Four new outbreaks of African swine fever have been reported in China's provinces of Jiangxi, Yunnan and Sichuan as well as the municipality of Shanghai, the agriculture ministry said on Saturday.

Ten pigs had died from the disease and 10 others had fallen ill on a farm with 150 hogs in the southeastern province of Jiangxi, the ministry said on its website. Another 348 pigs will be slaughtered in Yunnan province in the southwest, it added.

A farm with 314 pigs in the Jinshan district of Shanghai was affected, the ministry reported. Eleven of the hogs had died while another 50 were infected, it said.

Four new outbreaks of African swine fever have been reported in China's provinces of Jiangxi, Yunnan and Sichuan as well as the municipality of Shanghai, the agriculture ministry said on Saturday.

Four new outbreaks of African swine fever have been reported in China's provinces of Jiangxi, Yunnan and Sichuan as well as the municipality of Shanghai, the agriculture ministry said on Saturday. Ten pigs had died from the disease and 10 others had fallen ill on a farm with 150 hogs in the southeastern province of Jiangxi, the ministry said on its website. Another 348 pigs will be slaughtered in Yunnan province in the southwest, it added. A farm with 314 pigs in the Jinshan district of Shanghai was affected, the ministry reported. Eleven of the hogs had died while another 50 were infected, it said.

China reports new outbreaks of African swine fever in Jiangxi, Yunnan, Sichuan and Shanghai

By Stephen Chan

As China and the US continue their trade war, what will be the outcome for Africa?

This trade war should not be seen in isolation, and the new year will bring a changed world. China and Russia will cooperate as the new Silk Road begins to join Asia and Europe with a transport and communications corridor Marco Polo could not even imagine.

Russia, Turkey and Iran – once unlikely partners in the Syrian conflict – will form a new Middle East axis to rival that of the US, Israel and Saudi Arabia, with none of the latent instabilities of the latter with its Zionist and Islamic ingredients.

And the US, under Donald Trump, is likely to continue to view Africa – in all but name – as that collection of “shit hole” countries derided by the American president at his undiplomatic, offensive and unthinking worst.

After two years without one, the US will have a permanent assistant secretary of state for Africa – the highest State Department official with an Africa portfolio. Tibor Nagy also comes with a sound reputation as a seasoned diplomat. But will he have any clout on Capitol Hill? And can any official be effective in a State Department that Trump and the former US secretary of state, Rex Tillerson, have slashed and burned?

May’s dancing and used clothes

If the US doesn’t care much for Africa, neither really does the UK. Theresa May’s dismal efforts at dancing on her Africa tour summed up a clumsy view of what the continent needs.

The UK posture is summed up by the position of minister of state for Africa – now held by Harriet Baldwin – with responsibilities in two departments: the Foreign Office and International Development. These are two very different departments and the joint position is both a money-saving device – two ministers for the price of one – and also a confusion of policy as to how the UK should approach Africa. Indeed, perhaps the beleaguered minister’s main responsibility is the search for new UK trading partners in the wake of Brexit.

The US approach to Africa, meanwhile, was summed up in measures launched between May and September 2018: basically, the suspension by the US of trade benefits to Rwanda because of Rwanda’s refusal to import &nbsp;used clothes from the US. In continental terms, the sums are tiny, but the principle enunciated by Rwandan president, Paul Kagame, was stark.

If the volume of used clothes continues or increases, there can be no development of a Rwandan textile industry. In effect, the US is dumping textiles on Rwanda in much the same way as it once dumped grain so cheaply that African farmers could not even begin to compete and agriculture could not develop. For Trump, in his trade wars not just with China but with the world, blue collar manufacturing in his heartland is more important than good relations with anyone.

For a populist president this is dangerous but perhaps understandable. But who has drawn first blood in this US-China standoff? Chinese economic growth has slowed – but only to 6.5 per cent a year, a growth figure for which most other countries would die. The value of the Chinese yuan against the dollar seems destined to fall, but Chinese reserves, divided almost equally between foreign and domestic reserves, of about $60-$70 trillion, are more than enough to weather the storms to come. Added to what the Chinese did during the US financial crisis of 2007 to 2010 – buying up huge quantities of US toxic debt – China has far more leverage on the US economy than the US has on China’s.

China and Africa 
 
For Africa, it means business with China remains a reality. This relationship has, however, taken on two key new characteristics of late. The first is that China expects its loans to be repaid. Indeed, there is no doubt that a new fiscal propriety is now expected by the Chinese.

The second, very closely connected development – and one which curiously seems not to have been noticed or taken seriously by African leaders – is that increasingly Chinese liquidity is made available not on a state-to-state basis but on a Chinese bank to African state basis.

They may be Chinese state banks – but a bank is a bank, and a bank needs to ensure its loans are repaid and its lending to assets ratio is robust. The use of banks reflects a global Chinese turn to the creation of international and regional banks and funds, most noticeable in Asia-Pacific. The Chinese capitalise these regional funds to the tune of about $50 billion a time. But this means the beginning of a new Chinese global financial infrastructure that seems deliberately designed to rival the IMF and the World Bank. It’s not just a trade war but a war over who will control the world’s financial flows in the long term.

For Africa, the choice is between growth with borrowed liquidity and growth without – the latter being very difficult. Investment doesn’t come out of anything, so wise spending of borrowed liquidity is key. It cannot be just for standby budgetary support without product and without exportable value – which is why the Chinese turned down Zimbabwe’s desperate pleas for exactly that.

An uncertain future 
 
The future will embroil Africa even more in the trade wars to come. What Africa needs to do is to industrialise – to add manufacturing to its raw materials. The long-awaited oil refinery in Nigeria is the perfect example. How a significant oil-producing country could spend so many years exporting crude and then reimporting it as a refined product beggars description. The revenue streams would have always been greater if it had been exported refined.

Trouble is, African industry will create jobs in Africa but take away blue collar jobs elsewhere. And the West won’t like that.

But what about China? African governments must navigate the attractions of the quick fix via Chinese loans, and seek the development of long-term industrial capacity. Or will the next decade be another of missed opportunities – with trade wars steamrollering an Africa whose response will be to plunge again deeper and deeper into debt?

(Stephen Chan is Professor of World Politics, SOAS, University of London)

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/will-us-china-trade-war-ruin-africa-or-offer-new-opportunities-national-leaders-must-decide-106499">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

&nbsp;

By Stephen Chan As China and the US continue their trade war, what will be the outcome for Africa? This trade war should not be seen in isolation, and the new year will bring a changed world.

By Stephen Chan As China and the US continue their trade war, what will be the outcome for Africa? This trade war should not be seen in isolation, and the new year will bring a changed world. China and Russia will cooperate as the new Silk Road begins to join Asia and Europe with a transport and communications corridor Marco Polo could not even imagine. Russia, Turkey and Iran – once unlikely partners in the Syrian conflict – will form a new Middle East axis to rival that of the US, Israel and Saudi Arabia, with none of the latent instabilities of the latter with its Zionist and Islamic ingredients. And the US, under Donald Trump, is likely to continue to view Africa – in all but name – as that collection of “shit hole” countries derided by the American president at his undiplomatic, offensive and unthinking worst. After two years without one, the US will have a permanent assistant secretary of state for Africa – the highest State Department official with an Africa portfolio. Tibor Nagy also comes with a sound reputation as a seasoned diplomat. But will he have any clout on Capitol Hill? And can any official be effective in a State Department that Trump and the former US secretary of state, Rex Tillerson, have slashed and burned? May’s dancing and used clothes If the US doesn’t care much for Africa, neither really does the UK. Theresa May’s dismal efforts at dancing on her Africa tour summed up a clumsy view of what the continent needs. The UK posture is summed up by the position of minister of state for Africa – now held by Harriet Baldwin – with responsibilities in two departments: the Foreign Office and International Development. These are two very different departments and the joint position is both a money-saving device – two ministers for the price of one – and also a confusion of policy as to how the UK should approach Africa. Indeed, perhaps the beleaguered minister’s main responsibility is the search for new UK trading partners in the wake of Brexit. The US approach to Africa, meanwhile, was summed up in measures launched between May and September 2018: basically, the suspension by the US of trade benefits to Rwanda because of Rwanda’s refusal to import used clothes from the US. In continental terms, the sums are tiny, but the principle enunciated by Rwandan president, Paul Kagame, was stark. If the volume of used clothes continues or increases, there can be no development of a Rwandan textile industry. In effect, the US is dumping textiles on Rwanda in much the same way as it once dumped grain so cheaply that African farmers could not even begin to compete and agriculture could not develop. For Trump, in his trade wars not just with China but with the world, blue collar manufacturing in his heartland is more important than good relations with anyone. For a populist president this is dangerous but perhaps understandable. But who has drawn first blood in this US-China standoff? Chinese economic growth has slowed – but only to 6.5 per cent a year, a growth figure for which most other countries would die. The value of the Chinese yuan against the dollar seems destined to fall, but Chinese reserves, divided almost equally between foreign and domestic reserves, of about $60-$70 trillion, are more than enough to weather the storms to come. Added to what the Chinese did during the US financial crisis of 2007 to 2010 – buying up huge quantities of US toxic debt – China has far more leverage on the US economy than the US has on China’s. China and Africa For Africa, it means business with China remains a reality. This relationship has, however, taken on two key new characteristics of late. The first is that China expects its loans to be repaid. Indeed, there is no doubt that a new fiscal propriety is now expected by the Chinese. The second, very closely connected development – and one which curiously seems not to have been noticed or taken seriously by African leaders – is that increasingly Chinese liquidity is made available not on a state-to-state basis but on a Chinese bank to African state basis. They may be Chinese state banks – but a bank is a bank, and a bank needs to ensure its loans are repaid and its lending to assets ratio is robust. The use of banks reflects a global Chinese turn to the creation of international and regional banks and funds, most noticeable in Asia-Pacific. The Chinese capitalise these regional funds to the tune of about $50 billion a time. But this means the beginning of a new Chinese global financial infrastructure that seems deliberately designed to rival the IMF and the World Bank. It’s not just a trade war but a war over who will control the world’s financial flows in the long term. For Africa, the choice is between growth with borrowed liquidity and growth without – the latter being very difficult. Investment doesn’t come out of anything, so wise spending of borrowed liquidity is key. It cannot be just for standby budgetary support without product and without exportable value – which is why the Chinese turned down Zimbabwe’s desperate pleas for exactly that. An uncertain future The future will embroil Africa even more in the trade wars to come. What Africa needs to do is to industrialise – to add manufacturing to its raw materials. The long-awaited oil refinery in Nigeria is the perfect example. How a significant oil-producing country could spend so many years exporting crude and then reimporting it as a refined product beggars description. The revenue streams would have always been greater if it had been exported refined. Trouble is, African industry will create jobs in Africa but take away blue collar jobs elsewhere. And the West won’t like that. But what about China? African governments must navigate the attractions of the quick fix via Chinese loans, and seek the development of long-term industrial capacity. Or will the next decade be another of missed opportunities – with trade wars steamrollering an Africa whose response will be to plunge again deeper and deeper into debt? (Stephen Chan is Professor of World Politics, SOAS, University of London) This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Will US-China trade war ruin Africa or offer new opportunities?

China has confirmed a new outbreak of African swine fever in the eastern province of Anhui.

China, home to the world's largest hog herd, has reported more than 50 cases of the highly contagious disease, including in Anhui, since the first detected outbreak in early August.

The fever was found on a farm with 8,339 pigs in Qingyang county in the south of Anhui, infecting 96 of the animals and killing 47 of them, the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Affairs said in a statement.

Transportation of pigs in and out of the area has been banned, as has movement of pork products outside the area. Last month, the ministry said it would lift African swine fever-related restrictions in four Anhui cities hit by previous outbreaks.

In a statement to the Shenzhen Stock Exchange on Sunday, Tangrenshen Group, a major Chinese pork producer, said the fever was found in feed samples provided by its 51 per cent-owned subsidiary, Bili Meiyingwei Nutrition Feedstuff, during inspections in the aftermath of the Qingyang outbreak.

Tangrenshen said the origin of the detected fever remained unclear and the matter was still under investigation. It said the impact on its operations would be "relatively small," with Bili Meiyingwei accounting for only 2.27 per cent of the group's net profit in the first nine months of 2018.

China has confirmed a new outbreak of African swine fever in the eastern province of Anhui. China, home to the world's largest hog herd, has reported more than 50 cases of the highly contagious disease, including in Anhui, since the first detected outbreak in early August.

China has confirmed a new outbreak of African swine fever in the eastern province of Anhui. China, home to the world's largest hog herd, has reported more than 50 cases of the highly contagious disease, including in Anhui, since the first detected outbreak in early August. The fever was found on a farm with 8,339 pigs in Qingyang county in the south of Anhui, infecting 96 of the animals and killing 47 of them, the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Affairs said in a statement. Transportation of pigs in and out of the area has been banned, as has movement of pork products outside the area. Last month, the ministry said it would lift African swine fever-related restrictions in four Anhui cities hit by previous outbreaks. In a statement to the Shenzhen Stock Exchange on Sunday, Tangrenshen Group, a major Chinese pork producer, said the fever was found in feed samples provided by its 51 per cent-owned subsidiary, Bili Meiyingwei Nutrition Feedstuff, during inspections in the aftermath of the Qingyang outbreak. Tangrenshen said the origin of the detected fever remained unclear and the matter was still under investigation. It said the impact on its operations would be "relatively small," with Bili Meiyingwei accounting for only 2.27 per cent of the group's net profit in the first nine months of 2018.

