In crucial battleground of Madhya Pradesh, groups based on caste and tribe are joining the electoral fray even as the Congress tries to find its real voice and plank amidst its attempts to recast its image in ‘soft Hindutva’. &nbsp;

Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chauhan, meanwhile, is on a spree of announcing one sop after another, desperate to ensure that he can return to power a record fourth time.

Madhya Pradesh has a total of 230 seats, and presently BJP holds a lion’s share of them (165).&nbsp;

Samanya Pichhra Alpsankhyak Kalyan Samaj (Sapaks) claims to speak for all castes but is, in essence, an upper-caste dominated group that opposes reservation on caste-lines. It has said that the group will support candidates in as many seats as possible. Similarly, Jai Adivasi Yuva Shakti (JAYS), a tribal outfit, has been campaigning for months across tribal-dominated areas in the state and is going to contest at least 80 seats. It has also roped in Bollywood actor Govinda to campaign during elections. &nbsp;

Besides these two groups, AAP is also in the electoral fray and is likely to get some traction in urban areas. Another player will be Swaraj Abhiyan which has been active in Madhya Pradesh for the last couple of years and will support candidates who wish to contest on its farmer-driven agenda.&nbsp;

Traditionally, Madhya Pradesh has been a bi-polar state with power changing hands between the BJP and the Congress. However, the Congress has been out of power in the state since 2003 and post-2014 the Modi phenomenon has worsened its condition at the ground with the party struggling to find booth-level workers.&nbsp;

The Congress was planning an alliance with the BSP. However, BSP has already announced its first list of 22 candidates and is maintaining that it will fight 230 Assembly seats on its own. It’s a failure of the Congres&nbsp;because interestingly the combined vote share of Congress-BSP almost matches that of the BJP, and therefore if the two parties were able to work out an alliance, the BJP might have found it difficult to counter it. &nbsp;

Over the last 15 years, the BJP has grown from strength to strength. RSS, its ideological mentor, too has come to dominate the party and government policy of the state.

While this has created a very stable supporter base for the party, it has also generated resentment among cadres who have come to harbour a feeling of being ignored and sidelined. The most recent example of this was the resignation of BJP Minister Padma Shukla from the state cabinet a day before Prime Minister Modi’s rally in Bhopal.&nbsp;

While it is impossible to estimate the size of the disgruntled section within BJP, it can be safely said that it is big enough to give the party sleepless nights. To address some of this resentment it has appointed Lok Sabha MP from Jabalpur, Rakesh Singh as its state president.&nbsp;

The party has also reached out directly to the electorate with schemes and sops that it should have ideally implemented years ago. The MP government has recently announced a pay hike for ‘guest teachers’, loan waivers for farmers, increase in stipends for MDM cooks, and government doctors as well the creation of 38 new administrative blocks in 29 districts.&nbsp;

However, the general perception is that the Congress is not strong enough to take on the BJP and this perhaps explains the rise of smaller outfits seeking to make the most of BJP’s 15 year-long anti-incumbency.&nbsp;

 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

In crucial battleground of Madhya Pradesh, groups based on caste and tribe are joining the electoral fray even as the Congress tries to find its real voice and plank amidst its attempts to recast its image in ‘soft Hindutva’.

In crucial battleground of Madhya Pradesh, groups based on caste and tribe are joining the electoral fray even as the Congress tries to find its real voice and plank amidst its attempts to recast its image in ‘soft Hindutva’. Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chauhan, meanwhile, is on a spree of announcing one sop after another, desperate to ensure that he can return to power a record fourth time. Madhya Pradesh has a total of 230 seats, and presently BJP holds a lion’s share of them (165). Samanya Pichhra Alpsankhyak Kalyan Samaj (Sapaks) claims to speak for all castes but is, in essence, an upper-caste dominated group that opposes reservation on caste-lines. It has said that the group will support candidates in as many seats as possible. Similarly, Jai Adivasi Yuva Shakti (JAYS), a tribal outfit, has been campaigning for months across tribal-dominated areas in the state and is going to contest at least 80 seats. It has also roped in Bollywood actor Govinda to campaign during elections. Besides these two groups, AAP is also in the electoral fray and is likely to get some traction in urban areas. Another player will be Swaraj Abhiyan which has been active in Madhya Pradesh for the last couple of years and will support candidates who wish to contest on its farmer-driven agenda. Traditionally, Madhya Pradesh has been a bi-polar state with power changing hands between the BJP and the Congress. However, the Congress has been out of power in the state since 2003 and post-2014 the Modi phenomenon has worsened its condition at the ground with the party struggling to find booth-level workers. The Congress was planning an alliance with the BSP. However, BSP has already announced its first list of 22 candidates and is maintaining that it will fight 230 Assembly seats on its own. It’s a failure of the Congres because interestingly the combined vote share of Congress-BSP almost matches that of the BJP, and therefore if the two parties were able to work out an alliance, the BJP might have found it difficult to counter it. Over the last 15 years, the BJP has grown from strength to strength. RSS, its ideological mentor, too has come to dominate the party and government policy of the state. While this has created a very stable supporter base for the party, it has also generated resentment among cadres who have come to harbour a feeling of being ignored and sidelined. The most recent example of this was the resignation of BJP Minister Padma Shukla from the state cabinet a day before Prime Minister Modi’s rally in Bhopal. While it is impossible to estimate the size of the disgruntled section within BJP, it can be safely said that it is big enough to give the party sleepless nights. To address some of this resentment it has appointed Lok Sabha MP from Jabalpur, Rakesh Singh as its state president. The party has also reached out directly to the electorate with schemes and sops that it should have ideally implemented years ago. The MP government has recently announced a pay hike for ‘guest teachers’, loan waivers for farmers, increase in stipends for MDM cooks, and government doctors as well the creation of 38 new administrative blocks in 29 districts. However, the general perception is that the Congress is not strong enough to take on the BJP and this perhaps explains the rise of smaller outfits seeking to make the most of BJP’s 15 year-long anti-incumbency. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Madhya Pradesh turns into a political battleground

While Congress has almost finalised its list of candidates for 115 seats out of a total of 230, insiders in the state unit say that the party is likely to alienate many district units and booth level workers because of the way candidates were selected. &nbsp;The Congress’s first list is expected to be out next week. For half of these 115 seats, most of the 58 sitting MLAs have been given the ticket again.

Many of the remaining 57 seats have been distributed using PCC President Kamalnath’s criterion of ‘winnability’. This has meant that many Congress loyalists have been ignored and are now sulking. The difference between victory and defeat in most of the seats in the 2013 elections was only a 2,000-3,000 votes and these disgruntled Congressmen are likely to hurt the party’s chances at the booth level.&nbsp;

But Congress’s problems are not limited to resentment caused by ‘outsiders’ alone. Even though Congress president Rahul Gandhi had categorically stated that ‘outsiders’ will not be given tickets, his state president seems to have quickly realised that given the rampant factionalism in Congress at every level, bringing in ‘outsider’ candidates would perhaps be least damaging to the party’s chances. &nbsp;

In many assembly seats, Congress is also facing what can be called the mini-dynasty syndrome. In such places, one family has been fighting elections on the party’s tickets for decades. Naturally, the party’s prospects have suffered because of that. But it seems even in this crucial election, Congress is unable to recognise this dynastic-politics as a problem.&nbsp;

Take the example of Raisen district bordering Bhopal where for at least the last two decades a particular candidate, Prabhuram Chaudhary, has been getting the Congress ticket. While he has lost the last two elections to BJP minister Gauri Shankar Shejwar, &nbsp;sources in the Congress say Chaudhary is tipped to be given the ticket this time as well. &nbsp;

This has led to a disillusionment with the party, and as a result, many local Congress leaders are likely to stay on the sidelines instead of working for the same old candidate. In such seats, &nbsp;Kamalnath’s ‘winnability factor’ is trumped by cynical factionalism that has been the bane of Congress in Madhya Pradesh and other states.&nbsp;

Chaudhary is said to be backed by chief ministerial aspirant and Congress MP Jyotiraditya Scindia, and therefore despite his clear ‘unwinnability’ he is most likely to get the ticket. &nbsp;Another seat being closely watched is Budhni, from where chief minister Shivraj Singh Chauhan is an MLA. &nbsp;It is being speculated that a total outsider, Arjun Arya, is likely to get the Congress nomination from this seat. &nbsp;Congress still has significant support in Budhni and garnered more than 36, 000 votes in the 2013 election despite infighting. If Congress’s state leadership can send a message of unity from this seat it will certainly boost its cadres' morale in the rest of the state. &nbsp;

But Scindia is just one of the factional leaders in the Congress in Madhya Pradesh, and has influence over 15-17 seats in the state. Besides him, there are other big and small factions like Digvijaya Singh (who controls more than half of the present Congress MLAs), Kamalnath himself and Arun Yadav, the former state president with influence in a few seats. &nbsp;

Almost every seat in the state has different factions with allegiance to one of the aforementioned leaders and to get them all united towards the common aim of defeating the BJP is proving to be a Herculean task for the grand old party. &nbsp;

It is this factionalism that was at blatant display at the Bhopal rally of Rahul Gandhi. When state media in charge Shobha Ozha tried to get Scindia and Kamalnath to join hands in a show of support, Scindia was seen pulling away from it. This move was just one visible sign of the disunity in the party.&nbsp;&nbsp;

In 2013 elections as well Congress’s crab mentality had led to its poor performance, winning just 58 seats as opposed to the incumbent BJP which had won 166 seats.&nbsp;&nbsp;

At the moment Congress leaders, aware as they are of the serious infighting, are only hoping that they will be able to come closer to the halfway mark of 116 seats. This speaks volumes about the party’s organisational unity and strength as it goes into polls against a three-term BJP government beset with anti-incumbency.&nbsp; 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

While Congress has almost finalised its list of candidates for 115 seats out of a total of 230, insiders in the state unit say that the party is likely to alienate many district units and booth level workers because of the way candidates were selected.

While Congress has almost finalised its list of candidates for 115 seats out of a total of 230, insiders in the state unit say that the party is likely to alienate many district units and booth level workers because of the way candidates were selected. The Congress’s first list is expected to be out next week. For half of these 115 seats, most of the 58 sitting MLAs have been given the ticket again. Many of the remaining 57 seats have been distributed using PCC President Kamalnath’s criterion of ‘winnability’. This has meant that many Congress loyalists have been ignored and are now sulking. The difference between victory and defeat in most of the seats in the 2013 elections was only a 2,000-3,000 votes and these disgruntled Congressmen are likely to hurt the party’s chances at the booth level. But Congress’s problems are not limited to resentment caused by ‘outsiders’ alone. Even though Congress president Rahul Gandhi had categorically stated that ‘outsiders’ will not be given tickets, his state president seems to have quickly realised that given the rampant factionalism in Congress at every level, bringing in ‘outsider’ candidates would perhaps be least damaging to the party’s chances. In many assembly seats, Congress is also facing what can be called the mini-dynasty syndrome. In such places, one family has been fighting elections on the party’s tickets for decades. Naturally, the party’s prospects have suffered because of that. But it seems even in this crucial election, Congress is unable to recognise this dynastic-politics as a problem. Take the example of Raisen district bordering Bhopal where for at least the last two decades a particular candidate, Prabhuram Chaudhary, has been getting the Congress ticket. While he has lost the last two elections to BJP minister Gauri Shankar Shejwar, sources in the Congress say Chaudhary is tipped to be given the ticket this time as well. This has led to a disillusionment with the party, and as a result, many local Congress leaders are likely to stay on the sidelines instead of working for the same old candidate. In such seats, Kamalnath’s ‘winnability factor’ is trumped by cynical factionalism that has been the bane of Congress in Madhya Pradesh and other states. Chaudhary is said to be backed by chief ministerial aspirant and Congress MP Jyotiraditya Scindia, and therefore despite his clear ‘unwinnability’ he is most likely to get the ticket. Another seat being closely watched is Budhni, from where chief minister Shivraj Singh Chauhan is an MLA. It is being speculated that a total outsider, Arjun Arya, is likely to get the Congress nomination from this seat. Congress still has significant support in Budhni and garnered more than 36, 000 votes in the 2013 election despite infighting. If Congress’s state leadership can send a message of unity from this seat it will certainly boost its cadres' morale in the rest of the state. But Scindia is just one of the factional leaders in the Congress in Madhya Pradesh, and has influence over 15-17 seats in the state. Besides him, there are other big and small factions like Digvijaya Singh (who controls more than half of the present Congress MLAs), Kamalnath himself and Arun Yadav, the former state president with influence in a few seats. Almost every seat in the state has different factions with allegiance to one of the aforementioned leaders and to get them all united towards the common aim of defeating the BJP is proving to be a Herculean task for the grand old party. It is this factionalism that was at blatant display at the Bhopal rally of Rahul Gandhi. When state media in charge Shobha Ozha tried to get Scindia and Kamalnath to join hands in a show of support, Scindia was seen pulling away from it. This move was just one visible sign of the disunity in the party. In 2013 elections as well Congress’s crab mentality had led to its poor performance, winning just 58 seats as opposed to the incumbent BJP which had won 166 seats. At the moment Congress leaders, aware as they are of the serious infighting, are only hoping that they will be able to come closer to the halfway mark of 116 seats. This speaks volumes about the party’s organisational unity and strength as it goes into polls against a three-term BJP government beset with anti-incumbency. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Congress is on shaky ground in Madhya Pradesh

For many years now political parties’ manifestos have been an exercise in preparing a ‘good document’ than identifying the real problems confronting the Indian polity. &nbsp;Come election time, manifesto committees formed by parties start doing the ritual of meeting various stakeholders, vested interest groups, and the general public. 
 
These meetings are supposed to give the politicians a concrete idea of the concerns of various sections of people, be it farmers, students, women or the business community. Besides these meeting, in any case, politicians are supposed to be aware of the ground reality that people are concerned with.&nbsp;

However, a quick analysis of previous manifestos of the BJP and the Congress shows that political manifestos often don’t address the most critical issues facing the country. &nbsp;

And even when they do talk about deep-rooted problems like poverty, caste-based discrimination and the terrible state of small and landless farmers, for instance, it is done in a very perfunctory manner.&nbsp;

Therefore, it can be argued that political manifestos are in an inverted sense a good test of what parties actually consider to be significant issues. More often what is in the manifesto is not likely to become a poll issue. For instance, take the example of economic inequality itself. &nbsp;Oxfam’s latest report on inequality has ranked India at the bottom of an index containing &nbsp;157 countries.

The index was based on a new database of indicators that tracked performance on social spending, tax and labour rights. &nbsp;Moreover, every year we are told of the shocking levels to which inequality has risen in India over the last seventy years. &nbsp;Last year, Oxfam had revealed that of the total wealth created in India in 2016 the richest 1 per cent in India gobbled up 73 per cent of it. This basically means that 99 per cent of people of India received only 27 per cent of the total wealth generated. &nbsp;

It is election season again with four states going to elections in the next four months. The General elections too are less than eight months away. But what are the issues that are hogging the rallies that have held so far in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, and Chhattisgarh? Besides the usual claims to waive off farm loans, provide employment, set up industries, and giving reservation to communities, our politicians are once again shying away from even acknowledging the monumental inequality in India. &nbsp;

Economic inequality coupled with entrenched social inequality is one of the root causes of poverty, therefore, when politicians make claims about eradicating poverty, providing free housing and other freebies, they are only obfuscating the actual issue that needs to be solved. If they were actually serious about raising the income levels and standard of living, every third person in India wouldn’t have to live on less than Rs 140 a day. &nbsp;

No wonder then that India also performs terribly on its efforts to reduce inequality. India ranks 147th out of 157 countries on its commitment to reducing inequality. &nbsp;According to calculations done by Oxfam, if India were to adopt meaningful policies to reduce inequality by just 33 per cent ‘more than 170 million people would no longer be poor’.&nbsp;

But going by the prevailing priorities of political parties as seen in their rallies, it is clear that no party is in fact committed to deal with rising inequality. We have Rahul Gandhi repackaging himself and his party in a religious hue, Mamata Banerjee is announcing doles for Durga Puja, and the BJP is diverting the attention of people from issues like unemployment and jobless growth by propping up agendas like Ram Mandir, and illegal Bangladeshis.&nbsp;

If India is to really progress, its common people must force political parties to talk about the elephant in the room- inequality. Because, if left unaddressed, it will lead to nationwide instability and strife. &nbsp;&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

For many years now political parties’ manifestos have been an exercise in preparing a ‘good document’ than identifying the real problems confronting the Indian polity.

For many years now political parties’ manifestos have been an exercise in preparing a ‘good document’ than identifying the real problems confronting the Indian polity. Come election time, manifesto committees formed by parties start doing the ritual of meeting various stakeholders, vested interest groups, and the general public. These meetings are supposed to give the politicians a concrete idea of the concerns of various sections of people, be it farmers, students, women or the business community. Besides these meeting, in any case, politicians are supposed to be aware of the ground reality that people are concerned with. However, a quick analysis of previous manifestos of the BJP and the Congress shows that political manifestos often don’t address the most critical issues facing the country. And even when they do talk about deep-rooted problems like poverty, caste-based discrimination and the terrible state of small and landless farmers, for instance, it is done in a very perfunctory manner. Therefore, it can be argued that political manifestos are in an inverted sense a good test of what parties actually consider to be significant issues. More often what is in the manifesto is not likely to become a poll issue. For instance, take the example of economic inequality itself. Oxfam’s latest report on inequality has ranked India at the bottom of an index containing 157 countries. The index was based on a new database of indicators that tracked performance on social spending, tax and labour rights. Moreover, every year we are told of the shocking levels to which inequality has risen in India over the last seventy years. Last year, Oxfam had revealed that of the total wealth created in India in 2016 the richest 1 per cent in India gobbled up 73 per cent of it. This basically means that 99 per cent of people of India received only 27 per cent of the total wealth generated. It is election season again with four states going to elections in the next four months. The General elections too are less than eight months away. But what are the issues that are hogging the rallies that have held so far in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, and Chhattisgarh? Besides the usual claims to waive off farm loans, provide employment, set up industries, and giving reservation to communities, our politicians are once again shying away from even acknowledging the monumental inequality in India. Economic inequality coupled with entrenched social inequality is one of the root causes of poverty, therefore, when politicians make claims about eradicating poverty, providing free housing and other freebies, they are only obfuscating the actual issue that needs to be solved. If they were actually serious about raising the income levels and standard of living, every third person in India wouldn’t have to live on less than Rs 140 a day. No wonder then that India also performs terribly on its efforts to reduce inequality. India ranks 147th out of 157 countries on its commitment to reducing inequality. According to calculations done by Oxfam, if India were to adopt meaningful policies to reduce inequality by just 33 per cent ‘more than 170 million people would no longer be poor’. But going by the prevailing priorities of political parties as seen in their rallies, it is clear that no party is in fact committed to deal with rising inequality. We have Rahul Gandhi repackaging himself and his party in a religious hue, Mamata Banerjee is announcing doles for Durga Puja, and the BJP is diverting the attention of people from issues like unemployment and jobless growth by propping up agendas like Ram Mandir, and illegal Bangladeshis. If India is to really progress, its common people must force political parties to talk about the elephant in the room- inequality. Because, if left unaddressed, it will lead to nationwide instability and strife. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Economic and social inequality not a priority for political parties 

In terms of optics, the crossing over of veteran Bharatiya Janata Party leader Jaswant Singh’s son, Manvendra Singh, to the Congress just weeks ahead of an Assembly election, is somewhat of an embarrassment for the BJP and a delight for the Congress. Beyond this, the development will neither greatly dent nor boost the prospects of the ruling party in Rajasthan. 
 
Manvendra Singh is not a political heavyweight in the State, and his family lineage does not count for much in today’s politics, although he comes from a caste that enjoys considerable influence there. &nbsp;

Besides, his decision did not have an element of surprise. He had been suspended from the BJP in 2014, after the party said that he had campaigned against its official candidate in Barmer. Incidentally, Jaswant Singh had rebelled against the party and contested from this constituency as an independent in the election, after the BJP denied him a ticket. It was, thus, a matter of time before Manvendra Singh exited. 
 
