy remain a hostage to Dravidian party politics in Tamil Nadu. The country has already paid a heavy price for this folly.

The challenges are far more complex in Nepal where India has allowed the ground to steadily slip from under its feet. Not only is the present government proud of flaunting its proximity to Beijing it doesn’t miss an opportunity to embarrass Indians. Outstanding disputes may be resolved-more like brushed under the carpet at the time of a state visit- but are likely to resurface in a more twisted form soon enough.

As we scan the horizons in the Indian Ocean with swelling pride to carve a role in Indo-Pacific region we can ill afford to neglect this landlocked perpetually disgruntled prickly neighbour. Neither juiciest carrots nor hard talk seem to make the slightest difference.&nbsp;

To our mind, there is certainly an improvement in the milieu but Indians will have to tread gently and talk little very softly in the coming months to build broken bridges. It is imperative to have a stick around but to keep it out of sight! 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

The elections to state legislatures in India have for the past few months engrossed the specialist analysts and lay audience alike. The results, it is widely believed, will indicate which way the political wind is blowing.

The elections to state legislatures in India have for the past few months engrossed the specialist analysts and lay audience alike. The results, it is widely believed, will indicate which way the political wind is blowing. This has distracted us from taking note of significant developments in the neighbourhood. It’s time that we turn our gaze outwards and take stalk of the strategic situation in the flux. In the Maldives and in Sri Lanka the situation appears to have changed in favour of India. In the atoll island it was the presidential elections that threw out the incumbent who had adopted a hostile posture towards India throughout his tenure and in Sri Lanka the country’s Supreme Court stepped in to resolve - at least for the moment- a constitutional crisis and a coup of sorts to instal Mahinda Rajapaksa was nipped in the bud. In both cases, the change in circumstances was not a result of Indian diplomatic exertions or efforts to tilt the balance in its favour. No one in his right mind can ever suggest that India should interfere in the internal affairs of a neighbour but the fact is that it can not remain indifferent to continued strife and political instability in its immediate neighbourhood. Nor can it turn a blind eye to Chinese machinations to encircle India and spread misinformation about India. Both in Sri Lanka and the Maldives, the Chinese have tried to upstage and oust India from infrastructural projects and replace it as the leading strategic partner in economic and technical sphere. Regime change in Male and restoration of status quo in Colombo had naturally aroused hopes that the balance was now tilting in favour of India. Now, it seems that the rejoicing was hasty. Sri Lanka continues to be under strong pressure to honour its ‘contractual commitment’ to PRC and Maldives too has lost no time in signalling that it will maintain friendly equidistance between India and China. We have to be patient with Sri Lanka; the most important thing is not to let our policy remain a hostage to Dravidian party politics in Tamil Nadu. The country has already paid a heavy price for this folly. The challenges are far more complex in Nepal where India has allowed the ground to steadily slip from under its feet. Not only is the present government proud of flaunting its proximity to Beijing it doesn’t miss an opportunity to embarrass Indians. Outstanding disputes may be resolved-more like brushed under the carpet at the time of a state visit- but are likely to resurface in a more twisted form soon enough. As we scan the horizons in the Indian Ocean with swelling pride to carve a role in Indo-Pacific region we can ill afford to neglect this landlocked perpetually disgruntled prickly neighbour. Neither juiciest carrots nor hard talk seem to make the slightest difference. To our mind, there is certainly an improvement in the milieu but Indians will have to tread gently and talk little very softly in the coming months to build broken bridges. It is imperative to have a stick around but to keep it out of sight! (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

From Sri Lanka to Maldives, India must tread cautiously and softly

Indian foreign policy is in a sweet spot these days. Wooed by major powers of all hues, it can afford to work with everyone, even if at times the pulls and pressures seem contradictory.&nbsp;

This was reflected at the G20 where New Delhi managed to pull off two seemingly contradictory trilaterals. Modi met with United States President Donald Trump and Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe (Japan, America and India, christened JAI) to underscore India’s firm commitment to make the Indo-Pacific a region for shared economic growth, prosperity and security.&nbsp;

The Indo-Pacific construct is now at the centre of strategic jockeying in the region and the three nations have been trying to define the exact scope of their engagement. Modi had explained India’s stand on the strategic Indo-Pacific region in his keynote address at the Shangri La Dialogue in Singapore in June.

&nbsp;“India does not see the Indo-Pacific Region as a strategy or as a club of limited members. Nor as a grouping that seeks to dominate,” he had said. But China’s rapid rise and the challenge it is posing to geopolitical stability is at the heart of the evolution of the Indo-Pacific and the trilateral in Argentina reinforced the desire of the three states to take it forward. Hours after the ‘JAI’ trilateral, Modi joined Chinese president Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin for another trilateral – the ‘RIC’ - the second among the three countries after a gap of 12 years. The underlying rationale for this trilateral was quite different as the three nations discussed enhancing mutual cooperation at international forums. According to the Ministry of External Affairs, “They agreed on the importance of reform and strengthening of multilateral institutions that had benefitted the world, including the United Nations, WTO and well-established as well as new global financial institutions.”

While China is the one driving ‘JAI,’ it is the Trump Administration’s challenge to the global economic order that is largely behind India’s outreach to China and Russia. The fact that New Delhi managed to pull this off is a tribute to Modi’s astute investment in managing major power relations over the last few years. This is a period of fluid partnerships and Indian diplomacy will have to be nimble enough if her interests are to be preserved. Modi’s engagements at the G-20 underline that New Delhi is capable of managing this fluidity. India’s defence diplomacy is also being shaped by this reality. 
 
By the end of this year, India would have held military exercises with all P5 countries - US, Russia, China, France and the UK. So on one hand, there is the proposed military exercise with Russia and China, on the other 'Cope India’ between the Indian and US air forces has been restarted after a gap of nine years, showcasing “US and India’s efforts and commitment to a free and open Indo-Pacific region.”India and Russia conducted Indo-Russia Joint Military Exercise-Indra 2018 in Madhya Pradesh last week while Indo-UK Konkan naval exercise is currently underway, off Goa, which is focusing on Anti-Air warfare, Anti-Surface Warfare, Anti-Submarine Warfare, Visit Board Search and Seizure (VBSS) and Seamanship Evolutions.&nbsp;

The Japanese Air Self Defence Force (JASDF) is in India for a bilateral air exercise “SHINYUU Maitri-18” with the Indian Air Force (IAF). Defence minister Nirmala Sitharaman is visiting the US Indo-Pacific Command in Hawaii to chart the course for the first ever India-US tri-service military exercise off the Bay of Bengal in May-June, 2019. At the same time, the armies of India and China will be resuming their annual bilateral military exercise ‘Hand in Hand’ in December. 
 
India’s defence diplomacy has become truly ‘multivector’ and it is aimed at enhancing her strategic partnerships. It is a sign of India’s growing global profile that most powers want to engage with India on military and defence issues. The more partnerships India has, the better leverage it will have within diplomacy. But it is also important to recognise the challenges that come with this. Ultimately, India will have to enhance military interoperability with like-minded countries and that’s unlikely to happen if New Delhi will continue to keep its eggs in multiple baskets. It is good to be in a position where everyone wants to befriend us, but Indian policymakers should be aware of the fundamental challenge: which of these countries would come for help in face of an existential challenge?

(This article was originally published on DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-india-s-profile-is-attracting-engagement-on-military-issues-2692655">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Indian foreign policy is in a sweet spot these days. Wooed by major powers of all hues, it can afford to work with everyone, even if at times the pulls and pressures seem contradictory.

Indian foreign policy is in a sweet spot these days. Wooed by major powers of all hues, it can afford to work with everyone, even if at times the pulls and pressures seem contradictory. This was reflected at the G20 where New Delhi managed to pull off two seemingly contradictory trilaterals. Modi met with United States President Donald Trump and Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe (Japan, America and India, christened JAI) to underscore India’s firm commitment to make the Indo-Pacific a region for shared economic growth, prosperity and security. The Indo-Pacific construct is now at the centre of strategic jockeying in the region and the three nations have been trying to define the exact scope of their engagement. Modi had explained India’s stand on the strategic Indo-Pacific region in his keynote address at the Shangri La Dialogue in Singapore in June. “India does not see the Indo-Pacific Region as a strategy or as a club of limited members. Nor as a grouping that seeks to dominate,” he had said. But China’s rapid rise and the challenge it is posing to geopolitical stability is at the heart of the evolution of the Indo-Pacific and the trilateral in Argentina reinforced the desire of the three states to take it forward. Hours after the ‘JAI’ trilateral, Modi joined Chinese president Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin for another trilateral – the ‘RIC’ - the second among the three countries after a gap of 12 years. The underlying rationale for this trilateral was quite different as the three nations discussed enhancing mutual cooperation at international forums. According to the Ministry of External Affairs, “They agreed on the importance of reform and strengthening of multilateral institutions that had benefitted the world, including the United Nations, WTO and well-established as well as new global financial institutions.” While China is the one driving ‘JAI,’ it is the Trump Administration’s challenge to the global economic order that is largely behind India’s outreach to China and Russia. The fact that New Delhi managed to pull this off is a tribute to Modi’s astute investment in managing major power relations over the last few years. This is a period of fluid partnerships and Indian diplomacy will have to be nimble enough if her interests are to be preserved. Modi’s engagements at the G-20 underline that New Delhi is capable of managing this fluidity. India’s defence diplomacy is also being shaped by this reality. By the end of this year, India would have held military exercises with all P5 countries - US, Russia, China, France and the UK. So on one hand, there is the proposed military exercise with Russia and China, on the other 'Cope India’ between the Indian and US air forces has been restarted after a gap of nine years, showcasing “US and India’s efforts and commitment to a free and open Indo-Pacific region.”India and Russia conducted Indo-Russia Joint Military Exercise-Indra 2018 in Madhya Pradesh last week while Indo-UK Konkan naval exercise is currently underway, off Goa, which is focusing on Anti-Air warfare, Anti-Surface Warfare, Anti-Submarine Warfare, Visit Board Search and Seizure (VBSS) and Seamanship Evolutions. The Japanese Air Self Defence Force (JASDF) is in India for a bilateral air exercise “SHINYUU Maitri-18” with the Indian Air Force (IAF). Defence minister Nirmala Sitharaman is visiting the US Indo-Pacific Command in Hawaii to chart the course for the first ever India-US tri-service military exercise off the Bay of Bengal in May-June, 2019. At the same time, the armies of India and China will be resuming their annual bilateral military exercise ‘Hand in Hand’ in December. India’s defence diplomacy has become truly ‘multivector’ and it is aimed at enhancing her strategic partnerships. It is a sign of India’s growing global profile that most powers want to engage with India on military and defence issues. The more partnerships India has, the better leverage it will have within diplomacy. But it is also important to recognise the challenges that come with this. Ultimately, India will have to enhance military interoperability with like-minded countries and that’s unlikely to happen if New Delhi will continue to keep its eggs in multiple baskets. It is good to be in a position where everyone wants to befriend us, but Indian policymakers should be aware of the fundamental challenge: which of these countries would come for help in face of an existential challenge? (This article was originally published on DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

