The Bharatiya Janata Party and Congress are different in many ways. But one striking difference is the manner in which these parties react to electoral outcomes. In victory, the BJP turns its attention to the next challenge instead of spending too much time basking in glory. The Congress exults so much that it loses sight of the new obstacles ahead. Following a setback, the BJP quickly rethinks its strategy, even going to the extent of casting away earlier narratives. Congress, on the other hand, sinks into despair and nearly loses the ability to emerge from the crisis.&nbsp;

Let us consider a few instances. Late last year, the BJP lost three important north Indian states which it had ruled. Stung by the result, it swung into action to summon whatever leverage it had to reach out to allies it had antagonised earlier. It kept aside past acrimony with the Shiv Sena, even the latter’s open criticism of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and saved the partnership which was as good as dead. It’s a fact that Shiv Sena too saw merit in burying the past in its own interest, but had the BJP not demonstrated a desire to let bygones be bygones, the Shiv Sena would have kept its promise of going it alone in the Lok Sabha elections. Ideological similarities, which was cited by both parties to justify the alliance, would not have come in the way of a parting of ways. Now, suddenly, the Congress and the Nationalist Congress Party, which were salivating at the prospect of the Sena and the BJP contesting against each other, are on the back foot.&nbsp; 
 
In the south, the BJP moved swiftly to forge an alliance with the AIADMK and the PMK. There is speculation that the DMDK too will join the coalition. The BJP’s speed took many by surprise, given that it happened before even the Congress and the DMK, who have been virtually together for a long time, could formally announce their partnership. Nobody is predicting that the BJP-AIADMK combine will trounce the Congress-DMK, but at least there may not be a one-sided contest.&nbsp; 
 
In Uttar Pradesh, where the BJP faces a formidable opponent in the SP-BSP coalition, the party has sought to placate disgruntled regional allies, and there are prospects that the outreach will bear fruit. Neither the Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party OP Rajbhar nor the Apna Dal (Sonelal) of Anupriya Patel, whom the senior leadership of the BJP has moved to retain in the NDA fold, has real chances if it goes with the Congress. &nbsp; 
 
Now contrast the Congress’s reaction after its victory in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh. It is so confident (over-confident) that it spurned repeated attempts by the Aam Aadmi Party for an alliance in Delhi. The party’s Delhi unit under the leadership of Sheila Dikshit put its foot down in opposing the partnership, despite the high command seemingly eager for the alliance. Both the Congress and the AAP realise that together they had a better chance to take on the BJP, yet personal animosity came in the way of an electoral understanding. The result is, most opinion polls are predicting a clean sweep for the BJP in the seven seats in Delhi.&nbsp; 
 
Cussedness, apart, there is also tepidness in the Congress’s actions post the wins late last year. The party initially grabbed the headlines with the announcement of Priyanka Gandhi Vadra being made general secretary in charge of eastern Uttar Pradesh. But after the impressive roadshow in Lucknow, nothing has been heard of her. The Congress, instead of helming a new narrative with Priyanka in the front seat, is back to its tired old Rafale lament and ‘Chowkidar is a thief’ refrain. To make matters worse for itself, it appears to have caught the wrong end of the stick on the air strikes the Indian Air Force has conducted deep inside Pakistan.&nbsp;

The BJP had followed the 2014 victory with a series of wins in state Assembly elections, including breaking the glass ceiling, so to say, in states such as Tripura and Assam. It recorded a massive win in Uttar Pradesh. Meanwhile, it renewed its alliance with the Janata Dal (United) in Bihar and performed well enough in Karnataka, though it could not form the government there.&nbsp;

Whether in victory or defeat, the BJP has studiously concentrated on greenfield states — Odisha and West Bengal — where it is expected to perform well. The Congress, on the other hand, despite the booster shot it got recently, has failed to make any headway in either of the two states. In the first, it stands no chance, and in the second it depends on Mamata Banerjee to contain the BJP. Incidentally, unlike the BJP, the Congress had once upon a time ruled these states for long periods of time. &nbsp;&nbsp; 
&nbsp; 
While it is not clear if the BJP has regained all of the ground it had lost in the past months, recent developments have revived its prospects of a return in the coming general election. Congress needs to do better if it hopes to oust the Modi regime.&nbsp; 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

The Bharatiya Janata Party and Congress are different in many ways. But one striking difference is the manner in which these parties react to electoral outcomes.

The Bharatiya Janata Party and Congress are different in many ways. But one striking difference is the manner in which these parties react to electoral outcomes. In victory, the BJP turns its attention to the next challenge instead of spending too much time basking in glory. The Congress exults so much that it loses sight of the new obstacles ahead. Following a setback, the BJP quickly rethinks its strategy, even going to the extent of casting away earlier narratives. Congress, on the other hand, sinks into despair and nearly loses the ability to emerge from the crisis. Let us consider a few instances. Late last year, the BJP lost three important north Indian states which it had ruled. Stung by the result, it swung into action to summon whatever leverage it had to reach out to allies it had antagonised earlier. It kept aside past acrimony with the Shiv Sena, even the latter’s open criticism of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and saved the partnership which was as good as dead. It’s a fact that Shiv Sena too saw merit in burying the past in its own interest, but had the BJP not demonstrated a desire to let bygones be bygones, the Shiv Sena would have kept its promise of going it alone in the Lok Sabha elections. Ideological similarities, which was cited by both parties to justify the alliance, would not have come in the way of a parting of ways. Now, suddenly, the Congress and the Nationalist Congress Party, which were salivating at the prospect of the Sena and the BJP contesting against each other, are on the back foot. In the south, the BJP moved swiftly to forge an alliance with the AIADMK and the PMK. There is speculation that the DMDK too will join the coalition. The BJP’s speed took many by surprise, given that it happened before even the Congress and the DMK, who have been virtually together for a long time, could formally announce their partnership. Nobody is predicting that the BJP-AIADMK combine will trounce the Congress-DMK, but at least there may not be a one-sided contest. In Uttar Pradesh, where the BJP faces a formidable opponent in the SP-BSP coalition, the party has sought to placate disgruntled regional allies, and there are prospects that the outreach will bear fruit. Neither the Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party OP Rajbhar nor the Apna Dal (Sonelal) of Anupriya Patel, whom the senior leadership of the BJP has moved to retain in the NDA fold, has real chances if it goes with the Congress. Now contrast the Congress’s reaction after its victory in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh. It is so confident (over-confident) that it spurned repeated attempts by the Aam Aadmi Party for an alliance in Delhi. The party’s Delhi unit under the leadership of Sheila Dikshit put its foot down in opposing the partnership, despite the high command seemingly eager for the alliance. Both the Congress and the AAP realise that together they had a better chance to take on the BJP, yet personal animosity came in the way of an electoral understanding. The result is, most opinion polls are predicting a clean sweep for the BJP in the seven seats in Delhi. Cussedness, apart, there is also tepidness in the Congress’s actions post the wins late last year. The party initially grabbed the headlines with the announcement of Priyanka Gandhi Vadra being made general secretary in charge of eastern Uttar Pradesh. But after the impressive roadshow in Lucknow, nothing has been heard of her. The Congress, instead of helming a new narrative with Priyanka in the front seat, is back to its tired old Rafale lament and ‘Chowkidar is a thief’ refrain. To make matters worse for itself, it appears to have caught the wrong end of the stick on the air strikes the Indian Air Force has conducted deep inside Pakistan. The BJP had followed the 2014 victory with a series of wins in state Assembly elections, including breaking the glass ceiling, so to say, in states such as Tripura and Assam. It recorded a massive win in Uttar Pradesh. Meanwhile, it renewed its alliance with the Janata Dal (United) in Bihar and performed well enough in Karnataka, though it could not form the government there. Whether in victory or defeat, the BJP has studiously concentrated on greenfield states — Odisha and West Bengal — where it is expected to perform well. The Congress, on the other hand, despite the booster shot it got recently, has failed to make any headway in either of the two states. In the first, it stands no chance, and in the second it depends on Mamata Banerjee to contain the BJP. Incidentally, unlike the BJP, the Congress had once upon a time ruled these states for long periods of time. While it is not clear if the BJP has regained all of the ground it had lost in the past months, recent developments have revived its prospects of a return in the coming general election. Congress needs to do better if it hopes to oust the Modi regime. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

In victory or defeat, BJP responds to electoral outcomes more maturely

As a political commentator, most discussions with people hover around General Election 2019. And, the million-dollar question which comes up is inevitably this &nbsp;— ‘kiski sarkar banegi’ (who will form the next government).

Elections are difficult to predict in a country as vast and unique as India. Opinion polls are predicting a hung house with NDA as the single, largest pre-poll coalition. Under the circumstances, five factors, which put BJP in a pole position to form the next government at the Centre, need to be highlighted. The General Election in India is increasingly becoming Presidential style. Though Rahul has been catching up with Modi on the popularity ratings, the Prime Minister is still comfortably ahead with a 10 per cent to 14 per cent lead.

With just a couple of months to go for election, this lead is substantial. Even in opinion polls, which predict a hung house situation, 60 per cent respondents want to give the NDA another chance to form the government.

The second reason is that pan-India, the Mahagathbandhan has not shaped up yet. The opposition’s dream of organising one-on-one contests on the 1977 model, has not worked out. Bua and Babua (aunt Mayawati and nephew Akhilesh Yadav) have left out Congress from the UP grand alliance.

Congress has decided it will go alone in West Bengal, Andhra, and Telangana. In Kerala, the Left cannot form an alliance with Congress and neither can Biju ally with the grand old party in Odisha.

In Delhi, AAP and Congress have not been able to sink their differences, while Haryana is likely to see a multi-cornered contest like in the recent by-polls. There is no news of settlement with AIUDF in Assam and neither is PDP expected to join the National Conference-Congress combine in Jammu and Kashmir.