A year before the 2014 Lok Sabha election, in which his father was sidelined, Manvendra Singh had successfully contested the Rajasthan Assembly election on a BJP ticket from a constituency in Barmer, the family’s home ground. He held on to the Assembly seat despite being suspended from the party.&nbsp;

Having been in active politics for just under two decades, Manvendra Singh could not expand his reach beyond Barmer, and is not seen as a pan-Rajasthan figure, unlike his father who had a national prominence, given his stature in the BJP during the Vajpayee-Advani era. Jaswant Singh served in Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s Cabinet as Minister for Defence, Minister for External Affairs, and Minister for Finance. Throughout his tenure, he was, therefore, part of the prestigious Cabinet Committee on Security. And yet, for all these achievements, Jaswant Singh’s reach in Rajasthan was largely limited to Barmer — a legacy from which Manvendra Singh later benefitted.&nbsp;

It is true that Manvendra Singh, a former territorial Army officer, is both erudite and articulate. At one point, he was seen within the BJP as a rising young talent who could be groomed for bigger roles. But despite his father’s stature, and his own abilities, he could not make a mark in his own home State because of the presence of seniors like Vasundhara Raje. His electoral victories were attributed more to the BJP’s strong grassroots presence than to his persona. 
 
Caste considerations also came in the way since the party was looking forward to expanding its base among other dominant groups such as the Gujjars. Post-2014, after Jaswant Singh failed in his bid to get elected to the Lok Sabha as an independent — losing to a BJP candidate — the impression gained roots that Manvendra Singh had no political future as a standalone.&nbsp;&nbsp;

His decision to join the Congress has to be understood in the above backdrop. As a Congress nominee (there is every possibility of his getting a ticket from one of the Assembly constituencies in Barmer), he will have the support of an organisation with a strong presence in the State. There is also a political sense in the timing of his decision; the BJP regime led by Vasundhara Raje is seen to be on the back foot and there is already talk that it may not be able to retain power. Additionally, Manvendra Singh has the support of a local outfit, the Swabhiman Sena, with which he has been closely associated and which he claims is being hounded by the Raje Government. Needless to add, this Sena will now, at least largely, back the Congress in the coming Assembly poll.&nbsp;

While Manvendra Singh and his family’s influence does not extend significantly to all of Rajasthan, it does exist in the eight Assembly constituencies in the Barmer Lok Sabha jurisdiction, primarily among the Rajput sections of society, whose cause the Swabhiman Sena has been espousing. Given that the Rajputs have been a strong vote-base of the BJP, the possibility of the Congress using Manvendra Singh’s arrival to eat into that segment is real.&nbsp;&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

In terms of optics, the crossing over of veteran Bharatiya Janata Party leader Jaswant Singh’s son, Manvendra Singh, to the Congress just weeks ahead of an Assembly election, is somewhat of an embarrassment for the BJP and a delight for the Congress.

In terms of optics, the crossing over of veteran Bharatiya Janata Party leader Jaswant Singh’s son, Manvendra Singh, to the Congress just weeks ahead of an Assembly election, is somewhat of an embarrassment for the BJP and a delight for the Congress. Beyond this, the development will neither greatly dent nor boost the prospects of the ruling party in Rajasthan. Manvendra Singh is not a political heavyweight in the State, and his family lineage does not count for much in today’s politics, although he comes from a caste that enjoys considerable influence there. Besides, his decision did not have an element of surprise. He had been suspended from the BJP in 2014, after the party said that he had campaigned against its official candidate in Barmer. Incidentally, Jaswant Singh had rebelled against the party and contested from this constituency as an independent in the election, after the BJP denied him a ticket. It was, thus, a matter of time before Manvendra Singh exited. A year before the 2014 Lok Sabha election, in which his father was sidelined, Manvendra Singh had successfully contested the Rajasthan Assembly election on a BJP ticket from a constituency in Barmer, the family’s home ground. He held on to the Assembly seat despite being suspended from the party. Having been in active politics for just under two decades, Manvendra Singh could not expand his reach beyond Barmer, and is not seen as a pan-Rajasthan figure, unlike his father who had a national prominence, given his stature in the BJP during the Vajpayee-Advani era. Jaswant Singh served in Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s Cabinet as Minister for Defence, Minister for External Affairs, and Minister for Finance. Throughout his tenure, he was, therefore, part of the prestigious Cabinet Committee on Security. And yet, for all these achievements, Jaswant Singh’s reach in Rajasthan was largely limited to Barmer — a legacy from which Manvendra Singh later benefitted. It is true that Manvendra Singh, a former territorial Army officer, is both erudite and articulate. At one point, he was seen within the BJP as a rising young talent who could be groomed for bigger roles. But despite his father’s stature, and his own abilities, he could not make a mark in his own home State because of the presence of seniors like Vasundhara Raje. His electoral victories were attributed more to the BJP’s strong grassroots presence than to his persona. Caste considerations also came in the way since the party was looking forward to expanding its base among other dominant groups such as the Gujjars. Post-2014, after Jaswant Singh failed in his bid to get elected to the Lok Sabha as an independent — losing to a BJP candidate — the impression gained roots that Manvendra Singh had no political future as a standalone. His decision to join the Congress has to be understood in the above backdrop. As a Congress nominee (there is every possibility of his getting a ticket from one of the Assembly constituencies in Barmer), he will have the support of an organisation with a strong presence in the State. There is also a political sense in the timing of his decision; the BJP regime led by Vasundhara Raje is seen to be on the back foot and there is already talk that it may not be able to retain power. Additionally, Manvendra Singh has the support of a local outfit, the Swabhiman Sena, with which he has been closely associated and which he claims is being hounded by the Raje Government. Needless to add, this Sena will now, at least largely, back the Congress in the coming Assembly poll. While Manvendra Singh and his family’s influence does not extend significantly to all of Rajasthan, it does exist in the eight Assembly constituencies in the Barmer Lok Sabha jurisdiction, primarily among the Rajput sections of society, whose cause the Swabhiman Sena has been espousing. Given that the Rajputs have been a strong vote-base of the BJP, the possibility of the Congress using Manvendra Singh’s arrival to eat into that segment is real. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Manvendra Singh's induction a delight for Congress

The battle for Rajasthan is not only an electoral contest between the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party. It is also a fight for supremacy among the heavyweight state leaders belonging to the two parties. Their charisma and credibility will be an important factor in determining the outcome of the forthcoming Assembly election. The fact that the two national parties are the main contestants makes the role of the local leaders critical. &nbsp;

The prestige of three prominent state leaders is at stake. Chief minister Vasundhara Raje from the BJP, and Sachin Pilot and Ashok Gehlot from the Congress. All of them have seen several political ups and downs. They have a pan-Rajasthan image. They are well-versed with the intricacies of caste combinations. They are leaders in their own right, not requiring to necessarily depend overly on the patronage of their respective national leadership to remain relevant. And, either of the three will nearly certainly head the next government in the state.&nbsp;

That said, the greatest pressure is on Vasundhara Raje because as the incumbent chief minister she has to retain the state for her party. Going purely by various poll surveys, she is on a sticky wicket. Her government’s performance has fetched ordinary ratings; her personal rating is below that of her Congress rivals; and in terms of both seats and vote-share, the BJP trails behind the Congress. There is still time for the tide to turn, for Prime Minister Narendra Modi to spin his charm on Rajasthan’s electorate. But it will be difficult, if not impossible to counter the negatives that have stuck on Vasundhara Raje’s image.

But why has she become so unpopular? After all, only five years before, she had stormed to power, dislodging the formidable Congress veteran Ashok Gehlot. One can only reply to perceptions to get an answer. The first concerns her inaccessibility, both to the masses and to the party’s local leaders. She is said to be aloof — even imperious — and brusque in her mannerism. The second has to do with her failure to address critical issues of unemployment and price rise. Besides, it does not help that the RSS, which contributes a large chunk of the workforce in election campaigning in the BJP’s favour, is less than enthused by her leadership. The recent by-poll losses in Alwar and Ajmer have been attributed to her failed leadership.

As if these were not enough, the chief minister has faced open rebellion from within; a prominent leader, Ghanshyam Tiwari, has floated his own outfit to take on her “corrupt regime”. Plus, there is disenchantment among nearly every influential caste group. Will these factors form a heady cocktail that will down the Raje regime, is to be seen.

But for now, it’s good news for the Congress’s Pilot and Gehlot. The former has for long been part of Congress president Rahul Gandhi’s inner circle, and now heads the party’s Rajasthan unit. Besides being young and dynamic, he has the right caste qualification (Gujjar). He is a strong favourite to take over the chief ministership in case the Congress snatches power from the BJP.&nbsp;

He must be itching to avenge his massive loss to a BJP candidate in the 2014 Lok Sabha election (he lost by over 1,70,000 votes). Like Vasundhara Raje, he comes from a political family — his father Rajesh Pilot was a minister in the Congress government at the Centre. However, going by current perceptions, he faces a challenge to his chief ministerial ambitions not from the incumbent chief minister but from his colleague Gehlot.

Ashok Gehlot, like Pilot, is waiting to wipe the slate of his defeat in the 2013 Assembly polls, clean. His camp wants to see him back as chief minister. In recent months, he has come to be regarded as being close to Rahul Gandhi. He had been entrusted with the task of government formation in Karnataka. More recently, he was prominently present during the Rahul-led Congress’s protest meeting outside the Central Bureau of Investigation’s office. And, in many poll surveys, he figures higher than Pilot in ratings for the state’s next chief&nbsp;minister.

The Congress believes that the combined might of the two leaders will help the party breach the finishing line first. The BJP thinks the leadership tussle between the camps of the two tall Congress leaders will work in its favour. We will know soon.&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL 
&nbsp;

The battle for Rajasthan is not only an electoral contest between the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party. It is also a fight for supremacy among the heavyweight state leaders belonging to the two parties.

The battle for Rajasthan is not only an electoral contest between the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party. It is also a fight for supremacy among the heavyweight state leaders belonging to the two parties. Their charisma and credibility will be an important factor in determining the outcome of the forthcoming Assembly election. The fact that the two national parties are the main contestants makes the role of the local leaders critical. The prestige of three prominent state leaders is at stake. Chief minister Vasundhara Raje from the BJP, and Sachin Pilot and Ashok Gehlot from the Congress. All of them have seen several political ups and downs. They have a pan-Rajasthan image. They are well-versed with the intricacies of caste combinations. They are leaders in their own right, not requiring to necessarily depend overly on the patronage of their respective national leadership to remain relevant. And, either of the three will nearly certainly head the next government in the state. That said, the greatest pressure is on Vasundhara Raje because as the incumbent chief minister she has to retain the state for her party. Going purely by various poll surveys, she is on a sticky wicket. Her government’s performance has fetched ordinary ratings; her personal rating is below that of her Congress rivals; and in terms of both seats and vote-share, the BJP trails behind the Congress. There is still time for the tide to turn, for Prime Minister Narendra Modi to spin his charm on Rajasthan’s electorate. But it will be difficult, if not impossible to counter the negatives that have stuck on Vasundhara Raje’s image. But why has she become so unpopular? After all, only five years before, she had stormed to power, dislodging the formidable Congress veteran Ashok Gehlot. One can only reply to perceptions to get an answer. The first concerns her inaccessibility, both to the masses and to the party’s local leaders. She is said to be aloof — even imperious — and brusque in her mannerism. The second has to do with her failure to address critical issues of unemployment and price rise. Besides, it does not help that the RSS, which contributes a large chunk of the workforce in election campaigning in the BJP’s favour, is less than enthused by her leadership. The recent by-poll losses in Alwar and Ajmer have been attributed to her failed leadership. As if these were not enough, the chief minister has faced open rebellion from within; a prominent leader, Ghanshyam Tiwari, has floated his own outfit to take on her “corrupt regime”. Plus, there is disenchantment among nearly every influential caste group. Will these factors form a heady cocktail that will down the Raje regime, is to be seen. But for now, it’s good news for the Congress’s Pilot and Gehlot. The former has for long been part of Congress president Rahul Gandhi’s inner circle, and now heads the party’s Rajasthan unit. Besides being young and dynamic, he has the right caste qualification (Gujjar). He is a strong favourite to take over the chief ministership in case the Congress snatches power from the BJP. He must be itching to avenge his massive loss to a BJP candidate in the 2014 Lok Sabha election (he lost by over 1,70,000 votes). Like Vasundhara Raje, he comes from a political family — his father Rajesh Pilot was a minister in the Congress government at the Centre. However, going by current perceptions, he faces a challenge to his chief ministerial ambitions not from the incumbent chief minister but from his colleague Gehlot. Ashok Gehlot, like Pilot, is waiting to wipe the slate of his defeat in the 2013 Assembly polls, clean. His camp wants to see him back as chief minister. In recent months, he has come to be regarded as being close to Rahul Gandhi. He had been entrusted with the task of government formation in Karnataka. More recently, he was prominently present during the Rahul-led Congress’s protest meeting outside the Central Bureau of Investigation’s office. And, in many poll surveys, he figures higher than Pilot in ratings for the state’s next chief minister. The Congress believes that the combined might of the two leaders will help the party breach the finishing line first. The BJP thinks the leadership tussle between the camps of the two tall Congress leaders will work in its favour. We will know soon. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL

In Rajasthan, it’s the local leadership that matters

After remaining in power for 15-years, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party is confronted with double anti-incumbency in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, whereas the major opposition Congress, which was ready to forge an alliance with both the BSP and Samajwadi Party in the midst of the hype generated recently over the prospects of a grand alliance to take on the BJP in the 2019 parliamentary election, has been left alone in the two central Indian states now in the grip of poll fever.

The Congress received the first blow when shortly after announcing an alliance with Janata Congress of Ajit Jogi in Chhattisgarh in the second fortnight of September, BSP Supremo Mayawati went ahead and ruled out any kind of alliance with the Congress party in MP.&nbsp;

The Samajwadi Party also has chosen to maintain distance from the Congress party in MP.

Recently the caste factor has got precipitated due to the amendment in the SC/ST Atrocities Act at the initiative of the Modi government at the Centre and with the full support of all the political parties. This amendment was brought to undo the Supreme Court of India order directing that no one booked under the Atrocities Act should be arrested without a preliminary enquiry.&nbsp;

The violent protests by Dalits after the apex court order and the massive Bharat Band (strike) against the amendment in the Atrocities Act indicate the magnitude of the caste divide. Obviously, therefore, driven by the motive of retaining their respective vote banks among the Dalits and the backward communities, the BSP and Samajwadi Party have chosen to go alone in MP.

For the last many years, the ruling BJP has been working concertedly to expand its base in the tribal areas of MP and Chhattisgarh by building a network of Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram schools and colleges. The Vivekananda Kendra functionaries have also been in the overdrive mode in the tribal areas in recent years. This has brought dividends and in successive elections, there’s been a remarkable upward swing in BJP’s electoral fortunes in the tribal belt.

In the 2018 MP Assembly election, there are multiple dimensions when it comes to the battle for the Assembly seats reserved for the STs. Besides the BJP and Congress, now there is also a tribal group attracting huge crowds under the banner of Jai Adivasi Yuva Shakti (JAYS) in western MP.&nbsp;

After talks for seat sharing between the Congress and JAYS have failed, the Gondwana Gantantra Party, having strong roots in the tribal areas, and Samajwadi Party have decided to go together in MP and Chhattisgarh. &nbsp;

In MP, both the ruling BJP and Congress should be ready for a backlash due to seething anger against the quota system and the Atrocities Act.&nbsp;

The State is witnessing a crusade against the government provision for reservation in promotion for SCs and STs by an organisation called SAPAKS formed by State government officers and employees belonging to the general, backward and minority communities.

SAPAKS Samaj, another body formed by citizens to extend support to the aggrieved government employees, is also spearheading a State-wide movement since 2016 to build public awareness against the pitfalls of reservation on caste lines and the Atrocities Act.&nbsp;

A large section of SAPAKS Samaj is backing the newly floated Anarakshit Samaj Party in this election, which is for reservation only on an economic basis. &nbsp;In the meanwhile, galvanised by a huge SAPAKS rally in Bhopal, a faction within SAPAKS Samaj that has floated a political party, also by the name of “Sapaks”, has repeatedly kept on announcing that it would be fielding candidates in all the 230 Assembly constituencies of MP even before its registration by the Election Commission of India.&nbsp;

Notwithstanding the confusion created by Sapaks Party, there is every indication that a vast majority of the youth would be voting with vengeance on the issue of reservation and the Atrocities Act in Madhya Pradesh. &nbsp;&nbsp; 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

After remaining in power for 15-years, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party is confronted with double anti-incumbency in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, whereas the major opposition Congress, which was ready to forge an alliance with both the BSP and Samajwadi Party in the midst of the hype generated recently over the prospects of a grand alliance to take on the BJP in the 2019 parliamentary election, has been left alone in the two central Indian states now in the grip of poll fever.

After remaining in power for 15-years, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party is confronted with double anti-incumbency in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, whereas the major opposition Congress, which was ready to forge an alliance with both the BSP and Samajwadi Party in the midst of the hype generated recently over the prospects of a grand alliance to take on the BJP in the 2019 parliamentary election, has been left alone in the two central Indian states now in the grip of poll fever. The Congress received the first blow when shortly after announcing an alliance with Janata Congress of Ajit Jogi in Chhattisgarh in the second fortnight of September, BSP Supremo Mayawati went ahead and ruled out any kind of alliance with the Congress party in MP. The Samajwadi Party also has chosen to maintain distance from the Congress party in MP. Recently the caste factor has got precipitated due to the amendment in the SC/ST Atrocities Act at the initiative of the Modi government at the Centre and with the full support of all the political parties. This amendment was brought to undo the Supreme Court of India order directing that no one booked under the Atrocities Act should be arrested without a preliminary enquiry. The violent protests by Dalits after the apex court order and the massive Bharat Band (strike) against the amendment in the Atrocities Act indicate the magnitude of the caste divide. Obviously, therefore, driven by the motive of retaining their respective vote banks among the Dalits and the backward communities, the BSP and Samajwadi Party have chosen to go alone in MP. For the last many years, the ruling BJP has been working concertedly to expand its base in the tribal areas of MP and Chhattisgarh by building a network of Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram schools and colleges. The Vivekananda Kendra functionaries have also been in the overdrive mode in the tribal areas in recent years. This has brought dividends and in successive elections, there’s been a remarkable upward swing in BJP’s electoral fortunes in the tribal belt. In the 2018 MP Assembly election, there are multiple dimensions when it comes to the battle for the Assembly seats reserved for the STs. Besides the BJP and Congress, now there is also a tribal group attracting huge crowds under the banner of Jai Adivasi Yuva Shakti (JAYS) in western MP. After talks for seat sharing between the Congress and JAYS have failed, the Gondwana Gantantra Party, having strong roots in the tribal areas, and Samajwadi Party have decided to go together in MP and Chhattisgarh. In MP, both the ruling BJP and Congress should be ready for a backlash due to seething anger against the quota system and the Atrocities Act. The State is witnessing a crusade against the government provision for reservation in promotion for SCs and STs by an organisation called SAPAKS formed by State government officers and employees belonging to the general, backward and minority communities. SAPAKS Samaj, another body formed by citizens to extend support to the aggrieved government employees, is also spearheading a State-wide movement since 2016 to build public awareness against the pitfalls of reservation on caste lines and the Atrocities Act. A large section of SAPAKS Samaj is backing the newly floated Anarakshit Samaj Party in this election, which is for reservation only on an economic basis. In the meanwhile, galvanised by a huge SAPAKS rally in Bhopal, a faction within SAPAKS Samaj that has floated a political party, also by the name of “Sapaks”, has repeatedly kept on announcing that it would be fielding candidates in all the 230 Assembly constituencies of MP even before its registration by the Election Commission of India. Notwithstanding the confusion created by Sapaks Party, there is every indication that a vast majority of the youth would be voting with vengeance on the issue of reservation and the Atrocities Act in Madhya Pradesh. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Anti-incumbency stares BJP in the face in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh

Electioneering is yet to pick up and touch the feverish pitch in Madhya Pradesh, especially as the two principal rivals – ruling Bharatiya Janata Party and Congress - have remained caught in the grip of the ticket distribution exercise with claimants and their supporters flocking to camps identified with state party leaders.

The stakes are too high in these elections with Congress trying to dislodge the BJP, which has continuously remained in power for 15-years in Madhya Pradesh and neighbouring Chhattisgarh.