India’s profile is attracting engagement on military issues

At the recently held G20 Summit, India’s participation in the Quad meeting and Prime Minister Narendra Modi's informal meetings with Chinese President Xi Jinping, Russian President Vladimir Putin, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and US Vice President Mike Pence can be seen as an effort to build balanced and cordial relationships with the major global players.

India has a set of convergences and divergences of interests with China, USA and Russia. We have so far been able to keep these relations separate from one another.&nbsp;

India’s differences with China on certain aspects of Sino-Pak nexus, South China Sea row and India's entry into the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) can also be viewed as a convergence of interests with the US.&nbsp;

Similarly, India’s differences with the US on trade, climate change, and CAATSA, in the context of Russia, can be seen as the convergence of interests with China.

The silver lining is that the US, being our strategic partner, will like to have India's support it in its military operations in case Pakistan does not serve its strategic interest. The US waiver on Chabahar port and import of Iranian oil for the next six months is a welcome step by the US towards India. &nbsp;

After India's suggestion to expand the scope and dimension of QUAD, opening it up to other affected countries, there is a general feeling amongst other QUAD members that India is perhaps getting softer towards China.&nbsp;

The reality is that India has an independent foreign policy. &nbsp;In the Indo-Pacific region, it stands with US, Japan and Australia in checking Chinese encroachment of global commons like the South China Sea. India seeks to enable seamless movement in international water and rule-based order.&nbsp;

India, therefore, has to maintain harmonious relations with all its strategic partners and neighbours to pursue its national interest. Despite such complexities, the silver lining is that the US, as well as China, want better relations with India.

Russia also will not like to lose the largest purchaser of its military hardware and a strategic partnership which stood the test of time even in ‘Heated Cold War’ era.

 The number of bilateral and trilateral meetings attended by India at the G20 Summit clearly explains the balanced diplomatic exercises carried out by India as per its national interest. Indian participation in two significant trilateral meetings - US-Japan-India and China-Russia-India clearly indicates the efforts required to balance relations with two separate groupings.&nbsp;

At G20, India flagged the issue of cooperation in dealing with the fugitive offenders and countering terrorism besides many other issues that represent India’s strategic interest. 
 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) 
&nbsp;

At the recently held G20 Summit, India’s participation in the Quad meeting and Prime Minister Narendra Modi's informal meetings with Chinese President Xi Jinping, Russian President Vladimir Putin, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and US Vice President Mike Pence can be seen as an effort to build balanced and cordial relationships with the major global players.

At the recently held G20 Summit, India’s participation in the Quad meeting and Prime Minister Narendra Modi's informal meetings with Chinese President Xi Jinping, Russian President Vladimir Putin, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and US Vice President Mike Pence can be seen as an effort to build balanced and cordial relationships with the major global players. India has a set of convergences and divergences of interests with China, USA and Russia. We have so far been able to keep these relations separate from one another. India’s differences with China on certain aspects of Sino-Pak nexus, South China Sea row and India's entry into the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) can also be viewed as a convergence of interests with the US. Similarly, India’s differences with the US on trade, climate change, and CAATSA, in the context of Russia, can be seen as the convergence of interests with China. The silver lining is that the US, being our strategic partner, will like to have India's support it in its military operations in case Pakistan does not serve its strategic interest. The US waiver on Chabahar port and import of Iranian oil for the next six months is a welcome step by the US towards India. After India's suggestion to expand the scope and dimension of QUAD, opening it up to other affected countries, there is a general feeling amongst other QUAD members that India is perhaps getting softer towards China. The reality is that India has an independent foreign policy. In the Indo-Pacific region, it stands with US, Japan and Australia in checking Chinese encroachment of global commons like the South China Sea. India seeks to enable seamless movement in international water and rule-based order. India, therefore, has to maintain harmonious relations with all its strategic partners and neighbours to pursue its national interest. Despite such complexities, the silver lining is that the US, as well as China, want better relations with India. Russia also will not like to lose the largest purchaser of its military hardware and a strategic partnership which stood the test of time even in ‘Heated Cold War’ era.  The number of bilateral and trilateral meetings attended by India at the G20 Summit clearly explains the balanced diplomatic exercises carried out by India as per its national interest. Indian participation in two significant trilateral meetings - US-Japan-India and China-Russia-India clearly indicates the efforts required to balance relations with two separate groupings. At G20, India flagged the issue of cooperation in dealing with the fugitive offenders and countering terrorism besides many other issues that represent India’s strategic interest. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

India displayed smart diplomacy at G20 Summit

A modern, comprehensive and mutually beneficial economic partnership agreement for an open trade and investment milieu in the Asia-Pacific region is the core objective of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). &nbsp;

Countries, in diverse stages of development, from Australia, China, Japan and India to the 10 members of the Association of South East Nations (ASEAN) are part of the RCEP, besides South Korea and New Zealand.&nbsp;

Once wrapped up, RCEP would foster the largest regional trading bloc, making up 25 per cent of global GDP, 30 per cent of world trade and 26 per cent of cross-country foreign direct investment (FDI) flows the world over.

While 'substantial progress’ has been claimed by India in negotiations in 2018, a closer look is needed. So far, as many as seven chapters in RCEP encompassing economic and technical cooperation, amongst others, have been concluded. But the crucial one on market negotiations bristle with Indian reservations, as it is not prepared to let its domestic industry smothered by the deluge of cheap goods from the other members, particularly China.&nbsp;

Interestingly, the erstwhile tiger economies of ASEAN want India to eliminate tariffs or customs duties on about 90-92 per cent items that it trades with the countries with which India has a Free Trade Agreement (FTA). These include ASEAN and Japan.&nbsp;

With the non-FTA partners—Australia, New Zealand and China, discussions are on for removing duties on 80 per cent of traded products. New Delhi has asked for a 20-year deadline to end the duties, but with China, it seeks more time for removal of tariffs. &nbsp;

The need for seeking a protracted liberalisation phase with China is based on ground realities. A House Panel report on the impact of Chinese goods on Indian industry, tabled in the monsoon session of Parliament, vehemently argued that “the impact of Chinese imports has been such that India is threatened to become a country of importers and traders with domestic factories either cutting down their production or shutting down completely…”

From raw material to components to final product assembly, the competitive strength of the Middle Kingdom is proven beyond a pale of doubt and that too across several sectors in which the competitive strength of Indian products are ironically, at a disadvantage.

According to the report, the annual year-on-year growth in Chinese imports was about 9 per cent in 2013-14, which had soared to 20 per cent in 2017-18. The trade deficit with China at $63 billion constitutes more than 40 per cent of India’s aggregate trade deficit.&nbsp;

The Chinese goods itself constitute about one-sixth of all imports in terms of quantum in India. In the decade 2007-08 to 2017-18, there has been an increase in India’s exports to China by $2.5 billion only while its imports from China have zoomed by $50 billion during this period. &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;

With sobering statistics such as these, Indian trade envoys are naturally demanding that China should give more and we, in turn, would give China lower concessions and take a longer staging period, given the gargantuan trade deficit with Beijing.