UPA hasn’t expanded much, the only notable inclusion being Janata Dal-Secular in Karnataka. In Bihar and Jharkhand, some small regional parties have joined the UPA, but they are not expected to significantly change the electoral dynamics. If anything, they have increased headaches over seat distribution.

On the other hand, BJP has managed to cool Shiv Sena and added AIADMK into the NDA fold in Tamil Nadu, which may prevent a DMK sweep.

Thirdly, many regional parties have no option, but to back BJP or abstain during the confidence vote, if it comes down to it.

There are several regional parties whose entire politics has been based on anti-Congressism in their home state, as that is the principal opposition party.

These include Naveen Patnaik’s Biju Janata Dal, KCR’s Telangana Rashtriya Samiti and Jagan Reddy’s YSR Congress, to name a few.

Jagan and Rahul/Sonia share an acrimonious relationship. KCR and Rahul can’t see eye to eye. Some of these parties have been helping NDA pass important legislations and register victories in the Rajya Sabha Deputy Chairman elections.

These three parties are expected to bag 41, 38 and 43 seats respectively, as per three well-known TV channel surveys conducted in January 2019. This could compensate for some of the losses of BJP in the states where it peaked in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections.

Fourthly, the Congress party won just 44 seats in 2014, while UPA could muster only 59. Some opinion polls are projecting 166-167 seats for UPA. Their gains are primarily coming from Tamil Nadu, Punjab, and Jharkhand.BJP has firmed up alliances in Maharashtra (Shiv Sena) and Bihar (JDU+LJP) and is most likely to retain its 2014 tally, as per polls, with minor losses.

Four states, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, and Rajasthan, where the Congress put up a good fight or won recently in state elections, will see a direct contest between the BJP and the Grand Old Party.

These states account for 91 seats with BJP sweeping 88 out of these in 2014. Based on extrapolation of state election results, Congress could gain 30-40 seats here.

These states account for another 245 seats (45 per cent) where bulk of the gains are expected.

Still, the UPA is expected to fall 60-70 seats short of NDA. Nobody, even anti-BJP brigade at this point of time, is predicting that UPA will cross NDA.

Lastly, Congress is raising issues, but not providing solutions. It has raised the Rafale issue, but even surveys predicting a hung Parliament, show that this may not be working with the public.

Unless the Congress comes up with specific bribery allegations, this will not work. The party has raised the issue of farmer distress and unemployment but has not come up yet with specific solutions.

To sum up, while there is a lot of hoopla&nbsp;over a hung house, all latest polls show NDA ahead and within striking distance of forming the government. The narrative of “55 years versus 55 months” is likely to propel NDA and Modi back to power.

(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-55-years-versus-55-months-2724414">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

 
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As a political commentator, most discussions with people hover around General Election 2019. And, the million-dollar question which comes up is inevitably this — ‘kiski sarkar banegi’ (who will form the next government).

As a political commentator, most discussions with people hover around General Election 2019. And, the million-dollar question which comes up is inevitably this — ‘kiski sarkar banegi’ (who will form the next government). Elections are difficult to predict in a country as vast and unique as India. Opinion polls are predicting a hung house with NDA as the single, largest pre-poll coalition. Under the circumstances, five factors, which put BJP in a pole position to form the next government at the Centre, need to be highlighted. The General Election in India is increasingly becoming Presidential style. Though Rahul has been catching up with Modi on the popularity ratings, the Prime Minister is still comfortably ahead with a 10 per cent to 14 per cent lead. With just a couple of months to go for election, this lead is substantial. Even in opinion polls, which predict a hung house situation, 60 per cent respondents want to give the NDA another chance to form the government. The second reason is that pan-India, the Mahagathbandhan has not shaped up yet. The opposition’s dream of organising one-on-one contests on the 1977 model, has not worked out. Bua and Babua (aunt Mayawati and nephew Akhilesh Yadav) have left out Congress from the UP grand alliance. Congress has decided it will go alone in West Bengal, Andhra, and Telangana. In Kerala, the Left cannot form an alliance with Congress and neither can Biju ally with the grand old party in Odisha. In Delhi, AAP and Congress have not been able to sink their differences, while Haryana is likely to see a multi-cornered contest like in the recent by-polls. There is no news of settlement with AIUDF in Assam and neither is PDP expected to join the National Conference-Congress combine in Jammu and Kashmir. UPA hasn’t expanded much, the only notable inclusion being Janata Dal-Secular in Karnataka. In Bihar and Jharkhand, some small regional parties have joined the UPA, but they are not expected to significantly change the electoral dynamics. If anything, they have increased headaches over seat distribution. On the other hand, BJP has managed to cool Shiv Sena and added AIADMK into the NDA fold in Tamil Nadu, which may prevent a DMK sweep. Thirdly, many regional parties have no option, but to back BJP or abstain during the confidence vote, if it comes down to it. There are several regional parties whose entire politics has been based on anti-Congressism in their home state, as that is the principal opposition party. These include Naveen Patnaik’s Biju Janata Dal, KCR’s Telangana Rashtriya Samiti and Jagan Reddy’s YSR Congress, to name a few. Jagan and Rahul/Sonia share an acrimonious relationship. KCR and Rahul can’t see eye to eye. Some of these parties have been helping NDA pass important legislations and register victories in the Rajya Sabha Deputy Chairman elections. These three parties are expected to bag 41, 38 and 43 seats respectively, as per three well-known TV channel surveys conducted in January 2019. This could compensate for some of the losses of BJP in the states where it peaked in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections. Fourthly, the Congress party won just 44 seats in 2014, while UPA could muster only 59. Some opinion polls are projecting 166-167 seats for UPA. Their gains are primarily coming from Tamil Nadu, Punjab, and Jharkhand.BJP has firmed up alliances in Maharashtra (Shiv Sena) and Bihar (JDU+LJP) and is most likely to retain its 2014 tally, as per polls, with minor losses. Four states, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, and Rajasthan, where the Congress put up a good fight or won recently in state elections, will see a direct contest between the BJP and the Grand Old Party. These states account for 91 seats with BJP sweeping 88 out of these in 2014. Based on extrapolation of state election results, Congress could gain 30-40 seats here. These states account for another 245 seats (45 per cent) where bulk of the gains are expected. Still, the UPA is expected to fall 60-70 seats short of NDA. Nobody, even anti-BJP brigade at this point of time, is predicting that UPA will cross NDA. Lastly, Congress is raising issues, but not providing solutions. It has raised the Rafale issue, but even surveys predicting a hung Parliament, show that this may not be working with the public. Unless the Congress comes up with specific bribery allegations, this will not work. The party has raised the issue of farmer distress and unemployment but has not come up yet with specific solutions. To sum up, while there is a lot of hoopla over a hung house, all latest polls show NDA ahead and within striking distance of forming the government. The narrative of “55 years versus 55 months” is likely to propel NDA and Modi back to power. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Lok Sabha elections 2019: Differences among opposition parties strengthen NDA's chances of coming back to power

Ruling allies BJP and Shiv Sena, whose relations have been strained for quite some time, Monday announced a tie-up for the coming Lok Sabha and Maharashtra Assembly elections.

The BJP will contest 25 seats and Shiv Sena 23 of 48 Lok Sabha seats in Maharashtra. The two parties will contest an equal number of seats, along with their other allies, in elections for the 288-member state Assembly, due this year.

In a joint press conference with BJP chief Amit Shah and Sena chief Uddhav Thackeray, Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis said public sentiment was that the two parties should come together.

The BJP and Sena alliance will win at least 45 of the 48 Lok Sabha seats in Maharashtra, Shah said.

Crores of workers of BJP and Shiv Sena wanted the alliance between the two parties, Shah said. The Sena is the oldest ally of BJP, he added.

The Ram temple has been the common thread for an alliance between BJP and Shiv Sena, Thackeray said. It has to be built at the earliest, he added.

BJP and Sena are parties with a national ideology which have come together in wider public interest, Fadnavis said. In principle, both the parties are pro-Hindutva, he added.

Ruling allies BJP and Shiv Sena, whose relations have been strained for quite some time, Monday announced a tie-up for the coming Lok Sabha and Maharashtra Assembly elections.

Ruling allies BJP and Shiv Sena, whose relations have been strained for quite some time, Monday announced a tie-up for the coming Lok Sabha and Maharashtra Assembly elections. The BJP will contest 25 seats and Shiv Sena 23 of 48 Lok Sabha seats in Maharashtra. The two parties will contest an equal number of seats, along with their other allies, in elections for the 288-member state Assembly, due this year. In a joint press conference with BJP chief Amit Shah and Sena chief Uddhav Thackeray, Maharashtra chief minister Devendra Fadnavis said public sentiment was that the two parties should come together. The BJP and Sena alliance will win at least 45 of the 48 Lok Sabha seats in Maharashtra, Shah said. Crores of workers of BJP and Shiv Sena wanted the alliance between the two parties, Shah said. The Sena is the oldest ally of BJP, he added. The Ram temple has been the common thread for an alliance between BJP and Shiv Sena, Thackeray said. It has to be built at the earliest, he added. BJP and Sena are parties with a national ideology which have come together in wider public interest, Fadnavis said. In principle, both the parties are pro-Hindutva, he added.

