Almost 22 months ago, Maldivian journalist, Ahmed Rilwan, 28, disappeared in Mal?. He was last seen&nbsp;on a closed-circuit television camera while trying to buy a ferryboat ticket on his way home. His family still believes he will return one day, but his colleagues have a far more grim take on this. They believe Ahmed has been murdered.&nbsp; 
 
A police chief inspector recently confirmed that he was in fact abducted on the same night from his apartment. &nbsp; 
 
&quot;The situation is very bad. The media is under attack from all fronts,&quot; said Zaheena Rasheed, editor of the online newspaper, The Maldives Independent, where Rilwan worked as a reporter. 
 
For most travellers, Mal?, the capital city of the Maldives, is just a quick stopover on their way to dreamlike beaches and crystal blue waters. However, the dreamy landscape has a much more sinister side to it and Zaheena has good reason to be worried. &nbsp; 
 
&quot;I am very afraid. I myself have received death threats. I could disappear or I could be killed. My office has already been attacked. Other media offices have been burned to the ground,&quot; he fears are not unfounded. 
 
The streets of Mal? are home to criminal gangs involved in drug dealing, robberies and violence on commission. A survey by the Asia Foundation, based on interactions with 130 gang affiliates, reports that there are &quot;between 20 and 30 different gangs operating in Mal?, with 50 to 400 members in each group.&quot; This means that more than a thousand individuals are involved in such criminal activities in a city of 150,000. &nbsp; &nbsp; 
 
These gangs often carry out violence on behalf of political groups. The report reads: &quot;Politicians and businessmen often offer drugs and alcohol when they (the gang members) complete an illegal task (commissioned by them). Hence, there is a reciprocal relationship between gang members and politicians and businessmen.&quot; They often act in an atmosphere of impunity.&nbsp; 
 
Gang members are most likely to get away with it given the protection offered by the rich and influential. Even if some are caught they are able to get out of police stations without their crimes being brought to book. Escaping a gang is nearly impossible for a designated victim. Mal? is a small town on an island. Hiding is not really a viable option.&nbsp; 
 
It is not only about the fear of gangs. The Maldivian media is facing an increasingly difficult situation. In April, a group of journalists was arrested for a day. They were part of a protest against a draft law aiming to reintroduce defamation as a crime that was abolished seven years ago. Just a month before, the Civil Court had halted the printing of Haveeru, the oldest and most widely-circulated Maldivian newspaper. An order issued against a three-decade old ownership dispute. &nbsp;&nbsp; 
 
The turbulent situation took off in 2008, a turning point in the history of the archipelago. The human rights activist and environmentalist Mohamed Nasheed became the first democratically elected president of the country. His victory ended three decades of autocratic rule by Maumoon Abdul Gayoom who was the longest-serving politician in South Asia. Gayoom granted economic growth to the archipelago, but democracy paid a high price. One-party elections, politicians appointed only by the president, heavy restrictions on freedom of press, religion and dissent were the norm. 
 
Nasheed&#39;s liberal agenda came as a break with the past. After decriminalising defamation, his government passed a bill to establish a Media Council &quot;to preserve the freedom of media&quot;. He allowed foreign journalists to travel freely to the country and granted greater access to the local press. Minivan News, then the only local English online newspaper, could start working in the Maldives rather than in exile in Sri Lanka. &nbsp; 
 
Young democracies, however, are often fragile, and so was Nasheed`s presidency. After less than three years, a police mutiny and weeks of protest staged by his opponents, he decided to resign &ndash; or was forced to do so &quot;at &nbsp;gunpoint&quot;. &nbsp; &nbsp; 
 
In a contested run-off, Abdulla Yameen Abdul Gayoom, half-brother of the man who ruled for 30 years, became the new Maldivian President. &nbsp; &nbsp; 
 
In 2015, events abruptly turned and Nasheed&#39;s situation plummeted. Following a trial that Amnesty International called &quot;deeply flawed and politically motivated&quot;, the former president was sentenced to 13 years for terrorism. He was accused of arbitrarily removing the criminal court chief judge during his presidency. &nbsp;&nbsp; 
 
Some Maldivians did not accept the verdict in silence and took to the streets in Mal?. The police arrested many protesters, including three reporters, who were covering the protest. &nbsp;&nbsp; 
 
&quot;There is a big crackdown on media freedom. It is very difficult for a person who is critical of the government to find any kind of work in the country,&quot; said Azra Naseem, a Maldivian research fellow at the Institute for International Conflict Resolution and Reconstruction in Dublin City University. &quot;If you are not with the government there is no space for you in the Maldives.&quot; 
 
Former president Nasheed is currently in London. 
 