As the core of the marathon talks zero in on market access for goods, services and investment with the deadline deferred to 2019, India might have earned a reprieve from immediate danger to its cocooned domestic sectors.&nbsp;

But as 2019 is an election year in India, the outcome of which will determine whether the proposed RCEP would be wrapped up by the incumbent dispensation or a new one, the fact remains that India must perforce have to undertake structural reforms, including correction of the much-delayed inverted duty structure, liberalisation of the mining sector to spur domestic manufacturing and markedly cut down import of steel, coal, oil and a plethora of other minerals.&nbsp;

The urgent need to be in a mega trading bloc is nowhere crucial than at this juncture when the World Trade Organisation (WTO), is faced with an existential crisis.&nbsp;

The numerous multilateral trade deals under its charge have come to a halt over the past decade. A slew of few trading nations have naturally pitched for regional or preferential free trade agreements (FTAs) among compact number of participants to exchange concessions and move ahead with gains accruing from such liberalised trade.&nbsp;

For India, which has not been in any meaningful regional trading arrangement, but attempted to latch on to a few FTAs that had only brought resentment from local industries, the enduring benefits of trade remain elusive!&nbsp;

To compound the cup of mercantile misery, there is an ongoing trade war between majors, the United States and China, which began slapping retaliatory measures, fouling up the global trading atmosphere and generating a sort of psychosis among others as to how to wade in the choppy waters of overseas markets that have abruptly become protectionist and impermeable. In this dismal scenario, the time to fix the roof can no longer be deferred. 
&nbsp;

(This article was originally published on DNA. Read the&nbsp;<a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-much-rests-on-china-for-rcep-s-rollout-on-schedule-2691979">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

&nbsp;

A modern, comprehensive and mutually beneficial economic partnership agreement for an open trade and investment milieu in the Asia-Pacific region is the core objective of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP).

A modern, comprehensive and mutually beneficial economic partnership agreement for an open trade and investment milieu in the Asia-Pacific region is the core objective of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). Countries, in diverse stages of development, from Australia, China, Japan and India to the 10 members of the Association of South East Nations (ASEAN) are part of the RCEP, besides South Korea and New Zealand. Once wrapped up, RCEP would foster the largest regional trading bloc, making up 25 per cent of global GDP, 30 per cent of world trade and 26 per cent of cross-country foreign direct investment (FDI) flows the world over. While 'substantial progress’ has been claimed by India in negotiations in 2018, a closer look is needed. So far, as many as seven chapters in RCEP encompassing economic and technical cooperation, amongst others, have been concluded. But the crucial one on market negotiations bristle with Indian reservations, as it is not prepared to let its domestic industry smothered by the deluge of cheap goods from the other members, particularly China. Interestingly, the erstwhile tiger economies of ASEAN want India to eliminate tariffs or customs duties on about 90-92 per cent items that it trades with the countries with which India has a Free Trade Agreement (FTA). These include ASEAN and Japan. With the non-FTA partners—Australia, New Zealand and China, discussions are on for removing duties on 80 per cent of traded products. New Delhi has asked for a 20-year deadline to end the duties, but with China, it seeks more time for removal of tariffs. The need for seeking a protracted liberalisation phase with China is based on ground realities. A House Panel report on the impact of Chinese goods on Indian industry, tabled in the monsoon session of Parliament, vehemently argued that “the impact of Chinese imports has been such that India is threatened to become a country of importers and traders with domestic factories either cutting down their production or shutting down completely…” From raw material to components to final product assembly, the competitive strength of the Middle Kingdom is proven beyond a pale of doubt and that too across several sectors in which the competitive strength of Indian products are ironically, at a disadvantage. According to the report, the annual year-on-year growth in Chinese imports was about 9 per cent in 2013-14, which had soared to 20 per cent in 2017-18. The trade deficit with China at $63 billion constitutes more than 40 per cent of India’s aggregate trade deficit. The Chinese goods itself constitute about one-sixth of all imports in terms of quantum in India. In the decade 2007-08 to 2017-18, there has been an increase in India’s exports to China by $2.5 billion only while its imports from China have zoomed by $50 billion during this period. With sobering statistics such as these, Indian trade envoys are naturally demanding that China should give more and we, in turn, would give China lower concessions and take a longer staging period, given the gargantuan trade deficit with Beijing. As the core of the marathon talks zero in on market access for goods, services and investment with the deadline deferred to 2019, India might have earned a reprieve from immediate danger to its cocooned domestic sectors. But as 2019 is an election year in India, the outcome of which will determine whether the proposed RCEP would be wrapped up by the incumbent dispensation or a new one, the fact remains that India must perforce have to undertake structural reforms, including correction of the much-delayed inverted duty structure, liberalisation of the mining sector to spur domestic manufacturing and markedly cut down import of steel, coal, oil and a plethora of other minerals. The urgent need to be in a mega trading bloc is nowhere crucial than at this juncture when the World Trade Organisation (WTO), is faced with an existential crisis. The numerous multilateral trade deals under its charge have come to a halt over the past decade. A slew of few trading nations have naturally pitched for regional or preferential free trade agreements (FTAs) among compact number of participants to exchange concessions and move ahead with gains accruing from such liberalised trade. For India, which has not been in any meaningful regional trading arrangement, but attempted to latch on to a few FTAs that had only brought resentment from local industries, the enduring benefits of trade remain elusive! To compound the cup of mercantile misery, there is an ongoing trade war between majors, the United States and China, which began slapping retaliatory measures, fouling up the global trading atmosphere and generating a sort of psychosis among others as to how to wade in the choppy waters of overseas markets that have abruptly become protectionist and impermeable. In this dismal scenario, the time to fix the roof can no longer be deferred. (This article was originally published on DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Much rests on China for RCEP’s rollout on schedule

China was looking to boost agricultural exports to India while increasing imports of rapeseed and soymeal from the country, President Xi Jinping told Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi on the sidelines of a G20 meeting on Friday.

China's Xi also indicated greater trade in the pharmaceuticals sector between the two nations, India's foreign secretary Vijay Gokhale, who was travelling with Modi, said, detailing the deliberations between the two leaders.

"On the economic side, President Xi Jinping referred to enhanced imports of rice and sugar from India and spoke of&nbsp;possibility of greater imports of soymeal and rapeseed," he said.

The meeting at the G20 summit was the fourth between Xi and Modi this year as the leaders looked to build on a thaw in ties between the two countries after a military standoff on their disputed border last year, officials told&nbsp;on Thursday.

India's commerce ministry and a six-member Chinese delegation signed an agreement on Wednesday allowing Beijing to inspect imports of Indian fish meal and fish oil in an effort to ease market access for exports of various farm products.

China was looking to boost agricultural exports to India while increasing imports of rapeseed and soymeal from the country, President Xi Jinping told Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi on the sidelines of a G20 meeting on Friday.

China was looking to boost agricultural exports to India while increasing imports of rapeseed and soymeal from the country, President Xi Jinping told Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi on the sidelines of a G20 meeting on Friday. China's Xi also indicated greater trade in the pharmaceuticals sector between the two nations, India's foreign secretary Vijay Gokhale, who was travelling with Modi, said, detailing the deliberations between the two leaders. "On the economic side, President Xi Jinping referred to enhanced imports of rice and sugar from India and spoke of possibility of greater imports of soymeal and rapeseed," he said. The meeting at the G20 summit was the fourth between Xi and Modi this year as the leaders looked to build on a thaw in ties between the two countries after a military standoff on their disputed border last year, officials told on Thursday. India's commerce ministry and a six-member Chinese delegation signed an agreement on Wednesday allowing Beijing to inspect imports of Indian fish meal and fish oil in an effort to ease market access for exports of various farm products.

China looking to boost agricultural exports to India, President Xi tells PM Modi

China's defence ministry said <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/doklam-happened-due-to-lack-of-mutual-trust-says-china-132612?amp">today that India and China will take</a> part in&nbsp;joint military exercise next month named "Hand in Hand", a year after the standoff at Doklam.

"The two sides are preparing for the exercises now. The drill will promote understanding between the two militaries and improving their capabilities in fighting terrorism," defence ministry spokesman Col Ren Guoqiang said.

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/chinese-soldiers-in-doklam-but-fewer-in-number-army-chief-general-rawat-29870?amp">India and China have been following</a> the path of de-escalation of tensions post-Doklam with a number of confidence-building measures including meeting officials with PM Modi and President Xi meeting at various times in the past year to pledge greater cooperation between the two countries.

Top officials from both countries recently met at the 21st India-China border talks held at Dujiangyan near Chengdu in southwestern Sichuan province. National Security Advisor Ajit Doval and China's state councillor and foreign minister Wang Yi also took part in the talks.

"The two sides agreed to follow the consensus reached by the top leaders of the two countries to promote military relationship under the principle of maintaining peace and tranquillity and enhancing the trust, friendship and cooperation," Col Ren said.

"True to its name - 'Hand in Hand' - we believe China and Indian militaries should work hand in hand for the benefit of people in both the nations," he added.

The two armies will send around&nbsp;hundred troops in the fourteen-day drill which will conclude on December 23rd. The military drill will "live shooting" and "basic training" aimed at counter-terrorism operations.

The exercise will be held in China's southwest city of Chengdu.&nbsp;

Col Ren also said China and Pakistan will hold 7th joint Air Force exercises in Bholari Air Force base in Pakistan from November 30 to December 23.&nbsp;

China will send its fighter jets and bombers and early warning AWACS planes to the exercise, he said, adding that the exercise will help improve combat capability of both sides

China's defence ministry said today that India and China will take part in joint military exercise next month named "Hand in Hand", a year after the standoff at Doklam.