Lok Sabha elections 2019: BJP to contest 25 seats, Shiv Sena 23 in alliance in Maharashtra

The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) is facing difficult moments just ahead of the general elections. It was looking to score political points on two issues but had to suffer setbacks in both. First, the Supreme Court has held that the Delhi government — headed by AAP leader and chief minister Arvind Kejriwal — had no powers to constitute commissions of inquiry and that the anti-corruption branch of the government could not investigate cases against central government officials. Second, the Congress has spurned the AAP’s offer for an electoral alliance to jointly take on the Bharatiya Janata Party in the coming polls. &nbsp;

AAP leaders have reacted furiously to the apex court’s ruling, with Kejriwal exclaiming, ‘What sort of verdict is this!” But his party colleague and Rajya Sabha member Sanjay Singh went a step further, wondering whether the court would give a judgement against the Modi regime. There have been demands by AAP’s detractors to slap a contempt of court case against the Rajya Sabha member. So far the court has not taken note of the remarks, and some BJP leaders have said the party would take a call soon on moving a contempt plea.&nbsp;&nbsp;

In February 2015, soon after the AAP government took charge for a second time, the Union Ministry of Home Affairs issues a notification that services would be under the purview of the Lieutenant Governor, who is a representative of the central government. The notification also stated that the state’s anti-corruption branch would not register cases against central government employees, let alone investigate those instances. In August 2016, following AAP’s appeal, the Delhi High Court snubbed AAP by ruling that the Lt Governor was the administrative head. 
 
The matter went to the Supreme Court, and in July 2018, the court said that the Lt Governor would retain powers in matters related to police, public order and land, but that decisions of the elected regime did not require the Lt Governor’s concurrence. While this last ruling was exploited as a ‘victory’ by all sides, the confusion over the powers of the Lt Governor and the elected government remained largely unaddressed.&nbsp;&nbsp;

The February 14 order is clearer, and yet one issue remains unsettled: That of controlling authority over the administrative services. The two-judge bench which delivered the latest ruling was divided on whether the state regime had powers over the administrative cadre of the rank below joint secretary, and a larger Bench will now look into the matter. Thus, while the AAP can still hope for a favourable verdict on this count, it's on the backfoot for the moment. Its opponents have hailed the court order and claimed it is a slap on the face of an ‘anarchist Kejriwal’ and his government.&nbsp;

The second setback, that of the Congress’s refusal to align with the AAP, is equally embarrassing for Delhi’s ruling party. The Delhi unit of the Congress under its new leader Sheila Dikshit is not keen on any understanding with the AAP in the state. Kejriwal has had the mortification of being snubbed openly on the matter, and he has had to concede that so far, his desire to have a pact with the Congress to contain the BJP has not gone anywhere. Kejriwal seems to have forgotten the anti-graft campaign he had been a prominent part of, against the then Dikshit regime in Delhi — a campaign that eventually fetched his power in Delhi and the chief ministership too. Then he had threatened to jail the senior Congress leader.&nbsp;

But why is the AAP over-eager to tie up with the Congress, when it claims to have the overwhelming support of the people? How is it that a party which has a near monopoly in numbers in the Delhi Assembly, has to crave for support from another party which has no representation from Delhi, either in the Lok Sabha or in the Assembly? There are two essential reasons. The first is that the AAP fears a washout in Delhi, similar to the one in 2014 — the best-case scenario could be a seat or two. The second is that unlike in 2014, the party’s prospects in Punjab, which gave it four MPs, are bleak. The AAP’s Punjab affairs are in a shambles, with various party leaders having left the organisation. Besides, the Congress led by Captain Amarinder Singh is sitting pretty in the state; let alone the AAP, even the BJP-Akali Dal combine will find it difficult to counter the Chief Minister.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Five years ago, the AAP had first formed the government with the Congress’s outside backing and soon enough ended the arrangement after ‘apologising’ to the people for the mistake (of having taken the support). Then, the parting of ways clicked for the AAP as it stormed back to power. Today it needs the Congress to remain relevant in the Lok Sabha. How things change!&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

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The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) is facing difficult moments just ahead of the general elections. It was looking to score political points on two issues but had to suffer setbacks in both.

The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) is facing difficult moments just ahead of the general elections. It was looking to score political points on two issues but had to suffer setbacks in both. First, the Supreme Court has held that the Delhi government — headed by AAP leader and chief minister Arvind Kejriwal — had no powers to constitute commissions of inquiry and that the anti-corruption branch of the government could not investigate cases against central government officials. Second, the Congress has spurned the AAP’s offer for an electoral alliance to jointly take on the Bharatiya Janata Party in the coming polls. AAP leaders have reacted furiously to the apex court’s ruling, with Kejriwal exclaiming, ‘What sort of verdict is this!” But his party colleague and Rajya Sabha member Sanjay Singh went a step further, wondering whether the court would give a judgement against the Modi regime. There have been demands by AAP’s detractors to slap a contempt of court case against the Rajya Sabha member. So far the court has not taken note of the remarks, and some BJP leaders have said the party would take a call soon on moving a contempt plea. In February 2015, soon after the AAP government took charge for a second time, the Union Ministry of Home Affairs issues a notification that services would be under the purview of the Lieutenant Governor, who is a representative of the central government. The notification also stated that the state’s anti-corruption branch would not register cases against central government employees, let alone investigate those instances. In August 2016, following AAP’s appeal, the Delhi High Court snubbed AAP by ruling that the Lt Governor was the administrative head. The matter went to the Supreme Court, and in July 2018, the court said that the Lt Governor would retain powers in matters related to police, public order and land, but that decisions of the elected regime did not require the Lt Governor’s concurrence. While this last ruling was exploited as a ‘victory’ by all sides, the confusion over the powers of the Lt Governor and the elected government remained largely unaddressed. The February 14 order is clearer, and yet one issue remains unsettled: That of controlling authority over the administrative services. The two-judge bench which delivered the latest ruling was divided on whether the state regime had powers over the administrative cadre of the rank below joint secretary, and a larger Bench will now look into the matter. Thus, while the AAP can still hope for a favourable verdict on this count, it's on the backfoot for the moment. Its opponents have hailed the court order and claimed it is a slap on the face of an ‘anarchist Kejriwal’ and his government. The second setback, that of the Congress’s refusal to align with the AAP, is equally embarrassing for Delhi’s ruling party. The Delhi unit of the Congress under its new leader Sheila Dikshit is not keen on any understanding with the AAP in the state. Kejriwal has had the mortification of being snubbed openly on the matter, and he has had to concede that so far, his desire to have a pact with the Congress to contain the BJP has not gone anywhere. Kejriwal seems to have forgotten the anti-graft campaign he had been a prominent part of, against the then Dikshit regime in Delhi — a campaign that eventually fetched his power in Delhi and the chief ministership too. Then he had threatened to jail the senior Congress leader. But why is the AAP over-eager to tie up with the Congress, when it claims to have the overwhelming support of the people? How is it that a party which has a near monopoly in numbers in the Delhi Assembly, has to crave for support from another party which has no representation from Delhi, either in the Lok Sabha or in the Assembly? There are two essential reasons. The first is that the AAP fears a washout in Delhi, similar to the one in 2014 — the best-case scenario could be a seat or two. The second is that unlike in 2014, the party’s prospects in Punjab, which gave it four MPs, are bleak. The AAP’s Punjab affairs are in a shambles, with various party leaders having left the organisation. Besides, the Congress led by Captain Amarinder Singh is sitting pretty in the state; let alone the AAP, even the BJP-Akali Dal combine will find it difficult to counter the Chief Minister. Five years ago, the AAP had first formed the government with the Congress’s outside backing and soon enough ended the arrangement after ‘apologising’ to the people for the mistake (of having taken the support). Then, the parting of ways clicked for the AAP as it stormed back to power. Today it needs the Congress to remain relevant in the Lok Sabha. How things change! (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

With setbacks from Supreme Court and Congress, the road ahead is tough for Aam Aadmi Party

As the 2019 general election is approaching, the issue of women is likely to assume significance.&nbsp;

It has been observed that during the last few years, the participation of women in electoral voting has increased considerably. In 16 out of 29 states of India, more women voted than men in 2014 elections. &nbsp;

Women turnout during India's 2014 parliamentary general elections was 65.63 per cent, compared to 67.09 per cent turnout for men. Though the rise in female voter registration has been modest, turnout among female electors has surged. This trend has made every political party sensitive to the demands of women.

It is ironical that Indian politics has been represented by strong women personality over the last 60 years such as Indira Gandhi, Sonia Gandhi, Jayalalitha, Mayawati, Mamata &nbsp;Banerjee, Sushma Swaraj, Sheila Dikshit, Rabri Devi, Agatha Sangma etc. However, this has not translated into significant development of women in society.&nbsp;

Contrary to the democratic expectations, violence against women has increased in Indian society. Cases of crime against women have increased by over 40 per cent from 2012 to 2016, according to the National Crime Records Bureau. A woman was raped every 13 minutes, a bride was murdered for dowry every 69 minutes, and six women were gang-raped every day in India in 2016.

Participation of women in opportunity structure is significantly low, particularly in the political structure. Indian women have the lowest representation in Parliament, they make up a mere 11.6 per cent of the 542-member Lok Sabha and 11 per cent of the 245-member Rajya Sabha. In 2014, just 8.1 per cent of candidates for the Lok Sabha were women.&nbsp;

Among its South Asian neighbours, India ranks fifth in women’s political representation in Parliament falling behind Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Nepal. It's sad that India which aspires to become a regional and global power has poor records of women underrepresentation in state and national decision-making bodies.

At the same time, the current government is credited to make women for the first time as defence minister of the country. PM Modi's Council of Ministers consists of 9 female ministers, of whom 6 hold the rank of Cabinet minister, the highest number of female Cabinet ministers in any Indian government in history.

Also, the government is known for its numerous women-centred policies like Beti Bachao Beti Padhao, Ujjawala scheme etc. It's yet to be seen whether women electorate will continue to support PM Modi now as he remains a popular figure among Indian women.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

&nbsp;

As the 2019 general election is approaching, the issue of women is likely to assume significance. It has been observed that during the last few years, the participation of women in electoral voting has increased considerably.