China reports new African swine fever outbreak in Anhui province

The government is exploring options for the chief guest at the Republic Day parade after US President <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/trump-unable-to-attend-indias-republic-day-parade-due-to-scheduling-constraints-white-house-174292">Donald Trump turned down</a> its invite for the ceremony.

Sources said the government has in mind leaders from three countries including a head of state from a leading African nation.

"We have very little time left for deciding on the chief guest and the process will be completed soon," a source familiar with the development said.

Trump declined India's invitation&nbsp;to be the chief guest at the parade, citing pressing engagements, including his State of The Union (SOTU) address, around the time India will celebrate its Republic Day.

It came at a time when Indo-US ties have witnessed some strain after India went ahead and sealed a deal with Russia to procure a batch of S-400 air defence missile systems, notwithstanding the US threat of punitive action under CAATSA (Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act).

The sources said India has already shortlisted names of two to three heads of state for extending invitation to be the chief guest at the Republic Day parade.

Sources indicated that India was not exclusively looking at Trump's presence at the Republic Day celebrations and that various other options were also being explored.

In July, White House Press Secretary Sarah Sanders had said that Trump has received an invitation to visit India, but no decision has been taken yet.<iframe data-google-container-id="6" data-load-complete="true" frameborder="0" height="1" id="google_ads_iframe_/1068322/NDTV_News_ROS_Native_Outstream_0" marginheight="0" marginwidth="0" name="google_ads_iframe_/1068322/NDTV_News_ROS_Native_Outstream_0" scrolling="no" srcdoc="" title="3rd party ad content" width="1"></iframe>

Prime Minister Narendra Modi had invited President Trump for a bilateral visit to India during their talks in Washington in June 2017.

Every year, India invites world leaders to attend its Republic Day celebrations.

In 2015, the then US president Barack Obama had attended it as the chief guest which was his second visit to India as American president.

This year, leaders from 10 ASEAN countries had attended the Republic Day celebrations.

In 2016, the then French president Francois Hollande was the chief guest of the parade while Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe was the chief guest at the celebrations in 2014.

The heads of state and government who have attended the Republic Day celebrations include Nicolas Sarkozy, Vladimir Putin, Nelson Mandela, John Major, Mohammed Khatami and Jacques Chirac.

The government is exploring options for the chief guest at the Republic Day parade after US President Donald Trump turned down its invite for the ceremony. Sources said the government has in mind leaders from three countries including a head of state from a leading African nation.

The government is exploring options for the chief guest at the Republic Day parade after US President Donald Trump turned down its invite for the ceremony. Sources said the government has in mind leaders from three countries including a head of state from a leading African nation. "We have very little time left for deciding on the chief guest and the process will be completed soon," a source familiar with the development said. Trump declined India's invitation to be the chief guest at the parade, citing pressing engagements, including his State of The Union (SOTU) address, around the time India will celebrate its Republic Day. It came at a time when Indo-US ties have witnessed some strain after India went ahead and sealed a deal with Russia to procure a batch of S-400 air defence missile systems, notwithstanding the US threat of punitive action under CAATSA (Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act). The sources said India has already shortlisted names of two to three heads of state for extending invitation to be the chief guest at the Republic Day parade. Sources indicated that India was not exclusively looking at Trump's presence at the Republic Day celebrations and that various other options were also being explored. In July, White House Press Secretary Sarah Sanders had said that Trump has received an invitation to visit India, but no decision has been taken yet. Prime Minister Narendra Modi had invited President Trump for a bilateral visit to India during their talks in Washington in June 2017. Every year, India invites world leaders to attend its Republic Day celebrations. In 2015, the then US president Barack Obama had attended it as the chief guest which was his second visit to India as American president. This year, leaders from 10 ASEAN countries had attended the Republic Day celebrations. In 2016, the then French president Francois Hollande was the chief guest of the parade while Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe was the chief guest at the celebrations in 2014. The heads of state and government who have attended the Republic Day celebrations include Nicolas Sarkozy, Vladimir Putin, Nelson Mandela, John Major, Mohammed Khatami and Jacques Chirac.

India looks at alternatives as Trump rejects Republic Day invite: Report

African Penguin population on a decline

By Yu-Shan Wu, Chris Alden and Cobus van Staden

The complex relationship between Africa and China has become even more complicated this year. Initially, 2018 was set to reaffirm the bond through the latest Forum on China-Africa Cooperation summit held in Beijing in September. The summit delivered its usual pageant of African leaders, side deals, and the announcement of a $60 billion financing package. The year also saw the recurrence of misgivings about the relationship.

The most explicit theme of this conversation was debt. Donald Trump’s US administration added fuel to smouldering anxiety, and China found itself having to defend its lending to Africa – at home and globally. At the same time, African governments are battling rumours that they are about to hand over state assets to the Chinese.

The debt debate is flawed – not least for underestimating Western contributions to African debt. Nevertheless, it is revealing. In particular, the debate reflects an anxiety that has haunted relations between China and the continent since the beginning of this century: the massive power gap between China and individual African countries.

Power imbalances

The constant rhetoric of win-win cooperation between China and Africa has never adequately answered the simple structural question at the heart of the relationship. That is: how is an economy the size of Benin’s or Togo’s, for example, supposed to meaningfully engage with the Chinese behemoth? It’s a bit like trying to speed up your bicycle by grabbing on to a passing jumbo jet. It can take you to the next level, or it can simply rip off your arms.

The fundamental economic and power imbalance between China and African countries has led to the relationship being criticised as neocolonial. The truth, however, is that African governments exercise more agency than they are given credit for. This includes frequently playing China and traditional Western development partners off against one another.

The word “agency” is key here: to what extent is Africa able to freely make its own decisions and drive the best deals with China?

Our new research focused on this issue. We looked at two emerging areas shaping African agency in relation to China. These are reforms to the African Union (AU) and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The initiative involves a massive infrastructure rollout aimed at linking China to Europe and beyond. The aim is to set up a zone of shared development that encompasses Central and Western Asia and Africa.

The AU and the Belt and Road initiative

The AU has proposed a set of reforms to streamline African negotiations at events like the FOCAC under the auspices of the continental body. This could be seen as a step towards the frequently repeated goal of Africa negotiating collectively with China. But, in fact, we show that it faces significant resistance from within the continent. This comes both from powerful states worried about losing control of their bilateral relationships with China, and from smaller states worried about being excluded.

China’s BRI reveals other aspects of African agency. It’s structured by numerous bilateral agreements but is also subject to regional as well as local pressures. The way the initiative’s projects have been pulled into national debates involving opposition politics shows that the range of actors constituting African agency is potentially much wider than national governments.

We argue that before African agency can be maximised, this aspect of relations between China and particular African governments needs to be taken into account. Thinking about the issue has so far fixated on the role of national governments, to the exclusion of other actors. The biggest include regional economic communities such as Nepad and the AU. The smaller ones comprise opposition parties, civil society, local businesses and communities. All contribute to and constitute African agency.

What is this agency, how does it work and how can it be strengthened?

Understanding African agency 
 
We identified three key areas where African agency can be located.

Firstly, African agency is expressed in the frameworks and documents that govern bodies like the forum. For example, in the early days arrangements paid relatively little attention to the issue of industrialisation. That changed after the formal adoption in 2015 of the AU’s Agenda 2063 – its blueprint for Africa’s sustainable development. The forum held that year saw an uptick in how many times the issue was mentioned.

By 2016, African industrialisation had become a key initiative of China’s presidency of the G20. Beijing directed an unprecedented level of G20 attention to the continent.

By 2018, the Beijing summit ended with fewer declarations of intent relating to industrialisation. Instead, it had become integrated into the continental and bilateral planning processes. In particular, it features regularly in discussions on development financing. Likewise, the word “training” was mentioned over 40 times and in virtually every section of the Beijing Action Plan.

This suggests there is a shift from declarations of intent to more specific engagement towards industrialisation. This doesn’t necessarily guarantee the success of Africa’s industrialisation. But it shows that China responds to African agenda-setting.

Secondly, African agency is diffused across various levels and among various actors. Any analysis of African agency has to consider the complex interactions between continental bodies like the AU, regional economic blocs, national governments, civil society, business, and local communities. Each plays a role in shaping African decision making in relation to China. Partnerships that cut across the state-business-civil society divide are as important as state-led initiatives in articulating policy initiatives in relation to China.

Thirdly, it’s important to think of the changing terms of agency as African governments face growing debt burdens via such initiatives as the BRI. For instance, rumours that the Zambian government offered its national electricity supplier as collateral in exchange for a new tranche of Chinese loans have reportedly caused political division at home.

Critics have focused on debt as diminishing African agency. What they’ve ignored are the significant financial and reputational risks to China.

Maximising African agency

As Africa becomes more involved in global initiatives, and as it moves towards greater continental integration via AU reforms and the Continental Free Trade Agreement, the need increases to think harder and more creatively about what African agency means. It isn’t enough to simply reiterate the call for Africa to negotiate collectively with China – not least because this disregards the complex interactions between African governments.

Rather, it’s time for more comprehensive thinking about how African agency manifests across actors and geographic scales. Only once we have a firmer handle on this can we move towards maximising it.

(Yu-Shan Wu is Foreign policy researcher and doctoral candidate, University of the Witwatersrand; Chris Alden is Professor of International Relations, London School of Economics and Political Science; Cobus van Staden Senior Researcher: China Africa, South African Institute of International Affairs)

(This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/ties-between-african-countries-and-china-are-complex-understanding-this-matters-104700">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

By Yu-Shan Wu, Chris Alden and Cobus van Staden The complex relationship between Africa and China has become even more complicated this year. Initially, 2018 was set to reaffirm the bond through the latest Forum on China-Africa Cooperation summit held in Beijing in September.

By Yu-Shan Wu, Chris Alden and Cobus van Staden The complex relationship between Africa and China has become even more complicated this year. Initially, 2018 was set to reaffirm the bond through the latest Forum on China-Africa Cooperation summit held in Beijing in September. The summit delivered its usual pageant of African leaders, side deals, and the announcement of a $60 billion financing package. The year also saw the recurrence of misgivings about the relationship. The most explicit theme of this conversation was debt. Donald Trump’s US administration added fuel to smouldering anxiety, and China found itself having to defend its lending to Africa – at home and globally. At the same time, African governments are battling rumours that they are about to hand over state assets to the Chinese. The debt debate is flawed – not least for underestimating Western contributions to African debt. Nevertheless, it is revealing. In particular, the debate reflects an anxiety that has haunted relations between China and the continent since the beginning of this century: the massive power gap between China and individual African countries. Power imbalances The constant rhetoric of win-win cooperation between China and Africa has never adequately answered the simple structural question at the heart of the relationship. That is: how is an economy the size of Benin’s or Togo’s, for example, supposed to meaningfully engage with the Chinese behemoth? It’s a bit like trying to speed up your bicycle by grabbing on to a passing jumbo jet. It can take you to the next level, or it can simply rip off your arms. The fundamental economic and power imbalance between China and African countries has led to the relationship being criticised as neocolonial. The truth, however, is that African governments exercise more agency than they are given credit for. This includes frequently playing China and traditional Western development partners off against one another. The word “agency” is key here: to what extent is Africa able to freely make its own decisions and drive the best deals with China? Our new research focused on this issue. We looked at two emerging areas shaping African agency in relation to China. These are reforms to the African Union (AU) and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The initiative involves a massive infrastructure rollout aimed at linking China to Europe and beyond. The aim is to set up a zone of shared development that encompasses Central and Western Asia and Africa. The AU and the Belt and Road initiative The AU has proposed a set of reforms to streamline African negotiations at events like the FOCAC under the auspices of the continental body. This could be seen as a step towards the frequently repeated goal of Africa negotiating collectively with China. But, in fact, we show that it faces significant resistance from within the continent. This comes both from powerful states worried about losing control of their bilateral relationships with China, and from smaller states worried about being excluded. China’s BRI reveals other aspects of African agency. It’s structured by numerous bilateral agreements but is also subject to regional as well as local pressures. The way the initiative’s projects have been pulled into national debates involving opposition politics shows that the range of actors constituting African agency is potentially much wider than national governments. We argue that before African agency can be maximised, this aspect of relations between China and particular African governments needs to be taken into account. Thinking about the issue has so far fixated on the role of national governments, to the exclusion of other actors. The biggest include regional economic communities such as Nepad and the AU. The smaller ones comprise opposition parties, civil society, local businesses and communities. All contribute to and constitute African agency. What is this agency, how does it work and how can it be strengthened? Understanding African agency We identified three key areas where African agency can be located. Firstly, African agency is expressed in the frameworks and documents that govern bodies like the forum. For example, in the early days arrangements paid relatively little attention to the issue of industrialisation. That changed after the formal adoption in 2015 of the AU’s Agenda 2063 – its blueprint for Africa’s sustainable development. The forum held that year saw an uptick in how many times the issue was mentioned. By 2016, African industrialisation had become a key initiative of China’s presidency of the G20. Beijing directed an unprecedented level of G20 attention to the continent. By 2018, the Beijing summit ended with fewer declarations of intent relating to industrialisation. Instead, it had become integrated into the continental and bilateral planning processes. In particular, it features regularly in discussions on development financing. Likewise, the word “training” was mentioned over 40 times and in virtually every section of the Beijing Action Plan. This suggests there is a shift from declarations of intent to more specific engagement towards industrialisation. This doesn’t necessarily guarantee the success of Africa’s industrialisation. But it shows that China responds to African agenda-setting. Secondly, African agency is diffused across various levels and among various actors. Any analysis of African agency has to consider the complex interactions between continental bodies like the AU, regional economic blocs, national governments, civil society, business, and local communities. Each plays a role in shaping African decision making in relation to China. Partnerships that cut across the state-business-civil society divide are as important as state-led initiatives in articulating policy initiatives in relation to China. Thirdly, it’s important to think of the changing terms of agency as African governments face growing debt burdens via such initiatives as the BRI. For instance, rumours that the Zambian government offered its national electricity supplier as collateral in exchange for a new tranche of Chinese loans have reportedly caused political division at home. Critics have focused on debt as diminishing African agency. What they’ve ignored are the significant financial and reputational risks to China. Maximising African agency As Africa becomes more involved in global initiatives, and as it moves towards greater continental integration via AU reforms and the Continental Free Trade Agreement, the need increases to think harder and more creatively about what African agency means. It isn’t enough to simply reiterate the call for Africa to negotiate collectively with China – not least because this disregards the complex interactions between African governments. Rather, it’s time for more comprehensive thinking about how African agency manifests across actors and geographic scales. Only once we have a firmer handle on this can we move towards maximising it. (Yu-Shan Wu is Foreign policy researcher and doctoral candidate, University of the Witwatersrand; Chris Alden is Professor of International Relations, London School of Economics and Political Science; Cobus van Staden Senior Researcher: China Africa, South African Institute of International Affairs) (This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Ties between African countries and China are more complex now

Mohammed Dewji, 43, Africa's youngest billionaire was kidnapped Thursday by gunmen from a gymnasium in Tanzania's economic capital Dar es Salaam.