He was authorised to leave his prison cell for a delicate surgery on the condition that he would return to jail once the treatment was done. However, that may not happen now. The British government has granted former president Nasheed political refugee status. A news welcomed by the media community and sections of Maldivian citizens who are not keen to toe the totalitarian line. 
 
&quot;Maldivians want to see better days. I am not alone and this is my home. I grew up in a dictatorship and I don&#39;t want to see my country regress into fear. I want to see a freer and more equal Maldives,&quot; Zaheena Rasheed said.

Journalists arrested, a former president on the run, criminal gangs, political unrest, radical Islamists and more...

Almost 22 months ago, Maldivian journalist, Ahmed Rilwan, 28, disappeared in Mal?. He was last seen on a closed-circuit television camera while trying to buy a ferryboat ticket on his way home. His family still believes he will return one day, but his colleagues have a far more grim take on this. They believe Ahmed has been murdered. A police chief inspector recently confirmed that he was in fact abducted on the same night from his apartment. "The situation is very bad. The media is under attack from all fronts," said Zaheena Rasheed, editor of the online newspaper, The Maldives Independent, where Rilwan worked as a reporter. For most travellers, Mal?, the capital city of the Maldives, is just a quick stopover on their way to dreamlike beaches and crystal blue waters. However, the dreamy landscape has a much more sinister side to it and Zaheena has good reason to be worried. "I am very afraid. I myself have received death threats. I could disappear or I could be killed. My office has already been attacked. Other media offices have been burned to the ground," he fears are not unfounded. The streets of Mal? are home to criminal gangs involved in drug dealing, robberies and violence on commission. A survey by the Asia Foundation, based on interactions with 130 gang affiliates, reports that there are "between 20 and 30 different gangs operating in Mal?, with 50 to 400 members in each group." This means that more than a thousand individuals are involved in such criminal activities in a city of 150,000. These gangs often carry out violence on behalf of political groups. The report reads: "Politicians and businessmen often offer drugs and alcohol when they (the gang members) complete an illegal task (commissioned by them). Hence, there is a reciprocal relationship between gang members and politicians and businessmen." They often act in an atmosphere of impunity. Gang members are most likely to get away with it given the protection offered by the rich and influential. Even if some are caught they are able to get out of police stations without their crimes being brought to book. Escaping a gang is nearly impossible for a designated victim. Mal? is a small town on an island. Hiding is not really a viable option. It is not only about the fear of gangs. The Maldivian media is facing an increasingly difficult situation. In April, a group of journalists was arrested for a day. They were part of a protest against a draft law aiming to reintroduce defamation as a crime that was abolished seven years ago. Just a month before, the Civil Court had halted the printing of Haveeru, the oldest and most widely-circulated Maldivian newspaper. An order issued against a three-decade old ownership dispute. The turbulent situation took off in 2008, a turning point in the history of the archipelago. The human rights activist and environmentalist Mohamed Nasheed became the first democratically elected president of the country. His victory ended three decades of autocratic rule by Maumoon Abdul Gayoom who was the longest-serving politician in South Asia. Gayoom granted economic growth to the archipelago, but democracy paid a high price. One-party elections, politicians appointed only by the president, heavy restrictions on freedom of press, religion and dissent were the norm. Nasheed's liberal agenda came as a break with the past. After decriminalising defamation, his government passed a bill to establish a Media Council "to preserve the freedom of media". He allowed foreign journalists to travel freely to the country and granted greater access to the local press. Minivan News, then the only local English online newspaper, could start working in the Maldives rather than in exile in Sri Lanka. Young democracies, however, are often fragile, and so was Nasheed`s presidency. After less than three years, a police mutiny and weeks of protest staged by his opponents, he decided to resign – or was forced to do so "at gunpoint". In a contested run-off, Abdulla Yameen Abdul Gayoom, half-brother of the man who ruled for 30 years, became the new Maldivian President. In 2015, events abruptly turned and Nasheed's situation plummeted. Following a trial that Amnesty International called "deeply flawed and politically motivated", the former president was sentenced to 13 years for terrorism. He was accused of arbitrarily removing the criminal court chief judge during his presidency. Some Maldivians did not accept the verdict in silence and took to the streets in Mal?. The police arrested many protesters, including three reporters, who were covering the protest. "There is a big crackdown on media freedom. It is very difficult for a person who is critical of the government to find any kind of work in the country," said Azra Naseem, a Maldivian research fellow at the Institute for International Conflict Resolution and Reconstruction in Dublin City University. "If you are not with the government there is no space for you in the Maldives." Former president Nasheed is currently in London. He was authorised to leave his prison cell for a delicate surgery on the condition that he would return to jail once the treatment was done. However, that may not happen now. The British government has granted former president Nasheed political refugee status. A news welcomed by the media community and sections of Maldivian citizens who are not keen to toe the totalitarian line. "Maldivians want to see better days. I am not alone and this is my home. I grew up in a dictatorship and I don't want to see my country regress into fear. I want to see a freer and more equal Maldives," Zaheena Rasheed said.