As the 2019 general election is approaching, the issue of women is likely to assume significance. It has been observed that during the last few years, the participation of women in electoral voting has increased considerably. In 16 out of 29 states of India, more women voted than men in 2014 elections. Women turnout during India's 2014 parliamentary general elections was 65.63 per cent, compared to 67.09 per cent turnout for men. Though the rise in female voter registration has been modest, turnout among female electors has surged. This trend has made every political party sensitive to the demands of women. It is ironical that Indian politics has been represented by strong women personality over the last 60 years such as Indira Gandhi, Sonia Gandhi, Jayalalitha, Mayawati, Mamata Banerjee, Sushma Swaraj, Sheila Dikshit, Rabri Devi, Agatha Sangma etc. However, this has not translated into significant development of women in society. Contrary to the democratic expectations, violence against women has increased in Indian society. Cases of crime against women have increased by over 40 per cent from 2012 to 2016, according to the National Crime Records Bureau. A woman was raped every 13 minutes, a bride was murdered for dowry every 69 minutes, and six women were gang-raped every day in India in 2016. Participation of women in opportunity structure is significantly low, particularly in the political structure. Indian women have the lowest representation in Parliament, they make up a mere 11.6 per cent of the 542-member Lok Sabha and 11 per cent of the 245-member Rajya Sabha. In 2014, just 8.1 per cent of candidates for the Lok Sabha were women. Among its South Asian neighbours, India ranks fifth in women’s political representation in Parliament falling behind Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Nepal. It's sad that India which aspires to become a regional and global power has poor records of women underrepresentation in state and national decision-making bodies. At the same time, the current government is credited to make women for the first time as defence minister of the country. PM Modi's Council of Ministers consists of 9 female ministers, of whom 6 hold the rank of Cabinet minister, the highest number of female Cabinet ministers in any Indian government in history. Also, the government is known for its numerous women-centred policies like Beti Bachao Beti Padhao, Ujjawala scheme etc. It's yet to be seen whether women electorate will continue to support PM Modi now as he remains a popular figure among Indian women. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Women electorate to play an important role in Lok Sabha elections 2019

Priyanka Gandhi Vadra has got down to business. A day after a roadshow and being with her mother-in-law in Jaipur, the newly-appointed Congress general secretary and east UP in charge met the party workers and sought details of their social media accounts.

The politicians and party workers who want to meet Priyanka are given a form asking for basic information like age, electoral experience, whether they have held any organisational positions, their Twitter handles and WhatsApp numbers.

The information about Twitter handles is being sought to gauge the social media presence of the individual.

Congress has been late on this platform but realised its importance in shaping public opinion. Just days ago, Priyanka Gandhi also made a debut on Twitter and got lakhs of followers in just a few hours. 
 
<img alt="Feedback Form" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="5f7d1e0f-f1bd-4866-85bc-86a4a970db72" src="/sites/default/files/inline-images/Form%20%281%29.jpg" />

BSP president Mayawati also opened a Twitter account recently in the run-up to the Lok Sabha elections. There was a time when her party used to say that BSP supporters do not watch TV and don't get influenced by surveys. This myth was shattered both in the last Lok Sabha elections as well as Uttar Pradesh assembly elections where BSP suffered major reverses. It is for this reason that Congress wants to map social influencers within its own organisation.

The WhatsApp number is being sought because Congress wants to create a feedback and direct communication mechanism with every person within the party's eco-system. It wants to turn a platform made for personal communication into a broadcast mechanism. The BJP used WhatsApp brilliantly in Gujarat and snatched the elections from the jaws of defeat.

The collation will allow Data Analytics department in Delhi to create faster and honest feedback for the leadership.

But what makes this form truly Indian is that it also asks for the caste and sub-caste status of an individual. The caste system is India's hard and ugly reality and no political party in the country gives tickets without taking caste into consideration. So is the case with Congress.

Every party speaks against the caste system. Indian Constitution intends to correct social inequity caused by the caste system through the reservation. Even then political parties do not move away from the caste matrix.&nbsp;

This is the irony of the Indian politics that commitment to erase caste from public life remains only on paper and seminar halls.&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Priyanka Gandhi Vadra has got down to business. A day after a roadshow and being with her mother-in-law in Jaipur, the newly-appointed Congress general secretary and east UP in charge met the party workers and sought details of their social media accounts.

Priyanka Gandhi Vadra has got down to business. A day after a roadshow and being with her mother-in-law in Jaipur, the newly-appointed Congress general secretary and east UP in charge met the party workers and sought details of their social media accounts. The politicians and party workers who want to meet Priyanka are given a form asking for basic information like age, electoral experience, whether they have held any organisational positions, their Twitter handles and WhatsApp numbers. The information about Twitter handles is being sought to gauge the social media presence of the individual. Congress has been late on this platform but realised its importance in shaping public opinion. Just days ago, Priyanka Gandhi also made a debut on Twitter and got lakhs of followers in just a few hours. BSP president Mayawati also opened a Twitter account recently in the run-up to the Lok Sabha elections. There was a time when her party used to say that BSP supporters do not watch TV and don't get influenced by surveys. This myth was shattered both in the last Lok Sabha elections as well as Uttar Pradesh assembly elections where BSP suffered major reverses. It is for this reason that Congress wants to map social influencers within its own organisation. The WhatsApp number is being sought because Congress wants to create a feedback and direct communication mechanism with every person within the party's eco-system. It wants to turn a platform made for personal communication into a broadcast mechanism. The BJP used WhatsApp brilliantly in Gujarat and snatched the elections from the jaws of defeat. The collation will allow Data Analytics department in Delhi to create faster and honest feedback for the leadership. But what makes this form truly Indian is that it also asks for the caste and sub-caste status of an individual. The caste system is India's hard and ugly reality and no political party in the country gives tickets without taking caste into consideration. So is the case with Congress. Every party speaks against the caste system. Indian Constitution intends to correct social inequity caused by the caste system through the reservation. Even then political parties do not move away from the caste matrix. This is the irony of the Indian politics that commitment to erase caste from public life remains only on paper and seminar halls. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Hard to ignore? Congress form asks for caste along with Twitter, WhatsApp

Facebook Inc is expanding its <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/germany-to-restrict-facebooks-data-gathering-activities-195917">fact-checking network</a> in India to curb the spread of misinformation as the world's largest democracy prepares for a general election that must be held by May, the US-based social media giant said on Monday.

"We are committed to fighting the spread of false news on Facebook, especially ahead of the 2019 General Election campaign season," Manish Khanduri, Facebook India's news partnership head, said in the statement.

The coming election is expected to be a close fought battle between Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the opposition Congress Party and its regional allies.

Last week, Facebook said it was introducing stricter rules for political advertisements in India.

The latest move to strengthen the fact-checking programme is aimed at verifying the accuracy of stories and preventing the spread of hoaxes.

Five new partners have been added to Facebook's fact-checker network, taking the total number to seven, the statement said.

And the programme has been broadened to cover services in more Indian languages so that it will now cover English and five local languages, the statement added.

India is Facebook's largest market by users, and its WhatsApp messaging service has more than 200 million users in the country thanks to the advent of cheap mobile data and increasing penetration of smartphones.

Aside from concerns over misuse of social media for political purposes, there has also been criticism over the spread of false, incendiary messages that have fanned communal tensions and sparked mob violence.

Last year, after a series of lynchings, were incited by messages sent on its service, WhatsApp reduced the number of people or groups that a message could be forwarded to at one time, cutting it to five from 20 previously. WhatsApp has since moved to make that its norm worldwide.

Facebook's main rival in India, Alphabet Inc's Google, has also conducted scores of workshops across the country to train journalists to verify the news.

Facebook Inc is expanding its fact-checking network in India to curb the spread of misinformation as the world's largest democracy prepares for a general election that must be held by May, the US-based social media giant said on Monday.

Facebook Inc is expanding its fact-checking network in India to curb the spread of misinformation as the world's largest democracy prepares for a general election that must be held by May, the US-based social media giant said on Monday. "We are committed to fighting the spread of false news on Facebook, especially ahead of the 2019 General Election campaign season," Manish Khanduri, Facebook India's news partnership head, said in the statement. The coming election is expected to be a close fought battle between Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the opposition Congress Party and its regional allies. Last week, Facebook said it was introducing stricter rules for political advertisements in India. The latest move to strengthen the fact-checking programme is aimed at verifying the accuracy of stories and preventing the spread of hoaxes. Five new partners have been added to Facebook's fact-checker network, taking the total number to seven, the statement said. And the programme has been broadened to cover services in more Indian languages so that it will now cover English and five local languages, the statement added. India is Facebook's largest market by users, and its WhatsApp messaging service has more than 200 million users in the country thanks to the advent of cheap mobile data and increasing penetration of smartphones. Aside from concerns over misuse of social media for political purposes, there has also been criticism over the spread of false, incendiary messages that have fanned communal tensions and sparked mob violence. Last year, after a series of lynchings, were incited by messages sent on its service, WhatsApp reduced the number of people or groups that a message could be forwarded to at one time, cutting it to five from 20 previously. WhatsApp has since moved to make that its norm worldwide. Facebook's main rival in India, Alphabet Inc's Google, has also conducted scores of workshops across the country to train journalists to verify the news.

With Lok Sabha elections coming, Facebook says it is expanding its fact-checking network

One wonders why Jyotiraditya Scindia has been made the Congress party’s general secretary in-charge for western Uttar Pradesh for the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. He doesn’t bring any special understanding of the region to the table, nor is he a charismatic figure there.