Dewji who heads the MeTL Group operating in about 10 countries in agriculture, insurance, transport, logistics and the food industry, was&nbsp;abducted as he entered the gym of a hotel in Dar es Salaam.&nbsp;

He is also the main shareholder in Tanzania's Simba FC football club.

Initial speculations by Governor Paul Makonda say that the billionaire was kidnapped by whites travelling in two vehicles. The city police also claimed the involvement of foreigners in the incident.&nbsp;

Addressing a press conference Dar es Salaam police chief Lazaro Mambosasa said that the assailants had "shot into the air" before bustling Dewji into their car.&nbsp;

The police further said that three people in connection with the kidnapping were arrested and refused to disclose the identity of any.

Born in Tanzania, Dewji studied at Georgetown University in the United States and served as the member of parliament from 2005 to 2015.

According to Forbes, he is 17th on the list of Africa's billionaires and worth $1.5 billion (1.29 billion euros).

In 2016 he signed a pledge to donate at least half of his fortune to philanthropic causes, according to Forbes.

Dewji is married and has three children.&nbsp;

(With inputs from AFP)

Mohammed Dewji, 43, Africa's youngest billionaire was kidnapped Thursday by gunmen from a gymnasium in Tanzania's economic capital Dar es Salaam. Dewji who heads the MeTL Group operating in about 10 countries in agriculture, insurance, transport, logistics and the food industry, was abducted as he entered the gym of a hotel in Dar es Salaam.

Mohammed Dewji, 43, Africa's youngest billionaire was kidnapped Thursday by gunmen from a gymnasium in Tanzania's economic capital Dar es Salaam. Dewji who heads the MeTL Group operating in about 10 countries in agriculture, insurance, transport, logistics and the food industry, was abducted as he entered the gym of a hotel in Dar es Salaam. He is also the main shareholder in Tanzania's Simba FC football club. Initial speculations by Governor Paul Makonda say that the billionaire was kidnapped by whites travelling in two vehicles. The city police also claimed the involvement of foreigners in the incident. Addressing a press conference Dar es Salaam police chief Lazaro Mambosasa said that the assailants had "shot into the air" before bustling Dewji into their car. The police further said that three people in connection with the kidnapping were arrested and refused to disclose the identity of any. Born in Tanzania, Dewji studied at Georgetown University in the United States and served as the member of parliament from 2005 to 2015. According to Forbes, he is 17th on the list of Africa's billionaires and worth $1.5 billion (1.29 billion euros). In 2016 he signed a pledge to donate at least half of his fortune to philanthropic causes, according to Forbes. Dewji is married and has three children. (With inputs from AFP)

Africa's youngest billionaire kidnapped in Tanzania

Melania Trump's wardrobe choices during Africa trip stir controversy 

US First Lady Melania Trump on Tuesday kicked off her first major solo trip in Ghana's capital Accra, aiming to cast a positive light on her embattled husband's administration.&nbsp;

A relaxed-looking Trump smiled and waved as she stepped off an overnight flight from Washington to be met on the red carpet by her Ghanaian counterpart Rebecca Akufo-Addo.

She beamed as she was welcomed by a troupe of traditional drummers and dancers. "Thank you very much," she said with a smile.

The former model, whose choice of clothing is keenly watched, changed from a safari-inspired departure outfit of suede trench coat and leopard print heels to a red and white striped dress with white pumps by the time she arrived in West Africa.

She is scheduled to visit a hospital in Accra to learn about newborn health and also have tea with Mrs Akufo-Addo at the presidential residence, Jubilee House.

The 48-year-old is promoting her Be Best initiative, her official agenda unveiled in May designed to improve children's well-being.&nbsp;

Her office said it will also "showcase" the work of the US Agency for International Development (USAID), even at a time when her husband's government is looking to slash US aid across the world.

But unlike her predecessors, her visit will be followed closely to see if she can build bridges after the president reportedly dismissed Africa as a collection of "shithole countries".

In addition to Ghana, she is due to visit Malawi, Kenya and Egypt before returning to Washington early on October 7.

'Rorschach test in Louboutins'&nbsp;

The enigmatic US first lady has typically stayed out of the spotlight since her husband became president yet she has made headlines for rare public appearances.&nbsp;

In June, she made a surprise visit to Texas to visit detained children at the Mexican border, wearing a jacket emblazoned with the words "I really don't care. Do U?"

No one knew who the message was intended for, leaving it -- and her -- up for interpretation.&nbsp;

This ambiguity has led some pundits to describe her as a "Rorschach test in Louboutins" after the interpretative ink blots used in psychoanalysis and the luxury shoes.

But as Melania Trump attempts to step out of her husband's shadow, this trip has been seen as an attempt for her to carve her own diplomatic path.&nbsp;

She has previously travelled alone to Canada and joined her husband on several foreign visits.

Spokeswoman Stephanie Grisham said the Africa tour is close to her heart. "This is her trip, her initiative," she said.

That hasn't stopped Donald Trump from weighing in last week, when he told journalists that his wife was "making a big trip to Africa".&nbsp;

"We both love Africa. Africa is so beautiful, the most beautiful part of the world, in many ways," he added.

The US president has yet to travel to Africa since taking office.

Melania Trump's visit to Ghana will inevitably draw comparisons to when former president Barack Obama and his wife Michelle visited Ghana in 2009.&nbsp;

During that visit, Barack Obama gave a speech to parliament saying "Africa doesn't need strongmen, it needs strong institutions".

He also toured the Cape Coast Castle, a former slavery outpost, with his family.&nbsp;

Ghana is seen as a haven of stability in an often turbulent region but despite the interest back home, the first lady's visit did not appear to have generated similar fervour locally.

Unlike the Obamas' visit, the roads from the airport were not packed with onlookers while there was little fanfare in the local media, according to an AFP reporter on the ground.

US First Lady Melania Trump on Tuesday kicked off her first major solo trip in Ghana's capital Accra, aiming to cast a positive light on her embattled husband's administration.

US First Lady Melania Trump on Tuesday kicked off her first major solo trip in Ghana's capital Accra, aiming to cast a positive light on her embattled husband's administration. A relaxed-looking Trump smiled and waved as she stepped off an overnight flight from Washington to be met on the red carpet by her Ghanaian counterpart Rebecca Akufo-Addo. She beamed as she was welcomed by a troupe of traditional drummers and dancers. "Thank you very much," she said with a smile. The former model, whose choice of clothing is keenly watched, changed from a safari-inspired departure outfit of suede trench coat and leopard print heels to a red and white striped dress with white pumps by the time she arrived in West Africa. She is scheduled to visit a hospital in Accra to learn about newborn health and also have tea with Mrs Akufo-Addo at the presidential residence, Jubilee House. The 48-year-old is promoting her Be Best initiative, her official agenda unveiled in May designed to improve children's well-being. Her office said it will also "showcase" the work of the US Agency for International Development (USAID), even at a time when her husband's government is looking to slash US aid across the world. But unlike her predecessors, her visit will be followed closely to see if she can build bridges after the president reportedly dismissed Africa as a collection of "shithole countries". In addition to Ghana, she is due to visit Malawi, Kenya and Egypt before returning to Washington early on October 7. 'Rorschach test in Louboutins' The enigmatic US first lady has typically stayed out of the spotlight since her husband became president yet she has made headlines for rare public appearances. In June, she made a surprise visit to Texas to visit detained children at the Mexican border, wearing a jacket emblazoned with the words "I really don't care. Do U?" No one knew who the message was intended for, leaving it -- and her -- up for interpretation. This ambiguity has led some pundits to describe her as a "Rorschach test in Louboutins" after the interpretative ink blots used in psychoanalysis and the luxury shoes. But as Melania Trump attempts to step out of her husband's shadow, this trip has been seen as an attempt for her to carve her own diplomatic path. She has previously travelled alone to Canada and joined her husband on several foreign visits. Spokeswoman Stephanie Grisham said the Africa tour is close to her heart. "This is her trip, her initiative," she said. That hasn't stopped Donald Trump from weighing in last week, when he told journalists that his wife was "making a big trip to Africa". "We both love Africa. Africa is so beautiful, the most beautiful part of the world, in many ways," he added. The US president has yet to travel to Africa since taking office. Melania Trump's visit to Ghana will inevitably draw comparisons to when former president Barack Obama and his wife Michelle visited Ghana in 2009. During that visit, Barack Obama gave a speech to parliament saying "Africa doesn't need strongmen, it needs strong institutions". He also toured the Cape Coast Castle, a former slavery outpost, with his family. Ghana is seen as a haven of stability in an often turbulent region but despite the interest back home, the first lady's visit did not appear to have generated similar fervour locally. Unlike the Obamas' visit, the roads from the airport were not packed with onlookers while there was little fanfare in the local media, according to an AFP reporter on the ground.

Melania Trump kicks off Africa tour in Ghana

In her first speech in the ongoing 73rd session of United Nations General Assembly, India's external affairs minister Sushma Swaraj choose to highlight India's links with Africa and linkages between the Mandela and Mahatma Gandhi.

Speaking at the Nelson Mandela Peace Summit, Sushma Swaraj said,"India cherishes its special relationship and longstanding partnership with Africa and its people. Our close bonds are reflected in the philosophy of Mandela and Mahatma Gandhi - Father of our Nation. "

Nelson Mandela Peace Summit was held in honour of the centenary of the birth of Nelson Mandela in New York and was attended by a large number of world leaders.&nbsp;

Emphasising on the commonalities between the two&nbsp;leaders, minister Swaraj said,"both of them led their peoples to freedom through mass peaceful struggles. They made all efforts to overcome the divisive and narrow identity politics to turn diversity of a society into its strength, instead of a weakness."

India has been in the past few years tried to reaffirm her ties with the African continent and a number of high-level visits have taken from India including that of the President and Prime minister. Recently the cabinet approved the opening of 18 new Indian missions in Africa by 2021. India has 29 resident missions in Africa. The 3rd India-Africa Forum summit took place in 2015 and was called as India's biggest diplomatic outreach to African nations.

Paying tributes to Mandela, the minister said,"The values espoused by him – forgiveness and compassion as well as inclusiveness of society - are needed now, more than ever, in these turbulent times around the world. We, Indians, consider Madiba to be one of our own."

Mandela was one of the only two&nbsp;non-Indians who has ever been conferred with Bharat Ratna, the other being Pakistani national Abdul Ghaffar Khan. Madiba, as he was popularly called, was conferred with Bharat Ratna in 1990.

Minister also used the occasion to raise the issue of terror and without taking any name said, "no one should be allowed to support terror or its perpetration."&nbsp;

India is expected to strongly raise the issue of terror at the world body this year. India has been calling for a common definition of terror through the comprehensive convention on international terrorism.

It will be a busy week for EAM Sushma at the UNGA with over 30 bilaterals and participation in various meets of groups such as BRICS, SAARC.

In her first speech in the ongoing 73rd session of United Nations General Assembly, India's external affairs minister Sushma Swaraj choose to highlight India's links with Africa and linkages between the Mandela and Mahatma Gandhi.

In her first speech in the ongoing 73rd session of United Nations General Assembly, India's external affairs minister Sushma Swaraj choose to highlight India's links with Africa and linkages between the Mandela and Mahatma Gandhi. Speaking at the Nelson Mandela Peace Summit, Sushma Swaraj said,"India cherishes its special relationship and longstanding partnership with Africa and its people. Our close bonds are reflected in the philosophy of Mandela and Mahatma Gandhi - Father of our Nation. " Nelson Mandela Peace Summit was held in honour of the centenary of the birth of Nelson Mandela in New York and was attended by a large number of world leaders. Emphasising on the commonalities between the two leaders, minister Swaraj said,"both of them led their peoples to freedom through mass peaceful struggles. They made all efforts to overcome the divisive and narrow identity politics to turn diversity of a society into its strength, instead of a weakness." India has been in the past few years tried to reaffirm her ties with the African continent and a number of high-level visits have taken from India including that of the President and Prime minister. Recently the cabinet approved the opening of 18 new Indian missions in Africa by 2021. India has 29 resident missions in Africa. The 3rd India-Africa Forum summit took place in 2015 and was called as India's biggest diplomatic outreach to African nations. Paying tributes to Mandela, the minister said,"The values espoused by him – forgiveness and compassion as well as inclusiveness of society - are needed now, more than ever, in these turbulent times around the world. We, Indians, consider Madiba to be one of our own." Mandela was one of the only two non-Indians who has ever been conferred with Bharat Ratna, the other being Pakistani national Abdul Ghaffar Khan. Madiba, as he was popularly called, was conferred with Bharat Ratna in 1990. Minister also used the occasion to raise the issue of terror and without taking any name said, "no one should be allowed to support terror or its perpetration." India is expected to strongly raise the issue of terror at the world body this year. India has been calling for a common definition of terror through the comprehensive convention on international terrorism. It will be a busy week for EAM Sushma at the UNGA with over 30 bilaterals and participation in various meets of groups such as BRICS, SAARC.