China's defence ministry said today that India and China will take part in joint military exercise next month named "Hand in Hand", a year after the standoff at Doklam. "The two sides are preparing for the exercises now. The drill will promote understanding between the two militaries and improving their capabilities in fighting terrorism," defence ministry spokesman Col Ren Guoqiang said. India and China have been following the path of de-escalation of tensions post-Doklam with a number of confidence-building measures including meeting officials with PM Modi and President Xi meeting at various times in the past year to pledge greater cooperation between the two countries. Top officials from both countries recently met at the 21st India-China border talks held at Dujiangyan near Chengdu in southwestern Sichuan province. National Security Advisor Ajit Doval and China's state councillor and foreign minister Wang Yi also took part in the talks. "The two sides agreed to follow the consensus reached by the top leaders of the two countries to promote military relationship under the principle of maintaining peace and tranquillity and enhancing the trust, friendship and cooperation," Col Ren said. "True to its name - 'Hand in Hand' - we believe China and Indian militaries should work hand in hand for the benefit of people in both the nations," he added. The two armies will send around hundred troops in the fourteen-day drill which will conclude on December 23rd. The military drill will "live shooting" and "basic training" aimed at counter-terrorism operations. The exercise will be held in China's southwest city of Chengdu. Col Ren also said China and Pakistan will hold 7th joint Air Force exercises in Bholari Air Force base in Pakistan from November 30 to December 23. China will send its fighter jets and bombers and early warning AWACS planes to the exercise, he said, adding that the exercise will help improve combat capability of both sides

Post-Doklam, India, China to hold joint military exercise in Chengdu

National Security Advisor Ajit Doval and Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi held the 21st round of border talks in China's southwestern Sichuan province on Saturday, officials said.

Besides the border dispute, the two senior officials at the picturesque Dujiangyan city, would also review the progress made in bilateral ties since the Wuhan Summit between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi Jinping in April, officials said.

Doval and Wang are the designated special representatives for border talks between India and China. The talks were expected to be concluded later Saturday.

This is the first round of talks for Wang after he succeeded State Councillor Yang Jiechi earlier this year. Wang has become the state councillor, a rank higher than the foreign minister in the Chinese government's hierarchy.

Announcing the talks on November 21, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Geng Shuang presented an upbeat picture of the bilateral ties saying, "We have properly managed the differences through dialogue and consultation. The border areas on the whole maintained stability".

Officials maintain that this round of talks may focus more on reviewing the progress on trade and maintenance of peace at borders than movement towards a solution to the border dispute as India is headed for general elections next year.

Since the first-ever "informal summit" between Prime Minister Modi and President Xi in Wuhan, the two countries have launched a dialogue between trade officials to enhance India's exports to China to address the over $ 51-billion trade deficit.

Since then, progress has been made towards increasing India's export of rice, sugar and pharmaceuticals. This is expected to come under review at the talks, officials said.

Negotiations between the special representatives are regarded highly significant by both the countries as they cover all aspects of bilateral ties besides making efforts to resolve the vexed border dispute.

The India-China border dispute covers 3,488-km-long Line of Actual Control. China claims Arunachal Pradesh as part of southern Tibet.

The last round, held in New Delhi between Doval and Yang, took place in the backdrop of the 73-day standoff between the two militaries at Doklam over

Chinese army's plan to build a road close to India's strategic "Chicken's Neck" corridor connecting the north-eastern states.

The standoff ended after the People's Liberation Army halted the plans to build the road.

Officials on both sides say a lot of spadework has been done to ensure peace and tranquillity at the border, though the solution to the border dispute is still elusive even after 20 rounds of talks.

Senior defence officials of India and China held the 9th India-China Annual Defence and Security Dialogue in Beijing on November 13 after a one-year gap due to the Doklam standoff. During the meeting, both sides agreed to enhance defence exchanges and interactions.

National Security Advisor Ajit Doval and Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi held the 21st round of border talks in China's southwestern Sichuan province on Saturday, officials said.

National Security Advisor Ajit Doval and Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi held the 21st round of border talks in China's southwestern Sichuan province on Saturday, officials said. Besides the border dispute, the two senior officials at the picturesque Dujiangyan city, would also review the progress made in bilateral ties since the Wuhan Summit between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi Jinping in April, officials said. Doval and Wang are the designated special representatives for border talks between India and China. The talks were expected to be concluded later Saturday. This is the first round of talks for Wang after he succeeded State Councillor Yang Jiechi earlier this year. Wang has become the state councillor, a rank higher than the foreign minister in the Chinese government's hierarchy. Announcing the talks on November 21, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Geng Shuang presented an upbeat picture of the bilateral ties saying, "We have properly managed the differences through dialogue and consultation. The border areas on the whole maintained stability". Officials maintain that this round of talks may focus more on reviewing the progress on trade and maintenance of peace at borders than movement towards a solution to the border dispute as India is headed for general elections next year. Since the first-ever "informal summit" between Prime Minister Modi and President Xi in Wuhan, the two countries have launched a dialogue between trade officials to enhance India's exports to China to address the over $ 51-billion trade deficit. Since then, progress has been made towards increasing India's export of rice, sugar and pharmaceuticals. This is expected to come under review at the talks, officials said. Negotiations between the special representatives are regarded highly significant by both the countries as they cover all aspects of bilateral ties besides making efforts to resolve the vexed border dispute. The India-China border dispute covers 3,488-km-long Line of Actual Control. China claims Arunachal Pradesh as part of southern Tibet. The last round, held in New Delhi between Doval and Yang, took place in the backdrop of the 73-day standoff between the two militaries at Doklam over Chinese army's plan to build a road close to India's strategic "Chicken's Neck" corridor connecting the north-eastern states. The standoff ended after the People's Liberation Army halted the plans to build the road. Officials on both sides say a lot of spadework has been done to ensure peace and tranquillity at the border, though the solution to the border dispute is still elusive even after 20 rounds of talks. Senior defence officials of India and China held the 9th India-China Annual Defence and Security Dialogue in Beijing on November 13 after a one-year gap due to the Doklam standoff. During the meeting, both sides agreed to enhance defence exchanges and interactions.

NSA Ajit Doval, Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi hold India-China border talks

Addressing China-Indian Youth dialogue in Delhi on Friday, Chinese Ambassador to India Luo Zhaohui said the relations between India and China were at its "best right now".

"China- India relations are at its best right now. President Xi Jinping's and PM Modi's informal summit marked a historical milestone in the bilateral relations between the two countries".

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China- India relations are at its best right now. President Xi Jinping's &amp; PM Modi's informal summit marked a historical milestone in the bilateral relations between the two countries: Chinese Ambassador to India Luo Zhaohui at China-India Youth dialogue in Delhi, earlier today <a href="https://t.co/oiEzNHL2p0">pic.twitter.com/oiEzNHL2p0</a>
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The Chinese Ambassador to India further stressed on improving the relations between the two countries by encouraging youth exchange.

"We encourage more Indian students to study in China and more Chinese students to study in India. There're more than 20 Chinese universities teaching Hindi. We'll encourage more Indian universities and educational institutions to teach Chinese, " Zhaohui said.

"Three things are most fashionable among the Chinese youth in urban areas of China- watching Bollywood movies, practicing Yoga and tasting the Darjeeling tea," Zhaohui added.

He also suggested ways through which exchanges between youths of the two countries could be strengthened.

"The interaction with CYL should be more often and should be regularised. Second, we need to expand the scope of exchanges among the youth and arrange some dialogues with the big cities," he said.

"Third we shall encourage more exchange programs in sports and movie industry. Fourth, we shall encourage more Indian engineers to work in China and more Indian students to work in Chinese enterprises in India, he added.

"Fifth, we shall encourage more Indian students to study in China and more Chinese students to study in India. Sixth, we will work with the Indian government to map out a plan for youth exchanges," Luo said.&nbsp;

The dialogue was organised jointly by the Chinese embassy and the Confederation of Young Leaders (CYL).

(With inputs from agencies)

Addressing China-Indian Youth dialogue in Delhi on Friday, Chinese Ambassador to India Luo Zhaohui said the relations between India and China were at its "best right now".

Addressing China-Indian Youth dialogue in Delhi on Friday, Chinese Ambassador to India Luo Zhaohui said the relations between India and China were at its "best right now". "China- India relations are at its best right now. President Xi Jinping's and PM Modi's informal summit marked a historical milestone in the bilateral relations between the two countries". China- India relations are at its best right now. President Xi Jinping's & PM Modi's informal summit marked a historical milestone in the bilateral relations between the two countries: Chinese Ambassador to India Luo Zhaohui at China-India Youth dialogue in Delhi, earlier today pic.twitter.com/oiEzNHL2p0 — ANI (@ANI) November 16, 2018 × The Chinese Ambassador to India further stressed on improving the relations between the two countries by encouraging youth exchange. "We encourage more Indian students to study in China and more Chinese students to study in India. There're more than 20 Chinese universities teaching Hindi. We'll encourage more Indian universities and educational institutions to teach Chinese, " Zhaohui said. "Three things are most fashionable among the Chinese youth in urban areas of China- watching Bollywood movies, practicing Yoga and tasting the Darjeeling tea," Zhaohui added. He also suggested ways through which exchanges between youths of the two countries could be strengthened. "The interaction with CYL should be more often and should be regularised. Second, we need to expand the scope of exchanges among the youth and arrange some dialogues with the big cities," he said. "Third we shall encourage more exchange programs in sports and movie industry. Fourth, we shall encourage more Indian engineers to work in China and more Indian students to work in Chinese enterprises in India, he added. "Fifth, we shall encourage more Indian students to study in China and more Chinese students to study in India. Sixth, we will work with the Indian government to map out a plan for youth exchanges," Luo said. The dialogue was organised jointly by the Chinese embassy and the Confederation of Young Leaders (CYL). (With inputs from agencies)

Need to take concrete measures to enhance youth exchanges between India and China: Chinese envoy

India and China should boost military exchanges and improve mutual trust and properly manage and control any "disparities", Chinese State Councillor and Defence Minister General Wei Fenghe has said.