Also, although technically on a footing equal with Priyanka Gandhi Vadra, who too has been appointed general secretary but in charge of eastern Uttar Pradesh, Scindia cannot hope to match her profile or stature within the party even with the new assignment. One can, therefore, only speculate on the reasons.&nbsp;

Here’s speculation number one. The appointment is Congress president Rahul Gandhi’s way of keeping him away from the politics of Madhya Pradesh, where Kamal Nath is ensconced as chief minister. Scindia had been a formidable candidate to take over the reins of the government after the Congress displaced a Bharatiya Janata Party regime in the state recently.&nbsp;

He was both popular and close to Rahul Gandhi. When the Congress high command decided in Kamal Nath’s favour, it reportedly offered Scindia the deputy chief minister’s post, which was declined. Since then, the party felt it is prudent to avoid situations of direct conflict between Scindia and Kamal Nath, and thus, shifted the young leader out.&nbsp;

Speculation number two: The appointment is a way to cut Scindia down to size. His refusal to accept the deputy’s position was seen as a snub to the high command and to the Kamal Nath-Digvijaya Singh lobby. He was, thus, given charge of a region where the Congress stands little chance of doing well and can be made a scapegoat after the Congress fails in the region. Only days prior to his appointment, Scindia&nbsp;had a long meeting with senior BJP leader and former chief minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan with whom he is said to share a good rapport. That may have rankled the high command too.&nbsp; 
 
And speculation number three is that Scindia will be used a foil in the post-result scenario for comparison with Priyanka’s performance in eastern Uttar Pradesh, where the Congress has a fighting chance to win a fistful of seats — at least two to four. This may be nothing to talk about, but it’s still better than zero, which is what many analysts believe the Congress will get in the western parts of the state.&nbsp;&nbsp;

Admittedly, all this is speculation. What is not speculation but a fact is that the Congress is weak and anaemic in western Uttar Pradesh. It could not do well even in the 2017 Assembly elections when most analysts had predicted trouble for the BJP there for a variety of factors. The Jats, comprising some 17 per cent of the population, are a dominant factor. 
 
They were supposedly angry with the BJP for having made a non-Jat the chief minister of neighbouring Haryana. Besides, they were said to have been a spanner in the works of the BJP’s larger Hindu consolidation drive. The Muslims, another important segment in the region, were upset with the BJP too. Ajit Singh’s party, the Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD), was tipped to spoil the BJP’s party and thus help others such as the Congress to gain a foothold in the region. And yet, nothing of these happened. The Congress failed miserably and the BJP romped home.&nbsp;

The situation is perhaps worse for the Congress this coming Lok Sabha polls. Not only is it pitted against the BJP but it has to also counter the combined might of the Samajwadi Party-Bahujan Samaj Party- RLD. If the Jats are indeed so upset with the BJP that they have decided to vote against it, they will in probability go with the new alliance. The Muslims will not waste their votes on the Congress if they sense that the party is on a weak footing. Which voter segment is the Congress banking on?&nbsp;

Western Uttar Pradesh is also communally sensitive. The Muzaffarnagar riots during the Samajwadi party rule had led to a Hindu-Muslim polarisation of sorts, which benefitted the BJP in the last Assembly polls and brought no gains to the Congress which was unsure of its stand. The new grand alliance has the Dalit-Muslim plan up its sleeve this time to neutralise a possible Hindu re-consolidation. 
 
In the 2017 polls, the RLD had tied up with the Congress but gained little out of that alliance. Many believed that the Congress had pulled down Ajit Singh’s party, which is why the RLD has dumped the Congress for the 2019 elections.

Look at it any which way, Scindia’s official foray into western Uttar Pradesh’s politics is fraught with danger.&nbsp; 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.) 
&nbsp;

One wonders why Jyotiraditya Scindia has been made the Congress party’s general secretary in-charge for western Uttar Pradesh for the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. He doesn’t bring any special understanding of the region to the table, nor is he a charismatic figure there.

One wonders why Jyotiraditya Scindia has been made the Congress party’s general secretary in-charge for western Uttar Pradesh for the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. He doesn’t bring any special understanding of the region to the table, nor is he a charismatic figure there. Also, although technically on a footing equal with Priyanka Gandhi Vadra, who too has been appointed general secretary but in charge of eastern Uttar Pradesh, Scindia cannot hope to match her profile or stature within the party even with the new assignment. One can, therefore, only speculate on the reasons. Here’s speculation number one. The appointment is Congress president Rahul Gandhi’s way of keeping him away from the politics of Madhya Pradesh, where Kamal Nath is ensconced as chief minister. Scindia had been a formidable candidate to take over the reins of the government after the Congress displaced a Bharatiya Janata Party regime in the state recently. He was both popular and close to Rahul Gandhi. When the Congress high command decided in Kamal Nath’s favour, it reportedly offered Scindia the deputy chief minister’s post, which was declined. Since then, the party felt it is prudent to avoid situations of direct conflict between Scindia and Kamal Nath, and thus, shifted the young leader out. Speculation number two: The appointment is a way to cut Scindia down to size. His refusal to accept the deputy’s position was seen as a snub to the high command and to the Kamal Nath-Digvijaya Singh lobby. He was, thus, given charge of a region where the Congress stands little chance of doing well and can be made a scapegoat after the Congress fails in the region. Only days prior to his appointment, Scindia had a long meeting with senior BJP leader and former chief minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan with whom he is said to share a good rapport. That may have rankled the high command too. And speculation number three is that Scindia will be used a foil in the post-result scenario for comparison with Priyanka’s performance in eastern Uttar Pradesh, where the Congress has a fighting chance to win a fistful of seats — at least two to four. This may be nothing to talk about, but it’s still better than zero, which is what many analysts believe the Congress will get in the western parts of the state. Admittedly, all this is speculation. What is not speculation but a fact is that the Congress is weak and anaemic in western Uttar Pradesh. It could not do well even in the 2017 Assembly elections when most analysts had predicted trouble for the BJP there for a variety of factors. The Jats, comprising some 17 per cent of the population, are a dominant factor. They were supposedly angry with the BJP for having made a non-Jat the chief minister of neighbouring Haryana. Besides, they were said to have been a spanner in the works of the BJP’s larger Hindu consolidation drive. The Muslims, another important segment in the region, were upset with the BJP too. Ajit Singh’s party, the Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD), was tipped to spoil the BJP’s party and thus help others such as the Congress to gain a foothold in the region. And yet, nothing of these happened. The Congress failed miserably and the BJP romped home. The situation is perhaps worse for the Congress this coming Lok Sabha polls. Not only is it pitted against the BJP but it has to also counter the combined might of the Samajwadi Party-Bahujan Samaj Party- RLD. If the Jats are indeed so upset with the BJP that they have decided to vote against it, they will in probability go with the new alliance. The Muslims will not waste their votes on the Congress if they sense that the party is on a weak footing. Which voter segment is the Congress banking on? Western Uttar Pradesh is also communally sensitive. The Muzaffarnagar riots during the Samajwadi party rule had led to a Hindu-Muslim polarisation of sorts, which benefitted the BJP in the last Assembly polls and brought no gains to the Congress which was unsure of its stand. The new grand alliance has the Dalit-Muslim plan up its sleeve this time to neutralise a possible Hindu re-consolidation. In the 2017 polls, the RLD had tied up with the Congress but gained little out of that alliance. Many believed that the Congress had pulled down Ajit Singh’s party, which is why the RLD has dumped the Congress for the 2019 elections. Look at it any which way, Scindia’s official foray into western Uttar Pradesh’s politics is fraught with danger. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Is Congress trying to keep Jyotiraditya Scindia away from MP?

With just months away for the Lok Sabha elections, the opposition is not leaving any stone unturned to consolidate power into its hands. 
 
Besides the frequent showcase of the "United Front" on several occasions, the parties have been involved in evolving arithmetic to keep the "Modi-Shah might" out of power.

Days before the arch-rivals BSP-SP joined hands and entered into a pre-poll alliance for the Lok Sabha elections in Uttar Pradesh. The two parties decided to fight elections on an equal number of seats leaving the two Congress bastion.

Exhibiting another showcase of unity, around 25 leaders from over 20 political parties held out a "united rally" in Kolkata on January 19. 
 
Led by Mamata Banerjee the rally was attended by leaders from across the country. The "United Front" saw the presence of Farooq Abdullah and Omar Abdullah from the National Conference, HD Deve Gowda and Kumaraswamy from the JD(S), TDP leader Chandrababu Naidu, DMK's MK Stalin, AIUDF's Badruddin Ajmal, AAP chief Arvind Kejriwal, SP leader Akhilesh Yadav, RJD's Tejashwi Yadav and many others including Mallikarjun Kharge from the Congress. Former NDA stalwart Arun Shourie, Yashwant Sinha, and BJP rebel Shatrughan Sinha also participated in the event along with NCP leader Sharad Pawar, Patidar leader Hardik Patel, Dalit leader Jignesh Mewani.

Joining hands on the dais the opposition hit out at the Modi government over demonetisation, GST, Rafale deal and the alleged "rising intolerance" in the country.

The "United opposition" against the current government shows a repeat of the opposition unity of 1977 which had successfully dethroned the first ever Congress government out of power. Fighting under the slogan "Indira hatao, desh bachao", the opposition had defeated Indira Gandhi and formed the first ever non-Congress government in India in 1977. 
 
Morarji Desai who became the fourth prime minister of the country, however, could not complete his tenure in the office. His government had to end its term midway due to the unsuccessful coalition. 
 
The next government formed under the leadership of Charan Singh also held an unsuccessful term in the office due to the rising conflict in the coalition. Singh could not complete his term after Indira Gandhi led Congress government suspended its support.

The country could never have a successful coalition government until 1998. The first ever non-Congress and coalition government that completed its full term in the country was headed by Atal Bihari Vajpayee.

Prior to Vajpayee's government, HD Deve Gowda, the eleventh prime minister of the country, also held an unsuccessful term and was removed from power within a year. Deve Gowda, the kingmaker of the 1996 general elections played a significant role in the formation of the government by extending support to the Congress party which had secured the second highest votes in the elections. BJP which won the highest votes remained out of power and was the main opposition in the parliament.

The current political situation of the country also foresees the rise of yet another Deve Gowda. While the entire opposition is fighting the 2019 elections against the BJP, the country may see the emergence of a new Deve Gowda if the results throw a hung assembly after the Lok Sabha polls.