At UN, India highlights links with Africa

Nissan Motor Co. aims to expand the company's footprints in African, Middle Eastern, and Indian markets as part of its six-year midterm plan.

It plans to maintain and build on solid profit margins in the region by developing a partnership with local talent to meet growing demand for automobiles.

Nissan has projected an increase of forty per cent in its regional sales by bringing more than 12 million vehicles by 2022.

It will further accelerate its Datsun brand's presence in new and existing markets and will continue to increase its market share in Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and India.

The product range provided under Nissan Intelligent Mobility will be expanded as new services in electrification, autonomous driving systems, and improved connectivity tools will be introduced.

Chairman of Nissan in Africa, Middle East, and India Peyman Kargar said, "Our ambitious plans reflect the exciting opportunities ahead. Nissan has already developed a strong presence within this fast-growing region, and we are well-positioned to maximize our growth and make an increasing and lasting contribution to Nissan's overall performance."

As per its mid-term plan, Nissan is targeting annual revenue of 16.5 trillion yen and an 8% core consolidated operating profit margin by the end of the fiscal year 2022.

The company has specific plans for each region.

Nissan plans to increase its market share in South Africa, now at 10%, substantially over the course of the plan. The company's sales in South Africa jumped by 26% as 53,400 vehicles are currently in the market in the fiscal year 2017. The introduction of new models, including the new Nissan Micra, is expected to boost demand further.

In India, the company will strengthen its dealership network and develop the power of the Datsun and Nissan brands through initiatives including sponsorship of the International Cricket Council. Nissan has built a strong foundation for growth in India with a 480,000-vehicle capacity plant, as well as a large research and development centre - both in Chennai and established with its Alliance partner, Renault.

In the Middle East, Nissan will add new models to its already strong presence in key segments, building on its fiscal year 2017 sales of 96,600 vehicles.

Nissan has projected an increase of forty per cent in its regional sales by bringing more than 12 million vehicles by 2022

Nissan Motor Co. aims to expand the company's footprints in African, Middle Eastern, and Indian markets as part of its six-year midterm plan. It plans to maintain and build on solid profit margins in the region by developing a partnership with local talent to meet growing demand for automobiles. Nissan has projected an increase of forty per cent in its regional sales by bringing more than 12 million vehicles by 2022. It will further accelerate its Datsun brand's presence in new and existing markets and will continue to increase its market share in Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and India. The product range provided under Nissan Intelligent Mobility will be expanded as new services in electrification, autonomous driving systems, and improved connectivity tools will be introduced. Chairman of Nissan in Africa, Middle East, and India Peyman Kargar said, "Our ambitious plans reflect the exciting opportunities ahead. Nissan has already developed a strong presence within this fast-growing region, and we are well-positioned to maximize our growth and make an increasing and lasting contribution to Nissan's overall performance." As per its mid-term plan, Nissan is targeting annual revenue of 16.5 trillion yen and an 8% core consolidated operating profit margin by the end of the fiscal year 2022. The company has specific plans for each region. Nissan plans to increase its market share in South Africa, now at 10%, substantially over the course of the plan. The company's sales in South Africa jumped by 26% as 53,400 vehicles are currently in the market in the fiscal year 2017. The introduction of new models, including the new Nissan Micra, is expected to boost demand further. In India, the company will strengthen its dealership network and develop the power of the Datsun and Nissan brands through initiatives including sponsorship of the International Cricket Council. Nissan has built a strong foundation for growth in India with a 480,000-vehicle capacity plant, as well as a large research and development centre - both in Chennai and established with its Alliance partner, Renault. In the Middle East, Nissan will add new models to its already strong presence in key segments, building on its fiscal year 2017 sales of 96,600 vehicles.

Nissan announces expansion plans in India, Africa, Middle East

In the city of Mbandaka in northwest Congo, Mbombo Roge does not shake hands with friends anymore: Ebola changed all that.

Roge simply bowed when he met a group of friends on Saturday afternoon, obeying one of the key lessons taught by health officials since an outbreak of the deadly virus was confirmed in the city of 1.5 million people this week.

"Ebola doesn't forgive," said Roge on a street in the center of Mbandaka "We just greet each other with words so as to not get contaminated."

The Democratic Republic of Congo joined with world agencies and neighbouring countries on Friday in boosting the response to an Ebola outbreak in the sprawling country's northwest, as the toll mounted.

The health ministry declared it had activated an "action plan" in the city of Mbandaka after a case of Ebola occurred there.

After visiting the Mbandaka and launching a coordination centre there, Health Minister Oly Ilunga announced on television that all health care would be free.

"Financial hurdles should not in any way be a brake to having access to health care, especially at a time of epidemic," Ilunga said.

Democratic Republic of Congo faces a "very high" public health risk from Ebola because the disease has been confirmed in a patient in a big city, the World Health Organization (WHO) said on Friday, raising its assessment from "high" previously.

The risk to countries in the region was now "high", raised from "moderate", but the global risk remained "low", the WHO said.

So far, the changes in Mbandaka are subtle, but they point to a growing trepidation. At the small regional airport, health inspectors check the temperature of arriving passengers. Local aid agencies have gone to churches and schools to try to educate people of the dangers.

Soap dispensers have been put outside some local businesses so people can wash their hands before entering. Meat sales at riverside markets have dropped off, traders say, because of the fear of eating contaminated bush meat which can pass Ebola on to humans.

"We are scared of this epidemic. We can't make contact with people coming from outside," said border hygiene inspector Bolongoyi Juptie.

Not everyone is convinced of the dangers, and one resident said that Ebola can be cured through prayer.

But the general wariness is encouraging for health officials who remember how mistrust of doctors, nurses, authorities and western aid agencies made containment more difficult during the 2013-16 epidemic.

The reassessment came after the first confirmed case in Mbandaka, a city of around 1.5 million in the northwest. Previous reports of the disease had all been in remote areas where Ebola might spread be more easily contained.

They have started deploying emergency teams of specialists last week to try to prevent the spread of an Ebola epidemic suspected to have infected more than 30 people, they said.

The outbreak of Ebola in Congo, the vast central African country's ninth since the disease made its first known appearance near the northern Ebola river in the 1970s, is believed to have cost the lives of 25 people since April.

The outbreak is dwarfed by the epidemic which killed over 11,300 in Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone between 2013 and 2016, but it brings with it some worrying echoes.

The Ebola virus causes hemorrhagic fever and is spread through direct contact with body fluids from an infected person, who suffers severe bouts of vomiting and diarrhea.

The Democratic Republic of Congo joined with world agencies and neighbouring countries on Friday in boosting the response to an Ebola outbreak in the sprawling country's northwest, as the toll mounted

In the city of Mbandaka in northwest Congo, Mbombo Roge does not shake hands with friends anymore: Ebola changed all that. Roge simply bowed when he met a group of friends on Saturday afternoon, obeying one of the key lessons taught by health officials since an outbreak of the deadly virus was confirmed in the city of 1.5 million people this week. "Ebola doesn't forgive," said Roge on a street in the center of Mbandaka "We just greet each other with words so as to not get contaminated." The Democratic Republic of Congo joined with world agencies and neighbouring countries on Friday in boosting the response to an Ebola outbreak in the sprawling country's northwest, as the toll mounted. The health ministry declared it had activated an "action plan" in the city of Mbandaka after a case of Ebola occurred there. After visiting the Mbandaka and launching a coordination centre there, Health Minister Oly Ilunga announced on television that all health care would be free. "Financial hurdles should not in any way be a brake to having access to health care, especially at a time of epidemic," Ilunga said. Democratic Republic of Congo faces a "very high" public health risk from Ebola because the disease has been confirmed in a patient in a big city, the World Health Organization (WHO) said on Friday, raising its assessment from "high" previously. The risk to countries in the region was now "high", raised from "moderate", but the global risk remained "low", the WHO said. So far, the changes in Mbandaka are subtle, but they point to a growing trepidation. At the small regional airport, health inspectors check the temperature of arriving passengers. Local aid agencies have gone to churches and schools to try to educate people of the dangers. Soap dispensers have been put outside some local businesses so people can wash their hands before entering. Meat sales at riverside markets have dropped off, traders say, because of the fear of eating contaminated bush meat which can pass Ebola on to humans. "We are scared of this epidemic. We can't make contact with people coming from outside," said border hygiene inspector Bolongoyi Juptie. Not everyone is convinced of the dangers, and one resident said that Ebola can be cured through prayer. But the general wariness is encouraging for health officials who remember how mistrust of doctors, nurses, authorities and western aid agencies made containment more difficult during the 2013-16 epidemic. The reassessment came after the first confirmed case in Mbandaka, a city of around 1.5 million in the northwest. Previous reports of the disease had all been in remote areas where Ebola might spread be more easily contained. They have started deploying emergency teams of specialists last week to try to prevent the spread of an Ebola epidemic suspected to have infected more than 30 people, they said. The outbreak of Ebola in Congo, the vast central African country's ninth since the disease made its first known appearance near the northern Ebola river in the 1970s, is believed to have cost the lives of 25 people since April. The outbreak is dwarfed by the epidemic which killed over 11,300 in Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone between 2013 and 2016, but it brings with it some worrying echoes. The Ebola virus causes hemorrhagic fever and is spread through direct contact with body fluids from an infected person, who suffers severe bouts of vomiting and diarrhea.

In Congo city where Ebola resides, fear but not panic

By: Natasha Ezrow*

All around the world, democracy is looking shaky. While consolidated democracies are struggling to stay healthy, many flawed ones have turned into outright authoritarian regimes – most notably Russia under Vladimir Putin and Turkey under Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. But the news isn’t all bad: On several continents over the last decade, longstanding dictators have resigned, lost elections, or been deposed.

But has their demise led to any kind of democratic reform? It’s a mixed picture to say the least. While a handful of promising cases deserve praise, only a few of the dictatorships that have fallen in recent years have given way to lasting, stable democracies.

The 2010s began with tremendous optimism for the future of global democracy, reaching an apogee with the Arab Spring protests in 2011.

Across the Middle East and North Africa, several dictators fell in a row: After Tunisia’s Zine El Abidine Ben Ali of Tunisia and Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak, Muammar Gaddafi of Libya was toppled in a civil war. Fighting also erupted in Yemen, leading to the eventual flight of longtime strongman Ali Abdullah Saleh.

It seemed for a moment that in one fell swoop, a clutch of countries were suddenly shaking off authoritarianism at last. But with the exception of Tunisia – whose situation is still somewhat fragile – none of them have developed into democracies.

Egypt’s brief spell under the elected Muslim Brotherhood came to an end in 2013, when a military intervention brought General Abdel Fatteh al-Sisi to power. He remains president today, legitimised by largely meaningless elections. Libya is still a weak state beset by instability and violence Yemen has slipped into devastating conflict and humanitarian crisis.

Though protests exploded throughout the Middle East, only modest reforms took place elsewhere. And in Syria, the Assad regime’s crackdown on the 2011 protests helped spark a nightmarish conflict that has torn the country apart.

Iraq and Afghanistan, meanwhile, saw a change in leadership with the elections that forced Nouri al-Maliki and Hamid Karzai out of power. But neither country’s democracy has notably improved. Afghanistan is still authoritarian and unstable, and in Iraq, Maliki is still very powerful behind the scenes.

Mixed bag

Latin America was home to a clutter of military dictatorships for decades, but since the mid-to-late 1980s, most of its countries have been flawed but functioning democracies.

The two notable holdouts were Venezuela under Hugo Chávez and Cuba under Fidel Castro – and in the last decade, the two have diverged considerably.

While Cuba has reformed a little under the rule of Fidel’s brother Raúl, who has now handed over to Miguel Díaz-Canal, Venezuela is falling apart under the dictatorial leadership of Chavez’s hand-picked successor, Nicolás Maduro. Other regimes in Latin America continue to hold free and fair elections, but struggle to uphold the rule of law.

In Asia, meanwhile, a few less-than-democratic countries have made strides towards reform, but most authoritarian regimes have stayed the same. Still, some reforms and resignations are noteworthy.

In the Caucasus, Armenia’s Serzh Sargsyan was recently forced to resign after mass protests against his rule. Almazbek Atambayev of Kyrgyzstan also stepped down after elections, the first peaceful handover of power in the country’s history.

In South-East Asia, most of the attention since 2015 has been on surprising events in Myanmar, when the military regime that ran the country for decades allowed open elections for the first time since 1990. Myanmar’s military government was oppressive even by authoritarian standards, so it was quite something to see it holding elections, releasing political prisoners and allowing more press freedom.

The regime’s leader, Thein Sein, stepped down to make way for Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy.

But the democratic transformation was short-lived. The regime has continued to violate the human rights of its minority groups, most notably the Rohingya minority, and civil liberties and press freedoms are in serious jeopardy.