Defence Secretary Sanjay Mitra, who headed the Indian delegation at the ninth India-China Annual Defence and Security Dialogue here on November 13, called on Wei on Thursday.

At the dialogue, held over a year after the 73-day Doklam military standoff in the Sikkim sector, top defence officials of India and China agreed on the importance of maintaining peace in the border areas while implementing the consensus reached between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi Jinping at the Wuhan summit in April.

While meeting with Mitra, Wei said China and India see far more common interests than divergencies between each other, stressing that the two countries should boost military exchanges, improve mutual trust in the security field and properly manage and control any "disparities", state-run Xinhua news agency reported on Thursday.

Mitra said India's relationship with China is one of its most important bilateral relationships, the report said.

He hoped they will further develop relations between the two countries and two militaries.

At the dialogue, both sides agreed on enhancing defence exchanges and interactions at different levels between the two militaries, an Indian Embassy press release said here on Thursday.

The dialogue was held between the defence delegations headed by Mitra and Lt General Shao Yuanming, Deputy Chief of Joint Staff Department of the Central Military Commission.

At the talks, Mitra was accompanied by senior officials of the ministry of defence and the Indian Army, Navy and Air Force.

The defence dialogue was held ahead of the 21st round of border talks between the Special Representatives of the two countries in the Chinese city of Dujiangyan on November 23-24.

National Security Advisor Ajit Doval and Chinese State Councillor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi are the designated Special Representatives for the border talks.

India and China should boost military exchanges and improve mutual trust and properly manage and control any "disparities", Chinese State Councillor and Defence Minister General Wei Fenghe has said.

India and China should boost military exchanges and improve mutual trust and properly manage and control any "disparities", Chinese State Councillor and Defence Minister General Wei Fenghe has said. Defence Secretary Sanjay Mitra, who headed the Indian delegation at the ninth India-China Annual Defence and Security Dialogue here on November 13, called on Wei on Thursday. At the dialogue, held over a year after the 73-day Doklam military standoff in the Sikkim sector, top defence officials of India and China agreed on the importance of maintaining peace in the border areas while implementing the consensus reached between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi Jinping at the Wuhan summit in April. While meeting with Mitra, Wei said China and India see far more common interests than divergencies between each other, stressing that the two countries should boost military exchanges, improve mutual trust in the security field and properly manage and control any "disparities", state-run Xinhua news agency reported on Thursday. Mitra said India's relationship with China is one of its most important bilateral relationships, the report said. He hoped they will further develop relations between the two countries and two militaries. At the dialogue, both sides agreed on enhancing defence exchanges and interactions at different levels between the two militaries, an Indian Embassy press release said here on Thursday. The dialogue was held between the defence delegations headed by Mitra and Lt General Shao Yuanming, Deputy Chief of Joint Staff Department of the Central Military Commission. At the talks, Mitra was accompanied by senior officials of the ministry of defence and the Indian Army, Navy and Air Force. The defence dialogue was held ahead of the 21st round of border talks between the Special Representatives of the two countries in the Chinese city of Dujiangyan on November 23-24. National Security Advisor Ajit Doval and Chinese State Councillor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi are the designated Special Representatives for the border talks.

India, China should boost military exchanges: Chinese defence minister

The Wuhan summit between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping has removed several "misconceptions" between the two countries which would enable them to work together on many issues like globalisation, India's envoy here has said.&nbsp;

In Wuhan, Modi and Xi spoke to each other for almost 10 hours, which is characterised as a strategic communication by both sides, Ambassador Gautam Bambawale said.

"Both leaders were very keen to have this kind of (informal) meeting. The reason why we did an informal summit was that we wanted the two leaders to talk to each other for the maximum amount of time," he said on the April 27-28 summit.&nbsp;

"We removed several misconceptions may have about each other. I think a lot of things bring India and China can do together. There are only few things where we differ with each other," Bambawale told the state-run China Global Television Network on Thursday.

He said both the countries are beneficiaries of multilateralism and India is a votary for globalisation like China.

The two countries agree that they are developing countries who are focused on improving the living standards of about 2.4 billion people. 
"India and China have similar view points on global issues. We both want to have an open system where multilateral system works," he said, adding that both the countries can work on many issues like globalisation.&nbsp;

He said the issue that divides the two countries is the unresolved boundary question.

"But even as we work for the resolution of the boundary problem between us, we have agreed that we will maintain peace and tranquillity at our borders and for the last 30 years we have succeeded in that," he said.&nbsp;

The India-China border dispute covers the 3,488 km long Line of Actual Control (LAC). While China claims Arunachal Pradesh as Southern Tibet, India asserts that the dispute covered Aksai Chin area which was occupied by China during the 1962 war.

Bambawale is retiring later this month and will be succeeded by India's current Ambassador to Myanmar, Vikram Misri.&nbsp;

To a question about Japan and China deciding to undertake a joint project in third countries, Bambawale said New Delhi and Beijing are also trying out such a cooperation and pointed to the recent decision to jointly train Afghan diplomats.

"At the Wuhan summit, Xi and Modi have agreed that India and China will do a joint project in Afghanistan. Here is yet another example of two Asian countries working together to help another Asian country. So, I think the future is bright as far as this aspect is concerned," he said.&nbsp;

To a question about India-China trade and investment moving to a fast lane, he said, "Yes, I agree, not just trade but also investments increasing between India and China".

"We are seeing more Chinese companies interested in investing in India and beginning to invest in India," he said and pointed to big strides made by Chinese companies like Xiaomi.&nbsp;

Huawei too has a research base in India employing about 6,000 Indian engineers.

He also spoke about Indian films like Dangal making big inroads in China.&nbsp;

He said film star Aamir Khan has become a "superstar" in China.

He said efforts are being made by both countries to increase people-to-people contacts.

The Wuhan summit between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping has removed several "misconceptions" between the two countries which would enable them to work together on many issues like globalisation, India's envoy here has said.

The Wuhan summit between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping has removed several "misconceptions" between the two countries which would enable them to work together on many issues like globalisation, India's envoy here has said. In Wuhan, Modi and Xi spoke to each other for almost 10 hours, which is characterised as a strategic communication by both sides, Ambassador Gautam Bambawale said. "Both leaders were very keen to have this kind of (informal) meeting. The reason why we did an informal summit was that we wanted the two leaders to talk to each other for the maximum amount of time," he said on the April 27-28 summit. "We removed several misconceptions may have about each other. I think a lot of things bring India and China can do together. There are only few things where we differ with each other," Bambawale told the state-run China Global Television Network on Thursday. He said both the countries are beneficiaries of multilateralism and India is a votary for globalisation like China. The two countries agree that they are developing countries who are focused on improving the living standards of about 2.4 billion people. "India and China have similar view points on global issues. We both want to have an open system where multilateral system works," he said, adding that both the countries can work on many issues like globalisation. He said the issue that divides the two countries is the unresolved boundary question. "But even as we work for the resolution of the boundary problem between us, we have agreed that we will maintain peace and tranquillity at our borders and for the last 30 years we have succeeded in that," he said. The India-China border dispute covers the 3,488 km long Line of Actual Control (LAC). While China claims Arunachal Pradesh as Southern Tibet, India asserts that the dispute covered Aksai Chin area which was occupied by China during the 1962 war. Bambawale is retiring later this month and will be succeeded by India's current Ambassador to Myanmar, Vikram Misri. To a question about Japan and China deciding to undertake a joint project in third countries, Bambawale said New Delhi and Beijing are also trying out such a cooperation and pointed to the recent decision to jointly train Afghan diplomats. "At the Wuhan summit, Xi and Modi have agreed that India and China will do a joint project in Afghanistan. Here is yet another example of two Asian countries working together to help another Asian country. So, I think the future is bright as far as this aspect is concerned," he said. To a question about India-China trade and investment moving to a fast lane, he said, "Yes, I agree, not just trade but also investments increasing between India and China". "We are seeing more Chinese companies interested in investing in India and beginning to invest in India," he said and pointed to big strides made by Chinese companies like Xiaomi. Huawei too has a research base in India employing about 6,000 Indian engineers. He also spoke about Indian films like Dangal making big inroads in China. He said film star Aamir Khan has become a "superstar" in China. He said efforts are being made by both countries to increase people-to-people contacts.

Modi-Xi summit in Wuhan removed several misconceptions between India and China: Indian envoy

Top officials of India and China held the ninth Annual Defence and Security Dialogue here after a one-year gap due to the Doklam standoff, as both countries agreed to enhance military exchanges and interactions.

The dialogue on November 13 was held between the two defence delegations headed by Defence Secretary Sanjay Mitra and China's Deputy Chief of Joint Staff Department of the Central Military Commission.

At the talks both sides agreed on enhancing defence exchanges and interactions at different levels between the two militaries, a press release by the Indian Embassy here said on Thursday.

After the talks, Mitra called on Chinese State Councillor and Defence Minister General Wei Fenghe on Wednesday, the release said.

Mitra was accompanied by senior officials of the ministry of defence and Indian Army, Navy and Air Force.

The annual dialogue did not take place last year following the 73-day tense standoff between the two militaries at Doklam, which was triggered by the Chinese PLA's plan to build a road close to the narrow Chicken's Neck corridor connecting India's northeastern states in an area also claimed by Bhutan besides China.

The standoff ended when Chinese troops stopped the road construction after which both countries stepped up efforts to normalise relations leading to the informal summit between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi Jinping at Wuhan in April this year.

The defence dialogue was also held ahead of the 21st round of border talks between the Special Representatives of the two countries in the Chinese city of Dujiangyan on November 23-24.