Mamata Banerjee's slogan in the rally was "Badal do, Badal do, Dilli mei sarkar badal do". The front, however, does not have a prime ministerial face to replace the "Sarkar in Dilli".

While the BSP-SP alliance in Uttar Pradesh has clarified that the next prime minister of the country will be from UP, Mamata Banerjee is also seen as a strong contender to lead the Front in the next Lok Sabha.

Playing a masterstroke just days before the elections, the Congress appointed Priyanka Gandhi as the party general secretary in-charge of Uttar Pradesh East. The move is seen as an answer to rival parties' constant questioning of Rahul Gandhi's calibre in representing the party.&nbsp;

Thus while the opposition has united against the common power, keeping aside its ideological differences, the absence of strong leadership in the Front may affect the coalition even after its victory.&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

 
&nbsp;

With just months away for the Lok Sabha elections, the opposition is not leaving any stone unturned to consolidate power into its hands. Besides the frequent showcase of the "United Front" on several occasions, the parties have been involved in evolving arithmetic to keep the "Modi-Shah might" out of power.

With just months away for the Lok Sabha elections, the opposition is not leaving any stone unturned to consolidate power into its hands. Besides the frequent showcase of the "United Front" on several occasions, the parties have been involved in evolving arithmetic to keep the "Modi-Shah might" out of power. Days before the arch-rivals BSP-SP joined hands and entered into a pre-poll alliance for the Lok Sabha elections in Uttar Pradesh. The two parties decided to fight elections on an equal number of seats leaving the two Congress bastion. Exhibiting another showcase of unity, around 25 leaders from over 20 political parties held out a "united rally" in Kolkata on January 19. Led by Mamata Banerjee the rally was attended by leaders from across the country. The "United Front" saw the presence of Farooq Abdullah and Omar Abdullah from the National Conference, HD Deve Gowda and Kumaraswamy from the JD(S), TDP leader Chandrababu Naidu, DMK's MK Stalin, AIUDF's Badruddin Ajmal, AAP chief Arvind Kejriwal, SP leader Akhilesh Yadav, RJD's Tejashwi Yadav and many others including Mallikarjun Kharge from the Congress. Former NDA stalwart Arun Shourie, Yashwant Sinha, and BJP rebel Shatrughan Sinha also participated in the event along with NCP leader Sharad Pawar, Patidar leader Hardik Patel, Dalit leader Jignesh Mewani. Joining hands on the dais the opposition hit out at the Modi government over demonetisation, GST, Rafale deal and the alleged "rising intolerance" in the country. The "United opposition" against the current government shows a repeat of the opposition unity of 1977 which had successfully dethroned the first ever Congress government out of power. Fighting under the slogan "Indira hatao, desh bachao", the opposition had defeated Indira Gandhi and formed the first ever non-Congress government in India in 1977. Morarji Desai who became the fourth prime minister of the country, however, could not complete his tenure in the office. His government had to end its term midway due to the unsuccessful coalition. The next government formed under the leadership of Charan Singh also held an unsuccessful term in the office due to the rising conflict in the coalition. Singh could not complete his term after Indira Gandhi led Congress government suspended its support. The country could never have a successful coalition government until 1998. The first ever non-Congress and coalition government that completed its full term in the country was headed by Atal Bihari Vajpayee. Prior to Vajpayee's government, HD Deve Gowda, the eleventh prime minister of the country, also held an unsuccessful term and was removed from power within a year. Deve Gowda, the kingmaker of the 1996 general elections played a significant role in the formation of the government by extending support to the Congress party which had secured the second highest votes in the elections. BJP which won the highest votes remained out of power and was the main opposition in the parliament. The current political situation of the country also foresees the rise of yet another Deve Gowda. While the entire opposition is fighting the 2019 elections against the BJP, the country may see the emergence of a new Deve Gowda if the results throw a hung assembly after the Lok Sabha polls. Mamata Banerjee's slogan in the rally was "Badal do, Badal do, Dilli mei sarkar badal do". The front, however, does not have a prime ministerial face to replace the "Sarkar in Dilli". While the BSP-SP alliance in Uttar Pradesh has clarified that the next prime minister of the country will be from UP, Mamata Banerjee is also seen as a strong contender to lead the Front in the next Lok Sabha. Playing a masterstroke just days before the elections, the Congress appointed Priyanka Gandhi as the party general secretary in-charge of Uttar Pradesh East. The move is seen as an answer to rival parties' constant questioning of Rahul Gandhi's calibre in representing the party. Thus while the opposition has united against the common power, keeping aside its ideological differences, the absence of strong leadership in the Front may affect the coalition even after its victory. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

How far will the united opposition go without prime ministerial face?

On an oppressively hot June day in Lucknow 23 years ago, events unfolded that could impact the 2019 Lok Sabha election. &nbsp;Samajwadi Party (SP) founder Mulayam Singh Yadav was chief minister of Uttar Pradesh. SP had 109 seats in the 425-seat Uttar Pradesh Assembly. It was supported in a tense if outwardly cordial coalition government by Kanshi Ram’s Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) with 67 seats. Mayawati, then 39-year-old and BSP’s general secretary was a rising star of the party.

On the evening of June 2, 1995, fearing that BSP would withdraw support for the SP-led coalition government, several SP MLAs and workers attacked a group of BSP MLAs closeted in a strategy meeting in the Lucknow state guest house.&nbsp;

The SP leaders’ aim was to break the BSP party by intimidating its MLAs. What followed exposed the violent DNA that characterises the SP even today.

As a leading daily reported on June 3, 1995, in an article titled Mulayam’s men attack BSP legislators’ meet: “The Samajwadi Party workers, armed with rifles and weapons, barged into a meeting room of the BSP workers…and assaulted the BSP legislators, ‘kidnapping’ some of them.&nbsp;

Senior BSP leaders, including Mayawati, slipped into a suite reserved for her in the guest house. The Lucknow SSP, OP Singh, as well as his men, were a mute witness as the SP men snapped the telephone and power lines…and started beating (the BSP MLAs) with lathis. About 300 SP miscreants were led by over a dozen party MLAs, mostly with a criminal background.” &nbsp;

The impact on Uttar Pradesh politics was immediate and dramatic. Motilal Vora, the longtime Congress loyalist (and currently in the news as one of those on bail in the National Herald case), was governor of Uttar Pradesh. Acting on Prime Minister Narasimha Rao’s advice, Vora promptly sacked Mulayam’s government on June 3.&nbsp;

The chief minister was not given an opportunity to prove his majority on the floor of the assembly. In an era bereft of television, social media and PIL activists, the Congress action went unchallenged.&nbsp;

But the Narasimha Rao government was in for a surprise. Within hours of Mulayam’s sacking, Mayawati tied up with the BJP and Janata Dal to extend outside support. She was sworn in as chief minister of Uttar Pradesh the same evening.&nbsp;

The ensuing decades-long enmity between the BSP and SP ensured that elections in Uttar Pradesh would henceforth be multi-cornered. The decline of the Congress, which had governed Uttar Pradesh for most of the period from 1950 to 1989, but never after 1989, coincided with the rise of Mayawati and the growing electoral importance of the Dalit vote.&nbsp;

Today Mayawati could prove the biggest obstacle for Congress president Rahul Gandhi in his bid to lead the anti-Narendra Modi mahagathbandhan.

Mayawati takes slights to heart. It took 23 years and an electoral wipeout of the BSP in the 2014 Lok Sabha election, for Mayawati to again collaborate with the SP’s new leadership under Akhilesh Yadav who was 18-year-old when the Lucknow state guest house attack took place.&nbsp;

Mayawati declared at her press conference with Akhilesh after formalising the BSP-SP pact in Uttar Pradesh that BSP would never support the Congress in the state or nationally. Mayawati, not Akhilesh, vetoed inclusion of the Congress in 2019 UP gathbandhan.&nbsp;

Priyanka Gandhi-Vadra’s entry into frontline politics in Uttar Pradesh complicates matters. The battle between Mayawati, guarding her turf in Uttar Pradesh, and Priyanka, seeking to re-establish Congress in the state, could lead to unintended consequences for both.

Sterner tests meanwhile await Mayawati at the national level. Trinamool Congress leader Mamata Banerjee has thrown her hat into the mahagathbandhan ring. Meanwhile, the YSRCP’s Jaganmohan Reddy, TRS’s K Chandrashekar Rao and BJD’s Naveen Patnaik are manoeuvring to form a non-BJP, non-Congress front.

As Opposition leaders jockey for position, the Congress may be left with the task of being an anti-Modi choreographer, not a principal actor. That task could come down to a contest between Mayawati and Mamata. With each likely to win between 25 and 30 Lok Sabha seats in 2019, they will need to attract the non-BJP, non-Congress Third Front to join them in a coalition government and seek Congress support from within or outside.

Mayawati has a record as a tough administrator, but her government was beset with accusations of corruption, though none have been proved. Mamata too is under a cloud in the Saradha and Rosy Blue probes. Rahul Gandhi could thus end up as queen-maker.&nbsp;

With around 100 seats in 2019, the Congress will be the second largest party after the BJP. Rahul will have to put his prime ministerial ambitions on hold while he decides who between Mayawati and Mamata poses the least potent long-term threat to the Congress.

Watching this drama unfold, Modi and his Svengali Amit Shah will be doing some plotting of their own. As the events of June 3, 1995, demonstrated, the BJP and BSP have done business together. Mayawati is as unpredictable as Modi is imperturbable. Uttar Pradesh lifted him to power in 2014. Five years later, while the 10 per cent quota for economically weaker sections (EWS) may help the BJP arrest the alienation of UP’s upper castes, the Mayawati-Akhilesh gathbandhan could determine his future.&nbsp;

(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-mayawati-holds-the-key-to-2019-2714388">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

 
&nbsp;

On an oppressively hot June day in Lucknow 23 years ago, events unfolded that could impact the 2019 Lok Sabha election. Samajwadi Party (SP) founder Mulayam Singh Yadav was chief minister of Uttar Pradesh.