Turfed out

One place where things are looking up for democracy is Sub-Saharan Africa. The last decade has seen the overall standing of democracy in Africa improve. In the early 1980s, only five countries in Africa could be considered democratic: Botswana, Gambia, Mauritius, Senegal and Zimbabwe.

The end of the Cold War saw the expansion of elections and civil liberties. But more recent years has seen the fall or peaceful resignation of important authoritarian figures, many of them old men who had clung on to power for decades.

Yahya Jammeh of the Gambia eventually fled the country in 2017 after he lost the presidential elections to the opposition. Blaise Compaoré of Burkina Faso resigned after political protests broke out in 2014, following nearly three decades in power.

José Eduardo dos Santos of Angola resigned after nearly 40 years in power (though he remains influential in Angolan politics). All three countries have become slightly more democratic as a result.

But the biggest tree felled in Africa was undoubtedly Zimbabwe’s Robert Mugabe. In his capacity as president since 1980, Mugabe had become increasingly dictatorial and brutal, and his misguided leadership plunged the country into chaos.

When he unceremoniously fired his vice-president Emmerson Mnangagwa at the end of 2017, his previous backers in the military decided they had finally had enough. With parliamentary impeachment hearings in the offing, Mugabe eventually resigned, and new elections are scheduled for July 2018.

The bloodless Zimbabwean transition was a heartening spectacle, but there are nonetheless plenty of other countries to worry about. Hungary’s Viktor Orban is threatening to constrict his country’s democracy by clamping down on civil liberties, even as he wins landslide election victores.

China’s Xi Jinping recently orchestrated the removal of term limits, giving him the power to rule indefinitely. Thailand’s military is heading the most repressive government the country has seen in years. Still, while many countries have taken an authoritarian turn, others have made a success of their escape from dictatorship.

As recent events in Armenia attest, citizens the world over are becoming more involved in politics and taking their displeasure to the streets. And while it’s true that most dictators who fall are replaced by another dictator, there are enough examples to the contrary to give the defenders of democracy some hope.

*Natasha Ezrow is a&nbspSenior Lecturer, University of Essex

(This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/are-dictators-on-the-way-out-or-on-the-way-up-95128">original article</a>.)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

While a handful of promising cases deserve praise, only a few of the dictatorships that have fallen in recent years have given way to lasting, stable democracies

By: Natasha Ezrow* All around the world, democracy is looking shaky. While consolidated democracies are struggling to stay healthy, many flawed ones have turned into outright authoritarian regimes – most notably Russia under Vladimir Putin and Turkey under Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. But the news isn’t all bad: On several continents over the last decade, longstanding dictators have resigned, lost elections, or been deposed. But has their demise led to any kind of democratic reform? It’s a mixed picture to say the least. While a handful of promising cases deserve praise, only a few of the dictatorships that have fallen in recent years have given way to lasting, stable democracies. The 2010s began with tremendous optimism for the future of global democracy, reaching an apogee with the Arab Spring protests in 2011. Across the Middle East and North Africa, several dictators fell in a row: After Tunisia’s Zine El Abidine Ben Ali of Tunisia and Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak, Muammar Gaddafi of Libya was toppled in a civil war. Fighting also erupted in Yemen, leading to the eventual flight of longtime strongman Ali Abdullah Saleh. It seemed for a moment that in one fell swoop, a clutch of countries were suddenly shaking off authoritarianism at last. But with the exception of Tunisia – whose situation is still somewhat fragile – none of them have developed into democracies. Egypt’s brief spell under the elected Muslim Brotherhood came to an end in 2013, when a military intervention brought General Abdel Fatteh al-Sisi to power. He remains president today, legitimised by largely meaningless elections. Libya is still a weak state beset by instability and violence Yemen has slipped into devastating conflict and humanitarian crisis. Though protests exploded throughout the Middle East, only modest reforms took place elsewhere. And in Syria, the Assad regime’s crackdown on the 2011 protests helped spark a nightmarish conflict that has torn the country apart. Iraq and Afghanistan, meanwhile, saw a change in leadership with the elections that forced Nouri al-Maliki and Hamid Karzai out of power. But neither country’s democracy has notably improved. Afghanistan is still authoritarian and unstable, and in Iraq, Maliki is still very powerful behind the scenes. Mixed bag Latin America was home to a clutter of military dictatorships for decades, but since the mid-to-late 1980s, most of its countries have been flawed but functioning democracies. The two notable holdouts were Venezuela under Hugo Chávez and Cuba under Fidel Castro – and in the last decade, the two have diverged considerably. While Cuba has reformed a little under the rule of Fidel’s brother Raúl, who has now handed over to Miguel Díaz-Canal, Venezuela is falling apart under the dictatorial leadership of Chavez’s hand-picked successor, Nicolás Maduro. Other regimes in Latin America continue to hold free and fair elections, but struggle to uphold the rule of law. In Asia, meanwhile, a few less-than-democratic countries have made strides towards reform, but most authoritarian regimes have stayed the same. Still, some reforms and resignations are noteworthy. In the Caucasus, Armenia’s Serzh Sargsyan was recently forced to resign after mass protests against his rule. Almazbek Atambayev of Kyrgyzstan also stepped down after elections, the first peaceful handover of power in the country’s history. In South-East Asia, most of the attention since 2015 has been on surprising events in Myanmar, when the military regime that ran the country for decades allowed open elections for the first time since 1990. Myanmar’s military government was oppressive even by authoritarian standards, so it was quite something to see it holding elections, releasing political prisoners and allowing more press freedom. The regime’s leader, Thein Sein, stepped down to make way for Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy. But the democratic transformation was short-lived. The regime has continued to violate the human rights of its minority groups, most notably the Rohingya minority, and civil liberties and press freedoms are in serious jeopardy. Turfed out One place where things are looking up for democracy is Sub-Saharan Africa. The last decade has seen the overall standing of democracy in Africa improve. In the early 1980s, only five countries in Africa could be considered democratic: Botswana, Gambia, Mauritius, Senegal and Zimbabwe. The end of the Cold War saw the expansion of elections and civil liberties. But more recent years has seen the fall or peaceful resignation of important authoritarian figures, many of them old men who had clung on to power for decades. Yahya Jammeh of the Gambia eventually fled the country in 2017 after he lost the presidential elections to the opposition. Blaise Compaoré of Burkina Faso resigned after political protests broke out in 2014, following nearly three decades in power. José Eduardo dos Santos of Angola resigned after nearly 40 years in power (though he remains influential in Angolan politics). All three countries have become slightly more democratic as a result. But the biggest tree felled in Africa was undoubtedly Zimbabwe’s Robert Mugabe. In his capacity as president since 1980, Mugabe had become increasingly dictatorial and brutal, and his misguided leadership plunged the country into chaos. When he unceremoniously fired his vice-president Emmerson Mnangagwa at the end of 2017, his previous backers in the military decided they had finally had enough. With parliamentary impeachment hearings in the offing, Mugabe eventually resigned, and new elections are scheduled for July 2018. The bloodless Zimbabwean transition was a heartening spectacle, but there are nonetheless plenty of other countries to worry about. Hungary’s Viktor Orban is threatening to constrict his country’s democracy by clamping down on civil liberties, even as he wins landslide election victores. China’s Xi Jinping recently orchestrated the removal of term limits, giving him the power to rule indefinitely. Thailand’s military is heading the most repressive government the country has seen in years. Still, while many countries have taken an authoritarian turn, others have made a success of their escape from dictatorship. As recent events in Armenia attest, citizens the world over are becoming more involved in politics and taking their displeasure to the streets. And while it’s true that most dictators who fall are replaced by another dictator, there are enough examples to the contrary to give the defenders of democracy some hope. *Natasha Ezrow is a&nbspSenior Lecturer, University of Essex (This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: Are dictators on the way out or on the way up?

Two brides from Nigeria were propelled to leave their wedding and write their final exams on April 7, dressed in their wedding attire, reports said.&nbsp;

Two final year students of Mass Communications quickly attended their wedding ceremonies and rushed to the respective exam venues due to clashes in dates.&nbsp;

Dorcas Atsea and Deborah Atoh had fixed their wedding dates when the exam, originally scheduled for February, was postponed due to inadequate facilities at the Benue State University in Nigeria's Middle Belt region, reports said.&nbsp;

The two women tried to find a solution and tried to speak to the exam officer when she gave them an ultimatum of choosing one of the two options - wedding or exam.&nbsp;

As soon as they entered the exam hall, students began showering them with wishes, cheers, and applause.

Course lecturer Dr Benjamin Ogbu reportedly said that it was unfair to change the dayes for the exam for just one or two people as it would have involved a long and tedious process. &nbsp;

In February, a similar incident happened in Patna when a bride rushed to give her exam right after her wedding, while the groom waited outside for three hours - the incident had soon caught everyone's attention.&nbsp;

Two final year students of Mass Communications quickly attended their wedding ceremonies and rushed to the respective exam venues due to clashes in dates

Two brides from Nigeria were propelled to leave their wedding and write their final exams on April 7, dressed in their wedding attire, reports said. Two final year students of Mass Communications quickly attended their wedding ceremonies and rushed to the respective exam venues due to clashes in dates. Dorcas Atsea and Deborah Atoh had fixed their wedding dates when the exam, originally scheduled for February, was postponed due to inadequate facilities at the Benue State University in Nigeria's Middle Belt region, reports said. The two women tried to find a solution and tried to speak to the exam officer when she gave them an ultimatum of choosing one of the two options - wedding or exam. As soon as they entered the exam hall, students began showering them with wishes, cheers, and applause. Course lecturer Dr Benjamin Ogbu reportedly said that it was unfair to change the dayes for the exam for just one or two people as it would have involved a long and tedious process. In February, a similar incident happened in Patna when a bride rushed to give her exam right after her wedding, while the groom waited outside for three hours - the incident had soon caught everyone's attention.

Two Nigeria brides attempt final exam in wedding gowns

A large crack stretched up to several kilometers has appeared in the Rift valley of South-western Kenya.&nbsp;

According to news reports the crack is measured more than 50 feet deep and 65 feet.

Experts say that crack is the evidence that one day Africa could possibly get divided into two continents.

The crack is continuing to grow and has caused the past of Nairo-Narok highway to collapse.

News agency Reuters reported Geologists advising the authorities about the need to do more to take fault lines into account as they plan their new roads, rail lines, and infrastructure projects.

The crack formed by two tectonic plates are moving from each other and is prompted by heavy rains, floods, and seismic activity.

However, the activity of eventual split of Somalia, Kenya, Ethiopia, and Tanzania from rest of the continent could possibly take millions of years.

The crack first appeared in March. Reports say that the time it appeared one house was also got split into two parts during their dinner.

Families living around has fled the area.&nbsp;

&nbsp;&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

A large crack stretched up to several kilometers has appeared in the RIft valley of South-western Kenya

A large crack stretched up to several kilometers has appeared in the Rift valley of South-western Kenya. According to news reports the crack is measured more than 50 feet deep and 65 feet. Experts say that crack is the evidence that one day Africa could possibly get divided into two continents. The crack is continuing to grow and has caused the past of Nairo-Narok highway to collapse. News agency Reuters reported Geologists advising the authorities about the need to do more to take fault lines into account as they plan their new roads, rail lines, and infrastructure projects. The crack formed by two tectonic plates are moving from each other and is prompted by heavy rains, floods, and seismic activity. However, the activity of eventual split of Somalia, Kenya, Ethiopia, and Tanzania from rest of the continent could possibly take millions of years. The crack first appeared in March. Reports say that the time it appeared one house was also got split into two parts during their dinner. Families living around has fled the area.

Africa one day could split into two continents!

More than a dozen people were killed in a clash between suspected Boko Haram militants and Nigerian soldiers in Northern Nigeria.

Reportedly around 18 militants including suicide bombers, mortars and gunmen targeted two villages namely Bale Shuwa and Alkaranti and a military base near the city of Maiduguri, in Borno State.

A cross-firing took place between the soldiers and the militants which reportedly left 14 civilians and a soldier dead.

Further 83 others sustained injuries in the attack.

As per the government statement, it was the largest attack since it initiated bilateral talks with the Islamist militants to consider a proposed peace process.

Further 83 others sustained injuries in the attack

More than a dozen people were killed in a clash between suspected Boko Haram militants and Nigerian soldiers in Northern Nigeria. Reportedly around 18 militants including suicide bombers, mortars and gunmen targeted two villages namely Bale Shuwa and Alkaranti and a military base near the city of Maiduguri, in Borno State. A cross-firing took place between the soldiers and the militants which reportedly left 14 civilians and a soldier dead. Further 83 others sustained injuries in the attack. As per the government statement, it was the largest attack since it initiated bilateral talks with the Islamist militants to consider a proposed peace process.

14 civilians killed in clash between Nigerian Army, Boko Haram militants

By&nbsp;Abiodun Owolegbon-Raji*

Following a legally dubious seizure of the Doraleh Container Terminal and the abrupt termination of DP World’s contract by the Djibouti authorities at the end of February, the company’s chairman, Sultan Ahmed bin Sulayem, had harsh words for both Djibouti and other governments on the African continent. Speaking at a news conference in Dubai, Sulayem stressed that “Africa needs infrastructure investments and if countries can change their law, [to take assets then this] is going to basically make it more difficult to attract investment.”

The seizure is the latest chapter in a six-year tussle between the government of Djibouti and DP World, a Dubai-based trade-logistics company, over a concession agreement that saw the latter design, build and operate the container terminal at the Port of Doraleh, in which DP World holds a 33% stake. Djibouti had alleged that the 30-year concession (in effect since 2006) “contains elements in flagrant violation of its sovereignty.” In 2014, it initiated legal proceedings at the London Court of International Arbitration (LCIA) accusing DP World of paying bribes to the head of Djibouti’s port authority, Abdourahman Boreh, when the concession was secured.