During the week that was, there has been no dearth of those trying to play their cards to the best of their ability. It’s been so starkly visible, how most ticket seekers have cultivated the acumen and were busy demonstrating their strength by brazenly flaunting their SUVs, crisp anti-crease attire, robust gait and money power.&nbsp;

All this, obviously, gets the extra push by the pack of perpetual seekers who hang around the petty leaders in the hope that once their “boss” gets into the Assembly, they would be rewarded amply with the perks of power and fruits of electoral politics. Of course, the crony capitalists are also there acting as punters as they know that the returns on the investment would be in geometric proportion. Obviously, therefore, day-to-day business activity has become less of a priority these days.

To maintain a safe distance from the endless tangle of ticket seekers, Madhya Pradesh chief minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan and state BJP President Rakesh Singh air-dashed to Delhi to finalise the list of candidates on Monday. The BJP ticket seekers, who have been elbowed out in Chhattisgarh, have demonstrated their ire in a big way. In Madhya Pradesh, BJP president will be directly addressing the ticket seekers to control dissent and reduce the number of rebel candidates in the poll fray.

While the BJP is desperately trying to plug the possibility of a backlash from a large number of rebel candidates, the warring camps in the Congress party are making it difficult for the party mandarins to finalise the tickets, especially for constituencies in big cities.

Congress president Rahul Gandhi, who has predicted BJP’s defeat and a swing in favour of Congress in both Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, has adopted the no-holds-barred strategy. Speaking at election rallies in Jhabua and Ujjain this week, Gandhi went for a frontal attack against Madhya Pradesh chief minister by raising the issue of Vyapam (the massive scam linked with admissions in medical colleges and government recruitments) and the Simhastha scam. At an election rally at Ujjain, Gandhi said that the Kshipra river remains dirty even after the Madhya Pradesh BJP government had spent Rs 400 crore for this purpose. They talk of “dharma” but do not spare even the Mahakumbh, he added. Chouhan has retorted to this by threatening legal action.

During his current round of electioneering, Gandhi did not spare even Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Putting him in the dock on the Rafale deal, he said that the government knew that if there was a thorough probe into this deal by the CBI, the truth would get uncovered. He cited the present CBI controversy (revolving around the Director and his second in command, who have been removed from the scene) as a case in point. Gandhi has also hammered the charge that the Modi government was bent upon undermining the autonomous institutions.

Tailpiece: BJP, also called the saffron party, has been cornered by the Sadhus (Hindu religious saints), who have revolted and given a call to throw out the BJP. At a congregation of a couple of thousand Sadhus at Koteshwar temple in Gwalior on Tuesday, the BJP was slammed for failing to protect the cows and neglecting the Ganges River.

In the coming days, what will be watched closely is the role to be played by Devkinandan Thakur, the world-renowned Katha Vachak, in Madhya Pradesh Assembly election. Devkinandan has a huge following. He strongly opposes reservation on caste lines and the Atrocities Act. The news went viral after he was detained and released by the Police on Monday when he went to offer prayers at Pitambara Peeth at Datia.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Electioneering is yet to pick up and touch the feverish pitch in Madhya Pradesh, especially as the two principal rivals – ruling Bharatiya Janata Party and Congress - have remained caught in the grip of the ticket distribution exercise with claimants and their supporters flocking to camps identified with state party leaders.

Electioneering is yet to pick up and touch the feverish pitch in Madhya Pradesh, especially as the two principal rivals – ruling Bharatiya Janata Party and Congress - have remained caught in the grip of the ticket distribution exercise with claimants and their supporters flocking to camps identified with state party leaders. The stakes are too high in these elections with Congress trying to dislodge the BJP, which has continuously remained in power for 15-years in Madhya Pradesh and neighbouring Chhattisgarh. During the week that was, there has been no dearth of those trying to play their cards to the best of their ability. It’s been so starkly visible, how most ticket seekers have cultivated the acumen and were busy demonstrating their strength by brazenly flaunting their SUVs, crisp anti-crease attire, robust gait and money power. All this, obviously, gets the extra push by the pack of perpetual seekers who hang around the petty leaders in the hope that once their “boss” gets into the Assembly, they would be rewarded amply with the perks of power and fruits of electoral politics. Of course, the crony capitalists are also there acting as punters as they know that the returns on the investment would be in geometric proportion. Obviously, therefore, day-to-day business activity has become less of a priority these days. To maintain a safe distance from the endless tangle of ticket seekers, Madhya Pradesh chief minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan and state BJP President Rakesh Singh air-dashed to Delhi to finalise the list of candidates on Monday. The BJP ticket seekers, who have been elbowed out in Chhattisgarh, have demonstrated their ire in a big way. In Madhya Pradesh, BJP president will be directly addressing the ticket seekers to control dissent and reduce the number of rebel candidates in the poll fray. While the BJP is desperately trying to plug the possibility of a backlash from a large number of rebel candidates, the warring camps in the Congress party are making it difficult for the party mandarins to finalise the tickets, especially for constituencies in big cities. Congress president Rahul Gandhi, who has predicted BJP’s defeat and a swing in favour of Congress in both Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, has adopted the no-holds-barred strategy. Speaking at election rallies in Jhabua and Ujjain this week, Gandhi went for a frontal attack against Madhya Pradesh chief minister by raising the issue of Vyapam (the massive scam linked with admissions in medical colleges and government recruitments) and the Simhastha scam. At an election rally at Ujjain, Gandhi said that the Kshipra river remains dirty even after the Madhya Pradesh BJP government had spent Rs 400 crore for this purpose. They talk of “dharma” but do not spare even the Mahakumbh, he added. Chouhan has retorted to this by threatening legal action. During his current round of electioneering, Gandhi did not spare even Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Putting him in the dock on the Rafale deal, he said that the government knew that if there was a thorough probe into this deal by the CBI, the truth would get uncovered. He cited the present CBI controversy (revolving around the Director and his second in command, who have been removed from the scene) as a case in point. Gandhi has also hammered the charge that the Modi government was bent upon undermining the autonomous institutions. Tailpiece: BJP, also called the saffron party, has been cornered by the Sadhus (Hindu religious saints), who have revolted and given a call to throw out the BJP. At a congregation of a couple of thousand Sadhus at Koteshwar temple in Gwalior on Tuesday, the BJP was slammed for failing to protect the cows and neglecting the Ganges River. In the coming days, what will be watched closely is the role to be played by Devkinandan Thakur, the world-renowned Katha Vachak, in Madhya Pradesh Assembly election. Devkinandan has a huge following. He strongly opposes reservation on caste lines and the Atrocities Act. The news went viral after he was detained and released by the Police on Monday when he went to offer prayers at Pitambara Peeth at Datia. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

BJP, Congress caught in quagmire of ticket distribution ahead of Assembly polls

The Congress on Thursday released its manifesto for the upcoming Mizoram Assembly polls and promised to provide free laptops to students who have cleared Class 10 and above if it returns to power in the state.

In the election manifesto released by Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla, the party also pledged to continue with its two flagship programmes for farmers and youths.

Mizoram is the only state in the northeast where the Congress has a government and BJP leaders have asserted they would make concerted efforts to oust the opposition party from the eight northeastern states.

Thanhawla, also the party's state unit president, has been the chief minister since 2008.

If voted to power in Mizoram for the third consecutive time, students who clear the High School Leaving Certificate (HSLC) exam for Class 10 and above will be given laptops every year, the party manifesto said.

Initially, however, they would be distributed among those students above the HSLC without jobs, it said.

The party also promised to continue with its New Land Use Policy (NLUP) for the farmers and New Economic Development Policy (NEDP) for unemployed youths.

The NLUP was launched in January 2011 to end the wasteful practice of shifting or 'jhum' cultivation - process of clearing land by burning its natural vegetation before growing crops.

A beneficiary of the NLUP gets around Rs 1 lakh. The party said the grant would be raised.

It said the NEDP would also be continued with special thrust on entrepreneurship development for the youths.

The Congress manifesto also promised housing for the poor in rural areas and residential quarters for employees of police and education departments.

It also promised to set up more rehabilitation centres for drug addicts and alcoholics across the state.

Polling will be held in Mizoram on November 28.

Results will be declared on December 11 along with four other states.

The Congress on Thursday released its manifesto for the upcoming Mizoram Assembly polls and promised to provide free laptops to students who have cleared Class 10 and above if it returns to power in the state.

The Congress on Thursday released its manifesto for the upcoming Mizoram Assembly polls and promised to provide free laptops to students who have cleared Class 10 and above if it returns to power in the state. In the election manifesto released by Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla, the party also pledged to continue with its two flagship programmes for farmers and youths. Mizoram is the only state in the northeast where the Congress has a government and BJP leaders have asserted they would make concerted efforts to oust the opposition party from the eight northeastern states. Thanhawla, also the party's state unit president, has been the chief minister since 2008. If voted to power in Mizoram for the third consecutive time, students who clear the High School Leaving Certificate (HSLC) exam for Class 10 and above will be given laptops every year, the party manifesto said. Initially, however, they would be distributed among those students above the HSLC without jobs, it said. The party also promised to continue with its New Land Use Policy (NLUP) for the farmers and New Economic Development Policy (NEDP) for unemployed youths. The NLUP was launched in January 2011 to end the wasteful practice of shifting or 'jhum' cultivation - process of clearing land by burning its natural vegetation before growing crops. A beneficiary of the NLUP gets around Rs 1 lakh. The party said the grant would be raised. It said the NEDP would also be continued with special thrust on entrepreneurship development for the youths. The Congress manifesto also promised housing for the poor in rural areas and residential quarters for employees of police and education departments. It also promised to set up more rehabilitation centres for drug addicts and alcoholics across the state. Polling will be held in Mizoram on November 28. Results will be declared on December 11 along with four other states.

Mizoram polls: Congress releases manifesto, promises laptops to students

The Congress on Thursday released its fifth and final list of 19 candidates for this month's Chhattisgarh Assembly election.

Party MLA Gurmukh Singh Hora, Lok Sabha MP Tamradhwaj Sahu and popular Chhattisgarhi singer Mamta Chandrakar feature in the list.

The party has thus announced candidates for all the 90 seats in the state.

Chhattisgarh will go to the polls in two phases - on November 12 and November 20 - and the results will be announced on December 11.

The opposition party had earlier nominated Pratima Chandrakar from the Durg Rural seat, but now she has been replaced by Tamradhwaj Sahu, the Congress MP from Durg.

Renu Jogi, the MLA from Kota and the wife of former chief minister Ajit Jogi, has been denied a ticket this time. Former police officer Vibhor Singh will be the Congress candidate from Kota.

The party has fielded new faces to take on four prominent state ministers of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

Shailesh Pandey of the Congress will face minister Amar Agrawal in Bilaspur. Kanhaiya Agrawal will take on minister Brijmohan Agrawal in the Raipur City South constituency.

Laxmikanta Sahu, a woman Congress leader, has been fielded against minister Ajay Chandrakar in Kurud, while Gurdayal Singh Banjare will take on minister Dayaldas Baghel in Nawagarh.

The other new faces in the Congress's list are - Mamta Chandrakar (Pandariya), Rajendra Shukla (Bilha), Anil Kumar Chandra (Jaijaipur), Sangeeta Sinha (Sanjari Balod), Kunwar Singh Nishad (Gundardehi), Prakash Nayak (Raigarh), Ashish Chhabra (Bemetara) and Chakradhar Prasad Sidar (Lailunga-ST).

Anita Sharma, wife of Congress leader Yogendra Sharma, who was killed in a Naxal attack in the Jhiram Valley in May 2013, has been fielded again from Dharsiwa. She had lost to the BJP's Devji Bhai Patel in the 2013 Assembly polls.

Congress MLA from Dhamtari, Gurmukh Singh Hora, has been renominated from the same seat.

Other candidates in the list are Devendra Bahadur Singh (Basna), Kuldeep Juneja (Raipur City North) and Badruddin Qureshi (Vaishali Nagar).

The Congress is seeking to oust the BJP, which has been ruling the state since 2003.

In the 2013 polls, the BJP had won 49 seats, the Congress 39 and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and an Independent candidate had won a seat each.

Former Congress leader Ajit Jogi's Janta Congress Chhattisgarh (J) has formed an alliance with the Mayawati-led BSP and the Communist Party of India (CPI) this time.

The Congress on Thursday released its fifth and final list of 19 candidates for this month's Chhattisgarh Assembly election. Party MLA Gurmukh Singh Hora, Lok Sabha MP Tamradhwaj Sahu and popular Chhattisgarhi singer Mamta Chandrakar feature in the list.

The Congress on Thursday released its fifth and final list of 19 candidates for this month's Chhattisgarh Assembly election. Party MLA Gurmukh Singh Hora, Lok Sabha MP Tamradhwaj Sahu and popular Chhattisgarhi singer Mamta Chandrakar feature in the list. The party has thus announced candidates for all the 90 seats in the state. Chhattisgarh will go to the polls in two phases - on November 12 and November 20 - and the results will be announced on December 11. The opposition party had earlier nominated Pratima Chandrakar from the Durg Rural seat, but now she has been replaced by Tamradhwaj Sahu, the Congress MP from Durg. Renu Jogi, the MLA from Kota and the wife of former chief minister Ajit Jogi, has been denied a ticket this time. Former police officer Vibhor Singh will be the Congress candidate from Kota. The party has fielded new faces to take on four prominent state ministers of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Shailesh Pandey of the Congress will face minister Amar Agrawal in Bilaspur. Kanhaiya Agrawal will take on minister Brijmohan Agrawal in the Raipur City South constituency. Laxmikanta Sahu, a woman Congress leader, has been fielded against minister Ajay Chandrakar in Kurud, while Gurdayal Singh Banjare will take on minister Dayaldas Baghel in Nawagarh. The other new faces in the Congress's list are - Mamta Chandrakar (Pandariya), Rajendra Shukla (Bilha), Anil Kumar Chandra (Jaijaipur), Sangeeta Sinha (Sanjari Balod), Kunwar Singh Nishad (Gundardehi), Prakash Nayak (Raigarh), Ashish Chhabra (Bemetara) and Chakradhar Prasad Sidar (Lailunga-ST). Anita Sharma, wife of Congress leader Yogendra Sharma, who was killed in a Naxal attack in the Jhiram Valley in May 2013, has been fielded again from Dharsiwa. She had lost to the BJP's Devji Bhai Patel in the 2013 Assembly polls. Congress MLA from Dhamtari, Gurmukh Singh Hora, has been renominated from the same seat. Other candidates in the list are Devendra Bahadur Singh (Basna), Kuldeep Juneja (Raipur City North) and Badruddin Qureshi (Vaishali Nagar). The Congress is seeking to oust the BJP, which has been ruling the state since 2003. In the 2013 polls, the BJP had won 49 seats, the Congress 39 and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and an Independent candidate had won a seat each. Former Congress leader Ajit Jogi's Janta Congress Chhattisgarh (J) has formed an alliance with the Mayawati-led BSP and the Communist Party of India (CPI) this time.

Congress releases final list of 19 candidates for Chhattisgarh polls

The Congress would contest 95 seats in the coming elections to the 119-member Telangana assembly, leaving the remaining to partners of the proposed grand alliance, AICC In-Charge of the state R C Khuntia said on Thursday.

The list of the party candidates would be released on November 8 or 9, he told reporters in New Delhi.

The Congress, Telugu Desam Party, Telangana Jana Samithi and CPI have decided to forge an alliance for the December 7 elections and are currently engaged in seat-sharing talks.

"We will fight in 95 seats and the rest will go to the other alliance partners. Of the 95 seats, we were supposed to take up 62 seats for discussion today, but took up only 57 seats. Rest will be taken up latter. The full list will be declared on November 8 night or November 9," Khuntia said.

Telangana Pradesh Congress Committee (TPCC) president Uttam Kumar Reddy and other senior leaders are camping in Delhi for talks with AICC leaders, including party president Rahul Gandhi.

Party sources said the Telangana leaders submitted a list of probable candidates to Gandhi for his approval.

Reddy said discussions were held on the seat sharing and candidates and the final decision will be taken by Gandhi.

He also said the Congress chief has formally approved the alliance in the state.

On seat sharing, he said an agreement had been reached with TDP under which it would contest 14 seats. Discussions were still on with reagard to the seats to be allocated to the TJS and CPI, he added.

The ruling TRS party has announced 107 candidates so far while the Asaduddin Owaisi-led AIMIM has declared nominees for eight seats. The latter was expected to declare candidates for another two or three seats shortly.

BJP, which is positioning itself as the alternative to the ruling TRS, is going it alone in the polls.

The Congress would contest 95 seats in the coming elections to the 119-member Telangana assembly, leaving the remaining to partners of the proposed grand alliance, AICC In-Charge of the state R C Khuntia said on Thursday.

The Congress would contest 95 seats in the coming elections to the 119-member Telangana assembly, leaving the remaining to partners of the proposed grand alliance, AICC In-Charge of the state R C Khuntia said on Thursday. The list of the party candidates would be released on November 8 or 9, he told reporters in New Delhi. The Congress, Telugu Desam Party, Telangana Jana Samithi and CPI have decided to forge an alliance for the December 7 elections and are currently engaged in seat-sharing talks. "We will fight in 95 seats and the rest will go to the other alliance partners. Of the 95 seats, we were supposed to take up 62 seats for discussion today, but took up only 57 seats. Rest will be taken up latter. The full list will be declared on November 8 night or November 9," Khuntia said. Telangana Pradesh Congress Committee (TPCC) president Uttam Kumar Reddy and other senior leaders are camping in Delhi for talks with AICC leaders, including party president Rahul Gandhi. Party sources said the Telangana leaders submitted a list of probable candidates to Gandhi for his approval. Reddy said discussions were held on the seat sharing and candidates and the final decision will be taken by Gandhi. He also said the Congress chief has formally approved the alliance in the state. On seat sharing, he said an agreement had been reached with TDP under which it would contest 14 seats. Discussions were still on with reagard to the seats to be allocated to the TJS and CPI, he added. The ruling TRS party has announced 107 candidates so far while the Asaduddin Owaisi-led AIMIM has declared nominees for eight seats. The latter was expected to declare candidates for another two or three seats shortly. BJP, which is positioning itself as the alternative to the ruling TRS, is going it alone in the polls.

Congress to contest 95 seats in Telangana, leaves 24 to allies

Hitting back at the Congress for charging the BJP-led central and state governments with corruption, Union minister Gajendra Singh Shekhawat said on Thursday that the opposition party should not talk on the issue as it has a history of corruption and its chief is out on bail.

Addressing a press conference, the Union Minister of State for Agriculture and Farmers Welfare said, "It is inappropriate for a party, which is neck-deep in corruption and has a history of being mired in corruption cases for the last three generations, to talk about corruption. Leaders of the Congress, whose chief is out on bail, are insulting people by making such statements."

Shekhawat said Congress leaders were trying to create confusion among the people of the state ahead of the December 7 assembly election.

He was responding to Congress spokesperson Rajeev Shukla's remarks on the Rafale fighter jet deal.

Earlier in the day, Shukla attacked the Centre alleging corruption in the Rafale fighter jet deal. He also alleged that the BJP-led state government pushed Rajasthan into 'BIMARU' category and conditions of employment, roads, education, health and water facilities in the state were poor.

Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh used to be called 'BIMARU' states for lack of development.

Shekhawat said Rajasthan was no more a 'BIMARU' state and the BJP dispensation worked to take the state on the path of progress.

He blamed the Congress for stalling the appointment process of 26,000 teachers by complaining to the Election Commission.

Hitting back at the Congress for charging the BJP-led central and state governments with corruption, Union minister Gajendra Singh Shekhawat said on Thursday that the opposition party should not talk on the issue as it has a history of corruption and its chief is out on bail.

Hitting back at the Congress for charging the BJP-led central and state governments with corruption, Union minister Gajendra Singh Shekhawat said on Thursday that the opposition party should not talk on the issue as it has a history of corruption and its chief is out on bail. Addressing a press conference, the Union Minister of State for Agriculture and Farmers Welfare said, "It is inappropriate for a party, which is neck-deep in corruption and has a history of being mired in corruption cases for the last three generations, to talk about corruption. Leaders of the Congress, whose chief is out on bail, are insulting people by making such statements." Shekhawat said Congress leaders were trying to create confusion among the people of the state ahead of the December 7 assembly election. He was responding to Congress spokesperson Rajeev Shukla's remarks on the Rafale fighter jet deal. Earlier in the day, Shukla attacked the Centre alleging corruption in the Rafale fighter jet deal. He also alleged that the BJP-led state government pushed Rajasthan into 'BIMARU' category and conditions of employment, roads, education, health and water facilities in the state were poor. Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh used to be called 'BIMARU' states for lack of development. Shekhawat said Rajasthan was no more a 'BIMARU' state and the BJP dispensation worked to take the state on the path of progress. He blamed the Congress for stalling the appointment process of 26,000 teachers by complaining to the Election Commission.