Mal?: Political hit jobs, drugs, robberies - the grime under the sun and sand

The film, based on extensive drug abuse in India&#39;s northern Punjab state, ran into controversy for its expletives-laden dialogues. 
 
A Punjab-based NGO, Human Rights Awareness Association approached Supreme Court on Wednesday seeking stay on the release of the film claiming that it showed the state in bad light. The apex court had refused to entertain the plea and directed the NGO to approach the Punjab and Haryana High Court. 
 
After hearing the petition a day ahead of the release, the Punjab and Haryana High Court gave a go ahead to the much anticipated film. 
 
&quot;He has given a very clear cut report that there is nothing in the movie which shows Punjab in bad light or which lowers the image of Punjab. He has written that drug menace can happen in any state, it&#39;s not just about Punjab. It does not glorify drugs. High court has taken a decision that this film will release tomorrow and the petition has been dismissed,&quot; said Sanjay Kaushal,&nbsp;a lawyer representing the &#39;Udta Punjab&#39; team,. 
 
The Central Board of Film Certification (CBFC) had last month grounded the Abhishek Chaubey-directed film and suggested 89 cuts in the movie along with the removal of the word &quot;Punjab&quot; from the title and throughout the film. 
 
The film&#39;s makers challenged the censor board&#39;s decision in the apex court and a bitter legal battle followed between the two sides. 
 
In a major embarrassment for CBFC head Pahlaj Nihalani, the SC on June 13 struck down all but one of the cuts suggested by the censor board and ordered the film board to issue an A - or adult - certificate for the film&#39;s screening immediately. 
 
India has a history of censoring sexually explicit and politically sensitive content, and Bollywood is increasingly finding itself under scrutiny. 
 
In a series of tweets last week, co-producer of the movie, Anurag Kashyap had called Nihalani an &quot;oligarch&quot; and compared India to reclusive North Korea. 
 
Nihalani had said the film defamed Punjab and he challenged its claim that 70 per cent of its population was involved in substance abuse. 
 
The movie stars Bollywood actors Shahid Kapoor, Alia Bhatt and Kareena Kapoor Khan in lead roles. 
(Reuters)

Human Rights Awareness Association approached the country's Supreme Court on Wednesday seeking stay on the release of 'Udta Punjab'