Those allegations were categorically rejected by the LCIA last year. The court ruled the concession terms were “fair and reasonable” and cleared Boreh of wrongdoing after the Djiboutian government ran into trouble for misleading judges in London. Coming one year after that decision, DP World claims the seizure is just another step in Djibouti’s campaign to force a renegotiation of the contract. Dubai’s government also accuses Djibouti of arbitrarily flouting a signed agreement.

Competing Interests

But why is Djibouti so insistent on renegotiating the deal? The real reason behind this otherwise complicated legal tussle is the battle for influence over the country’s ports. In fact, the tiny country is a square in a geopolitical chessboard where world powers, particularly the United States and China, are competing for pre-eminence. The Doraleh area houses America’s largest military base in Africa, as well as China’s, which inaugurated its first African base there last August.

After the port seizure, many American officials feared Djibouti’s intentions were to seize the port from DP World only to cede it as a gift to the Chinese. The erstwhile US secretary of state, Rex Tillerson, made Djibouti one of the five stops on the African tour that turned out to be his last. Speaking in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, just before his dismissal, Tillerson offered this oblique warning: “We are not, in any way, attempting to keep Chinese investment dollars out of Africa. They are badly needed. However, we think it’s important that African countries carefully consider the terms of those investments.”

Tillerson’s point is a valid one. Locals are increasingly worried about their countries’ over-reliance on Chinese money. Beijing’s investments span across almost all sectors, and there seem to be hidden strings attached. Earlier this year, allegations emerged that China had bugged the headquarters of the African Union. That the AU building itself was wholly financed and built by China raised eyebrows, in particular the reports that its systems sent data to Chinese servers for five years.

Large swathes of Chinese investments in the media sector have raised concerns about media neutrality as well. In 2012, China loaned the Nigerian state of Kaduna just over $30 million to fund its shift from analogue to digital broadcasting — a brazen attempt to strengthen the state-mouthpiece model of broadcasting over local independent voices.

While the Chinese investment model is far from exemplary, some Africans focus on the potential positives. Kenyan president Uhuru Kenyatta framed the question by insisting that, for China-Africa relations to get better, “just as Africa opens up to China, China must also open up to Africa.”

Potential Positives

In reality, investment in African countries cannot be a zero-sum game between American, Chinese and other interests. The continent, as both Sulayem and Tillerson rightly pointed out, has serious infrastructural deficits that require large-scale investment. The International Monetary Fund’s 2018 Article IV consultation report indicates Nigeria could grow its GDP by three-fourths of a percent if its large infrastructure gap is narrowed.

This means attracting investment from all sides and looking to creative solutions. Many African countries are taking the lead in capital investments, telecommunications and agriculture. The continent now has substantial investments from other regions such as the Middle East. Presently, non-oil trade between Africa and the Persian Gulf is valued at around $24 billion — representing a 700% growth over the previous decade.

Other analysts believe alternative investment options, such as Islamic finance, could be key to closing sub-Saharan Africa’s infrastructural investment deficit, currently at $100 billion per annum. South Africa, Nigeria, Senegal, Togo and Ivory Coast have all issued sovereign sukuk (Islamic bonds). Kenya is also preparing to hop on board that train, though the Kenyatta government has pushed back its first issuing.

Irrespective of the numerous hurdles, the simple fact for investors to keep in mind is that Africa should not be treated as a charity case. The region has produced at least half of the world’s fastest-growing economies in the last two decades. Africa is estimated to be home to 1.7 billion people by 2030. Taken together, the consumer and business spending of that population will come to $6.7 trillion a year.

In 2016, the World Economic Forum highlighted six reasons to invest in Africa, the core of which is its continuing economic diversification and its capability to lead in sustainable development in the future. With the recent signing of the Continental Free Trade Area agreement — an EU-like pact to unify Africa’s economies — by 44 countries, the continent’s demographic and economic growth will come to power global trade in the decades to come.

The rest of the world should see countries like Nigeria, Ethiopia, South Africa and Kenya as engines of future growth, so long as their governments can provide political stability, good governance and the rule of law. To make sure political capriciousness does not interfere with economic progress, leaders across the continent need to make sure Djibouti’s willingness to undermine other partnerships to please China proves the exception and not the rule.

*(Abiodun Owolegbon-Raji is a writer and blogger on political and economic affairs with a background in political science. He is a graduate of Obafemi Awolowo University in Ile-Ife, Nigeria.)

This <a href="https://www.fairobserver.com/region/africa/djibouti-china-us-investment-development-africa-news-54311/">article</a> has been originally published in <a href="https://www.fairobserver.com/">Fair Observer</a>.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the authors and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

After the seizure of a port facility by the Djibouti government, questions arise about the safety of investing in Africa

By Abiodun Owolegbon-Raji* Following a legally dubious seizure of the Doraleh Container Terminal and the abrupt termination of DP World’s contract by the Djibouti authorities at the end of February, the company’s chairman, Sultan Ahmed bin Sulayem, had harsh words for both Djibouti and other governments on the African continent. Speaking at a news conference in Dubai, Sulayem stressed that “Africa needs infrastructure investments and if countries can change their law, [to take assets then this] is going to basically make it more difficult to attract investment.” The seizure is the latest chapter in a six-year tussle between the government of Djibouti and DP World, a Dubai-based trade-logistics company, over a concession agreement that saw the latter design, build and operate the container terminal at the Port of Doraleh, in which DP World holds a 33% stake. Djibouti had alleged that the 30-year concession (in effect since 2006) “contains elements in flagrant violation of its sovereignty.” In 2014, it initiated legal proceedings at the London Court of International Arbitration (LCIA) accusing DP World of paying bribes to the head of Djibouti’s port authority, Abdourahman Boreh, when the concession was secured. Those allegations were categorically rejected by the LCIA last year. The court ruled the concession terms were “fair and reasonable” and cleared Boreh of wrongdoing after the Djiboutian government ran into trouble for misleading judges in London. Coming one year after that decision, DP World claims the seizure is just another step in Djibouti’s campaign to force a renegotiation of the contract. Dubai’s government also accuses Djibouti of arbitrarily flouting a signed agreement. Competing Interests But why is Djibouti so insistent on renegotiating the deal? The real reason behind this otherwise complicated legal tussle is the battle for influence over the country’s ports. In fact, the tiny country is a square in a geopolitical chessboard where world powers, particularly the United States and China, are competing for pre-eminence. The Doraleh area houses America’s largest military base in Africa, as well as China’s, which inaugurated its first African base there last August. After the port seizure, many American officials feared Djibouti’s intentions were to seize the port from DP World only to cede it as a gift to the Chinese. The erstwhile US secretary of state, Rex Tillerson, made Djibouti one of the five stops on the African tour that turned out to be his last. Speaking in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, just before his dismissal, Tillerson offered this oblique warning: “We are not, in any way, attempting to keep Chinese investment dollars out of Africa. They are badly needed. However, we think it’s important that African countries carefully consider the terms of those investments.” Tillerson’s point is a valid one. Locals are increasingly worried about their countries’ over-reliance on Chinese money. Beijing’s investments span across almost all sectors, and there seem to be hidden strings attached. Earlier this year, allegations emerged that China had bugged the headquarters of the African Union. That the AU building itself was wholly financed and built by China raised eyebrows, in particular the reports that its systems sent data to Chinese servers for five years. Large swathes of Chinese investments in the media sector have raised concerns about media neutrality as well. In 2012, China loaned the Nigerian state of Kaduna just over $30 million to fund its shift from analogue to digital broadcasting — a brazen attempt to strengthen the state-mouthpiece model of broadcasting over local independent voices. While the Chinese investment model is far from exemplary, some Africans focus on the potential positives. Kenyan president Uhuru Kenyatta framed the question by insisting that, for China-Africa relations to get better, “just as Africa opens up to China, China must also open up to Africa.” Potential Positives In reality, investment in African countries cannot be a zero-sum game between American, Chinese and other interests. The continent, as both Sulayem and Tillerson rightly pointed out, has serious infrastructural deficits that require large-scale investment. The International Monetary Fund’s 2018 Article IV consultation report indicates Nigeria could grow its GDP by three-fourths of a percent if its large infrastructure gap is narrowed. This means attracting investment from all sides and looking to creative solutions. Many African countries are taking the lead in capital investments, telecommunications and agriculture. The continent now has substantial investments from other regions such as the Middle East. Presently, non-oil trade between Africa and the Persian Gulf is valued at around $24 billion — representing a 700% growth over the previous decade. Other analysts believe alternative investment options, such as Islamic finance, could be key to closing sub-Saharan Africa’s infrastructural investment deficit, currently at $100 billion per annum. South Africa, Nigeria, Senegal, Togo and Ivory Coast have all issued sovereign sukuk (Islamic bonds). Kenya is also preparing to hop on board that train, though the Kenyatta government has pushed back its first issuing. Irrespective of the numerous hurdles, the simple fact for investors to keep in mind is that Africa should not be treated as a charity case. The region has produced at least half of the world’s fastest-growing economies in the last two decades. Africa is estimated to be home to 1.7 billion people by 2030. Taken together, the consumer and business spending of that population will come to $6.7 trillion a year. In 2016, the World Economic Forum highlighted six reasons to invest in Africa, the core of which is its continuing economic diversification and its capability to lead in sustainable development in the future. With the recent signing of the Continental Free Trade Area agreement — an EU-like pact to unify Africa’s economies — by 44 countries, the continent’s demographic and economic growth will come to power global trade in the decades to come. The rest of the world should see countries like Nigeria, Ethiopia, South Africa and Kenya as engines of future growth, so long as their governments can provide political stability, good governance and the rule of law. To make sure political capriciousness does not interfere with economic progress, leaders across the continent need to make sure Djibouti’s willingness to undermine other partnerships to please China proves the exception and not the rule. *(Abiodun Owolegbon-Raji is a writer and blogger on political and economic affairs with a background in political science. He is a graduate of Obafemi Awolowo University in Ile-Ife, Nigeria.) This article has been originally published in Fair Observer. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the authors and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: Did Djibouti just jeopardise investment for all of Africa?

Robbers used a hacksaw to try to cut off a South African triathlete&#39;s legs when they attacked him on his way to a training session, the sportsman&#39;s colleagues said Wednesday.

A gang of three men targeted 27-year-old triathlete Mhlengi Gwala in a dawn attack in the east coast city of Durban on Tuesday before dragging him to a bush and attempting to cut off his legs.

&quot;He is currently in surgery to try and save his leg - the surgeons are confident,&quot; said Dennis Jackson, the head of South Africa&#39;s Elite Athlete Development Programme.

Gwala&#39;s friend and fellow triathlete Sandile Shange said Gwala told him that the attackers failed to cut through the bone because they had used a blunt, rusty saw.

&quot;Two guys were holding his upper body and the other guy was just was cutting the leg and I think when they got to the bone they got stuck,&quot; told Shange.

&quot;Mhlengi said the... saw they were using was very rusty and it was, like, oldish and it was not sharpened and they tried another leg.&quot;

The attackers fled when a private security patrol passed close by.

Gwala then managed to limp to the road and raise the alarm.

The motive for the attack was not immediately known.

Doctors have said &quot;he will be able to walk and run again&quot; - but it will take a long time, according to Shange.

South African 2016 Olympic triathlon medallist Henri Schoeman described the attack in a tweet as &quot;absolutely disgusting! How safe are we on South Africa&#39;s roads?&quot;

South Africa suffers some of the world&#39;s highest crime rates and faced 34 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants in 2015-16, according to the police.

The attackers fled when a private security patrol passed close by

Robbers used a hacksaw to try to cut off a South African triathlete's legs when they attacked him on his way to a training session, the sportsman's colleagues said Wednesday. A gang of three men targeted 27-year-old triathlete Mhlengi Gwala in a dawn attack in the east coast city of Durban on Tuesday before dragging him to a bush and attempting to cut off his legs. "He is currently in surgery to try and save his leg - the surgeons are confident," said Dennis Jackson, the head of South Africa's Elite Athlete Development Programme. Gwala's friend and fellow triathlete Sandile Shange said Gwala told him that the attackers failed to cut through the bone because they had used a blunt, rusty saw. "Two guys were holding his upper body and the other guy was just was cutting the leg and I think when they got to the bone they got stuck," told Shange. "Mhlengi said the... saw they were using was very rusty and it was, like, oldish and it was not sharpened and they tried another leg." The attackers fled when a private security patrol passed close by. Gwala then managed to limp to the road and raise the alarm. The motive for the attack was not immediately known. Doctors have said "he will be able to walk and run again" - but it will take a long time, according to Shange. South African 2016 Olympic triathlon medallist Henri Schoeman described the attack in a tweet as "absolutely disgusting! How safe are we on South Africa's roads?" South Africa suffers some of the world's highest crime rates and faced 34 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants in 2015-16, according to the police.

Attackers try to cut off South African triathlete's legs

According to UN Food and Agriculture&#39;s top official, Africa is home to nearly 224 million under-nourished people.&nbsp;

FAO&#39;s assistant director-general for Africa, Bukar Tijani, noted climate change and conflicts to heighten food insecurity across the continent. Conflicts in countries like Somalia, South Sudan and the Central African Republic have also increased food insecurity in the region.

Tijani spoke at a conference on Africa organised by the UN&#39;s Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO). He further noted that the situation in the continent was a &quot;cause of concern&quot;.

&quot;Under-nourishment appears to have increased from about 21 percent to nearly 23 percent between 2015 and 2016,&quot; Tijani noted.