Congress has history of corruption: Union minister hits back at Rajeev Shukla

Senior Congress leaders have been entrusted with the task of sorting out differences between party leaders from Madhya Pradesh over allotment of tickets for the November 28 assembly elections as talks at the central election committee meeting remained inconclusive, sources said on Thursday.

According to sources, during the meeting of the central election committee on late on Wednesday, Congress leaders Digvijaya Singh and Jyotiraditya Scindia exchanged heated notes in the presence of party chief Rahul Gandhi.

The CEC meeting for Madhya Pradesh remained inconclusive after it continued till hours beyond midnight.

This was followed by a meeting of the leaders from Madhya Pradesh and the central screening committee of the state chaired by Madhusudan Mistry with Ahmed Patel, Ashok Gehlot and M Veerappa Moily.

While batting for their respective candidates, Scindia and Singh exchanged heated notes, the sources said.

This forced Gandhi to ask Patel, Gehlot and Moily to sit with the "warring" leaders and resolve the differences, they said.

"The senior leaders have also been asked to first evolve a consensus among the various factions of Madhya Pradesh Congress and hold the next meeting," a senior leaders told PTI.

Insiders say a third meeting of the CEC, the party's body for selecting candidates, for Madhya Pradesh to be held on Thursday evening was cancelled as no consensus could be brought about between the various state leaders over party tickets.

The meeting is now likely to be held on Friday.

No candidate has been announced for the state polls.

The process of nominations for Madhya Pradesh starts Friday with the issue of gazette notification.

Asked about the issue, AICC general secretary Gehlot denied reports of any differences between the leaders and claimed that the party leadership in Madhya Pradesh was united.

"There was no such fight between the leaders as reported in a section of the media. All the leaders in Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan are united," he said.

Gehlot said lengthy meetings of the CEC have taken place to ensure that the candidate selection process ends soon.

"Long meetings are taking place to speed up the selection process for candidates," he said.

Singh also rejected reports about any differences with Scindia or any argument with him in Gandhi's presence.

"It is being wrongly reported in press that I and Jyotiraditya Scindia ji had any argument and Rahul ji had to intervene. All of us in MP Congress are one and determined to defeat the corrupt BJP Government in MP," he said.

Senior Congress leaders have been entrusted with the task of sorting out differences between party leaders from Madhya Pradesh over allotment of tickets for the November 28 assembly elections as talks at the central election committee meeting remained inconclusive, sources said on Thursday.

Senior Congress leaders have been entrusted with the task of sorting out differences between party leaders from Madhya Pradesh over allotment of tickets for the November 28 assembly elections as talks at the central election committee meeting remained inconclusive, sources said on Thursday. According to sources, during the meeting of the central election committee on late on Wednesday, Congress leaders Digvijaya Singh and Jyotiraditya Scindia exchanged heated notes in the presence of party chief Rahul Gandhi. The CEC meeting for Madhya Pradesh remained inconclusive after it continued till hours beyond midnight. This was followed by a meeting of the leaders from Madhya Pradesh and the central screening committee of the state chaired by Madhusudan Mistry with Ahmed Patel, Ashok Gehlot and M Veerappa Moily. While batting for their respective candidates, Scindia and Singh exchanged heated notes, the sources said. This forced Gandhi to ask Patel, Gehlot and Moily to sit with the "warring" leaders and resolve the differences, they said. "The senior leaders have also been asked to first evolve a consensus among the various factions of Madhya Pradesh Congress and hold the next meeting," a senior leaders told PTI. Insiders say a third meeting of the CEC, the party's body for selecting candidates, for Madhya Pradesh to be held on Thursday evening was cancelled as no consensus could be brought about between the various state leaders over party tickets. The meeting is now likely to be held on Friday. No candidate has been announced for the state polls. The process of nominations for Madhya Pradesh starts Friday with the issue of gazette notification. Asked about the issue, AICC general secretary Gehlot denied reports of any differences between the leaders and claimed that the party leadership in Madhya Pradesh was united. "There was no such fight between the leaders as reported in a section of the media. All the leaders in Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan are united," he said. Gehlot said lengthy meetings of the CEC have taken place to ensure that the candidate selection process ends soon. "Long meetings are taking place to speed up the selection process for candidates," he said. Singh also rejected reports about any differences with Scindia or any argument with him in Gandhi's presence. "It is being wrongly reported in press that I and Jyotiraditya Scindia ji had any argument and Rahul ji had to intervene. All of us in MP Congress are one and determined to defeat the corrupt BJP Government in MP," he said.

Madhya Pradesh elections: Talks over Congress's ticket allotment inconclusive

The Uttarakhand High Court on Thursday issued notices to the Central Election Commission (EC), the State Election Commission and Bharatiya Janata Party Vikasnagar MLA MS&nbsp;Chauhan.

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Uttarakhand: HC issues notices against EC, State EC, BJP Vikasnagar MLA MS Chauhan, on petition on EVM tampering, asks to preserve the EVMs <a href="https://t.co/3zP61Enup4">pic.twitter.com/3zP61Enup4</a>
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The action was taken upon a plea filed by Congress Vikasnagar runner-up candidate Navprabhat on alleged tampering of electronic voting machines (EVMs).

The High Court has asked the authorities to preserve the EVMs and has also sought a response on the same within six weeks.

Chauhan had defeated the Congress candidate, Navprabhat, over 6,000 votes in the elections held in February this year.

Former Uttarakhand chief minister Harish Rawat had hinted at possible tampering of EVMs to tweak the poll outcome.

The EVMs are under scanner after the opposition parties have alleged that the BJP had tampered the machines to ensure favorable results.&nbsp;

(ANI)

The action was taken upon a plea filed by Congress Vikasnagar runner-up candidate Navprabhat on alleged tampering of EVMs

The Uttarakhand High Court on Thursday issued notices to the Central Election Commission (EC), the State Election Commission and Bharatiya Janata Party Vikasnagar MLA MS Chauhan. Uttarakhand: HC issues notices against EC, State EC, BJP Vikasnagar MLA MS Chauhan, on petition on EVM tampering, asks to preserve the EVMs pic.twitter.com/3zP61Enup4 — ANI (@ANI_news) April 27, 2017 × The action was taken upon a plea filed by Congress Vikasnagar runner-up candidate Navprabhat on alleged tampering of electronic voting machines (EVMs). The High Court has asked the authorities to preserve the EVMs and has also sought a response on the same within six weeks. Chauhan had defeated the Congress candidate, Navprabhat, over 6,000 votes in the elections held in February this year. Former Uttarakhand chief minister Harish Rawat had hinted at possible tampering of EVMs to tweak the poll outcome. The EVMs are under scanner after the opposition parties have alleged that the BJP had tampered the machines to ensure favorable results. (ANI)

Uttarakhand High Court orders EVMs to be taken into judicial custody

Captain Amarinder Singh will take oath as the chief minister of Punjab at a swearing-in ceremony today morning.

The 77-year-old, who has been credited with the Congress&#39;s big win in the recently-concluded state assembly elections, will take oath at 10 am today.

Punjab Governor VP Singh Badnore will administer the oath of office to the chief minister-designate and his team of cabinet ministers at the Governor&#39;s House (Punjab Bhawan).

Cricketer-turned-politician Navjot Singh Sidhu, who joined the Congress just a month before the elections, is also likely to be given a Cabinet berth. He is reportedly keen on the post of deputy CM. Congress leaders, however, are reportedly against Sidhu&#39;s elevation given that he recently joined the party and that they don&#39;t see a point in both top posts being taken by leaders from the same belt (Malwa).

Other prominent faces from the state who are likely to be inducted include industrialist Rana Gurjit Singh, former Punjab mfinance minister Manpreet Singh Badal, Muslim community leader Razia Sultana and Aruna Chaudhary.

The Congress formally elected Amarinder Singh as the head of the Congress Legislature Party (CLP) last Sunday. Amarinder Singh later met the governor and staked his claim to form the next government in the state.

This is the second time that he will helm the Northern Indian state. He was previously chief minister from 2002-2007.

The Congress came back to power winning 77 seats in the 117-member state assembly riding a strong anti-incumbency wave against the ruling SAD-BJP combine which won just 18 seats.&nbsp;

Delhi chief minister Arvind Kejriwal&#39;s Aam Aadmi Party, which debuted in Punjab for the first time, picked up just 22 seats.&nbsp;

(WION with inputs from agencies)

Punjab Governor VP Singh Badnore will administer the oath of office to the chief minister-designate and his team at 10 am today

Captain Amarinder Singh will take oath as the chief minister of Punjab at a swearing-in ceremony today morning. The 77-year-old, who has been credited with the Congress's big win in the recently-concluded state assembly elections, will take oath at 10 am today. Punjab Governor VP Singh Badnore will administer the oath of office to the chief minister-designate and his team of cabinet ministers at the Governor's House (Punjab Bhawan). Cricketer-turned-politician Navjot Singh Sidhu, who joined the Congress just a month before the elections, is also likely to be given a Cabinet berth. He is reportedly keen on the post of deputy CM. Congress leaders, however, are reportedly against Sidhu's elevation given that he recently joined the party and that they don't see a point in both top posts being taken by leaders from the same belt (Malwa). Other prominent faces from the state who are likely to be inducted include industrialist Rana Gurjit Singh, former Punjab mfinance minister Manpreet Singh Badal, Muslim community leader Razia Sultana and Aruna Chaudhary. The Congress formally elected Amarinder Singh as the head of the Congress Legislature Party (CLP) last Sunday. Amarinder Singh later met the governor and staked his claim to form the next government in the state. This is the second time that he will helm the Northern Indian state. He was previously chief minister from 2002-2007. The Congress came back to power winning 77 seats in the 117-member state assembly riding a strong anti-incumbency wave against the ruling SAD-BJP combine which won just 18 seats. Delhi chief minister Arvind Kejriwal's Aam Aadmi Party, which debuted in Punjab for the first time, picked up just 22 seats. (WION with inputs from agencies)

Captain Amarinder Singh to be sworn in as Punjab chief minister today, Navjot Singh Sidhu likely to get cabinet berth

Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader Nongthombam Biren Singh on Wednesday took charge as the chief minister of Manipur.

He was sworn-in as chief minister of the north-eastern state earlier in the day and was administered oath of office by Governor Najma Heptullah.

The Governor on Tuesday invited Biren Singh -- who was unanimously elected the leader of the 21-member BJP legislature party a day earlier -- to form the government after four members of the Naga People&#39;s Front NPF, an NDA ally, met her and declared their support to the BJP.

The party has enlisted the support of regional parties, the National People&#39;s Party (NPP) and NPF -- each with four seats -- and one legislator each of the Lok Janshakti Party, Trinamool Congress and Congress. The NPP, NPF and LJP are BJP allies at the Centre.

Biren Singh, a national-level footballer-turned-journalist, joined politics in 2002. He was elected to the Manipur Legislative Assembly from the Democratic Revolutionary People&#39;s Party, which later merged with the Congress. In 2003, he was appointed as a minister in the state government and retained his assembly seat in both the 2007 and 2012 Assembly elections.&nbsp;

His relationship with then chief minister Okram Ibobi Singh fell apart after he was excluded from the Cabinet in 2012.&nbsp;

In October 2016, Singh left the Congress and joined BJP.

Thirty-one MLAs are needed to form the government in the 60 member-Assembly.&nbsp;

Both the BJP and Congress had earlier staked claim to form the government. The Congress, which has 28 MLAs, led the tally.&nbsp;

(ANI)&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

Biren Singh was administered oath of office by Governor Najma Heptullah

Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader Nongthombam Biren Singh on Wednesday took charge as the chief minister of Manipur. He was sworn-in as chief minister of the north-eastern state earlier in the day and was administered oath of office by Governor Najma Heptullah. The Governor on Tuesday invited Biren Singh -- who was unanimously elected the leader of the 21-member BJP legislature party a day earlier -- to form the government after four members of the Naga People's Front NPF, an NDA ally, met her and declared their support to the BJP. The party has enlisted the support of regional parties, the National People's Party (NPP) and NPF -- each with four seats -- and one legislator each of the Lok Janshakti Party, Trinamool Congress and Congress. The NPP, NPF and LJP are BJP allies at the Centre. Biren Singh, a national-level footballer-turned-journalist, joined politics in 2002. He was elected to the Manipur Legislative Assembly from the Democratic Revolutionary People's Party, which later merged with the Congress. In 2003, he was appointed as a minister in the state government and retained his assembly seat in both the 2007 and 2012 Assembly elections. His relationship with then chief minister Okram Ibobi Singh fell apart after he was excluded from the Cabinet in 2012. In October 2016, Singh left the Congress and joined BJP. Thirty-one MLAs are needed to form the government in the 60 member-Assembly. Both the BJP and Congress had earlier staked claim to form the government. The Congress, which has 28 MLAs, led the tally. (ANI)

Biren Singh sworn-in as Manipur chief minister

Manohar Parrikar has been sworn-in as the next chief minister of Goa, taking the oath of office in his native language Konkani.

The swearing-in ceremony took place amid protests outside Raj Bhavan.&nbsp;

The event was attended by several BJP leaders, including Amit Shah and Laxmikant Parsekar.

This comes hours after India&#39;s Supreme Court ordered a floor test in Goa after the Congress <a href="http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/india-congress-slams-bjp-for-backdoor-entry-in-goa-manipur-13344" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">moved a petition in the apex court challenging the BJP&#39;s bid for&nbsp;government formation</a> in the state.

Supreme Court said the floor test will be held on March 16 as&nbsp;it&nbsp;refused to stay the swearing-in of Manohar Parrikar as the chief minister of the state which is due to take place today evening.&nbsp;

Union Minister Nitin Gadkari hit back at the Congress saying, &quot;Congress was not able to choose a leader due to their internal tussle and they are blaming us for it.&quot;

&quot;There was no horse-trading in Goa. We had a discussion with non-BJP MLAs and they had some conditions, their support was unanimous,&quot; the minister added.

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Our fight is against BJP&#39;s ideology, what they did in Manipur &amp; Goa is exactly the ideology we are fighting against: Rahul Gandhi <a href="https://t.co/vqoR1EiF31">pic.twitter.com/vqoR1EiF31</a>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI_news) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI_news/status/841549660657405952">March 14, 2017</a></blockquote>
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During the hearing, India&#39;s highest court&nbsp;asked the Congress why it did not approach the governor of Goa over government formation after the Congress moved a petition challenging the appointment of BJP-led Manohar Parrikar as Goa chief minister.

The Supreme Court bench headed by CJI Khehar observed that numbers should determine single largest party in Goa.

The Congress petition had alleged that established constitutional practices were being violated by the BJP during their bid to&nbsp;form the government in Goa. The Congress also alleged that the BJP was involved in horse-trading to conjure up the numbers in the Goa House.&nbsp;

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<a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/WATCH?src=hash">#WATCH</a>: Rahul Gandhi says, &quot;We are in opposition,you have ups &amp; downs, we had a little down in UP, its fine we accept that&quot; <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/ElectionResults?src=hash">#ElectionResults</a> <a href="https://t.co/6kj43gXzA1">pic.twitter.com/6kj43gXzA1</a>
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Manohar Parrikar is CM of Goa for two days, if BJP can&#39;t show majority they won&#39;t be allowed to form a government:Abhishek Manu Singhvi <a href="https://t.co/YDhUbygZTA">pic.twitter.com/YDhUbygZTA</a>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI_news) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI_news/status/841547084637458432">March 14, 2017</a></blockquote>
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India&#39;s highest court asked the Congress if it had the numbers to form the government in Goa.

The BJP needs the support of 21 MLAs in the 40-member House to prove its majority, the party believes it has the support of 22 MLAs which includes the MGP and Independents.

The Congress, which won 17 seats,&nbsp;had on Saturday&nbsp;emerged as the single largest party in the Goa Assembly polls, which threw up a hung verdict as the BJP won 13 seats.

However, Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party(MGP) which had 3 seats in the Goa assembly on Sunday&nbsp;passed a resolution extending support to the BJP, if it formed&nbsp;the&nbsp;government under the leadership of Manohar Parrikar. 
 
The BJP hopes to cobble up the numbers by convincing other parties and Independents to join the coalition&nbsp;and keep the Congress out of power in the coastal state of India.&nbsp;

Meanwhile, Manohar Parrikar has said he&#39;d comment after he is sworn-in as the chief minister.

But India&#39;s finance minister Arun Jaitley, who also received the added portfolio of the defence ministry after Parrikar resigned to become the Goa CM, slammed the Congress for hindering the BJP from forming the government.

In a Facebook post, Jaitley said: &quot;The Congress Party complains a bit too much. It accused the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) of &#39;stealing&#39; the mandate. It unsuccessfully petitioned before the Supreme Court. It attempted to raise issues at Lok Sabha. What are the facts?&quot;

Jaitley also attributed BJP&#39;s decision to forging post-poll alliances as part of democracy, saying: &quot;Obviously in a Hung Assembly (sic) post-poll alliances will be formed.&quot; &nbsp;

(WION)

This comes after India's top court greenlit his appointment. However, Parrikar has to prove majority on the floor of the House

Manohar Parrikar has been sworn-in as the next chief minister of Goa, taking the oath of office in his native language Konkani. The swearing-in ceremony took place amid protests outside Raj Bhavan. The event was attended by several BJP leaders, including Amit Shah and Laxmikant Parsekar. This comes hours after India's Supreme Court ordered a floor test in Goa after the Congress moved a petition in the apex court challenging the BJP's bid for government formation in the state. Supreme Court said the floor test will be held on March 16 as it refused to stay the swearing-in of Manohar Parrikar as the chief minister of the state which is due to take place today evening. Union Minister Nitin Gadkari hit back at the Congress saying, "Congress was not able to choose a leader due to their internal tussle and they are blaming us for it." "There was no horse-trading in Goa. We had a discussion with non-BJP MLAs and they had some conditions, their support was unanimous," the minister added. Our fight is against BJP's ideology, what they did in Manipur & Goa is exactly the ideology we are fighting against: Rahul Gandhi pic.twitter.com/vqoR1EiF31 — ANI (@ANI_news) March 14, 2017 × During the hearing, India's highest court asked the Congress why it did not approach the governor of Goa over government formation after the Congress moved a petition challenging the appointment of BJP-led Manohar Parrikar as Goa chief minister. The Supreme Court bench headed by CJI Khehar observed that numbers should determine single largest party in Goa. The Congress petition had alleged that established constitutional practices were being violated by the BJP during their bid to form the government in Goa. The Congress also alleged that the BJP was involved in horse-trading to conjure up the numbers in the Goa House. #WATCH: Rahul Gandhi says, "We are in opposition,you have ups & downs, we had a little down in UP, its fine we accept that" #ElectionResults pic.twitter.com/6kj43gXzA1 — ANI (@ANI_news) March 14, 2017 × Manohar Parrikar is CM of Goa for two days, if BJP can't show majority they won't be allowed to form a government:Abhishek Manu Singhvi pic.twitter.com/YDhUbygZTA — ANI (@ANI_news) March 14, 2017 × India's highest court asked the Congress if it had the numbers to form the government in Goa. The BJP needs the support of 21 MLAs in the 40-member House to prove its majority, the party believes it has the support of 22 MLAs which includes the MGP and Independents. The Congress, which won 17 seats, had on Saturday emerged as the single largest party in the Goa Assembly polls, which threw up a hung verdict as the BJP won 13 seats. However, Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party(MGP) which had 3 seats in the Goa assembly on Sunday passed a resolution extending support to the BJP, if it formed the government under the leadership of Manohar Parrikar. The BJP hopes to cobble up the numbers by convincing other parties and Independents to join the coalition and keep the Congress out of power in the coastal state of India. Meanwhile, Manohar Parrikar has said he'd comment after he is sworn-in as the chief minister. But India's finance minister Arun Jaitley, who also received the added portfolio of the defence ministry after Parrikar resigned to become the Goa CM, slammed the Congress for hindering the BJP from forming the government. In a Facebook post, Jaitley said: "The Congress Party complains a bit too much. It accused the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) of 'stealing' the mandate. It unsuccessfully petitioned before the Supreme Court. It attempted to raise issues at Lok Sabha. What are the facts?" Jaitley also attributed BJP's decision to forging post-poll alliances as part of democracy, saying: "Obviously in a Hung Assembly (sic) post-poll alliances will be formed." (WION)

Manohar Parrikar takes oath as Goa chief minister

The Sensex&#39;s gains slipped, but the gauge is still trading higher today by 482 points, powered by a huge sweep by the BJP in Uttar Pradesh&nbsp;and Uttarakhand and a higher probability of the party forming government in other states.