On an oppressively hot June day in Lucknow 23 years ago, events unfolded that could impact the 2019 Lok Sabha election. Samajwadi Party (SP) founder Mulayam Singh Yadav was chief minister of Uttar Pradesh. SP had 109 seats in the 425-seat Uttar Pradesh Assembly. It was supported in a tense if outwardly cordial coalition government by Kanshi Ram’s Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) with 67 seats. Mayawati, then 39-year-old and BSP’s general secretary was a rising star of the party. On the evening of June 2, 1995, fearing that BSP would withdraw support for the SP-led coalition government, several SP MLAs and workers attacked a group of BSP MLAs closeted in a strategy meeting in the Lucknow state guest house. The SP leaders’ aim was to break the BSP party by intimidating its MLAs. What followed exposed the violent DNA that characterises the SP even today. As a leading daily reported on June 3, 1995, in an article titled Mulayam’s men attack BSP legislators’ meet: “The Samajwadi Party workers, armed with rifles and weapons, barged into a meeting room of the BSP workers…and assaulted the BSP legislators, ‘kidnapping’ some of them. Senior BSP leaders, including Mayawati, slipped into a suite reserved for her in the guest house. The Lucknow SSP, OP Singh, as well as his men, were a mute witness as the SP men snapped the telephone and power lines…and started beating (the BSP MLAs) with lathis. About 300 SP miscreants were led by over a dozen party MLAs, mostly with a criminal background.” The impact on Uttar Pradesh politics was immediate and dramatic. Motilal Vora, the longtime Congress loyalist (and currently in the news as one of those on bail in the National Herald case), was governor of Uttar Pradesh. Acting on Prime Minister Narasimha Rao’s advice, Vora promptly sacked Mulayam’s government on June 3. The chief minister was not given an opportunity to prove his majority on the floor of the assembly. In an era bereft of television, social media and PIL activists, the Congress action went unchallenged. But the Narasimha Rao government was in for a surprise. Within hours of Mulayam’s sacking, Mayawati tied up with the BJP and Janata Dal to extend outside support. She was sworn in as chief minister of Uttar Pradesh the same evening. The ensuing decades-long enmity between the BSP and SP ensured that elections in Uttar Pradesh would henceforth be multi-cornered. The decline of the Congress, which had governed Uttar Pradesh for most of the period from 1950 to 1989, but never after 1989, coincided with the rise of Mayawati and the growing electoral importance of the Dalit vote. Today Mayawati could prove the biggest obstacle for Congress president Rahul Gandhi in his bid to lead the anti-Narendra Modi mahagathbandhan. Mayawati takes slights to heart. It took 23 years and an electoral wipeout of the BSP in the 2014 Lok Sabha election, for Mayawati to again collaborate with the SP’s new leadership under Akhilesh Yadav who was 18-year-old when the Lucknow state guest house attack took place. Mayawati declared at her press conference with Akhilesh after formalising the BSP-SP pact in Uttar Pradesh that BSP would never support the Congress in the state or nationally. Mayawati, not Akhilesh, vetoed inclusion of the Congress in 2019 UP gathbandhan. Priyanka Gandhi-Vadra’s entry into frontline politics in Uttar Pradesh complicates matters. The battle between Mayawati, guarding her turf in Uttar Pradesh, and Priyanka, seeking to re-establish Congress in the state, could lead to unintended consequences for both. Sterner tests meanwhile await Mayawati at the national level. Trinamool Congress leader Mamata Banerjee has thrown her hat into the mahagathbandhan ring. Meanwhile, the YSRCP’s Jaganmohan Reddy, TRS’s K Chandrashekar Rao and BJD’s Naveen Patnaik are manoeuvring to form a non-BJP, non-Congress front. As Opposition leaders jockey for position, the Congress may be left with the task of being an anti-Modi choreographer, not a principal actor. That task could come down to a contest between Mayawati and Mamata. With each likely to win between 25 and 30 Lok Sabha seats in 2019, they will need to attract the non-BJP, non-Congress Third Front to join them in a coalition government and seek Congress support from within or outside. Mayawati has a record as a tough administrator, but her government was beset with accusations of corruption, though none have been proved. Mamata too is under a cloud in the Saradha and Rosy Blue probes. Rahul Gandhi could thus end up as queen-maker. With around 100 seats in 2019, the Congress will be the second largest party after the BJP. Rahul will have to put his prime ministerial ambitions on hold while he decides who between Mayawati and Mamata poses the least potent long-term threat to the Congress. Watching this drama unfold, Modi and his Svengali Amit Shah will be doing some plotting of their own. As the events of June 3, 1995, demonstrated, the BJP and BSP have done business together. Mayawati is as unpredictable as Modi is imperturbable. Uttar Pradesh lifted him to power in 2014. Five years later, while the 10 per cent quota for economically weaker sections (EWS) may help the BJP arrest the alienation of UP’s upper castes, the Mayawati-Akhilesh gathbandhan could determine his future. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Mayawati holds the key to 2019

The Election Commission of India (ECI) has identified 32 polling stations in Mizoram as 'critical' and 38 'vulnerable locations', the state's Joint Chief Electoral Officer Zorammuana said Sunday.

The state will have a total of 1,164 polling stations for the November 28 Assembly polls.

Along with the state armed police, 40 companies of Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) would also be deployed in critical polling stations and also in those at vulnerable locations, Zorammuana told PTI.

While the training for poll officials is on, the state election machinery is preparing to conduct free, fair and peaceful polls as was done in the past.

Meanwhile, poll campaign in the state is in full swing with candidates including Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla, former chief minister and opposition MNF president Zoramthanga campaigning not only in their respective constituencies but also in other parts of the state.

Public meetings, joint platforms and door-to-door canvassing were being held in almost all the places.

The Election Commission of India (ECI) has identified 32 polling stations in Mizoram as 'critical' and 38 'vulnerable locations', the state's Joint Chief Electoral Officer Zorammuana said Sunday.

The Election Commission of India (ECI) has identified 32 polling stations in Mizoram as 'critical' and 38 'vulnerable locations', the state's Joint Chief Electoral Officer Zorammuana said Sunday. The state will have a total of 1,164 polling stations for the November 28 Assembly polls. Along with the state armed police, 40 companies of Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) would also be deployed in critical polling stations and also in those at vulnerable locations, Zorammuana told PTI. While the training for poll officials is on, the state election machinery is preparing to conduct free, fair and peaceful polls as was done in the past. Meanwhile, poll campaign in the state is in full swing with candidates including Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla, former chief minister and opposition MNF president Zoramthanga campaigning not only in their respective constituencies but also in other parts of the state. Public meetings, joint platforms and door-to-door canvassing were being held in almost all the places.

Election Commission identifies 32 polling stations in Mizoram as 'critical'

For many years now political parties’ manifestos have been an exercise in preparing a ‘good document’ than identifying the real problems confronting the Indian polity. &nbsp;Come election time, manifesto committees formed by parties start doing the ritual of meeting various stakeholders, vested interest groups, and the general public. 
 
These meetings are supposed to give the politicians a concrete idea of the concerns of various sections of people, be it farmers, students, women or the business community. Besides these meeting, in any case, politicians are supposed to be aware of the ground reality that people are concerned with.&nbsp;

However, a quick analysis of previous manifestos of the BJP and the Congress shows that political manifestos often don’t address the most critical issues facing the country. &nbsp;

And even when they do talk about deep-rooted problems like poverty, caste-based discrimination and the terrible state of small and landless farmers, for instance, it is done in a very perfunctory manner.&nbsp;

Therefore, it can be argued that political manifestos are in an inverted sense a good test of what parties actually consider to be significant issues. More often what is in the manifesto is not likely to become a poll issue. For instance, take the example of economic inequality itself. &nbsp;Oxfam’s latest report on inequality has ranked India at the bottom of an index containing &nbsp;157 countries.

The index was based on a new database of indicators that tracked performance on social spending, tax and labour rights. &nbsp;Moreover, every year we are told of the shocking levels to which inequality has risen in India over the last seventy years. &nbsp;Last year, Oxfam had revealed that of the total wealth created in India in 2016 the richest 1 per cent in India gobbled up 73 per cent of it. This basically means that 99 per cent of people of India received only 27 per cent of the total wealth generated. &nbsp;

It is election season again with four states going to elections in the next four months. The General elections too are less than eight months away. But what are the issues that are hogging the rallies that have held so far in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, and Chhattisgarh? Besides the usual claims to waive off farm loans, provide employment, set up industries, and giving reservation to communities, our politicians are once again shying away from even acknowledging the monumental inequality in India. &nbsp;

Economic inequality coupled with entrenched social inequality is one of the root causes of poverty, therefore, when politicians make claims about eradicating poverty, providing free housing and other freebies, they are only obfuscating the actual issue that needs to be solved. If they were actually serious about raising the income levels and standard of living, every third person in India wouldn’t have to live on less than Rs 140 a day. &nbsp;

No wonder then that India also performs terribly on its efforts to reduce inequality. India ranks 147th out of 157 countries on its commitment to reducing inequality. &nbsp;According to calculations done by Oxfam, if India were to adopt meaningful policies to reduce inequality by just 33 per cent ‘more than 170 million people would no longer be poor’.&nbsp;

But going by the prevailing priorities of political parties as seen in their rallies, it is clear that no party is in fact committed to deal with rising inequality. We have Rahul Gandhi repackaging himself and his party in a religious hue, Mamata Banerjee is announcing doles for Durga Puja, and the BJP is diverting the attention of people from issues like unemployment and jobless growth by propping up agendas like Ram Mandir, and illegal Bangladeshis.&nbsp;

If India is to really progress, its common people must force political parties to talk about the elephant in the room- inequality. Because, if left unaddressed, it will lead to nationwide instability and strife. &nbsp;&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

For many years now political parties’ manifestos have been an exercise in preparing a ‘good document’ than identifying the real problems confronting the Indian polity.