National Security Advisor Ajit Doval and Chinese State Councillor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi are the designated Special Representatives for the border talks. 
Besides efforts to work out a solution to resolve the boundary dispute spanning 3,488 kms, the border talks also focussed on discussions on other aspects of India-China relations.

Also the two militaries are due to hold the annual 'Hand-in-Hand' drills next month in China after gap of one year.

During the dialogue, both sides also agreed on specific defence exchanges for 2019.

"Both sides agreed to enhance exchanges and interactions through reciprocal high-level visits between the two ministries of defence as well as between military commands, joint training exercises, mutual visits by defence personnel including mid-level and cadet officers were also agreed upon," the Indian Embassy's press release said.

Both sides reiterated the importance of maintaining peace and tranquillity in the border areas, implementing the consensus reached between Modi and Xi and specific additional confidence building measures at the operational level, it said.

The two sides also had exchange of views on regional and global issues.

"Both sides underlined the importance of this dialogue as an important mechanism between the two countries for consultations on defence and security matters. They emphasised the need to further strengthen military-to- military ties in order to strengthen political and strategic mutual trust between the two countries," it said.

Both sides agreed to hold the next round of the dialogue at a mutually convenient time in India in 2019.&nbsp;

Top officials of India and China held the ninth Annual Defence and Security Dialogue here after a one-year gap due to the Doklam standoff, as both countries agreed to enhance military exchanges and interactions.

Top officials of India and China held the ninth Annual Defence and Security Dialogue here after a one-year gap due to the Doklam standoff, as both countries agreed to enhance military exchanges and interactions. The dialogue on November 13 was held between the two defence delegations headed by Defence Secretary Sanjay Mitra and China's Deputy Chief of Joint Staff Department of the Central Military Commission. At the talks both sides agreed on enhancing defence exchanges and interactions at different levels between the two militaries, a press release by the Indian Embassy here said on Thursday. After the talks, Mitra called on Chinese State Councillor and Defence Minister General Wei Fenghe on Wednesday, the release said. Mitra was accompanied by senior officials of the ministry of defence and Indian Army, Navy and Air Force. The annual dialogue did not take place last year following the 73-day tense standoff between the two militaries at Doklam, which was triggered by the Chinese PLA's plan to build a road close to the narrow Chicken's Neck corridor connecting India's northeastern states in an area also claimed by Bhutan besides China. The standoff ended when Chinese troops stopped the road construction after which both countries stepped up efforts to normalise relations leading to the informal summit between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi Jinping at Wuhan in April this year. The defence dialogue was also held ahead of the 21st round of border talks between the Special Representatives of the two countries in the Chinese city of Dujiangyan on November 23-24. National Security Advisor Ajit Doval and Chinese State Councillor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi are the designated Special Representatives for the border talks. Besides efforts to work out a solution to resolve the boundary dispute spanning 3,488 kms, the border talks also focussed on discussions on other aspects of India-China relations. Also the two militaries are due to hold the annual 'Hand-in-Hand' drills next month in China after gap of one year. During the dialogue, both sides also agreed on specific defence exchanges for 2019. "Both sides agreed to enhance exchanges and interactions through reciprocal high-level visits between the two ministries of defence as well as between military commands, joint training exercises, mutual visits by defence personnel including mid-level and cadet officers were also agreed upon," the Indian Embassy's press release said. Both sides reiterated the importance of maintaining peace and tranquillity in the border areas, implementing the consensus reached between Modi and Xi and specific additional confidence building measures at the operational level, it said. The two sides also had exchange of views on regional and global issues. "Both sides underlined the importance of this dialogue as an important mechanism between the two countries for consultations on defence and security matters. They emphasised the need to further strengthen military-to- military ties in order to strengthen political and strategic mutual trust between the two countries," it said. Both sides agreed to hold the next round of the dialogue at a mutually convenient time in India in 2019.

A year after Doklam standoff, top India, China officials hold defence, security dialogue

India will participate in China's first international import expo in Shanghai as part of its efforts to reduce the over $51 billion trade deficit with the neighbouring nation, Indian officials said here on Sunday.

The six-day China International Import Expo (CIIE) will be inaugurated on Monday by Chinese President Xi Jinping.

Leaders of 18 countries, including Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan, will take part in the event, which is aimed at showcasing China's import potential.

An Indian delegation led by Commerce Secretary Anup Wadhawan has arrived in Shanghai to take part in the event, officials said.

"India has built a pavilion at the expo highlighting its focus areas of agricultural products, pharmaceuticals, information technology and tourism," Prashant Lokhande, Counsellor Economic and Commerce of the Indian Embassy here told PTI.

The Federation of Indian Export Organisations (FIEO) along with relevant government agencies has built India pavilion at the expo, which is billed as the biggest event organised by China, the world's largest exporter, to showcase opportunities.&nbsp;

Chinese official media says the the scope of imports could be over a trillion dollars.

The expo is being held amid China's trade war with the US, which slapped additional tariffs on Chinese goods worth about $250 billion, demanding Beijing to bring down the trade deficit amounting to $375 billion. China had retaliated with counter-tariffs.

India too has been pressuring China to take measures to bring down over $51 billion annual trade deficit, which was one of the main focus areas in the informal meeting between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping at Wuhan in April this year.

Since then officials of the two countries held several rounds of talks for India to export its agricultural products like sugar and rice as well as its pharmaceuticals and IT in which the country has upper hand in the global exports.

The Consul General of India's Consulate in Shanghai, Anil Kumar Rai, said the expo will enable India to showcase products in the areas in which it is strong.

Though the expo, which would be held till Novemebr 10, has evoked tremendous interest in global industry, diplomatic sources said China is yet to liberalise its import market.

It is the world's first import-themed national-level expo that will feature enterprise and business exhibitions, country pavilions for trade and investment, the state-run China Daily reported.

About 82 countries and three international organisations will set up 71 booths at the country pavilions, covering an area of about 30,000 square metres.

Twelve countries -- Brazil, Canada, Egypt, Germany, Hungary, Indonesia, Mexico, Pakistan, Russia, South Africa, Vietnam and the UK -- will be the "Guest of Honour" at the mega business event.&nbsp;

More than 3,000 companies from over 130 countries have confirmed participation in the enterprise and business exhibitions at the expo, with a total booth area of 270,000 square metres, the report said.&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

India will participate in China's first international import expo in Shanghai as part of its efforts to reduce the over $51 billion trade deficit with the neighbouring nation, Indian officials said here on Sunday.

India will participate in China's first international import expo in Shanghai as part of its efforts to reduce the over $51 billion trade deficit with the neighbouring nation, Indian officials said here on Sunday. The six-day China International Import Expo (CIIE) will be inaugurated on Monday by Chinese President Xi Jinping. Leaders of 18 countries, including Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan, will take part in the event, which is aimed at showcasing China's import potential. An Indian delegation led by Commerce Secretary Anup Wadhawan has arrived in Shanghai to take part in the event, officials said. "India has built a pavilion at the expo highlighting its focus areas of agricultural products, pharmaceuticals, information technology and tourism," Prashant Lokhande, Counsellor Economic and Commerce of the Indian Embassy here told PTI. The Federation of Indian Export Organisations (FIEO) along with relevant government agencies has built India pavilion at the expo, which is billed as the biggest event organised by China, the world's largest exporter, to showcase opportunities. Chinese official media says the the scope of imports could be over a trillion dollars. The expo is being held amid China's trade war with the US, which slapped additional tariffs on Chinese goods worth about $250 billion, demanding Beijing to bring down the trade deficit amounting to $375 billion. China had retaliated with counter-tariffs. India too has been pressuring China to take measures to bring down over $51 billion annual trade deficit, which was one of the main focus areas in the informal meeting between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping at Wuhan in April this year. Since then officials of the two countries held several rounds of talks for India to export its agricultural products like sugar and rice as well as its pharmaceuticals and IT in which the country has upper hand in the global exports. The Consul General of India's Consulate in Shanghai, Anil Kumar Rai, said the expo will enable India to showcase products in the areas in which it is strong. Though the expo, which would be held till Novemebr 10, has evoked tremendous interest in global industry, diplomatic sources said China is yet to liberalise its import market. It is the world's first import-themed national-level expo that will feature enterprise and business exhibitions, country pavilions for trade and investment, the state-run China Daily reported. About 82 countries and three international organisations will set up 71 booths at the country pavilions, covering an area of about 30,000 square metres. Twelve countries -- Brazil, Canada, Egypt, Germany, Hungary, Indonesia, Mexico, Pakistan, Russia, South Africa, Vietnam and the UK -- will be the "Guest of Honour" at the mega business event. More than 3,000 companies from over 130 countries have confirmed participation in the enterprise and business exhibitions at the expo, with a total booth area of 270,000 square metres, the report said.

India to participate in China's first international import expo

The 21st round of India-China border talks led by National Security Advisor Ajit Doval and Chinese State Councillor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi will be held in China next month, informed sources said here.

Both Doval and Wang are designated special representatives for the border talks scheduled for November 23-25.

This will be the first round of talks for Wang who earlier this year succeeded Yang Jiechi as state councillor in a reshuffle.

While the dates have been finalised, the venue for the talks, which are expected to held outside Beijing, is yet to be finalised, the sources told PTI.

Special Representatives' talks are regarded as highly significant by both countries as they cover all aspects of bilateral relations besides making efforts to resolve the border dispute.