The broader Nifty came off from record highs while holding on to the key 9,000 level.

Solid IIP numbers and strong FII inflows bolstered sentiment too.

Barring telecom counters which witnessed profit- booking, buying was led by capital goods, financials, realty, industrials and auto, among others.

The Sensex opened gap-up at 29,437.23 and hovered in a range of 29,561.93 and 29,356.05 before trading at 29,428.40 at 1155 hours, a gain of 482.17 points, or 1.67 per cent.

The NSE 50-share Nifty was also up 146.65 points, or 1.64 per cent, to quote at 9,081.20 at 1155 hours.

Major gainers were ICICI bank (5.82 per cent), L&amp;T (4.17 per cent), HDFC (3.39 per cent), ITC (2.39 per cent) and Asian Paints (2.27 per cent).

Meanwhile, foreign funds bought net Rs 412.14 crore last Friday, as per the provisional figures.

India&#39;s wholesale prices rose a more-than-expected 6.55 per cent year-on-year in February, compared with a 0.85 per cent fall a year ago, driven by fuel and food prices, government data showed on Tuesday.

The data compares with a 5.90 per cent annual rise forecast by economists in a Reuters poll. In January, prices rose a provisional 5.25 per cent, the fastest pace in two-and-a-half years.

Last month, wholesale food prices rose 2.69 per cent year-on-year, compared with a provisional 0.56 per cent fall in January.

&nbsp;

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Annual rate of inflation, based on monthly WPI, stood at 6.55% for February, 2017 as compared to 5.25% for previous month.
&mdash; ANI (@ANI_news) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI_news/status/841542031549767680">March 14, 2017</a></blockquote>
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Modi&#39;s victory &quot;is a huge confidence boost for reform and is another step on the way to a story that could place him as one of the most successful reformers in history,&quot; said Simon Quijano-Evans, investment strategist at Legal &amp; General Investment Management in London.

The prime minister&#39;s win should bode well for foreign portfolio investment in India.

Foreign investors have already started returning to the country, having bought a net $1.5 billion in equities and $887.3 million in debt in February, following four consecutive months of net sales. They have remained net buyers in March.

But expensive valuations and caution due to an anticipated rate hike by the US&nbsp;Federal Reserve this week could temper gains.

Indian shares are trading at a price-to-earnings ratio of 19.85 over the next 12 months, compared with their five-year historic average of 17.8, according to Thomson Reuters data.

(Agencies)

Investors are betting the victory in UP will embolden the ruling BJP to embark on more reforms including launching the GST

The Sensex's gains slipped, but the gauge is still trading higher today by 482 points, powered by a huge sweep by the BJP in Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand and a higher probability of the party forming government in other states. The broader Nifty came off from record highs while holding on to the key 9,000 level. Solid IIP numbers and strong FII inflows bolstered sentiment too. Barring telecom counters which witnessed profit- booking, buying was led by capital goods, financials, realty, industrials and auto, among others. The Sensex opened gap-up at 29,437.23 and hovered in a range of 29,561.93 and 29,356.05 before trading at 29,428.40 at 1155 hours, a gain of 482.17 points, or 1.67 per cent. The NSE 50-share Nifty was also up 146.65 points, or 1.64 per cent, to quote at 9,081.20 at 1155 hours. Major gainers were ICICI bank (5.82 per cent), L&T (4.17 per cent), HDFC (3.39 per cent), ITC (2.39 per cent) and Asian Paints (2.27 per cent). Meanwhile, foreign funds bought net Rs 412.14 crore last Friday, as per the provisional figures. India's wholesale prices rose a more-than-expected 6.55 per cent year-on-year in February, compared with a 0.85 per cent fall a year ago, driven by fuel and food prices, government data showed on Tuesday. The data compares with a 5.90 per cent annual rise forecast by economists in a Reuters poll. In January, prices rose a provisional 5.25 per cent, the fastest pace in two-and-a-half years. Last month, wholesale food prices rose 2.69 per cent year-on-year, compared with a provisional 0.56 per cent fall in January. Annual rate of inflation, based on monthly WPI, stood at 6.55% for February, 2017 as compared to 5.25% for previous month. — ANI (@ANI_news) March 14, 2017 × Modi's victory "is a huge confidence boost for reform and is another step on the way to a story that could place him as one of the most successful reformers in history," said Simon Quijano-Evans, investment strategist at Legal & General Investment Management in London. The prime minister's win should bode well for foreign portfolio investment in India. Foreign investors have already started returning to the country, having bought a net $1.5 billion in equities and $887.3 million in debt in February, following four consecutive months of net sales. They have remained net buyers in March. But expensive valuations and caution due to an anticipated rate hike by the US Federal Reserve this week could temper gains. Indian shares are trading at a price-to-earnings ratio of 19.85 over the next 12 months, compared with their five-year historic average of 17.8, according to Thomson Reuters data. (Agencies)

BJP's big UP victory boosts Sensex, Nifty

In the wake of the recent debate on the formation of a Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) -&nbsp;dominated government in Goa and Manipur, the Congress party branded Prime Minister Narendra Modi and other BJP ministers as &#39;power-hungry&#39;&nbsp;politicians, going against the will of the locals.

With regards to Manohar Parrikar being appointed as the new chief minister of Goa, Congress leader Rizwan Arshad claimed that the appointment is against the will of residents in Goa.

Speaking to ANI, Arshad questioned Parrikar regarding why he did not contest the elections if he desired to be the chief minister, adding that the BJP is forcefully entering the political scenario in Goa.

&quot;Parrikar is not the chosen candidate for CM in the eyes of locals in Goa. The recent events are very unfortunate for the democracy,&quot; said Arshad.

With regards to Manipur, Arshad accused the Modi Government of misuse of power, further stating that independent MLAs were &#39;abducted by CISF&#39;.

Arshad also claimed that the recent attack on Kannada writer Yogesh Master has been fueled by right-wing organisations that are being supported by Prime Minister Modi.

&quot;These organisations are against liberalist ideology. The Congress Government in Karnataka will not let the miscreants walk free,&quot; he added.Commenting on India`s relations with Pakistan, Arshad stated that Prime Minister Modi&#39;s actions and words look &#39;out of sync&#39;, since there has been no clarity on the matter so far.

Meanwhile, the Congress moved the Supreme Court against Goa Governor&#39;s decision to invite Parrikar to form government in the state, despite the BJP emerging as the second largest party.

The Congress claimed that the Governor should have invited them to form government, as they are the single largest party with 17 seats.

The petition for urgent hearing was mentioned before Chief Justice of India JS&nbsp;Khehar, and is scheduled to take place later today.

(ANI)&nbsp;

Congress branded Prime Minister Narendra Modi and other BJP ministers as 'power-hungry'?politicians, going against the will of the locals

In the wake of the recent debate on the formation of a Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) - dominated government in Goa and Manipur, the Congress party branded Prime Minister Narendra Modi and other BJP ministers as 'power-hungry' politicians, going against the will of the locals. With regards to Manohar Parrikar being appointed as the new chief minister of Goa, Congress leader Rizwan Arshad claimed that the appointment is against the will of residents in Goa. Speaking to ANI, Arshad questioned Parrikar regarding why he did not contest the elections if he desired to be the chief minister, adding that the BJP is forcefully entering the political scenario in Goa. "Parrikar is not the chosen candidate for CM in the eyes of locals in Goa. The recent events are very unfortunate for the democracy," said Arshad. With regards to Manipur, Arshad accused the Modi Government of misuse of power, further stating that independent MLAs were 'abducted by CISF'. Arshad also claimed that the recent attack on Kannada writer Yogesh Master has been fueled by right-wing organisations that are being supported by Prime Minister Modi. "These organisations are against liberalist ideology. The Congress Government in Karnataka will not let the miscreants walk free," he added.Commenting on India`s relations with Pakistan, Arshad stated that Prime Minister Modi's actions and words look 'out of sync', since there has been no clarity on the matter so far. Meanwhile, the Congress moved the Supreme Court against Goa Governor's decision to invite Parrikar to form government in the state, despite the BJP emerging as the second largest party. The Congress claimed that the Governor should have invited them to form government, as they are the single largest party with 17 seats. The petition for urgent hearing was mentioned before Chief Justice of India JS Khehar, and is scheduled to take place later today. (ANI)

India: Congress slams BJP for 'backdoor entry' in Goa, Manipur

Outgoing Manipur Chief Minister O Ibobi Singh resigned today after Governor Najma Heptullah said she could not start the process of government formation in the state that has got a hung Assembly, till he quits.

Singh, who had earlier today said he would resign by tomorrow, submitted his resignation papers to the Governor, Deputy Chief Minister Gaikhangam told PTI.

Singh has been arguing that Congress being the single largest party with 28 seats, he should be given the first opportunity to form the government.

&quot;I am ready for a floor test and I have the numbers with me,&quot; said Singh.

Heptullah, however, said earlier that she could only start the process of government formation once the incumbent chief minister resigned as per norms.

&quot;I have not received till today any resignation from the chief minister (O Ibobi Singh) though I told him yesterday I can start the process of government formation only after you resign,&quot; Heptullah said.

As per rules, until the present chief minister resigns, the process of government formation cannot be started, said a highly-placed Raj Bhavan source.

Singh, who has been serving as chief minister for 15 years since 2002, was elected as leader of the Congress Legislature Party (CLP) yesterday and had staked claim to form the government late last night. 
 
(PTI)

Governor Najma Heptullah had said she could not start the process of government formation in the state till he quit

Outgoing Manipur Chief Minister O Ibobi Singh resigned today after Governor Najma Heptullah said she could not start the process of government formation in the state that has got a hung Assembly, till he quits. Singh, who had earlier today said he would resign by tomorrow, submitted his resignation papers to the Governor, Deputy Chief Minister Gaikhangam told PTI. Singh has been arguing that Congress being the single largest party with 28 seats, he should be given the first opportunity to form the government. "I am ready for a floor test and I have the numbers with me," said Singh. Heptullah, however, said earlier that she could only start the process of government formation once the incumbent chief minister resigned as per norms. "I have not received till today any resignation from the chief minister (O Ibobi Singh) though I told him yesterday I can start the process of government formation only after you resign," Heptullah said. As per rules, until the present chief minister resigns, the process of government formation cannot be started, said a highly-placed Raj Bhavan source. Singh, who has been serving as chief minister for 15 years since 2002, was elected as leader of the Congress Legislature Party (CLP) yesterday and had staked claim to form the government late last night. (PTI)

Ibobi Singh resigns as Manipur chief minister

N Biren Singh was today unanimously elected leader of the BJP Legislature Party in Manipur, paving the way for his becoming the next chief minister. 
 
&quot;N Biren has been unanimously elected leader of the BJP Legislature Party. He is the party&#39;s chief ministerial candidate,&quot; Union minister Piyush Goel told reporters. 
 
Biren will meet Governor Najma Heptulla and stake claim to form the next government in the state, said Goel, who was present at the meeting, adding &quot;we have the support of smaller parties&quot;. 
 
A former minister in the Ibobi Singh-led Congress government, Biren thanked Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the BJP leadership for giving him an opportunity to serve Manipur. 
 
&quot;I thank the Prime Minister and the entire BJP leadership. I had left the Congress protesting against its misrule and misgovernance. 
 
&quot;I assure you that our team under the leadership of Prime Minister Modiji will provide good governance,&quot; he said. 
 
(PTI)

Biren Singh will meet Governor Najma Heptulla and stake claim to form the next government in the state

N Biren Singh was today unanimously elected leader of the BJP Legislature Party in Manipur, paving the way for his becoming the next chief minister. "N Biren has been unanimously elected leader of the BJP Legislature Party. He is the party's chief ministerial candidate," Union minister Piyush Goel told reporters. Biren will meet Governor Najma Heptulla and stake claim to form the next government in the state, said Goel, who was present at the meeting, adding "we have the support of smaller parties". A former minister in the Ibobi Singh-led Congress government, Biren thanked Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the BJP leadership for giving him an opportunity to serve Manipur. "I thank the Prime Minister and the entire BJP leadership. I had left the Congress protesting against its misrule and misgovernance. "I assure you that our team under the leadership of Prime Minister Modiji will provide good governance," he said. (PTI)

India: BJP's Biren Singh to be Manipur's new chief minister

Shortly after the Lok Sabha elections in 2014, three-time chief minister of a Congress state told me that the Gandhis have become a liability for the Congress. What sounded shocking to me then seems like a cold reality today. Post 2012, every election where Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi campaigned intensively has been lost by the party. The Congress has only been able to retain or regain those states where the state leadership has been strong. This development has been co-terminus with the rise of Modi&rsquo;s brand of politics and Rahul&rsquo;s elevation in the Congress Party. The rise of the BJP also became the rise of Narendra Modi which not only electorally marginalised the Congress but also damaged the Gandhi brand. His campaign model ran down Rahul Gandhi hence his capacity to attract and electrify the voters.

This happened when Narendra Modi had more political baggage than the young Rahul Gandhi. Despite the disadvantage he faced, Modi managed to turn it around. He did this through opportunities inadvertently handed down to him by the Opposition and by projecting himself as an outsider to the corrupt world of the Delhi Durbar. In the process, Rahul Gandhi was successfully projected as a lazy leader who was a product of power and pelf in front of an aspirational India which he has not been able to shake off till date.

Rahul Gandhi not only squandered away the opportunity to understand the humbling process of government work but also proved organisationally inept. Not only did his Youth Congress programme come under tremendous criticism but his transition, forced by his mother Sonia Gandhi, created deep fissures in the party. Married to the defeat of 2014 and 2017, one can safely say that Rahul Gandhi today is turning into a brand liability for the Congress as he fails to draw the voters out on his own account. The truth is that the dynasty is in decline. The truth is that majority of Indians aren&rsquo;t taking Rahul Gandhi seriously. It is failing to connect to a new India on its own accord. It is a difficult truth but stares the Congress in its face and it should worry everyone in the Congress a lot.

The sum and total of five polls is that Narendra Modi today stands as the only pan Indian leader who possesses the ability to move and mobilise multiple social constituencies. Even if concession is given to Rahul Gandhi that the Congress wrested a couple of states, its overall vote share continues to decline. Rahul&#39;s victories never gave him the legitimacy of a mass leader as people gave credit to the state leaders. This time, the family bastion in Uttar Pradesh (UP) was again swept away despite the alliance whereas all seats in Varanasi went into the BJP&rsquo;s pocket indicating that even the home turf of the Gandhis is in tatters.

To top it up is the issue of perception that no leader comes close to Modi. This image has been buffeted further by the economically-contested demonetisation which he used to the party&rsquo;s political advantage in Uttar Pradesh. This not only enhanced his stature but also made all adversaries look small, limited and regional in nature.

The UP results also made Rahul Gandhi fall into the trap of sectional politics. In the 2012 elections, &nbsp;he spoke about the issue of backward Muslims which failed miserably. This time also the same mistake was repeated, but in a different avatar.

Despite appealing to the developmental issues, the dog whisper campaign of the SP-Congress was that with the Muslim Yadav combine with the Congress, the upper-caste vote would do well. This was politically countered by the majority discrimination campaign by BJP which was spearheaded by the prime minister himself. Not only did it derail the alliance, but it also created a united Hindu vote which should worry Congress a lot.

Bluntly putting it, PM Modi has become the biggest Hindu mascot who makes his intention of not running after the minority votes very clear to the electorate. To say that the post-Godhra baggage of the PM has been forgotten by India as he speaks more on development would be to fool oneself. Modi represents a skillful combination of Hindutva and the right-of-center economy of the world. So, to say that the UP results showcase booth-management skills or caste management would be to fool oneself. The vote represents a majority vote against a minority veto which has resurfaced in a much more powerful manner after the 1990s. This is the reason why not a single Muslim candidate was fielded by the BJP in UP and similarly in Assam, where the Muslim population touches 30 per cent of the total votes. This is not limited to India. Through the world, a churn exists where the majority not only asserts itself but also wears its cultural and religious symbols dynamically in the political field.

It is in this contrast that Rahul Gandhi comes across as a perpetually struggling leader who has neither defined his idea nor politics. It is this reality that Rahul Gandhi needs to deal with. It will not resolve itself by visiting temples or talking about Saivism in public because it doesn&rsquo;t look organic.

Congress under Rahul Gandhi can either continue to fight the BJP to preserve its past and the family or can call for internal elections to embrace fresh leadership. Who knows that a tough fight to take over the party might reinvent Rahul Gandhi himself. It did wonders to Sonia Gandhi when she was challenged by Jitendra Prasad. It gave her the legitimacy in front of workers and from there she went on to challenge the BJP. She challenged them state by state and in the process rebuilt a broken party.

The Congress will have to walk the same road again but will have to start the process by addressing the issue of the family first. There is not much of a choice. Fix it or replace it with an outsider. 
 
(WION)

&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

A three-time chief minister of a Congress state told me in 2014 that the Gandhis have become a liability for the Congress

Shortly after the Lok Sabha elections in 2014, three-time chief minister of a Congress state told me that the Gandhis have become a liability for the Congress. What sounded shocking to me then seems like a cold reality today. Post 2012, every election where Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi campaigned intensively has been lost by the party. The Congress has only been able to retain or regain those states where the state leadership has been strong. This development has been co-terminus with the rise of Modi’s brand of politics and Rahul’s elevation in the Congress Party. The rise of the BJP also became the rise of Narendra Modi which not only electorally marginalised the Congress but also damaged the Gandhi brand. His campaign model ran down Rahul Gandhi hence his capacity to attract and electrify the voters. This happened when Narendra Modi had more political baggage than the young Rahul Gandhi. Despite the disadvantage he faced, Modi managed to turn it around. He did this through opportunities inadvertently handed down to him by the Opposition and by projecting himself as an outsider to the corrupt world of the Delhi Durbar. In the process, Rahul Gandhi was successfully projected as a lazy leader who was a product of power and pelf in front of an aspirational India which he has not been able to shake off till date. Rahul Gandhi not only squandered away the opportunity to understand the humbling process of government work but also proved organisationally inept. Not only did his Youth Congress programme come under tremendous criticism but his transition, forced by his mother Sonia Gandhi, created deep fissures in the party. Married to the defeat of 2014 and 2017, one can safely say that Rahul Gandhi today is turning into a brand liability for the Congress as he fails to draw the voters out on his own account. The truth is that the dynasty is in decline. The truth is that majority of Indians aren’t taking Rahul Gandhi seriously. It is failing to connect to a new India on its own accord. It is a difficult truth but stares the Congress in its face and it should worry everyone in the Congress a lot. The sum and total of five polls is that Narendra Modi today stands as the only pan Indian leader who possesses the ability to move and mobilise multiple social constituencies. Even if concession is given to Rahul Gandhi that the Congress wrested a couple of states, its overall vote share continues to decline. Rahul's victories never gave him the legitimacy of a mass leader as people gave credit to the state leaders. This time, the family bastion in Uttar Pradesh (UP) was again swept away despite the alliance whereas all seats in Varanasi went into the BJP’s pocket indicating that even the home turf of the Gandhis is in tatters. To top it up is the issue of perception that no leader comes close to Modi. This image has been buffeted further by the economically-contested demonetisation which he used to the party’s political advantage in Uttar Pradesh. This not only enhanced his stature but also made all adversaries look small, limited and regional in nature. The UP results also made Rahul Gandhi fall into the trap of sectional politics. In the 2012 elections, he spoke about the issue of backward Muslims which failed miserably. This time also the same mistake was repeated, but in a different avatar. Despite appealing to the developmental issues, the dog whisper campaign of the SP-Congress was that with the Muslim Yadav combine with the Congress, the upper-caste vote would do well. This was politically countered by the majority discrimination campaign by BJP which was spearheaded by the prime minister himself. Not only did it derail the alliance, but it also created a united Hindu vote which should worry Congress a lot. Bluntly putting it, PM Modi has become the biggest Hindu mascot who makes his intention of not running after the minority votes very clear to the electorate. To say that the post-Godhra baggage of the PM has been forgotten by India as he speaks more on development would be to fool oneself. Modi represents a skillful combination of Hindutva and the right-of-center economy of the world. So, to say that the UP results showcase booth-management skills or caste management would be to fool oneself. The vote represents a majority vote against a minority veto which has resurfaced in a much more powerful manner after the 1990s. This is the reason why not a single Muslim candidate was fielded by the BJP in UP and similarly in Assam, where the Muslim population touches 30 per cent of the total votes. This is not limited to India. Through the world, a churn exists where the majority not only asserts itself but also wears its cultural and religious symbols dynamically in the political field. It is in this contrast that Rahul Gandhi comes across as a perpetually struggling leader who has neither defined his idea nor politics. It is this reality that Rahul Gandhi needs to deal with. It will not resolve itself by visiting temples or talking about Saivism in public because it doesn’t look organic. Congress under Rahul Gandhi can either continue to fight the BJP to preserve its past and the family or can call for internal elections to embrace fresh leadership. Who knows that a tough fight to take over the party might reinvent Rahul Gandhi himself. It did wonders to Sonia Gandhi when she was challenged by Jitendra Prasad. It gave her the legitimacy in front of workers and from there she went on to challenge the BJP. She challenged them state by state and in the process rebuilt a broken party. The Congress will have to walk the same road again but will have to start the process by addressing the issue of the family first. There is not much of a choice. Fix it or replace it with an outsider. (WION)

The rise of Modi and the fall of Rahul Gandhi

The BJP&#39;s Parliamentary Board has authorised party president&nbsp;Amit Shah to take the final call about who will be the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh, Goa and Uttarakhand.