For many years now political parties’ manifestos have been an exercise in preparing a ‘good document’ than identifying the real problems confronting the Indian polity. Come election time, manifesto committees formed by parties start doing the ritual of meeting various stakeholders, vested interest groups, and the general public. These meetings are supposed to give the politicians a concrete idea of the concerns of various sections of people, be it farmers, students, women or the business community. Besides these meeting, in any case, politicians are supposed to be aware of the ground reality that people are concerned with. However, a quick analysis of previous manifestos of the BJP and the Congress shows that political manifestos often don’t address the most critical issues facing the country. And even when they do talk about deep-rooted problems like poverty, caste-based discrimination and the terrible state of small and landless farmers, for instance, it is done in a very perfunctory manner. Therefore, it can be argued that political manifestos are in an inverted sense a good test of what parties actually consider to be significant issues. More often what is in the manifesto is not likely to become a poll issue. For instance, take the example of economic inequality itself. Oxfam’s latest report on inequality has ranked India at the bottom of an index containing 157 countries. The index was based on a new database of indicators that tracked performance on social spending, tax and labour rights. Moreover, every year we are told of the shocking levels to which inequality has risen in India over the last seventy years. Last year, Oxfam had revealed that of the total wealth created in India in 2016 the richest 1 per cent in India gobbled up 73 per cent of it. This basically means that 99 per cent of people of India received only 27 per cent of the total wealth generated. It is election season again with four states going to elections in the next four months. The General elections too are less than eight months away. But what are the issues that are hogging the rallies that have held so far in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, and Chhattisgarh? Besides the usual claims to waive off farm loans, provide employment, set up industries, and giving reservation to communities, our politicians are once again shying away from even acknowledging the monumental inequality in India. Economic inequality coupled with entrenched social inequality is one of the root causes of poverty, therefore, when politicians make claims about eradicating poverty, providing free housing and other freebies, they are only obfuscating the actual issue that needs to be solved. If they were actually serious about raising the income levels and standard of living, every third person in India wouldn’t have to live on less than Rs 140 a day. No wonder then that India also performs terribly on its efforts to reduce inequality. India ranks 147th out of 157 countries on its commitment to reducing inequality. According to calculations done by Oxfam, if India were to adopt meaningful policies to reduce inequality by just 33 per cent ‘more than 170 million people would no longer be poor’. But going by the prevailing priorities of political parties as seen in their rallies, it is clear that no party is in fact committed to deal with rising inequality. We have Rahul Gandhi repackaging himself and his party in a religious hue, Mamata Banerjee is announcing doles for Durga Puja, and the BJP is diverting the attention of people from issues like unemployment and jobless growth by propping up agendas like Ram Mandir, and illegal Bangladeshis. If India is to really progress, its common people must force political parties to talk about the elephant in the room- inequality. Because, if left unaddressed, it will lead to nationwide instability and strife. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Economic and social inequality not a priority for political parties 

BJP chief Amit Shah on Saturday challenged Congress president Rahul Gandhi to a debate with any leader of the Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha (BJYM) on the development track record of the two parties in poll-bound Madhya Pradesh.

"I challenge Rahul baba (Rahul Gandhi): decide the city, forum, date and time, and I will send the chief of my Yuva Morcha (youth wing) of that city and let there be a debate on development... (during) your 55 years of rule and (chief minister) Shivraj Singh Chouhan's 14 year-rule," Shah said, addressing a gathering here.

However, he said the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) had much more to achieve.

"There is a lot to be done. (West) Bengal, Odisha, Telangana, Tamil Nadu and Kerala have to be won. Until the saffron flag of the BJP flutters from the south to the eastern coast, no BJP worker has the right to rest," he said.

Shah stressed the victory in November 28 polls in Madhya Pradesh will boost the enthusiasm of party workers in West Bengal and provide some succour to "mothers of martyred party workers in Kerala".

"MP victory should be so big that the BJP should win all elections from Panchayat to Parliament for the next 50 years," he said further.

Shah said BJP had won all the states which went to polls after 2014 Lok Sabha elections and the Gandhi scion should not "even dream" about winning in Madhya Pradesh.

"Be it Maharashtra, Haryana, Jharkhand, Manipur, Assam, Meghalaya, Nagaland, Tripura, Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Himachal, Goa, Gujarat, BJP won every state. How can you (Rahul Gandhi) even dream (of a victory in Madhya Pradesh)?" Shah asked.

Shah also accused former prime minister Manmohan Singh of not uttering a word while infiltrators sneaked into the country and beheaded Indian soldiers.

"After the BJP came to power, they (terrorists from Pakistan) made the mistake of attacking our jawans at Uri at 3 AM and did not give a chance to retaliate. Twelve soldiers were killed," he said.

"On the tenth day (of the attack), Modi ordered our soldiers to retaliate. Our brave jawans conducted a surgical strike and took revenge," the BJP chief said.

Earlier only the US and Israel were known for avenging the death of their soldiers, now India's name has been added to this list, he said.

BJP chief Amit Shah on Saturday challenged Congress president Rahul Gandhi to a debate with any leader of the Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha (BJYM) on the development track record of the two parties in poll-bound Madhya Pradesh.

BJP chief Amit Shah on Saturday challenged Congress president Rahul Gandhi to a debate with any leader of the Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha (BJYM) on the development track record of the two parties in poll-bound Madhya Pradesh. "I challenge Rahul baba (Rahul Gandhi): decide the city, forum, date and time, and I will send the chief of my Yuva Morcha (youth wing) of that city and let there be a debate on development... (during) your 55 years of rule and (chief minister) Shivraj Singh Chouhan's 14 year-rule," Shah said, addressing a gathering here. However, he said the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) had much more to achieve. "There is a lot to be done. (West) Bengal, Odisha, Telangana, Tamil Nadu and Kerala have to be won. Until the saffron flag of the BJP flutters from the south to the eastern coast, no BJP worker has the right to rest," he said. Shah stressed the victory in November 28 polls in Madhya Pradesh will boost the enthusiasm of party workers in West Bengal and provide some succour to "mothers of martyred party workers in Kerala". "MP victory should be so big that the BJP should win all elections from Panchayat to Parliament for the next 50 years," he said further. Shah said BJP had won all the states which went to polls after 2014 Lok Sabha elections and the Gandhi scion should not "even dream" about winning in Madhya Pradesh. "Be it Maharashtra, Haryana, Jharkhand, Manipur, Assam, Meghalaya, Nagaland, Tripura, Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Himachal, Goa, Gujarat, BJP won every state. How can you (Rahul Gandhi) even dream (of a victory in Madhya Pradesh)?" Shah asked. Shah also accused former prime minister Manmohan Singh of not uttering a word while infiltrators sneaked into the country and beheaded Indian soldiers. "After the BJP came to power, they (terrorists from Pakistan) made the mistake of attacking our jawans at Uri at 3 AM and did not give a chance to retaliate. Twelve soldiers were killed," he said. "On the tenth day (of the attack), Modi ordered our soldiers to retaliate. Our brave jawans conducted a surgical strike and took revenge," the BJP chief said. Earlier only the US and Israel were known for avenging the death of their soldiers, now India's name has been added to this list, he said.

Amit Shah dares Rahul Gandhi to debate with youth wing leaders over development in MP

Former Prime Minister and economist Manmohan Singh today expressed his disappointment on 2018 budget presented by Arun Jaitley in the parliament on Thursday.

Contradicting policies such as increasing farmer&#39;s income in double, Manmohan Singh said unless agriculture grows at 12% such expectations can&#39;t be met.

Reacting the budget Manmohan also said that the budget for 2018-19 doesn&#39;t have provision for the schemes announced.

He also asked to have a separate discussion in parliament on the issues like farmers, job, health and education as the budget hasn&#39;t provided any assurance for the schemes that have been announced.

Arun Jaitley on Thursday presented NDA government&#39;s last full-year budget ahead of the general elections in 2019.

Jaitley had earlier tabled the &nbsp;Economic Survey on Monday targeting a 7-7.5 per cent growth in 2018-19.&nbsp;

While presenting the budget Finance minister said that the special focus has been placed on strengthening rural, agriculture economy and announced 10 trillion rupees to 11 trillion rupees credit for agricultural activities.

Jaitley also announced to double farmers&#39; income by 2022 and said, &quot;we are committed to achieving that. Our emphasis is on generating higher income for farmers.&quot;

 
&nbsp;

While presenting the budget Finance minister said that the special focus has been placed on strengthening rural, agriculture economy and announced 10 trillion rupees to 11 trillion rupees credit for agricultural activities

Former Prime Minister and economist Manmohan Singh today expressed his disappointment on 2018 budget presented by Arun Jaitley in the parliament on Thursday. Contradicting policies such as increasing farmer's income in double, Manmohan Singh said unless agriculture grows at 12% such expectations can't be met. Reacting the budget Manmohan also said that the budget for 2018-19 doesn't have provision for the schemes announced. He also asked to have a separate discussion in parliament on the issues like farmers, job, health and education as the budget hasn't provided any assurance for the schemes that have been announced. Arun Jaitley on Thursday presented NDA government's last full-year budget ahead of the general elections in 2019. Jaitley had earlier tabled the Economic Survey on Monday targeting a 7-7.5 per cent growth in 2018-19. While presenting the budget Finance minister said that the special focus has been placed on strengthening rural, agriculture economy and announced 10 trillion rupees to 11 trillion rupees credit for agricultural activities. Jaitley also announced to double farmers' income by 2022 and said, "we are committed to achieving that. Our emphasis is on generating higher income for farmers."

Budget 2018: Manmohan Singh says doubling farmers' income is not possible