The India-China border dispute covers the 3,488 km Line of Actual Control (LAC). China also claims Arunachal Pradesh as part of southern Tibet.

Officials on both sides maintain that though a solution to the border dispute still eludes the two countries, a lot of headway has been made in the 20 rounds of talks so far in terms of working out mechanisms to restore peace and tranquillity along the border to resolve tensions due to aggressive patrolling by troops.

The last round of talks which was held in New Delhi between Doval and Yang took place in the immediate backdrop of last year's 73-day standoff between the two militaries at Dokalam over the Chinese military's plan to build a road close to India's strategic Chicken's Neck corridor that connects the northeastern states.

The standoff ended after the People's Liberation Army(PLA) halted plans to build the road.

The meeting between Doval and Yang also prepared the ground for the informal summit between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi Jinping at Wuhan in April this year, which resulted not only in normalisation of relations but gave a new fillip to the improvement of relations in all spheres of relations notwithstanding the border dispute.

Since then both countries have held several rounds of talks to enhance India's exports to China to reduce the USD 51 billion trade deficit as well as improving military-to-military relations.

Indian Ambassador to China Gautam Bambawale said last month at a meeting here that India-China military exchanges grew rapidly after the Wuhan summit.

Since then military commanders from both sides are now talking to each other more frankly and more candidly than ever before, he said.

Chinese Defence Minister Gen Wei Fenghe had visited India in August, met Modi and held talks with his Indian counterpart Nirmala Sitharaman.

The Chinese defence ministry said after Wei's visit that both countries are discussing a new version of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on defence exchanges and cooperation to improve on the 2006 agreement besides establishing a direct confidential phone line between the two defence ministries and strengthening communications at all levels.

The 21st round of India-China border talks led by National Security Advisor Ajit Doval and Chinese State Councillor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi will be held in China next month, informed sources said here.

The 21st round of India-China border talks led by National Security Advisor Ajit Doval and Chinese State Councillor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi will be held in China next month, informed sources said here. Both Doval and Wang are designated special representatives for the border talks scheduled for November 23-25. This will be the first round of talks for Wang who earlier this year succeeded Yang Jiechi as state councillor in a reshuffle. While the dates have been finalised, the venue for the talks, which are expected to held outside Beijing, is yet to be finalised, the sources told PTI. Special Representatives' talks are regarded as highly significant by both countries as they cover all aspects of bilateral relations besides making efforts to resolve the border dispute. The India-China border dispute covers the 3,488 km Line of Actual Control (LAC). China also claims Arunachal Pradesh as part of southern Tibet. Officials on both sides maintain that though a solution to the border dispute still eludes the two countries, a lot of headway has been made in the 20 rounds of talks so far in terms of working out mechanisms to restore peace and tranquillity along the border to resolve tensions due to aggressive patrolling by troops. The last round of talks which was held in New Delhi between Doval and Yang took place in the immediate backdrop of last year's 73-day standoff between the two militaries at Dokalam over the Chinese military's plan to build a road close to India's strategic Chicken's Neck corridor that connects the northeastern states. The standoff ended after the People's Liberation Army(PLA) halted plans to build the road. The meeting between Doval and Yang also prepared the ground for the informal summit between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi Jinping at Wuhan in April this year, which resulted not only in normalisation of relations but gave a new fillip to the improvement of relations in all spheres of relations notwithstanding the border dispute. Since then both countries have held several rounds of talks to enhance India's exports to China to reduce the USD 51 billion trade deficit as well as improving military-to-military relations. Indian Ambassador to China Gautam Bambawale said last month at a meeting here that India-China military exchanges grew rapidly after the Wuhan summit. Since then military commanders from both sides are now talking to each other more frankly and more candidly than ever before, he said. Chinese Defence Minister Gen Wei Fenghe had visited India in August, met Modi and held talks with his Indian counterpart Nirmala Sitharaman. The Chinese defence ministry said after Wei's visit that both countries are discussing a new version of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on defence exchanges and cooperation to improve on the 2006 agreement besides establishing a direct confidential phone line between the two defence ministries and strengthening communications at all levels.

India, China to hold 21st round of border talks next month

China's ambassador to India Luo Zhaohui said today that Chinese President Xi Jinping will be meeting PM Modi at the G20 summit&nbsp;in Argentina next month.

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/pm-modi-xis-chai-pe-charcha-on-wuhan-lake-133368">Also Read:&nbsp;PM Modi-Xi's 'chai pe </a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/pm-modi-xis-chai-pe-charcha-on-wuhan-lake-133368">charcha</a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/pm-modi-xis-chai-pe-charcha-on-wuhan-lake-133368">' on Wuhan lake</a> 
‏ 
Zhaohui said India and China are both against terrorism.

The Chinese ambassador asserted that &nbsp;China and India share a common interest on Afghanistan. "We hope Afghanistan has peace," he said.

PM Modi has already met President Xi three times in the past year. PM Modi and President Xi had met in Wuhan during the "informal summit" in April to further ties between the two countries which was stained by the 73-day standoff at Doklam.

The Indian prime minister and President Xi exchanged views during the &nbsp;BRICS summit in Johannesburg. In June, both leaders had met at the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation(SCO) meeting in the Chinese city of Qingdao.

Amid the escalating trade war with US, the Chinese embassy had said last week that India and China need to deepen cooperation to fight trade protectionism.&nbsp;

“As the two largest developing countries and major emerging markets, China and India are both in the vital stage of deepening reform and developing economy, and both need stable external environment,” said Counselor Ji Rong, spokesperson of the Chinese Embassy in India had said. &nbsp; &nbsp;

“Under the current circumstances, China and India need to deepen their cooperation to fight trade protectionism,” Ji added.

President Trump has imposed tariffs worth $200 billion on Chinese goods and threatened to impose tariffs against all goods entering the US if China does not agree to US demands which include narrowing the trade deficit among other stringent demands.

“Facing unilateralism and bullying activities, China and India have more reasons to join efforts to build a more just and reasonable international order,” Ji had said last week.

China's ambassador to India Luo Zhaohui said today that Chinese President Xi Jinping will be meeting PM Modi at the G20 summit in Argentina next month. Also Read: PM Modi-Xi's 'chai pe charcha' on Wuhan lake ‏ Zhaohui said India and China are both against terrorism.

China's ambassador to India Luo Zhaohui said today that Chinese President Xi Jinping will be meeting PM Modi at the G20 summit in Argentina next month. Also Read: PM Modi-Xi's 'chai pe charcha' on Wuhan lake ‏ Zhaohui said India and China are both against terrorism. The Chinese ambassador asserted that China and India share a common interest on Afghanistan. "We hope Afghanistan has peace," he said. PM Modi has already met President Xi three times in the past year. PM Modi and President Xi had met in Wuhan during the "informal summit" in April to further ties between the two countries which was stained by the 73-day standoff at Doklam. The Indian prime minister and President Xi exchanged views during the BRICS summit in Johannesburg. In June, both leaders had met at the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation(SCO) meeting in the Chinese city of Qingdao. Amid the escalating trade war with US, the Chinese embassy had said last week that India and China need to deepen cooperation to fight trade protectionism. “As the two largest developing countries and major emerging markets, China and India are both in the vital stage of deepening reform and developing economy, and both need stable external environment,” said Counselor Ji Rong, spokesperson of the Chinese Embassy in India had said. “Under the current circumstances, China and India need to deepen their cooperation to fight trade protectionism,” Ji added. President Trump has imposed tariffs worth $200 billion on Chinese goods and threatened to impose tariffs against all goods entering the US if China does not agree to US demands which include narrowing the trade deficit among other stringent demands. “Facing unilateralism and bullying activities, China and India have more reasons to join efforts to build a more just and reasonable international order,” Ji had said last week.

PM Modi, President Xi to meet next month during G20 summit in Argentina

<a href="http://wionews.com/india-news/modi-says-his-meeting-with-xi-will-add-further-vigour-to-india-china-ties--143318">Modi says his meeting with Xi will add further vigour to India-China ties</a>

Prime Minister Narendra Modi today said he had detailed discussions with Chinese President Xi Jinping on bilateral and global issues which will add further vigour to the India-China friendship after their informal summit in Wuhan.

<a href="http://wionews.com/india-news/dust-storm-light-rain-hit-delhi-143313">18 flights diverted as </a><a href="http://wionews.com/india-news/dust-storm-light-rain-hit-delhi-143313">dust</a><a href="http://wionews.com/india-news/dust-storm-light-rain-hit-delhi-143313"> storm, light rain hit Delhi</a>

As many as 18 Delhi-bound flights were diverted as thunderstorm and rain, with winds gusting up to 70 kmph, hit Delhi-NCR on Saturday evening, bringing some relief from the searing heat, news agency ANI reported.&nbsp

<a href="http://wionews.com/world/trump-to-leave-g7-early-missing-environmental-talks-143323">Trump to leave G7 early, missing environmental talks</a>

US President Donald Trump planned to leave the summit of the Group of Seven wealthy nations on Saturday before it discussed climate change and the health of oceans, underlining fractures in the G7 exacerbated by US trade tariffs.

<a href="http://wionews.com/south-asia/19-afghan-police-killed-in-taliban-attack-on-base-officials-143311">19 Afghan police killed in Taliban attack on base: Officials</a>

At least 19 Afghan police officers were killed on Saturday in a pre-dawn raid by the Taliban on a base in the northern province of Kunduz, officials said, hours before the militants announced an unprecedented ceasefire starting next week.