&quot;Over the same period, the number of under-nourished rose from 200 million to 224 million in Africa. This is a cause of concern for all of us.&quot;

UN officials have previously warned against growing food insecurity in the region. According to the international body, food insecurity is now displacing more and more people across the continent.

Many African countries -- like South Sudan -- struggle for proper food. Proper nutrition is also one of the main issues in some African countries.

Tijani noted Africa&#39;s economy to have improved, its food and agriculture market was estimated to reach one trillion dollars by 2030.

The ongoing five-day conference in Sudan&#39;s capital will witness hundreds of delegates from across the continent. These delegates will discuss ways to eradicate hunger and food insecurity in Africa.

(With inputs from AFP)&nbsp;

Many African countries -- like South Sudan -- struggle for proper food

According to UN Food and Agriculture's top official, Africa is home to nearly 224 million under-nourished people. FAO's assistant director-general for Africa, Bukar Tijani, noted climate change and conflicts to heighten food insecurity across the continent. Conflicts in countries like Somalia, South Sudan and the Central African Republic have also increased food insecurity in the region. Tijani spoke at a conference on Africa organised by the UN's Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO). He further noted that the situation in the continent was a "cause of concern". "Under-nourishment appears to have increased from about 21 percent to nearly 23 percent between 2015 and 2016," Tijani noted. "Over the same period, the number of under-nourished rose from 200 million to 224 million in Africa. This is a cause of concern for all of us." UN officials have previously warned against growing food insecurity in the region. According to the international body, food insecurity is now displacing more and more people across the continent. Many African countries -- like South Sudan -- struggle for proper food. Proper nutrition is also one of the main issues in some African countries. Tijani noted Africa's economy to have improved, its food and agriculture market was estimated to reach one trillion dollars by 2030. The ongoing five-day conference in Sudan's capital will witness hundreds of delegates from across the continent. These delegates will discuss ways to eradicate hunger and food insecurity in Africa. (With inputs from AFP)

Food insecurity rising across Africa: United Nations 

A game reserve in Nambia has slammed US president Donald Trump&#39;s alleged remark over African countries and made a video promoting the country.&nbsp;

The video called - &quot;S***hole Nambia&quot; - was made by the Gondwana Collection Namibia, which runs several game reserves in the southern African nation. It comes following Trump&#39;s comment over immigrants from Haiti and African nations, referring to some as <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/why-do-we-want-people-from-these-shithole-countries-trump-over-immigrants-from-africa-haiti-29278" target="_blank">&quot;shithole countries</a>&quot;.

&quot;Why do we want all these people from Africa here? They&#39;re shithole countries ... We should have more people from Norway&quot; he said. He further slammed the need for Haitians in the United States.

Gondwana Collection Namibia, in their video, shows the country&#39;s great beauty - weeping desert dunes, starry skies and tourists enjoying a sunset beer overlooking the game reserve.

&quot;We would like to invite you to come to s***hole Namibia, one of the most beautiful s***hole countries out there,&quot; the faux-Trump voice-over says.

&quot;Actually Namibia is such a s***hole country that we converted about 42 per cent of it into various conservation areas, where wild s***hole animals can roam freely,&quot; it continues, with stunning footage of ostriches and elephants.

&quot;Not only is our country a s***hole place,&quot; the narrator continues, &quot;even our elephants are highly qualified to dump large amounts of s*** everywhere.&quot;

Watch the video here:

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false">
<div class="twitter-block" draggable="false"><iframe allow="autoplay; encrypted-media" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/XCz66YlNbPQ" width="560"></iframe></div>
<a class="close-mark close-div" href="#" id="jqclosemark">&times;</a></div>

&quot;You&#39;re more than welcome to visit Africa&#39;s number one s***hole country, known to your president as Nambia,&quot; it ends, in reference to another Trump gaffe.

The video has become a hit on social media - receiving thousands of views on Facebook and over 200,000 on Youtube.&nbsp;&nbsp;

A group of &quot;extremely appalled&quot; African countries earlier demanded that US President Donald Trump <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/54-african-countries-demand-trump-apology-over-shithole-remark-29377">retract and apologise</a> for his reported denunciation of immigration from &quot;shithole&quot; nations.

However, US President Donald Trump on Friday<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/trump-denies-vulgar-remarks-about-haiti-african-countries-condemnation-mounts-29379" target="_blank"> denied using the word</a> &quot;shithole&quot; to describe Haiti and African countries, but kept up criticism of a Senate immigration plan that he said would force the United States to admit people from countries that &quot;are doing badly.&quot;

The video called - 'S***hole Nambia' - was made by the Gondwana Collection Namibia, which runs several game reserves in the southern African nation

A game reserve in Nambia has slammed US president Donald Trump's alleged remark over African countries and made a video promoting the country. The video called - "S***hole Nambia" - was made by the Gondwana Collection Namibia, which runs several game reserves in the southern African nation. It comes following Trump's comment over immigrants from Haiti and African nations, referring to some as "shithole countries". "Why do we want all these people from Africa here? They're shithole countries ... We should have more people from Norway" he said. He further slammed the need for Haitians in the United States. Gondwana Collection Namibia, in their video, shows the country's great beauty - weeping desert dunes, starry skies and tourists enjoying a sunset beer overlooking the game reserve. "We would like to invite you to come to s***hole Namibia, one of the most beautiful s***hole countries out there," the faux-Trump voice-over says. "Actually Namibia is such a s***hole country that we converted about 42 per cent of it into various conservation areas, where wild s***hole animals can roam freely," it continues, with stunning footage of ostriches and elephants. "Not only is our country a s***hole place," the narrator continues, "even our elephants are highly qualified to dump large amounts of s*** everywhere." Watch the video here: × "You're more than welcome to visit Africa's number one s***hole country, known to your president as Nambia," it ends, in reference to another Trump gaffe. The video has become a hit on social media - receiving thousands of views on Facebook and over 200,000 on Youtube. A group of "extremely appalled" African countries earlier demanded that US President Donald Trump retract and apologise for his reported denunciation of immigration from "shithole" nations. However, US President Donald Trump on Friday denied using the word "shithole" to describe Haiti and African countries, but kept up criticism of a Senate immigration plan that he said would force the United States to admit people from countries that "are doing badly."

'You're welcome to visit Africa's number one s***hole country': Namibia mocks Trump

President Donald Trump on Thursday questioned why the United States would want to have immigrants from Haiti and African nations, referring to some as &quot;shithole countries&quot;.

&quot;Why do we want all these people from Africa here? They&#39;re shithole countries ... We should have more people from Norway&quot; he said. He further slammed the need for&nbsp;Haitians in the United States.

Trump&#39;s comments, made in the White House, came as Democratic Senator Dick Durbin and Republican Senator Lindsey Graham informed the president on a newly drafted immigration bill under works by a bipartisan group of senators.

The lawmakers were discussing how certain immigration programs work, including one to give safe haven in the United States to people from countries suffering from natural disasters and similar issues.

Many Democrats and some Republican lawmakers took to Twitter and lashed out at Trump.&nbsp;

Senator&nbsp;David Gergen said called Trump a bull carrying &quot;around his own china shop&quot;.

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Message from President of the US to foreigners: If you aren&#39;t white, you aren&#39;t welcome. A stream of stunning... <a href="https://t.co/DtIoRoLEo7">https://t.co/DtIoRoLEo7</a>
&mdash; David Gergen (@David_Gergen) <a href="https://twitter.com/David_Gergen/status/951608149089357825?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">January 12, 2018</a></blockquote>
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Lawyer David Leopold said that &quot;With his #Shithole countries slur Trump has confirmed what those of us who work in #immigration law &amp; policy have known since early last year; the Administration&#39;s draconian #immigration enforcement crackdown is a racist policy aimed at immigrants of color.&quot;

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With his <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Shithole?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Shithole</a> countries slur Trump has confirmed what those of us who work in <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/immigration?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#immigration</a> law &amp; policy have known since early last year; the Administration&#39;s draconian <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/immigration?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#immigration</a> enforcement crackdown is a racist policy aimed at immigrants of color.
&mdash; David Leopold (@DavidLeopold) <a href="https://twitter.com/DavidLeopold/status/951602973523791872?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">January 11, 2018</a></blockquote>
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Democratic Senator Richard Blumenthal, a frequent Trump critic, also took to Twitter to express his thoughts.&nbsp;

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President Trump&rsquo;s remarks smack of blatant racism &ndash; odious and insidious racism masquerading poorly as immigration policy. He does not speak for me as an American.
&mdash; Richard Blumenthal (@SenBlumenthal) <a href="https://twitter.com/SenBlumenthal/status/951602887829925888?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">January 11, 2018</a></blockquote>
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Republican US&nbsp;Representative Mia Love, a daughter of Haitian immigrants, said the comments were &quot;unkind, divisive, elitist, and fly in the face of our nation`s values&quot; and called on Trump to apologise to the American people and to the countries he denigrated.

Another Republican Representative, Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, who was born in Cuba and whose south Florida district includes many Haitian immigrants, said: &quot;Language like that shouldn`t be heard in locker rooms and it shouldn`t be heard in the White House.&quot;

Trump had moved to end the status for immigrants from El Salvador, which could result in 200,000 Salvadorans legally in the United States being deported, and other countries.

The bipartisan Senate plan would attempt to maintain TPS in return for ending or changing a &quot;diversity&quot; lottery programme that has been aimed at allowing up to 50,000 people a year from countries with few emigres to the United States.&nbsp;

Asked about Trump&#39;s quips, White House spokesman Raj Shah said: &quot;Certain Washington politicians choose to fight for foreign countries, but President Trump will always fight for the American people.&quot;

&quot;Like other nations that have merit-based immigration, President Trump is fighting for permanent solutions that make our country stronger by welcoming those who can contribute to our society, grow our economy and assimilate into our great nation,&quot; Shah said.

Trump questioned why the United States should take in unskilled labourers from the countries under discussion and should instead welcome immigrants from nations that can offer skilled workers.

The source said Trump did not intend any slur.

&nbsp;

(With agency inputs)

Many Democrats and some Republican lawmakers took to Twitter and lashed out at Trump

President Donald Trump on Thursday questioned why the United States would want to have immigrants from Haiti and African nations, referring to some as "shithole countries". "Why do we want all these people from Africa here? They're shithole countries ... We should have more people from Norway" he said. He further slammed the need for Haitians in the United States. Trump's comments, made in the White House, came as Democratic Senator Dick Durbin and Republican Senator Lindsey Graham informed the president on a newly drafted immigration bill under works by a bipartisan group of senators. The lawmakers were discussing how certain immigration programs work, including one to give safe haven in the United States to people from countries suffering from natural disasters and similar issues. Many Democrats and some Republican lawmakers took to Twitter and lashed out at Trump. Senator David Gergen said called Trump a bull carrying "around his own china shop". Message from President of the US to foreigners: If you aren't white, you aren't welcome. A stream of stunning... https://t.co/DtIoRoLEo7 — David Gergen (@David_Gergen) January 12, 2018 × Lawyer David Leopold said that "With his #Shithole countries slur Trump has confirmed what those of us who work in #immigration law & policy have known since early last year; the Administration's draconian #immigration enforcement crackdown is a racist policy aimed at immigrants of color." With his #Shithole countries slur Trump has confirmed what those of us who work in #immigration law & policy have known since early last year; the Administration's draconian #immigration enforcement crackdown is a racist policy aimed at immigrants of color. — David Leopold (@DavidLeopold) January 11, 2018 × Democratic Senator Richard Blumenthal, a frequent Trump critic, also took to Twitter to express his thoughts. President Trump’s remarks smack of blatant racism – odious and insidious racism masquerading poorly as immigration policy. He does not speak for me as an American. — Richard Blumenthal (@SenBlumenthal) January 11, 2018 × Republican US Representative Mia Love, a daughter of Haitian immigrants, said the comments were "unkind, divisive, elitist, and fly in the face of our nation`s values" and called on Trump to apologise to the American people and to the countries he denigrated. Another Republican Representative, Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, who was born in Cuba and whose south Florida district includes many Haitian immigrants, said: "Language like that shouldn`t be heard in locker rooms and it shouldn`t be heard in the White House." Trump had moved to end the status for immigrants from El Salvador, which could result in 200,000 Salvadorans legally in the United States being deported, and other countries. The bipartisan Senate plan would attempt to maintain TPS in return for ending or changing a "diversity" lottery programme that has been aimed at allowing up to 50,000 people a year from countries with few emigres to the United States. Asked about Trump's quips, White House spokesman Raj Shah said: "Certain Washington politicians choose to fight for foreign countries, but President Trump will always fight for the American people." "Like other nations that have merit-based immigration, President Trump is fighting for permanent solutions that make our country stronger by welcoming those who can contribute to our society, grow our economy and assimilate into our great nation," Shah said. Trump questioned why the United States should take in unskilled labourers from the countries under discussion and should instead welcome immigrants from nations that can offer skilled workers. The source said Trump did not intend any slur. (With agency inputs)

Lawmakers angry over Trump's expletive on immigrants

Ahead of World AIDS Day on Friday, here is a snapshot in numbers, based on UN data, of the deadly disease which was identified in the early 1980s.

17 seconds 
Roughly 1.8 million people worldwide contracted the virus that causes AIDS in 2016. That figure breaks down to about one HIV infection every 17 seconds, or almost 5,000 per day.

Two-thirds of new cases in Africa 
Since 2010 the rate of infection among adults has decreased slowly from 1.9 million to 1.7 million per year in 2016. Two-thirds of new cases occur in Africa.