The film, based on extensive drug abuse in India's northern Punjab state, ran into controversy for its expletives-laden dialogues. A Punjab-based NGO, Human Rights Awareness Association approached Supreme Court on Wednesday seeking stay on the release of the film claiming that it showed the state in bad light. The apex court had refused to entertain the plea and directed the NGO to approach the Punjab and Haryana High Court. After hearing the petition a day ahead of the release, the Punjab and Haryana High Court gave a go ahead to the much anticipated film. "He has given a very clear cut report that there is nothing in the movie which shows Punjab in bad light or which lowers the image of Punjab. He has written that drug menace can happen in any state, it's not just about Punjab. It does not glorify drugs. High court has taken a decision that this film will release tomorrow and the petition has been dismissed," said Sanjay Kaushal, a lawyer representing the 'Udta Punjab' team,. The Central Board of Film Certification (CBFC) had last month grounded the Abhishek Chaubey-directed film and suggested 89 cuts in the movie along with the removal of the word "Punjab" from the title and throughout the film. The film's makers challenged the censor board's decision in the apex court and a bitter legal battle followed between the two sides. In a major embarrassment for CBFC head Pahlaj Nihalani, the SC on June 13 struck down all but one of the cuts suggested by the censor board and ordered the film board to issue an A - or adult - certificate for the film's screening immediately. India has a history of censoring sexually explicit and politically sensitive content, and Bollywood is increasingly finding itself under scrutiny. In a series of tweets last week, co-producer of the movie, Anurag Kashyap had called Nihalani an "oligarch" and compared India to reclusive North Korea. Nihalani had said the film defamed Punjab and he challenged its claim that 70 per cent of its population was involved in substance abuse. The movie stars Bollywood actors Shahid Kapoor, Alia Bhatt and Kareena Kapoor Khan in lead roles. (Reuters)

Indian court clears release of controversial drug-based film

Indonesia plans to execute 16 prisoners after the Muslim Eid al Fitr holidays next month, and more than double that number next year, a spokesman for the attorney general&#39;s office said today. 
 
M. Rum told reporters there are 152 people on death row in the country, but that drug traffickers will be prioritised. 
 
&quot;In accordance with the budget we have, we plan (to execute) 16 this year and 30 next year,&quot; Rum said. 
 
&quot;President Joko Widodo has said the country is facing a narcotics emergency and this is to...save our future generations,&quot; he added. 
 
He declined to give details on who would face the firing squad next month. 
 
Indonesia has harsh penalties for drug-related crimes, but temporarily halted executions after facing intense international criticism last year when it executed 14 people, mostly foreign drug traffickers. 
 
&nbsp;Widodo&#39;s refusal to pardon the prisoners, despite repeated pleas for mercy, sparked diplomatic tensions, most notably with Australia, which recalled its ambassador in protest at the execution of two of its citizens last April. 
 
Attorney general spokesman Rum said drug-related cases involved &quot;many&quot; foreigners, but declined to comment on whether any would face execution this year. 
 
A 59-year-old British woman, Lindsay Sandiford, was sentenced to death after being convicted in 2013 of trying to smuggle cocaine worth $2.5 million into the country. 
 
A Philippine maid, Mary Jane Veloso, got a last-minute reprieve last year in response to a request from Manila after an employment recruiter, whom Veloso had accused of planting drugs in her luggage, gave herself up to police in the Philippines.

Of 152 people on death row, the firing squad aims to kill 16 this year and 30 in 2017, mostly drug traffickers

Indonesia plans to execute 16 prisoners after the Muslim Eid al Fitr holidays next month, and more than double that number next year, a spokesman for the attorney general's office said today. M. Rum told reporters there are 152 people on death row in the country, but that drug traffickers will be prioritised. "In accordance with the budget we have, we plan (to execute) 16 this year and 30 next year," Rum said. "President Joko Widodo has said the country is facing a narcotics emergency and this is to...save our future generations," he added. He declined to give details on who would face the firing squad next month. Indonesia has harsh penalties for drug-related crimes, but temporarily halted executions after facing intense international criticism last year when it executed 14 people, mostly foreign drug traffickers. Widodo's refusal to pardon the prisoners, despite repeated pleas for mercy, sparked diplomatic tensions, most notably with Australia, which recalled its ambassador in protest at the execution of two of its citizens last April. Attorney general spokesman Rum said drug-related cases involved "many" foreigners, but declined to comment on whether any would face execution this year. A 59-year-old British woman, Lindsay Sandiford, was sentenced to death after being convicted in 2013 of trying to smuggle cocaine worth $2.5 million into the country. A Philippine maid, Mary Jane Veloso, got a last-minute reprieve last year in response to a request from Manila after an employment recruiter, whom Veloso had accused of planting drugs in her luggage, gave herself up to police in the Philippines.