The party&#39;s Parliamentary Board Secretary JP Nadda said Amit Shah has been authorised to take the final decision after the observers appointed by the party submitted their reports.

Venkaiah Naidu and Bhupendra Yadav will be observers for Uttar Pradesh while Narendra Tomar and Saroj Pandey will be the observers for Uttarakhand, the Parliamentary Board Secretary said.&nbsp;

Piyush Goyal and Vinay Sahasrabuddhe are observers for Manipur, the Union Minister added.

Amit Shah had said yesterday that the&nbsp;chief ministers would be chosen on the basis of merit and capability. 
 
The party has performed well in the assembly polls of Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Goa and Manipur.

The BJP had not announced a chief ministerial candidate for both Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand.

In Uttar Pradesh, there are four leaders who are in the reckoning to be the next chief minister.&nbsp;

State party chief Keshav Maurya, right-wing lawmaker Yogi Adityanath and Union minister Manoj Sinha are some of the those in fray. India&#39;s interior minister Rajnath Singh&#39;s name has been mentioned as well but people close to him say he is not keen on helming the state.

In Uttarakhand, Satpal Maharaj, Devendra Rawat and Prakash Pant are the frontrunners to become the chief minister.

While these leaders are touted to be the top contenders for the CM&rsquo;s post in UP, the suspense can be put to an end only by an announcement by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who has a penchant to spring surprises.

Earlier Sunday,&nbsp;Prime Minister Modi delivered his victory speech to party workers emphasising that the massive&nbsp;mandate is&nbsp;to serve the people and laying the foundation for a new India. He also said that the government will not discriminate and work for all irresepective of whether they voted for the BJP or not.

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Naye Hindustan ke nayi neev ke roop mein dekh raha hoon, in paanch rajyon ke chunaav ko: PM Modi at BJP HQ <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/ElectionResults?src=hash">#ElectionResults</a> <a href="https://t.co/ds8aW1A5cQ">pic.twitter.com/ds8aW1A5cQ</a>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI_news) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI_news/status/840916433756348418">March 12, 2017</a></blockquote>
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Vote diya na diya wo chunaav nateejon tak theek hai, sarkaar sabki hoti hai, sabke liye hoti hai, sath chalne ke liye hoti hai: PM Modi <a href="https://t.co/P6uJQN4u8H">pic.twitter.com/P6uJQN4u8H</a>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI_news) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI_news/status/840922874349203456">March 12, 2017</a></blockquote>
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The Prime Minister said that he recognises the potential of the poor and he understands their power. He also invoked the memory of Pandit Deendayal Upadhyay, whose idea of Antyodaya (uplifting the weaker sections of society), the Prime Minsiter said, should be the guiding light for the new government. &nbsp;

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Gareeb mein saamarth mai dekh paata hoon, unki shakti ko pehchaan paata hoon: PM Modi at BJP HQ in Delhi <a href="https://t.co/pvwv6SHZB1">pic.twitter.com/pvwv6SHZB1</a>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI_news) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI_news/status/840918157690785796">March 12, 2017</a></blockquote>
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These elections are an emotional issue for us. They come when we mark the centenary celebrations of Pandit Deen Dayal Ji: PM Modi <a href="https://t.co/GWDlVFJNOt">pic.twitter.com/GWDlVFJNOt</a>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI_news) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI_news/status/840918568699023360">March 12, 2017</a></blockquote>
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He also said that the burden on the middle class should be&nbsp;reduced so that they can shine.&nbsp;

Terming the victory as historic, Modi added that with every election,&nbsp;support for the BJP is increasing .

Earlier, the Prime Minister arrived at the Bharatiya Janata Party headquarters in New Delhi on Sunday evening following a &quot;victory walk&quot; to celebrate the party&#39;s landslide win in Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand polls.&nbsp;

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Prime Minister Narendra Modi arrives at BJP HQ in Delhi amid loud &#39;Modi Modi&#39; chants <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/ElectionResults?src=hash">#ElectionResults</a> <a href="https://t.co/PguigLCp3l">pic.twitter.com/PguigLCp3l</a>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI_news) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI_news/status/840908435927400448">March 12, 2017</a></blockquote>
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(WION with inputs from ANI)

BJP president Amit Shah will decide the names of the chief ministers in states where the party has won

The BJP's Parliamentary Board has authorised party president Amit Shah to take the final call about who will be the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh, Goa and Uttarakhand. The party's Parliamentary Board Secretary JP Nadda said Amit Shah has been authorised to take the final decision after the observers appointed by the party submitted their reports. Venkaiah Naidu and Bhupendra Yadav will be observers for Uttar Pradesh while Narendra Tomar and Saroj Pandey will be the observers for Uttarakhand, the Parliamentary Board Secretary said. Piyush Goyal and Vinay Sahasrabuddhe are observers for Manipur, the Union Minister added. Amit Shah had said yesterday that the chief ministers would be chosen on the basis of merit and capability. The party has performed well in the assembly polls of Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Goa and Manipur. The BJP had not announced a chief ministerial candidate for both Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand. In Uttar Pradesh, there are four leaders who are in the reckoning to be the next chief minister. State party chief Keshav Maurya, right-wing lawmaker Yogi Adityanath and Union minister Manoj Sinha are some of the those in fray. India's interior minister Rajnath Singh's name has been mentioned as well but people close to him say he is not keen on helming the state. In Uttarakhand, Satpal Maharaj, Devendra Rawat and Prakash Pant are the frontrunners to become the chief minister. While these leaders are touted to be the top contenders for the CM’s post in UP, the suspense can be put to an end only by an announcement by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who has a penchant to spring surprises. Earlier Sunday, Prime Minister Modi delivered his victory speech to party workers emphasising that the massive mandate is to serve the people and laying the foundation for a new India. He also said that the government will not discriminate and work for all irresepective of whether they voted for the BJP or not. Naye Hindustan ke nayi neev ke roop mein dekh raha hoon, in paanch rajyon ke chunaav ko: PM Modi at BJP HQ #ElectionResults pic.twitter.com/ds8aW1A5cQ — ANI (@ANI_news) March 12, 2017 × Vote diya na diya wo chunaav nateejon tak theek hai, sarkaar sabki hoti hai, sabke liye hoti hai, sath chalne ke liye hoti hai: PM Modi pic.twitter.com/P6uJQN4u8H — ANI (@ANI_news) March 12, 2017 × The Prime Minister said that he recognises the potential of the poor and he understands their power. He also invoked the memory of Pandit Deendayal Upadhyay, whose idea of Antyodaya (uplifting the weaker sections of society), the Prime Minsiter said, should be the guiding light for the new government. Gareeb mein saamarth mai dekh paata hoon, unki shakti ko pehchaan paata hoon: PM Modi at BJP HQ in Delhi pic.twitter.com/pvwv6SHZB1 — ANI (@ANI_news) March 12, 2017 × These elections are an emotional issue for us. They come when we mark the centenary celebrations of Pandit Deen Dayal Ji: PM Modi pic.twitter.com/GWDlVFJNOt — ANI (@ANI_news) March 12, 2017 × He also said that the burden on the middle class should be reduced so that they can shine. Terming the victory as historic, Modi added that with every election, support for the BJP is increasing . Earlier, the Prime Minister arrived at the Bharatiya Janata Party headquarters in New Delhi on Sunday evening following a "victory walk" to celebrate the party's landslide win in Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand polls. Prime Minister Narendra Modi arrives at BJP HQ in Delhi amid loud 'Modi Modi' chants #ElectionResults pic.twitter.com/PguigLCp3l — ANI (@ANI_news) March 12, 2017 × (WION with inputs from ANI)

BJP's Parliamentary Board authorises Amit Shah to decide chief ministers of UP, Uttarakhand, Manipur

The Bharatiya Janata P&nbsp;chances of forming the next government in Manipur brightened today as the National People&#39;s Party and the LJP formally extended their support.

Flanked by NPP and LJP leaders and their winning candidates, BJP general secretary Ram Madhav told a press conference, &quot;We have been able to come to an understanding with the NPP and the Lok Janshakti Party in our bid to form the government in Manipur.&quot;

The NPP and the LJP, both NDA constituents at the Centre, have won four seats and one seat, respectively, which will add up to 26 with BJP&#39;s 21, five short of the magic figure of 31 to form the government.

Madhav said that as per an &quot;understanding&quot; with another NDA partner Naga People&#39;s Front, which has won four seats, the number would go up to 30 and the support of one more MLA would be &quot;secured&quot;.

He said that yesterday the NPF had issued a press statement wherein it said it was willing to form a non-Congress government in Manipur.

The NPP&#39;s Conrad Sangma said that the popular verdict was for a change in Manipur.

Asked who would be the chief minister in the event of the BJP forming a coalition government, Madhav said that the party leadership would decide soon.

(PTI)

The NPP and the LJP have won four seats and one seat, respectively, which will add up to 26 with BJP's 21

The Bharatiya Janata P chances of forming the next government in Manipur brightened today as the National People's Party and the LJP formally extended their support. Flanked by NPP and LJP leaders and their winning candidates, BJP general secretary Ram Madhav told a press conference, "We have been able to come to an understanding with the NPP and the Lok Janshakti Party in our bid to form the government in Manipur." The NPP and the LJP, both NDA constituents at the Centre, have won four seats and one seat, respectively, which will add up to 26 with BJP's 21, five short of the magic figure of 31 to form the government. Madhav said that as per an "understanding" with another NDA partner Naga People's Front, which has won four seats, the number would go up to 30 and the support of one more MLA would be "secured". He said that yesterday the NPF had issued a press statement wherein it said it was willing to form a non-Congress government in Manipur. The NPP's Conrad Sangma said that the popular verdict was for a change in Manipur. Asked who would be the chief minister in the event of the BJP forming a coalition government, Madhav said that the party leadership would decide soon. (PTI)

India: NPP, LJP extend support to BJP in Manipur

Sensing his party&#39;s drive for votes in India&#39;s most politically prized state had stalled, Prime Minister Narendra Modi cleared his schedule and thrust himself into the heart of the battle.

&quot;Our election campaign has hit a roadblock,&quot; Modi told campaign managers and two federal ministers in Delhi last month, a week before the sixth of seven phases of voting was to begin in Uttar Pradesh.

&quot;I don&#39;t want to feel that I could have pushed myself a little more,&quot; Modi was quoted as saying by a close aide who attended the meeting.

For three full days the leader of the world&#39;s largest democracy camped out in the holy city of Varanasi, his parliamentary constituency, walking the ancient streets and stopping at Hindu temples to seek blessings, despite warnings from aides about his security and the risk to his reputation had his party come up short.

On Saturday the gamble paid off: Modi&#39;s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) scored a thumping victory in Uttar Pradesh, home to one in six Indians, winning the biggest majority in the state for any party since 1977.

The triumph vindicates Modi&#39;s decision to turn the campaign into a referendum on his own performance after his shock decision last November to abolish high-denomination banknotes, a move he framed as a fight for the poor against the corrupt rich.

&quot;We were always nervous that overexposing the prime minister in the final stages of the election could make us look desperate,&quot; said Keshav Prasad Maurya, the BJP&#39;s state leader in Uttar Pradesh.

As it turned out, Modi&#39;s victory confounded even the most bullish voter surveys. The BJP won 312 of the 403 seats in the state assembly and, with 39.7 per cent of the vote, almost matched its showing in Uttar Pradesh in the 2014 general election, when it claimed the biggest parliamentary majority in three decades.

&quot;Modi&#39;s magic has destroyed the opposition and silenced sceptics in the party,&quot; Maurya told Reuters on Saturday, as the scale of the victory became clear.

Two-term Modi

The win clears a path to victory for Modi at a 2019 general election, and gives him a free hand to consolidate his grip over a state that sends the highest number of federal lawmakers to parliament.

That has raised hopes among investors that the BJP will embark on a round of new reforms to boost growth in Asia&#39;s third-largest economy, and try to tackle the corruption and red tape that has long undermined India&#39;s potential.

Economists now expect Modi to launch initiatives aimed at flushing out ill-gotten gains from real estate, gold and campaign finance.

But they caution that his biggest task remains transforming India&#39;s economy into one that creates enough jobs for an emerging generation that is desperate to give up life on the farm for a more prosperous future.

&quot;Jobs is the biggest risk,&quot; said Rajiv Kumar, an economist at the Delhi-based Centre for Policy Research. &quot;That&#39;s where he has to focus very hard and it could mean reforms as radical as demonetisation.&quot;

Modi&#39;s BJP now heads the government in states where more than half of Indians live, while the Congress party, which has ruled India for most of the 70 years since independence, leads in regions covering less than 8 percent of the population.

Success will increase the pressure on Modi to provide for an increasingly aspirational nation of 1.3 billion people, half of whom are aged 25 or under.

&quot;He has to do a very delicate tightrope walk between being reformist and populist,&quot; said Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay, a journalist and biographer of Modi. &quot;The problem in India is that people think reforms are pro-rich.&quot;

Communal tone

Modi relied on his own charisma to clinch crucial votes in poor and agrarian Uttar Pradesh, but his campaign manager Amit Shah also takes credit for fielding the right candidates in a region where many people vote along caste and religious lines.

Critics accuse Shah and Modi of &quot;social engineering&quot; and of switching to a more communally divisive tone to fire up their Hindu base as voting, staggered over the course of a month, progressed.

Shah vowed to construct a Hindu temple on a razed mosque site and ban the slaughter of cows, worshipped by millions of Hindus.

On the campaign trail, too, Modi played up religious divisions by asking why the state government ensured there were no power cuts in the Muslim holy month of Ramadan but not during the Hindu festival of Diwali.

Still, the BJP likely collected minority votes, including Muslim women whom he courted by questioning an Islamic practice that allows men to divorce their wives with three simple words.

&quot;The results prove that Muslims and backward caste groups voted for the BJP,&quot; said RK&nbsp;Mishra, a political analyst in Lucknow, the state capital of Uttar Pradesh.

(Reuters)

The BJP won 312 of the 403 seats in the state assembly and, with 39.7% votes, almost matched its showing in UP in the 2014 general elections

Sensing his party's drive for votes in India's most politically prized state had stalled, Prime Minister Narendra Modi cleared his schedule and thrust himself into the heart of the battle. "Our election campaign has hit a roadblock," Modi told campaign managers and two federal ministers in Delhi last month, a week before the sixth of seven phases of voting was to begin in Uttar Pradesh. "I don't want to feel that I could have pushed myself a little more," Modi was quoted as saying by a close aide who attended the meeting. For three full days the leader of the world's largest democracy camped out in the holy city of Varanasi, his parliamentary constituency, walking the ancient streets and stopping at Hindu temples to seek blessings, despite warnings from aides about his security and the risk to his reputation had his party come up short. On Saturday the gamble paid off: Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) scored a thumping victory in Uttar Pradesh, home to one in six Indians, winning the biggest majority in the state for any party since 1977. The triumph vindicates Modi's decision to turn the campaign into a referendum on his own performance after his shock decision last November to abolish high-denomination banknotes, a move he framed as a fight for the poor against the corrupt rich. "We were always nervous that overexposing the prime minister in the final stages of the election could make us look desperate," said Keshav Prasad Maurya, the BJP's state leader in Uttar Pradesh. As it turned out, Modi's victory confounded even the most bullish voter surveys. The BJP won 312 of the 403 seats in the state assembly and, with 39.7 per cent of the vote, almost matched its showing in Uttar Pradesh in the 2014 general election, when it claimed the biggest parliamentary majority in three decades. "Modi's magic has destroyed the opposition and silenced sceptics in the party," Maurya told Reuters on Saturday, as the scale of the victory became clear. Two-term Modi The win clears a path to victory for Modi at a 2019 general election, and gives him a free hand to consolidate his grip over a state that sends the highest number of federal lawmakers to parliament. That has raised hopes among investors that the BJP will embark on a round of new reforms to boost growth in Asia's third-largest economy, and try to tackle the corruption and red tape that has long undermined India's potential. Economists now expect Modi to launch initiatives aimed at flushing out ill-gotten gains from real estate, gold and campaign finance. But they caution that his biggest task remains transforming India's economy into one that creates enough jobs for an emerging generation that is desperate to give up life on the farm for a more prosperous future. "Jobs is the biggest risk," said Rajiv Kumar, an economist at the Delhi-based Centre for Policy Research. "That's where he has to focus very hard and it could mean reforms as radical as demonetisation." Modi's BJP now heads the government in states where more than half of Indians live, while the Congress party, which has ruled India for most of the 70 years since independence, leads in regions covering less than 8 percent of the population. Success will increase the pressure on Modi to provide for an increasingly aspirational nation of 1.3 billion people, half of whom are aged 25 or under. "He has to do a very delicate tightrope walk between being reformist and populist," said Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay, a journalist and biographer of Modi. "The problem in India is that people think reforms are pro-rich." Communal tone Modi relied on his own charisma to clinch crucial votes in poor and agrarian Uttar Pradesh, but his campaign manager Amit Shah also takes credit for fielding the right candidates in a region where many people vote along caste and religious lines. Critics accuse Shah and Modi of "social engineering" and of switching to a more communally divisive tone to fire up their Hindu base as voting, staggered over the course of a month, progressed. Shah vowed to construct a Hindu temple on a razed mosque site and ban the slaughter of cows, worshipped by millions of Hindus. On the campaign trail, too, Modi played up religious divisions by asking why the state government ensured there were no power cuts in the Muslim holy month of Ramadan but not during the Hindu festival of Diwali. Still, the BJP likely collected minority votes, including Muslim women whom he courted by questioning an Islamic practice that allows men to divorce their wives with three simple words. "The results prove that Muslims and backward caste groups voted for the BJP," said RK Mishra, a political analyst in Lucknow, the state capital of Uttar Pradesh. (Reuters)

India Assembly Elections: Modi's one-man show triumphs again in Uttar Pradesh

Prime Minister Narendra Modi will learn on Saturday whether his popularity is sufficient to clinch a win for his party in the country&#39;s most populous state, where its sights are set on an absolute majority to consolidate its position.

Modi campaigned for more than two months to win the northern state of Uttar Pradesh, the most important election he has faced since triumphing in the 2014 general election.

As the campaign &#39;face&#39; of his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) Modi, and his election strategist Amit Shah, can take credit if they win - but may face a backlash from sidelined party elders if they come up short.