<a href="http://wionews.com/world/russia-and-ukraine-discuss-exchange-of-prisoners-kremlin-143320">Russia and Ukraine discuss 'exchange' of prisoners: Kremlin</a>

Russian leader Vladimir Putin and Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko discussed Saturday a possible exchange of prisoners, the Kremlin said, raising hopes that hunger-striking film director Oleg Sentsov and others could be released ahead of the start of the World Cup next week.

 
&nbsp

Modi says his meeting with Xi will add further vigour to India-China ties Prime Minister Narendra Modi today said he had detailed discussions with Chinese President Xi Jinping on bilateral and global issues which will add further vigour to the India-China friendship after their informal summit in Wuhan. 18 flights diverted as dust storm, light rain hit Delhi As many as 18 Delhi-bound flights were diverted as thunderstorm and rain, with winds gusting up to 70 kmph, hit Delhi-NCR on Saturday evening, bringing some relief from the searing heat, news agency ANI reported. Trump to leave G7 early, missing environmental talks US President Donald Trump planned to leave the summit of the Group of Seven wealthy nations on Saturday before it discussed climate change and the health of oceans, underlining fractures in the G7 exacerbated by US trade tariffs. 19 Afghan police killed in Taliban attack on base: Officials At least 19 Afghan police officers were killed on Saturday in a pre-dawn raid by the Taliban on a base in the northern province of Kunduz, officials said, hours before the militants announced an unprecedented ceasefire starting next week. Russia and Ukraine discuss 'exchange' of prisoners: Kremlin Russian leader Vladimir Putin and Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko discussed Saturday a possible exchange of prisoners, the Kremlin said, raising hopes that hunger-striking film director Oleg Sentsov and others could be released ahead of the start of the World Cup next week.

News brief: Read big stories of the day

China today<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/chinas-gold-mine-at-arunachal-border-may-become-another-flashpoint-with-india-report-138412"> emphatically declared that mining operations</a> close to the Arunachal Pradesh was "completely" within its sovereignty, and it "totally" belongs to China.

A media report on Sunday said Chinese authorities were&nbsp;engaging in "large scale" mining operations after discovering huge reserves of gold, silver and other minerals on its side of the border with Arunachal Pradesh. China claims Arunachal Pradesh as "southern Tibet".

The report said the precious minerals were&nbsp;valued at around $60 billion.

"China conducts regular geological and scientific research on its own territory. It is completely within China's sovereignty.&nbsp;China always attaches importance to protecting ecological environment. We hope relevant media can refrain from hyping up based on groundless report," China's foreign ministry spokesman said.

"I have also noted the report mentioned by you. The area mentioned by the report totally belongs to China," Chinese Foreign Ministry Spokesman Lu Kang added.

The report said the terrain was inaccessible, however, now China was aggressively&nbsp;mining in the area in Lhunze with thousands of people pouring into the area and the country extensively building road networks to increase mining activity.

"I hope the media can stop hyping up based on groundless report and the area mentioned by the report belongs to China's territory and the geological and scientific activities are conducted on China's territory," China's foreign office asserted while making its stand clear.

On the status of Arunachal Pradesh, the foreign ministry spokesman said: "I can tell you that China's position on the India-China boundary is consistent and clear cut. China never recognised the so-called Arunachal Pradesh."

A media report on Sunday said Chinese authorities was engaging in "large scale" mining operations after discovering huge reserves of gold, silver and other minerals on its side of the border with Arunachal Pradesh. China claims Arunachal Pradesh as "southern Tibet".

China today emphatically declared that mining operations close to the Arunachal Pradesh was "completely" within its sovereignty, and it "totally" belongs to China. A media report on Sunday said Chinese authorities were engaging in "large scale" mining operations after discovering huge reserves of gold, silver and other minerals on its side of the border with Arunachal Pradesh. China claims Arunachal Pradesh as "southern Tibet". The report said the precious minerals were valued at around $60 billion. "China conducts regular geological and scientific research on its own territory. It is completely within China's sovereignty. China always attaches importance to protecting ecological environment. We hope relevant media can refrain from hyping up based on groundless report," China's foreign ministry spokesman said. "I have also noted the report mentioned by you. The area mentioned by the report totally belongs to China," Chinese Foreign Ministry Spokesman Lu Kang added. The report said the terrain was inaccessible, however, now China was aggressively mining in the area in Lhunze with thousands of people pouring into the area and the country extensively building road networks to increase mining activity. "I hope the media can stop hyping up based on groundless report and the area mentioned by the report belongs to China's territory and the geological and scientific activities are conducted on China's territory," China's foreign office asserted while making its stand clear. On the status of Arunachal Pradesh, the foreign ministry spokesman said: "I can tell you that China's position on the India-China boundary is consistent and clear cut. China never recognised the so-called Arunachal Pradesh."

Never recognised 'so-called Arunachal Pradesh', gold mining part of geological & scientific research: China

The White House said today <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/on-labour-day-india-china-troops-meet-at-the-border-exchange-sweets-134113">that PM Modi and Chinese President Xi </a>Jinping's meeting last week when they met for an "informal summit" was a "good thing".

"I certainly think it's always good when other world leaders are getting along," White House Press Secretary Sarah Sanders said.

Modi and Xi met for<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/china-wont-force-india-to-accept-belt-and-road-project-says-chinese-vice-foreign-minister-133409"> two days last week in Wuhan </a>as the two leaders agreed to improve ties understand each other's point of view on military and civilian matters, especially along the Line of Actual Control(LAC).

"And, certainly, when we can cooperate, that's definitely a good thing. We have a great relationship with both countries and hope to continue to do so," Sanders told reporters at the news briefing.

US's reaction comes even as the Trump administration is engaged in trade talks with China after the US president imposed stiff tariffs against Chinese goods last month. The US trade team arrived in Beijing on Thursday as Trump said his country was seeking trying to negotiate a "level playing field on trade".

A week after Xi and Modi meeting at Wuhan, the two countries decided to setup a military "hotline" similar to the one between DGMos of India and Pakistan. The move was part of Xi and Modi's &nbsp"strategic guidance" to their forces in order to defuse tensions along the Line of Actual Control(LAC).

The hotline was already in the works since 2013 and was endorsed by Modi during his visit to China in 2015. Both sides decided to take up joint projects in Afghanistan as India and China tried to find common ground in South Asia.

Modi and Xi met for two days last week in Wuhan as the two leaders agreed to improve ties

The White House said today that PM Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping's meeting last week when they met for an "informal summit" was a "good thing". "I certainly think it's always good when other world leaders are getting along," White House Press Secretary Sarah Sanders said. Modi and Xi met for two days last week in Wuhan as the two leaders agreed to improve ties understand each other's point of view on military and civilian matters, especially along the Line of Actual Control(LAC). "And, certainly, when we can cooperate, that's definitely a good thing. We have a great relationship with both countries and hope to continue to do so," Sanders told reporters at the news briefing. US's reaction comes even as the Trump administration is engaged in trade talks with China after the US president imposed stiff tariffs against Chinese goods last month. The US trade team arrived in Beijing on Thursday as Trump said his country was seeking trying to negotiate a "level playing field on trade". A week after Xi and Modi meeting at Wuhan, the two countries decided to setup a military "hotline" similar to the one between DGMos of India and Pakistan. The move was part of Xi and Modi's "strategic guidance" to their forces in order to defuse tensions along the Line of Actual Control(LAC). The hotline was already in the works since 2013 and was endorsed by Modi during his visit to China in 2015. Both sides decided to take up joint projects in Afghanistan as India and China tried to find common ground in South Asia.

Modi-Xi meeting a good thing, always good when world leaders get along: White House

On International <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/modi-xi-agree-to-issue-strategic-guidance-to-their-militaries-to-build-trust--133407">Labour Day, Indian and Chinese troops</a> held a special border personnel meeting at the Chusul-Moldo meeting point in eastern Ladakh.

Indicating an upward trend in relations between the two sides, post-Doklam, troops and families of both armies took part in celebrations.&nbsp;

According to an official statement, the meeting was organised to "build trust between the two armies deployed at&nbsp;the border."

India and Chinese troops also exchanged sweets at Wacha border post in Arunachal Pradesh.

PM Modi had met President Xi last week in Wuhan last week with both leaders agreeing to engage in "strategic guidance" for both armies at the tense border area where India and China were involved in a 73-day standoff at Doklam.

Border meeting between the Indian Army and the People's Liberation Army(PLA) is usually held on important dates, for example, PLA Day, 26th January and 15th August.

A similar function was held along the LAC on India's Republic Day&nbsp;this year and on Independence Day in August last year.

According to an official statement, the meeting was organised to "build trust between the two armies deployed at the border."

On International Labour Day, Indian and Chinese troops held a special border personnel meeting at the Chusul-Moldo meeting point in eastern Ladakh. Indicating an upward trend in relations between the two sides, post-Doklam, troops and families of both armies took part in celebrations. According to an official statement, the meeting was organised to "build trust between the two armies deployed at the border." India and Chinese troops also exchanged sweets at Wacha border post in Arunachal Pradesh. PM Modi had met President Xi last week in Wuhan last week with both leaders agreeing to engage in "strategic guidance" for both armies at the tense border area where India and China were involved in a 73-day standoff at Doklam. Border meeting between the Indian Army and the People's Liberation Army(PLA) is usually held on important dates, for example, PLA Day, 26th January and 15th August. A similar function was held along the LAC on India's Republic Day this year and on Independence Day in August last year.

On Labour Day, India, China troops meet at the border, exchange sweets

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