Indonesia to ramp up executions after the holidays

New hepatitis C drugs that can cure the liver-destroying disease are revolutionising treatment, but their high price is a huge burden in some countries, particularly in Central and Eastern Europe, according to a new study.

An analysis of prices for two Gilead&nbsp;drugs by World&nbsp;Health&nbsp;Organization (WHO) experts, published on Tuesday, found that while US&nbsp;prices were higher in dollar terms, parts of Europe paid considerably more in &quot;purchasing-power parity&quot; terms.

Purchasing-power parity, or PPP, is used to normalise price comparisons between different economies by taking into account the price of similar baskets of goods instead of market foreign exchange rates.

The PPP-adjusted price in Poland of a treatment course with Gilead&#39;s Harvoni was $118,754, against $72,765 in the U.S., the study found, and it would cost 190.5 percent of the country&#39;s total drugs budget to treat all Polish patients.

Another Gilead drug, Sovaldi, had a similar nominal price in both Norway and Slovakia, but on a PPP basis the price was more than twice as much in Slovakia.

&quot;If you want to treat all patients with hepatitis C, then the prices countries are being asked to pay - even after price negotiations - are still way too high,&quot; said study author Suzanne Hill, the WHO&#39;s director of essential medicines.

The study, which took account of probable confidential discounts on prices, was published in the journal PLOS Medicine.

The cost of Gilead&#39;s hepatitis C drugs has been contentious since the U.S. approval of Sovaldi in 2013, although the company has taken several steps to offer discounts and provide access programmes.

This includes allowing Indian drug companies to manufacture much lower-cost versions of the medicines for sale in developing countries.

Gilead says the price of its treatments reflect their clinical, economic and public&nbsp;health&nbsp;value, arguing that they are cost-effective over the long term.

Hill and colleagues don&#39;t question the value of the drugs but argue that without lower prices, countries will not be able to roll them out on a sufficient scale to minimise the burden of hepatitis C.

&quot;Current prices of these medicines are variable and unaffordable globally,&quot; they concluded.

New hepatitis C drugs that can cure the liver-destroying disease are revolutionising treatment, but their high price is a huge burden in Central and Eastern Europe

New hepatitis C drugs that can cure the liver-destroying disease are revolutionising treatment, but their high price is a huge burden in some countries, particularly in Central and Eastern Europe, according to a new study. An analysis of prices for two Gilead drugs by World Health Organization (WHO) experts, published on Tuesday, found that while US prices were higher in dollar terms, parts of Europe paid considerably more in "purchasing-power parity" terms. Purchasing-power parity, or PPP, is used to normalise price comparisons between different economies by taking into account the price of similar baskets of goods instead of market foreign exchange rates. The PPP-adjusted price in Poland of a treatment course with Gilead's Harvoni was $118,754, against $72,765 in the U.S., the study found, and it would cost 190.5 percent of the country's total drugs budget to treat all Polish patients. Another Gilead drug, Sovaldi, had a similar nominal price in both Norway and Slovakia, but on a PPP basis the price was more than twice as much in Slovakia. "If you want to treat all patients with hepatitis C, then the prices countries are being asked to pay - even after price negotiations - are still way too high," said study author Suzanne Hill, the WHO's director of essential medicines. The study, which took account of probable confidential discounts on prices, was published in the journal PLOS Medicine. The cost of Gilead's hepatitis C drugs has been contentious since the U.S. approval of Sovaldi in 2013, although the company has taken several steps to offer discounts and provide access programmes. This includes allowing Indian drug companies to manufacture much lower-cost versions of the medicines for sale in developing countries. Gilead says the price of its treatments reflect their clinical, economic and public health value, arguing that they are cost-effective over the long term. Hill and colleagues don't question the value of the drugs but argue that without lower prices, countries will not be able to roll them out on a sufficient scale to minimise the burden of hepatitis C. "Current prices of these medicines are variable and unaffordable globally," they concluded.

Burden of pricey hepatitis C drugs heaviest in Eastern Europe

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