&quot;The results will redefine the prime minister&#39;s political destiny and his future course of action,&quot; an aide to Modi in the capital, New Delhi, told Reuters.

Post-election surveys suggest Modi has done enough to come first in Uttar Pradesh, home to one in six Indians, but may fall short of an outright majority in the 403-seat state assembly.

The exit polls, which are often wrong in India, also put the BJP ahead in three of four other states that will declare election outcomes on Saturday.&nbsp;

Endorsement

If results do hand Modi an outright win in Uttar Pradesh that would be an endorsement of his stewardship of Asia&#39;s third-largest economy after his high-risk decision last November to scrap high-value banknotes worth 86 per cent of the cash in circulation.

A strong BJP showing would be welcomed by investors counting on further economic reforms - including the launch of a national sales tax - in the absence of any credible opponent who might halt Modi&#39;s march to a second term in 2019.

Short of a majority, the BJP could see opponents block its path to power in the state by forming a coalition, although Modi&#39;s party will also look to convince its smaller rivals to join forces.

&quot;If the BJP fails to secure a majority, then Modi&#39;s economic decisions will be questioned and his failure to create jobs will impact his political future,&quot; said Mohan Guruswamy, who heads the Centre for Policy Alternatives, an independent think-tank.

The BJP&#39;s opponents include an alliance between the Congress party and the ruling Samajwadi Party, a tie-up that caught Modi&#39;s party off guard. A better than expected showing by a third party could complicate the picture as results filter out.

The BJP is also eyeing victory on Saturday in the northeastern state of Manipur, northern Uttarakhand state, and the southern resort state of Goa, while an alliance of which it is a member in Punjab state is predicted to lose badly.

(Reuters)

Exit polls suggest Modi has done enough to come first in Uttar Pradesh, but may fall short of an outright majority

Prime Minister Narendra Modi will learn on Saturday whether his popularity is sufficient to clinch a win for his party in the country's most populous state, where its sights are set on an absolute majority to consolidate its position. Modi campaigned for more than two months to win the northern state of Uttar Pradesh, the most important election he has faced since triumphing in the 2014 general election. As the campaign 'face' of his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) Modi, and his election strategist Amit Shah, can take credit if they win - but may face a backlash from sidelined party elders if they come up short. "The results will redefine the prime minister's political destiny and his future course of action," an aide to Modi in the capital, New Delhi, told Reuters. Post-election surveys suggest Modi has done enough to come first in Uttar Pradesh, home to one in six Indians, but may fall short of an outright majority in the 403-seat state assembly. The exit polls, which are often wrong in India, also put the BJP ahead in three of four other states that will declare election outcomes on Saturday. Endorsement If results do hand Modi an outright win in Uttar Pradesh that would be an endorsement of his stewardship of Asia's third-largest economy after his high-risk decision last November to scrap high-value banknotes worth 86 per cent of the cash in circulation. A strong BJP showing would be welcomed by investors counting on further economic reforms - including the launch of a national sales tax - in the absence of any credible opponent who might halt Modi's march to a second term in 2019. Short of a majority, the BJP could see opponents block its path to power in the state by forming a coalition, although Modi's party will also look to convince its smaller rivals to join forces. "If the BJP fails to secure a majority, then Modi's economic decisions will be questioned and his failure to create jobs will impact his political future," said Mohan Guruswamy, who heads the Centre for Policy Alternatives, an independent think-tank. The BJP's opponents include an alliance between the Congress party and the ruling Samajwadi Party, a tie-up that caught Modi's party off guard. A better than expected showing by a third party could complicate the picture as results filter out. The BJP is also eyeing victory on Saturday in the northeastern state of Manipur, northern Uttarakhand state, and the southern resort state of Goa, while an alliance of which it is a member in Punjab state is predicted to lose badly. (Reuters)

India Assembly Elections: PM Modi looks for big gains in crucial test today

Counting of votes for the high-stakes assembly elections 2017 in Uttar Pradesh, Punjab, Uttarakhand, Goa and Manipur will take place on Saturday morning with trends expected to be available by 11 am.

By 12 noon, a final picture could emerge on who would be the major players in the five states.

Election Commission officials said the counting of votes commences at 8 am and will be completed by late evening.

Counting will take place at 157 centres-Punjab (53), Goa (2), UP (75), Uttarakhand (15) and Manipur (12). According to Election Commission guidelines, half-an-hour after the postal ballots are counted, the process of counting of EVM votes begins.

The &#39;ballot unit&#39; is switched on in the presence of senior poll officials and counting agents of candidates and the result command keyed in to get the results per machine.

Where a paper trail audit or &#39;voter-verified paper audit trail&#39; (VVPAT) has been used, the counting agent can call for a count of the paper slips in the drop box attached to the voting machine, but a final count is taken by the returning officer.

&nbsp;

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Heavy security outside a counting centre in Panaji <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Goa?src=hash">#Goa</a> <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/ElectionResults?src=hash">#ElectionResults</a> <a href="https://t.co/1lHZBj0k7D">pic.twitter.com/1lHZBj0k7D</a>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI_news) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI_news/status/840367555336265728">March 11, 2017</a></blockquote>
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Once the results are declared, the names of the winning candidates will find mention in the gazette.

The gazette notification will initiate the process to form the next legislative assemblies in the states.

Exit polls by various news channels on Thursday had predicted a hung assembly in the key Hindi heartland state of Uttar Pradesh where BJP would emerge as the single largest party, winning anywhere between 164 and 210 of the 403 seats.

Most polls also forecast a close fight between the Congress, which is seeking to return to power in Punjab after a hiatus of 10 years, and Arvind Kejriwal&#39;s AAP, making its debut in the assembly polls in the state.

They predicted victory for BJP in Uttarakhand, but the saffron party, though likely to lead the table in Goa, was projected to fall short of a majority in the tiny coastal state.

(PTI)

By 12 noon, a final picture could emerge on who would be the major players in the five states

Counting of votes for the high-stakes assembly elections 2017 in Uttar Pradesh, Punjab, Uttarakhand, Goa and Manipur will take place on Saturday morning with trends expected to be available by 11 am. By 12 noon, a final picture could emerge on who would be the major players in the five states. Election Commission officials said the counting of votes commences at 8 am and will be completed by late evening. Counting will take place at 157 centres-Punjab (53), Goa (2), UP (75), Uttarakhand (15) and Manipur (12). According to Election Commission guidelines, half-an-hour after the postal ballots are counted, the process of counting of EVM votes begins. The 'ballot unit' is switched on in the presence of senior poll officials and counting agents of candidates and the result command keyed in to get the results per machine. Where a paper trail audit or 'voter-verified paper audit trail' (VVPAT) has been used, the counting agent can call for a count of the paper slips in the drop box attached to the voting machine, but a final count is taken by the returning officer. Heavy security outside a counting centre in Panaji #Goa #ElectionResults pic.twitter.com/1lHZBj0k7D — ANI (@ANI_news) March 11, 2017 × Once the results are declared, the names of the winning candidates will find mention in the gazette. The gazette notification will initiate the process to form the next legislative assemblies in the states. Exit polls by various news channels on Thursday had predicted a hung assembly in the key Hindi heartland state of Uttar Pradesh where BJP would emerge as the single largest party, winning anywhere between 164 and 210 of the 403 seats. Most polls also forecast a close fight between the Congress, which is seeking to return to power in Punjab after a hiatus of 10 years, and Arvind Kejriwal's AAP, making its debut in the assembly polls in the state. They predicted victory for BJP in Uttarakhand, but the saffron party, though likely to lead the table in Goa, was projected to fall short of a majority in the tiny coastal state. (PTI)

India Assembly Elections 2017 Results: Counting of votes in 5 states to begin at 8 am

A brisk 53 per cent turnout has been recorded in the first six hours of voting in the Indian state of Goa on Saturday where the ruling BJP is battling it out with the opposition Congress, AAP and an alliance of MGP, Shiv Sena and GSM for the 40-member House.

&nbsp;Election Commission of India&#39;s data from various polling booth showed that about 53 per cent of 11.10 lakh voters turned up to exercise franchise in the first six hours.

An impressive 83 per cent voting was recorded in the state in 2012 assembly polls, which saw the BJP wresting power from the Congress.

Defence minister Manohar Parrikar, widely seen as the chief ministerial face of the BJP, union minister Shripad Naik and chief minister Laxmikant Parsekar were among the early voters who cast their ballots. Long queues were seen outside almost all the polling stations right from the morning in the state.

Except for minor incidents of EVM failures, which were soon rectified, and cancellation of voting in one booth, polling is progressing peacefully in over 1,642 booths across the state, to decide the fate of 250 contestants in the fray.

The election is being closely fought by major political forces BJP, Congress, AAP and MGP-led alliance, who have mounted a hectic campaign. The polls will decide the&nbsp;future of Goa&#39;s five former chief ministers Churchill Alemao, Pratapsinh Rane, Ravi Naik, Digambar Kamat and Luizinho Faleiro and the incumbent Laxmikant Parsekar.

BJP has put up 36 aspirants, Congress 37 and AAP is contesting on 39 seats, and each of them backing independents in a few seats. BJP, which had a pre-poll alliance in 2012, is going at it alone this time, after the MGP snapped the partnership and forged a front with Goa Suraksha Manch floated by RSS rebel Subhas Velingkar and Shiv Sena.

Sluggish voter turnout in Punjab&nbsp;

Punjab witnessed a sluggish voter turnout of 14 per cent till 11.30 am. Polling began in the state amid heavy security earlier today, with 1,145 candidates contesting across 117 seats. Poll for the first phase will conclude at 5 pm Nearly two crore voters will decide the fate of 1,145 candidates, including 81 women. 22, 615 polling stations have been set up, with over one lakh security personnel deployed for free and fair voting.

Tight security arrangements have also been made for 100 critical polling stations and 5,500 vulnerable pockets of the state.

Voting will today also take place for the Amritsar Lok Sabha seat, which fell vacant following the resignation of state Congress chief Amarinder Singh.

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&nbsp;

Earlier today, Prime Minister Narendra Modi urged voters to turn up in huge numbers and specially asked the youngsters to exercise their voting rights. &quot;Urging people of Punjab and Goa to turn out in record numbers and vote in the Assembly elections. I particularly urge my young friends to vote,&quot; Modi said in a tweet.

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Urging people of Punjab &amp; Goa to turnout in record numbers &amp; vote in the Assembly elections. I particularly urge my young friends to vote.
&mdash; Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) <a href="https://twitter.com/narendramodi/status/827689041592254466">February 4, 2017</a></blockquote>
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(PTI and ANI)

The elections to Punjab and Goa are being billed as a major test of BJP and Prime Minister Narendra Modi's popularity post-demonetisation

A brisk 53 per cent turnout has been recorded in the first six hours of voting in the Indian state of Goa on Saturday where the ruling BJP is battling it out with the opposition Congress, AAP and an alliance of MGP, Shiv Sena and GSM for the 40-member House. Election Commission of India's data from various polling booth showed that about 53 per cent of 11.10 lakh voters turned up to exercise franchise in the first six hours. An impressive 83 per cent voting was recorded in the state in 2012 assembly polls, which saw the BJP wresting power from the Congress. Defence minister Manohar Parrikar, widely seen as the chief ministerial face of the BJP, union minister Shripad Naik and chief minister Laxmikant Parsekar were among the early voters who cast their ballots. Long queues were seen outside almost all the polling stations right from the morning in the state. Except for minor incidents of EVM failures, which were soon rectified, and cancellation of voting in one booth, polling is progressing peacefully in over 1,642 booths across the state, to decide the fate of 250 contestants in the fray. The election is being closely fought by major political forces BJP, Congress, AAP and MGP-led alliance, who have mounted a hectic campaign. The polls will decide the future of Goa's five former chief ministers Churchill Alemao, Pratapsinh Rane, Ravi Naik, Digambar Kamat and Luizinho Faleiro and the incumbent Laxmikant Parsekar. BJP has put up 36 aspirants, Congress 37 and AAP is contesting on 39 seats, and each of them backing independents in a few seats. BJP, which had a pre-poll alliance in 2012, is going at it alone this time, after the MGP snapped the partnership and forged a front with Goa Suraksha Manch floated by RSS rebel Subhas Velingkar and Shiv Sena. Sluggish voter turnout in Punjab Punjab witnessed a sluggish voter turnout of 14 per cent till 11.30 am. Polling began in the state amid heavy security earlier today, with 1,145 candidates contesting across 117 seats. Poll for the first phase will conclude at 5 pm Nearly two crore voters will decide the fate of 1,145 candidates, including 81 women. 22, 615 polling stations have been set up, with over one lakh security personnel deployed for free and fair voting. Tight security arrangements have also been made for 100 critical polling stations and 5,500 vulnerable pockets of the state. Voting will today also take place for the Amritsar Lok Sabha seat, which fell vacant following the resignation of state Congress chief Amarinder Singh. × Earlier today, Prime Minister Narendra Modi urged voters to turn up in huge numbers and specially asked the youngsters to exercise their voting rights. "Urging people of Punjab and Goa to turn out in record numbers and vote in the Assembly elections. I particularly urge my young friends to vote," Modi said in a tweet. Urging people of Punjab & Goa to turnout in record numbers & vote in the Assembly elections. I particularly urge my young friends to vote. — Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) February 4, 2017 × (PTI and ANI)

India state elections: Goa outshines with 53 per cent voter turnout, Punjab lags behind

With the Assembly Election polling for 40 seats underway in Goa, India&#39;s defence minister Manohar Parrikar cast his vote early on Saturday morning here and expressed his confidence that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) will sweep the polls with two-third majority.

Speaking to the media in Panaji after casting his vote, Parrikar said that initial reports indicate a very good turnout by the electorate. &quot;I expect like the last time in 2012, where there was an 84% voting, it may even exceed that this time. Goa votes very heavily and this is one of the specialities what the BJP has inducted into the politics of Goa to increase voting. BJP expects mandate with two-third majority,&quot; the defence minister said.

More than 1600 polling stations have been set up for the smooth conduct of elections. Earlier today, Prime Minister Narendra Modi called on the electorate to turn out in record numbers and cast their votes without fail. &quot;Urging people of Punjab &amp; Goa to turn out in record numbers &amp; vote in the Assembly elections. I particularly urge my young friends to vote,&quot; he said in a tweet.

In Goa, about 11.10 lakh voters are going to decide, the fate of 251 candidates including 19 women. About 32 thousand young voters will be exercising their franchise for the first time and women voters outnumber men this time.

40 &#39;all-women&#39;&nbsp;managed polling stations have been set up to motivate women`s participation in the electoral process. The commission has made a directory of about 2700 Persons with Disabilities who will be given pick up facility from home.&nbsp;

Meanwhile, about 1.7 crore rupees and more than 70 thousand litres of liquor have been seized, till date by the Election Commission appointed police and excise teams.

(ANI)&nbsp;

In Goa, about 11.10 lakh voters are going to decide, the fate of 251 candidates including 19 women

With the Assembly Election polling for 40 seats underway in Goa, India's defence minister Manohar Parrikar cast his vote early on Saturday morning here and expressed his confidence that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) will sweep the polls with two-third majority. Speaking to the media in Panaji after casting his vote, Parrikar said that initial reports indicate a very good turnout by the electorate. "I expect like the last time in 2012, where there was an 84% voting, it may even exceed that this time. Goa votes very heavily and this is one of the specialities what the BJP has inducted into the politics of Goa to increase voting. BJP expects mandate with two-third majority," the defence minister said. More than 1600 polling stations have been set up for the smooth conduct of elections. Earlier today, Prime Minister Narendra Modi called on the electorate to turn out in record numbers and cast their votes without fail. "Urging people of Punjab & Goa to turn out in record numbers & vote in the Assembly elections. I particularly urge my young friends to vote," he said in a tweet. In Goa, about 11.10 lakh voters are going to decide, the fate of 251 candidates including 19 women. About 32 thousand young voters will be exercising their franchise for the first time and women voters outnumber men this time. 40 'all-women' managed polling stations have been set up to motivate women`s participation in the electoral process. The commission has made a directory of about 2700 Persons with Disabilities who will be given pick up facility from home. Meanwhile, about 1.7 crore rupees and more than 70 thousand litres of liquor have been seized, till date by the Election Commission appointed police and excise teams. (ANI)

Goa elections: Parrikar casts his vote, says BJP will win with two-third majority

By Iftikhar Gilani

The Election Commission has announced the schedule of the high-stakes Assembly polls in UP, Uttarakhand, Punjab, Goa and Manipur, which are being touted as a mini-general election. Since polls are being held exactly around the time Prime Minister Narendra Modi completes his half-term in office, they are also seen as a referendum on his policies and programmes, ahead of his big battle to seek mandate for another term in 2019.

The current elections are particularly a test of Modi&rsquo;s popularity among the middle class and business community as they come soon after the demonetisation decision. His latest strategy to build new social support base for the BJP also faces a litmus test. His decision to demonetize the higher denomination currencies and his welfare schemes have caught the imagination of the poor. Though Modi had been underlining his government&rsquo;s focus on &lsquo;antyodaya&rsquo; (the last man in the queue) and focusing on Babasaheb Ambedkar &mdash; the Dalit icon &mdash; for over a year now, his November 8 announcement of banning high-end notes has somewhat broken the barrier between classes. It has found resonance amongst the poor and the downtrodden as they were the biggest victims of corruption.

This is not an election campaign, it is a historic battle between rich and poor. &ldquo;Kaante ki takkar hai (it&rsquo;s a neck-and-neck fight),&rdquo; says Ram Naresh, a taxi driver from Noida, Uttar Pradesh. It makes him feel important when he sees his former employer queue up outside an ATM and later at a bank to get cash.

These elections are a battle of nerves for the BJP, because out of the five states, it rules Goa and is an alliance partner in Punjab. Though it has been out of power for over past 14 years in UP, it had swept Lok Sabha elections winning 71 of the 80 seats (its ally Apna Dal won two) in the 2014 general election. In Uttarakhand, it is directly pitted against the ruling Congress.

An opinion poll conducted a couple of months ago had shown an overwhelming majority (as high as 90 per cent in UP, 88 per cent in Punjab and 77 per cent in Uttarakhand) supporting these strikes. About 67 per cent of those polled in UP and 76 per cent in Uttarakhand said the strikes have made the BJP electorally strong. But the mood was somewhat opposite in Punjab, where the ruling Akali Dal-BJP combine is fighting a strong anti-incumbency factor. The Congress till a few years ago was a frontrunner in Punjab, banking upon upper caste Hindu voters (38 per cent) and Scheduled Castes (34 per cent of SC Hindus and 35 per cent of SC Sikhs) to return to power. But of late, its pitch has been queered with the entry of Aam Aadmi Party (AAP). The drugs problem continues to be on top of the agenda in the border state. Many top leaders of the government had been allegedly found involved in the drug racket.

In UP &mdash; with a population of over 200 million &mdash; often considered to be an election bellwether in India, the BJP had got just 15 per cent of the votes in 2012. But keeping in view its performance in the last Lok Sabha polls, it is now set to win 31 per cent, an unprecedented 16 per cent swing in its favour as the opinion polls suggest. But that may not be a guarantee to form a government on its own, say analysts. But capturing Lucknow is an important and critical milestone for Modi to be able to gain control of Rajya Sabha, as well as turn the Presidential election scheduled to be held in July in his favour. A lack of a majority in the Upper House has hit Modi&rsquo;s economic reforms agenda and delayed passage of a key tax legislation &mdash; the Goods and Services Tax (GST) Bill.

The state with 403 Assembly seats will test Modi&rsquo;s popularity after he abruptly pulled 86 per cent of the currency out of the system. The Congress said it will also highlight the cash crunch aspect of note ban.

&ldquo;The notes ban has caused the maximum pain to each of the 125 crore Indians,&rdquo; said party spokesperson Manish Tewari.

With the family feud taking dangerous proportions within the ruling Samajwadi Party, the BJP and BSP are smelling a chance. The Congress, much depleted after a series of electoral losses, is looking to form an alliance with Akhilesh Yadav if he is able to gain control of the Samajwadi Party or form his own party. A potential gainer &mdash; apart from the BJP, which has not governed Uttar Pradesh for 14 years &mdash; is Mayawati, the 60-year-old Dalit icon who has served four times as Chief Minister. Muslims, who form 19 per cent of the state&rsquo;s population, have traditionally been loyal to the Samajwadi Party. She is now working to win them over to her Bahujan Samaj Party and has allotted the maximum number of seats to Muslim candidates.

Mayawati is calling on minority groups such as the Dalits, who constitute 22 per cent of the population, and Muslims to reject the BJP, raking up issues like Dadri lynching of Ilkhlaq Hussain, beef ban and riots in Muzaffarnagar. Many lower caste voters had deserted her party in 2014, allowing the BJP to win a majority of seats. Aware that Mayawati is emerging as the main opponent to Modi in Uttar Pradesh, BJP chief Amit Shah has made more than 150 visits to the state in the last two years to expand the BJP&rsquo;s appeal from its traditional base of prosperous and upper caste voters to the less privileged ones.

In the far-off North-Eastern state of Manipur, where elections will he held in two phases &mdash; on March 4 and 8 &mdash; a bitter tussle is expected between the ruling Congress and the BJP. The BJP, which won the elections in Assam last year, is hoping to unseat the Congress. Ahead of the elections, the state has witnessed large scale unrest over issues including the inner-line permit system, creation of seven new districts and the demand by various groups to be named as scheduled tribes.

The land locked state is currently under an economic blockade called by the United Naga Council &mdash; the top group of the Naga tribes in Manipur over the state government&rsquo;s decision of creation of seven new districts, which has already crossed 70 days. Union Minister Kiren Rijiju has pointed out that it is the &ldquo;constitutional duty of the state government&rdquo; to restore normalcy. Dr Mohammad Imtiyaz Khan who teaches at Gauhati University says that even after three terms, Congress government in Manipur has failed miserably to execute plans which are in larger public interest.

A local journalist Aya Shimray believes that there is a huge disparity between the hills and the valley. &ldquo;It has only helped in creating a sense of alienation in the hills. The tribals in the state are peeved at the manner in which they are being prevented from enjoying the privilges of employment offered to them by the country&rsquo;s constitution. Various instances of discrimination against the tribals even in its bureaucratic set up have surfaced during Ibobi&rsquo;s rule,&rdquo; he adds. Ibobi Singh, who has been in office since 2002, faces a life-time challenge from Irom Sharmila, who fasted for 16 years to demand the repeal of Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA). She has formally announced to take on Singh in Assembly polls. Sharmila ended her fast against AFSPA on August 9 last year, and formed the People&rsquo;s Resurgence and Justice Alliance (PRJA) with an aim to become the Chief Minister and repeal the act. Sharmila said: &ldquo;During his 15 years of leadership, he has not done anything to repeal AFSPA. Since I realise that no politician shall repeal it, I am planning to contest the election, become the Chief Minister and repeal it.&rdquo;

In Goa, where the BJP is in power with its pre-poll alliance partner of 2012 Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party (MGP), it is facing a stiff resistance both from the Congress and the AAP. More than the PM, here the fortunes of Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar are at stake, who has been utilising every opportunity he gets to spend time in his home state. Goa is perhaps the first state where the RSS has split ranks with the BJP. It&rsquo;s a different matter that the BJP leaders say that it is only a section of the RSS which has formed a party called Goa Surakhsa Manch (GSM).

The 2017 elections are definitely a big test for Modi. Their outcome will chart the course for the 2019 general elections. Although state elections are largely governed by caste and community equations and the political campaigns are centred around state-level issues, Modi has emerged as a propelling figure in BJP campaigns. It is an election between him and the rest of political forces. His supporters are also banking upon him rather the party machinery, projecting him as an honest, incorruptible leader, someone who, unlike the Congress, is capable of taking prompt decisions. Amidst a divided Opposition, it seems they have managed to sail their ship through muddy waters. But in India, elections are known for throwing surprises.&nbsp;

(This report first appeared in DNA)

The states go to the polls just as the PM completes a half-term in office, so they are being seen as a referendum on him

By Iftikhar Gilani The Election Commission has announced the schedule of the high-stakes Assembly polls in UP, Uttarakhand, Punjab, Goa and Manipur, which are being touted as a mini-general election. Since polls are being held exactly around the time Prime Minister Narendra Modi completes his half-term in office, they are also seen as a referendum on his policies and programmes, ahead of his big battle to seek mandate for another term in 2019. The current elections are particularly a test of Modi’s popularity among the middle class and business community as they come soon after the demonetisation decision. His latest strategy to build new social support base for the BJP also faces a litmus test. His decision to demonetize the higher denomination currencies and his welfare schemes have caught the imagination of the poor. Though Modi had been underlining his government’s focus on ‘antyodaya’ (the last man in the queue) and focusing on Babasaheb Ambedkar — the Dalit icon — for over a year now, his November 8 announcement of banning high-end notes has somewhat broken the barrier between classes. It has found resonance amongst the poor and the downtrodden as they were the biggest victims of corruption. This is not an election campaign, it is a historic battle between rich and poor. “Kaante ki takkar hai (it’s a neck-and-neck fight),” says Ram Naresh, a taxi driver from Noida, Uttar Pradesh. It makes him feel important when he sees his former employer queue up outside an ATM and later at a bank to get cash. These elections are a battle of nerves for the BJP, because out of the five states, it rules Goa and is an alliance partner in Punjab. Though it has been out of power for over past 14 years in UP, it had swept Lok Sabha elections winning 71 of the 80 seats (its ally Apna Dal won two) in the 2014 general election. In Uttarakhand, it is directly pitted against the ruling Congress. An opinion poll conducted a couple of months ago had shown an overwhelming majority (as high as 90 per cent in UP, 88 per cent in Punjab and 77 per cent in Uttarakhand) supporting these strikes. About 67 per cent of those polled in UP and 76 per cent in Uttarakhand said the strikes have made the BJP electorally strong. But the mood was somewhat opposite in Punjab, where the ruling Akali Dal-BJP combine is fighting a strong anti-incumbency factor. The Congress till a few years ago was a frontrunner in Punjab, banking upon upper caste Hindu voters (38 per cent) and Scheduled Castes (34 per cent of SC Hindus and 35 per cent of SC Sikhs) to return to power. But of late, its pitch has been queered with the entry of Aam Aadmi Party (AAP). The drugs problem continues to be on top of the agenda in the border state. Many top leaders of the government had been allegedly found involved in the drug racket. In UP — with a population of over 200 million — often considered to be an election bellwether in India, the BJP had got just 15 per cent of the votes in 2012. But keeping in view its performance in the last Lok Sabha polls, it is now set to win 31 per cent, an unprecedented 16 per cent swing in its favour as the opinion polls suggest. But that may not be a guarantee to form a government on its own, say analysts. But capturing Lucknow is an important and critical milestone for Modi to be able to gain control of Rajya Sabha, as well as turn the Presidential election scheduled to be held in July in his favour. A lack of a majority in the Upper House has hit Modi’s economic reforms agenda and delayed passage of a key tax legislation — the Goods and Services Tax (GST) Bill. The state with 403 Assembly seats will test Modi’s popularity after he abruptly pulled 86 per cent of the currency out of the system. The Congress said it will also highlight the cash crunch aspect of note ban. “The notes ban has caused the maximum pain to each of the 125 crore Indians,” said party spokesperson Manish Tewari. With the family feud taking dangerous proportions within the ruling Samajwadi Party, the BJP and BSP are smelling a chance. The Congress, much depleted after a series of electoral losses, is looking to form an alliance with Akhilesh Yadav if he is able to gain control of the Samajwadi Party or form his own party. A potential gainer — apart from the BJP, which has not governed Uttar Pradesh for 14 years — is Mayawati, the 60-year-old Dalit icon who has served four times as Chief Minister. Muslims, who form 19 per cent of the state’s population, have traditionally been loyal to the Samajwadi Party. She is now working to win them over to her Bahujan Samaj Party and has allotted the maximum number of seats to Muslim candidates. Mayawati is calling on minority groups such as the Dalits, who constitute 22 per cent of the population, and Muslims to reject the BJP, raking up issues like Dadri lynching of Ilkhlaq Hussain, beef ban and riots in Muzaffarnagar. Many lower caste voters had deserted her party in 2014, allowing the BJP to win a majority of seats. Aware that Mayawati is emerging as the main opponent to Modi in Uttar Pradesh, BJP chief Amit Shah has made more than 150 visits to the state in the last two years to expand the BJP’s appeal from its traditional base of prosperous and upper caste voters to the less privileged ones. In the far-off North-Eastern state of Manipur, where elections will he held in two phases — on March 4 and 8 — a bitter tussle is expected between the ruling Congress and the BJP. The BJP, which won the elections in Assam last year, is hoping to unseat the Congress. Ahead of the elections, the state has witnessed large scale unrest over issues including the inner-line permit system, creation of seven new districts and the demand by various groups to be named as scheduled tribes. The land locked state is currently under an economic blockade called by the United Naga Council — the top group of the Naga tribes in Manipur over the state government’s decision of creation of seven new districts, which has already crossed 70 days. Union Minister Kiren Rijiju has pointed out that it is the “constitutional duty of the state government” to restore normalcy. Dr Mohammad Imtiyaz Khan who teaches at Gauhati University says that even after three terms, Congress government in Manipur has failed miserably to execute plans which are in larger public interest. A local journalist Aya Shimray believes that there is a huge disparity between the hills and the valley. “It has only helped in creating a sense of alienation in the hills. The tribals in the state are peeved at the manner in which they are being prevented from enjoying the privilges of employment offered to them by the country’s constitution. Various instances of discrimination against the tribals even in its bureaucratic set up have surfaced during Ibobi’s rule,” he adds. Ibobi Singh, who has been in office since 2002, faces a life-time challenge from Irom Sharmila, who fasted for 16 years to demand the repeal of Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA). She has formally announced to take on Singh in Assembly polls. Sharmila ended her fast against AFSPA on August 9 last year, and formed the People’s Resurgence and Justice Alliance (PRJA) with an aim to become the Chief Minister and repeal the act. Sharmila said: “During his 15 years of leadership, he has not done anything to repeal AFSPA. Since I realise that no politician shall repeal it, I am planning to contest the election, become the Chief Minister and repeal it.” In Goa, where the BJP is in power with its pre-poll alliance partner of 2012 Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party (MGP), it is facing a stiff resistance both from the Congress and the AAP. More than the PM, here the fortunes of Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar are at stake, who has been utilising every opportunity he gets to spend time in his home state. Goa is perhaps the first state where the RSS has split ranks with the BJP. It’s a different matter that the BJP leaders say that it is only a section of the RSS which has formed a party called Goa Surakhsa Manch (GSM). The 2017 elections are definitely a big test for Modi. Their outcome will chart the course for the 2019 general elections. Although state elections are largely governed by caste and community equations and the political campaigns are centred around state-level issues, Modi has emerged as a propelling figure in BJP campaigns. It is an election between him and the rest of political forces. His supporters are also banking upon him rather the party machinery, projecting him as an honest, incorruptible leader, someone who, unlike the Congress, is capable of taking prompt decisions. Amidst a divided Opposition, it seems they have managed to sail their ship through muddy waters. But in India, elections are known for throwing surprises. (This report first appeared in DNA)

India: In states going to polls, it's Modi versus the rest

India&#39;s top court, the&nbsp;Supreme Court, said on Friday it would hear a plea at the start of next week that seeks to postpone the government&#39;s annual budget, due to be delivered on February 1, until after five forthcoming state elections are held.

The Public Interest Litigation (PIL) calls for the delay over concerns that Prime Minister Narendra Modi&#39;s government could seek to influence the outcome of the polls with populist spending promises.

Election rules in the world&#39;s largest democracy do not allow governments to offer such giveaways. Modi&#39;s government announced last autumn that it would deliver its budget a month earlier than usual, in a move to pre-empt the polls.

Modi&#39;s Bharatiya Janata Party wants to do well in Uttar Pradesh, a battleground state with a population of more than 200 million that, were it a country, would be holding the biggest election in the world this year.

&quot;The budget should be presented in April. The government should not release it in February, as the state elections are starting soon,&quot; said lawyer ML Sharma, who filed the deferment plea earlier this month.

Sharma said the central government should be restrained from declaring any relief for the poll-bound states in the budget until voting is over, as they would violate the Model Code of Conduct (MCC) that governs India&#39;s elections.

Uttar Pradesh will vote in seven phases starting on February 11 with Modi&#39;s party, which swept the state in the 2014 general election, seeking to oust the ruling Samajwadi Party in a contest vital to his chances of winning a second term in 2019.

The election round will kick off in Punjab and Goa on February 4, followed by Uttarakhand and Manipur. Results in all five elections will be announced in mid-March.

A Supreme Court bench, headed by Chief Justice JS Khehar, will begin hearing the case on Monday, but it is not clear how quickly it will deliver a ruling. The finance ministry started printing the budget documents on Thursday.

(Reuters)

The petition said the ruling government could sway votes by introducing sops in the budget to influence upcoming regional polls

India's top court, the Supreme Court, said on Friday it would hear a plea at the start of next week that seeks to postpone the government's annual budget, due to be delivered on February 1, until after five forthcoming state elections are held. The Public Interest Litigation (PIL) calls for the delay over concerns that Prime Minister Narendra Modi's government could seek to influence the outcome of the polls with populist spending promises. Election rules in the world's largest democracy do not allow governments to offer such giveaways. Modi's government announced last autumn that it would deliver its budget a month earlier than usual, in a move to pre-empt the polls. Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party wants to do well in Uttar Pradesh, a battleground state with a population of more than 200 million that, were it a country, would be holding the biggest election in the world this year. "The budget should be presented in April. The government should not release it in February, as the state elections are starting soon," said lawyer ML Sharma, who filed the deferment plea earlier this month. Sharma said the central government should be restrained from declaring any relief for the poll-bound states in the budget until voting is over, as they would violate the Model Code of Conduct (MCC) that governs India's elections. Uttar Pradesh will vote in seven phases starting on February 11 with Modi's party, which swept the state in the 2014 general election, seeking to oust the ruling Samajwadi Party in a contest vital to his chances of winning a second term in 2019. The election round will kick off in Punjab and Goa on February 4, followed by Uttarakhand and Manipur. Results in all five elections will be announced in mid-March. A Supreme Court bench, headed by Chief Justice JS Khehar, will begin hearing the case on Monday, but it is not clear how quickly it will deliver a ruling. The finance ministry started printing the budget documents on Thursday. (Reuters)

India's top court to hear plea to defer annual budget till state polls are over

The Election Commission of India (EC) warned political parties that it will take &quot;stern action&quot; if the model code of conduct or poll laws are violated by them in the five poll-bound states of Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Punjab, Goa and Manipur.

The Model Code of Conduct (MCC) came into effect just after the announcement of the polls on January 4.

The Election Commission said that peace and tranquillity during the poll&nbsp;process is &quot;absolutely essential for free and peaceful conduct of elections in the country&quot;.

The poll body cited a recent judgement of the Supreme Court, India&#39;s top court, that barred political parties from using religion, caste, language and race to appeal for votes during elections.&nbsp;

&quot;As you are kindly aware the model code of conduct and various provisions of IPC, inter alia, provide that political parties and their leaders should desist from making statements to the effect of creating disharmony between different sections of society on the basis of religion as the same disturb peace and tranquillity of the society which is absolutely essential for free and peaceful conduct of elections,&quot; it said.

The election body&#39;s letter to the national and state parties added: &quot;The Commission will not remain a silent spectator if the provisions of law or MCC are violated and no one can do it with impunity. The Commission will take stern actions for any violation under all powers available.&quot;

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false">
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<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en">
EC says it will take &quot;stern action&quot; under all the powers available for any violation of the model code of conduct <a href="https://twitter.com/WIONews">@WIONews</a> <a href="https://twitter.com/WIONbreaking">@WIONbreaking</a>
&mdash; raghvendra_rao (@raghvendra_rao) <a href="https://twitter.com/raghvendra_rao/status/818816536445992963">January 10, 2017</a></blockquote>
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<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en">
EC reminds pol parties of recent SC judgement that said religion can&#39;t be used to garner votes during polls <a href="https://twitter.com/WIONews">@WIONews</a> <a href="https://twitter.com/WIONbreaking">@WIONbreaking</a>
&mdash; raghvendra_rao (@raghvendra_rao) <a href="https://twitter.com/raghvendra_rao/status/818816829149691904">January 10, 2017</a></blockquote>
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Statements which disturb peace, tranquility of society will be sternly dealt with, EC tells political parties <a href="https://twitter.com/WIONews">@WIONews</a> <a href="https://twitter.com/WIONbreaking">@WIONbreaking</a>
&mdash; raghvendra_rao (@raghvendra_rao) <a href="https://twitter.com/raghvendra_rao/status/818817075728650240">January 10, 2017</a></blockquote>
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The Election Commission&nbsp;has also said that the photographs of political leaders on all hoardings and advertisements in the five poll-bound states should&nbsp;be removed or covered as the Model Code of Conduct is in place.&nbsp;

The pictures on hoardings that project the achievements of any political functionary or political party should be either covered or removed, the Election Commission said.

&quot;...all those hoardings, advertisements which seek or purport to project the achievements of any living political functionary or political party and which carry their photos or name or party symbol should be removed forthwith,&quot; the election body said.

The poll panel said that such images or hoardings &quot;undoubtedly amount to their (individual/party) election campaign at public cost&quot;.

&quot;...No political party or functionary can use public resources and incur or authorise expenditure from public exchequer to eulogise himself or itself or enhance his/its own or any political leader&#39;s image,&quot; it said.

The commission gave these fresh directions by reiterating its instructions issued on December 12, 2004 after the chief electoral officer of Goa raised the issue after the election schedule was announced on January 4.

It, however, made it clear that hoardings put up by the government which convey messages on family planning or social welfare schemes &quot;may be allowed to be displayed&quot;.

(With inputs from the PTI) 
&nbsp;

The election body also ordered that pictures of political leaders on hoardings be removed as the Model Code of Conduct is in place

The Election Commission of India (EC) warned political parties that it will take "stern action" if the model code of conduct or poll laws are violated by them in the five poll-bound states of Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Punjab, Goa and Manipur. The Model Code of Conduct (MCC) came into effect just after the announcement of the polls on January 4. The Election Commission said that peace and tranquillity during the poll process is "absolutely essential for free and peaceful conduct of elections in the country". The poll body cited a recent judgement of the Supreme Court, India's top court, that barred political parties from using religion, caste, language and race to appeal for votes during elections. "As you are kindly aware the model code of conduct and various provisions of IPC, inter alia, provide that political parties and their leaders should desist from making statements to the effect of creating disharmony between different sections of society on the basis of religion as the same disturb peace and tranquillity of the society which is absolutely essential for free and peaceful conduct of elections," it said. The election body's letter to the national and state parties added: "The Commission will not remain a silent spectator if the provisions of law or MCC are violated and no one can do it with impunity. The Commission will take stern actions for any violation under all powers available." EC says it will take "stern action" under all the powers available for any violation of the model code of conduct @WIONews @WIONbreaking — raghvendra_rao (@raghvendra_rao) January 10, 2017 × EC reminds pol parties of recent SC judgement that said religion can't be used to garner votes during polls @WIONews @WIONbreaking — raghvendra_rao (@raghvendra_rao) January 10, 2017 × Statements which disturb peace, tranquility of society will be sternly dealt with, EC tells political parties @WIONews @WIONbreaking — raghvendra_rao (@raghvendra_rao) January 10, 2017 × The Election Commission has also said that the photographs of political leaders on all hoardings and advertisements in the five poll-bound states should be removed or covered as the Model Code of Conduct is in place. The pictures on hoardings that project the achievements of any political functionary or political party should be either covered or removed, the Election Commission said. "...all those hoardings, advertisements which seek or purport to project the achievements of any living political functionary or political party and which carry their photos or name or party symbol should be removed forthwith," the election body said. The poll panel said that such images or hoardings "undoubtedly amount to their (individual/party) election campaign at public cost". "...No political party or functionary can use public resources and incur or authorise expenditure from public exchequer to eulogise himself or itself or enhance his/its own or any political leader's image," it said. The commission gave these fresh directions by reiterating its instructions issued on December 12, 2004 after the chief electoral officer of Goa raised the issue after the election schedule was announced on January 4. It, however, made it clear that hoardings put up by the government which convey messages on family planning or social welfare schemes "may be allowed to be displayed". (With inputs from the PTI)

India Assembly polls: Election Commission warns political parties of 'stern action' if poll code violated

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