Children&#39;s cases cut almost by half 
New infections among children have fallen sharply: since 2010 they have been cut almost by half from 300,000 to 160,000 in 2016.

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<h5>New infections among children have fallen sharply: since 2010 they have been cut almost by half from 300,000 to 160,000 in 2016</h5>
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A key factor has been detection among pregnant women in Africa, followed by treatment with anti-retroviral drugs that protect their baby.

Nearing 40 million with HIV 
Close to 40 million people live with the virus today. UNAIDS put their number last year at 36.7 million.

The number continues to increase, however, owing to continued transmission of the disease and increased access to anti-retroviral drugs in developing countries which has raised the survival rate of HIV-positive people.

Deaths halved 
AIDS-related deaths have declined by almost 50 percent since a peak of 1.9 million in 2005, to 1.0 million in 2016.

Some 20.9 million people now have access to treatment which is effective when followed regularly.

Some 76.1 million have been infected since the AIDS epidemic erupted in 1981 according to UNAIDS, with 35 million dying over that period.

World AIDS Day is observed every year on December 1

Ahead of World AIDS Day on Friday, here is a snapshot in numbers, based on UN data, of the deadly disease which was identified in the early 1980s. 17 seconds Roughly 1.8 million people worldwide contracted the virus that causes AIDS in 2016. That figure breaks down to about one HIV infection every 17 seconds, or almost 5,000 per day. Two-thirds of new cases in Africa Since 2010 the rate of infection among adults has decreased slowly from 1.9 million to 1.7 million per year in 2016. Two-thirds of new cases occur in Africa. Children's cases cut almost by half New infections among children have fallen sharply: since 2010 they have been cut almost by half from 300,000 to 160,000 in 2016. New infections among children have fallen sharply: since 2010 they have been cut almost by half from 300,000 to 160,000 in 2016 × A key factor has been detection among pregnant women in Africa, followed by treatment with anti-retroviral drugs that protect their baby. Nearing 40 million with HIV Close to 40 million people live with the virus today. UNAIDS put their number last year at 36.7 million. The number continues to increase, however, owing to continued transmission of the disease and increased access to anti-retroviral drugs in developing countries which has raised the survival rate of HIV-positive people. Deaths halved AIDS-related deaths have declined by almost 50 percent since a peak of 1.9 million in 2005, to 1.0 million in 2016. Some 20.9 million people now have access to treatment which is effective when followed regularly. Some 76.1 million have been infected since the AIDS epidemic erupted in 1981 according to UNAIDS, with 35 million dying over that period.

World AIDS Day: 1 HIV infection every 17 seconds in 2016

At least 25 migrants died after their boat sank off Libya&#39;s western coast on Saturday and survivors were being brought back to port in Tripoli, Libyan coastguard officials said.

Libya is the main departure point for mostly African migrants trying to cross to Europe. Smugglers usually pack them into flimsy inflatable boats that often break down or sink.

Most migrants are picked up by international vessels and taken to Italy, where more than 115,000 have landed so far this year, although an increasing number are intercepted by Libya&#39;s European-backed coastguard and returned to the North African country.

Since July, there has been a sharp drop in crossings, though this week has seen a renewed surge in departures.

Nearly 3,000 migrants are known to have died or been missing after trying to cross to Europe by sea this year, the majority of them between Libya and Italy. The International Organization for Migration said on Friday that since 2000 the Mediterranean had been &quot;by far the world&#39;s deadliest border&quot;.

Libya is the main departure point for mostly African migrants trying to cross to Europe and the smugglers usually pack them into flimsy inflatable boats that often break down or sink

At least 25 migrants died after their boat sank off Libya's western coast on Saturday and survivors were being brought back to port in Tripoli, Libyan coastguard officials said. Libya is the main departure point for mostly African migrants trying to cross to Europe. Smugglers usually pack them into flimsy inflatable boats that often break down or sink. Most migrants are picked up by international vessels and taken to Italy, where more than 115,000 have landed so far this year, although an increasing number are intercepted by Libya's European-backed coastguard and returned to the North African country. Since July, there has been a sharp drop in crossings, though this week has seen a renewed surge in departures. Nearly 3,000 migrants are known to have died or been missing after trying to cross to Europe by sea this year, the majority of them between Libya and Italy. The International Organization for Migration said on Friday that since 2000 the Mediterranean had been "by far the world's deadliest border".

At least 25 dead after migrant boat sinks off Libya

Zimbabwe&rsquo;s economic growth is threatened by high government spending, an untenable foreign exchange regime and inadequate reforms, a senior International Monetary Fund (IMF) official said.

Zimbabwe was once one of Africa&rsquo;s most promising economies but suffered decades of decline as former President Robert Mugabe pursued policies that included the violent seizure of white-owned commercial farms and money-printing that led to hyperinflation.

Mugabe, 93, resigned on Tuesday after nearly four decades in power following pressure from the military, the ruling ZANU-PF party, and the general population.

New ZANU-PF leader Emmerson Mnangagwa is expected to be sworn in as Zimbabwe&rsquo;s president on Friday.

Zimbabwe has not been able to borrow from international lenders since 1999 when it started defaulting on its debt and has $1.75 billion rands in foreign arrears.

&ldquo;The economic situation in Zimbabwe remains very difficult,&rdquo; Gene Leon, IMF&rsquo;s mission chief for Zimbabwe said in a statement to Reuters late on Wednesday.

&ldquo;Immediate action is critical to reduce the deficit to a sustainable level, accelerate structural reforms, and re-engage with the international community to access much needed financial support.&rdquo;

Leon said Zimbabwe should resolve arrears to the World Bank, African Development Bank, and the European Investment Bank, among other reforms, for the IMF to consider future financing request from the country.

Zimbabwe should also be ready to implement strong macroeconomic policies and structural reforms to restore fiscal and debt sustainability, Leon said.

Zimbabwe was once one of Africa?s most promising economies but suffered decades of decline as former President Robert Mugabe pursued policies that included the violent seizure of white-owned commercial farms and money-printing that led to hyperinflation

Zimbabwe’s economic growth is threatened by high government spending, an untenable foreign exchange regime and inadequate reforms, a senior International Monetary Fund (IMF) official said. Zimbabwe was once one of Africa’s most promising economies but suffered decades of decline as former President Robert Mugabe pursued policies that included the violent seizure of white-owned commercial farms and money-printing that led to hyperinflation. Mugabe, 93, resigned on Tuesday after nearly four decades in power following pressure from the military, the ruling ZANU-PF party, and the general population. New ZANU-PF leader Emmerson Mnangagwa is expected to be sworn in as Zimbabwe’s president on Friday. Zimbabwe has not been able to borrow from international lenders since 1999 when it started defaulting on its debt and has $1.75 billion rands in foreign arrears. “The economic situation in Zimbabwe remains very difficult,” Gene Leon, IMF’s mission chief for Zimbabwe said in a statement to Reuters late on Wednesday. “Immediate action is critical to reduce the deficit to a sustainable level, accelerate structural reforms, and re-engage with the international community to access much needed financial support.” Leon said Zimbabwe should resolve arrears to the World Bank, African Development Bank, and the European Investment Bank, among other reforms, for the IMF to consider future financing request from the country. Zimbabwe should also be ready to implement strong macroeconomic policies and structural reforms to restore fiscal and debt sustainability, Leon said.

Zimbabwe's economic situation 'very difficult': IMF mission chief

The US&nbsp;military said it killed more than&nbsp;100&nbsp;Islamist&nbsp;militants&nbsp;in Somalia&nbsp;on Tuesday when it launched an&nbsp;air&nbsp;strike&nbsp;against al Shabaab, an al Qaeda-linked insurgent group that wants to topple the UN-backed government.

The military&#39;s Africa Command said the&nbsp;strike&nbsp;was carried out on a camp 125 miles (201 km) northwest of the capital, Mogadishu and that the United States would continue to target&nbsp;militants.

The&nbsp;strike&nbsp;was done in coordination with&nbsp;Somalia&#39;s federal government, the Pentagon said.

US&nbsp;air&nbsp;strikes killing such a large number of&nbsp;militants&nbsp;in&nbsp;Somalia&nbsp;are rare, but not unprecedented. In March 2016, a US&nbsp;air strike&nbsp;killed more than 150 al Shabaab fighters in&nbsp;Somalia.

Somalia&#39;s state news agency SONNA reported late on Tuesday that &quot;about&nbsp;100&nbsp;militants&quot; were killed when US&nbsp;planes and Somali commandos attacked al Shabaab bases in the Bur Elay area of Bay region.

Al Shabaab spokesman Abdiasis Abu Musab denied the attack. &quot;It is just... propaganda,&quot; he told Reuters in&nbsp;Somalia.

Al Shabaab is fighting to topple&nbsp;Somalia&rsquo;s Western-backed transitional federal government and impose its own rule on the Horn of Africa country.

Earlier this month, the US&nbsp;warned of a threat to its diplomatic staff in Mogadishu and directed all non-essential staff to leave the capital.

Al Shabaab has lost control of most of&nbsp;Somalia&rsquo;s cities and towns since it was pushed out of Mogadishu in 2011. But it retains a strong presence in parts of the south and center and carries out gun and bomb attacks.

&quot;Al-Shabaab has publicly committed to planning and conducting attacks against the US&nbsp;and our partners in the region,&quot; the US&nbsp;military statement said.

Al Shabaab aims to topple&nbsp;Somalia&#39;s government, drive out African Union peacekeeping troops and impose its own harsh interpretation of Islamic law.

Earlier this month, the US&nbsp;military also carried out its first&nbsp;strikes against Islamic State&nbsp;militants in&nbsp;Somalia&nbsp;and said it killed &quot;several terrorists.&quot;

The military's Africa Command said the?strike?was carried out on a camp 125 miles (201 km) northwest of the capital, Mogadishu and that the United States would continue to target?militants

The US military said it killed more than 100 Islamist militants in Somalia on Tuesday when it launched an air strike against al Shabaab, an al Qaeda-linked insurgent group that wants to topple the UN-backed government. The military's Africa Command said the strike was carried out on a camp 125 miles (201 km) northwest of the capital, Mogadishu and that the United States would continue to target militants. The strike was done in coordination with Somalia's federal government, the Pentagon said. US air strikes killing such a large number of militants in Somalia are rare, but not unprecedented. In March 2016, a US air strike killed more than 150 al Shabaab fighters in Somalia. Somalia's state news agency SONNA reported late on Tuesday that "about 100 militants" were killed when US planes and Somali commandos attacked al Shabaab bases in the Bur Elay area of Bay region. Al Shabaab spokesman Abdiasis Abu Musab denied the attack. "It is just... propaganda," he told Reuters in Somalia. Al Shabaab is fighting to topple Somalia’s Western-backed transitional federal government and impose its own rule on the Horn of Africa country. Earlier this month, the US warned of a threat to its diplomatic staff in Mogadishu and directed all non-essential staff to leave the capital. Al Shabaab has lost control of most of Somalia’s cities and towns since it was pushed out of Mogadishu in 2011. But it retains a strong presence in parts of the south and center and carries out gun and bomb attacks. "Al-Shabaab has publicly committed to planning and conducting attacks against the US and our partners in the region," the US military statement said. Al Shabaab aims to topple Somalia's government, drive out African Union peacekeeping troops and impose its own harsh interpretation of Islamic law. Earlier this month, the US military also carried out its first strikes against Islamic State militants in Somalia and said it killed "several terrorists."

US says air strike kills over 100 militants in Somalia

Soon after Zimbabwe&rsquo;s army confined President Robert Mugabe to his palatial Harare home this week &ndash; allegedly for his safety &ndash; it was announced in Luanda that Angola&rsquo;s new President, Jo&atilde;o Louren&ccedil;o, had relieved Isabel dos Santos of her position as head of the state-run oil company Sonangol.

While there may not be any direct connection between these two events, they suggest some intriguing comparisons. In both countries, ruling families seem to have failed to secure themselves in power.

When Mugabe, as leader of the Zimbabwean African National Union-Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF), became ruler of Zimbabwe at independence in April 1980, Jos&eacute; Eduardo dos Santos was already President of Angola. He had succeeded to that position after the death of Agostinho Neto in September 1979.

Dos Santos had to deal with external intervention and over two decades of civil war, during which he ruled dictatorially. Mugabe, despite a facade of constitutionalism and regular elections, also became increasingly dictatorial. He abandoned adherence to the rule of law and his country&rsquo;s economy collapsed. Angola became notorious for the scale of the corruption linked especially to its oil riches. Zimbabwe went from bread-basket to basket-case. With the great majority of the people of both countries living in dire poverty, Dos Santos flew to Europe when he needed medical attention, while Mugabe went to Singapore.

Though Dos Santos was probably as reluctant as Mugabe to give up power, he decided to quit as president of the country and try to retain influence through the ruling party and members of his family. Mugabe tried to impose his wife on his party as his chosen successor and then to cling on to his positions even when the army took effective control of his country.

Given recent developments in Luanda and Harare, it would seem that neither of these two old men have succeeded in securing their family dynasties.

Dos Santos&rsquo;s succession plan

By 2016, suffering health problems that took him to Spain for treatment, Dos Santos announced that he would step down as president of Angola and he approved his Minister of Defence, Jo&atilde;o Manuel Gon&ccedil;alves Louren&ccedil;o as his successor.

Following the victory of the ruling Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) in the general election held in August this year, Louren&ccedil;o took over as president in September. But Dos Santos remained president of the MPLA, and clearly expected Louren&ccedil;o to look after his interests and that of his family, who had become enormously wealthy.

From the action Louren&ccedil;o has now taken against Dos Santos&rsquo; billionaire daughter Isabel, it would seem that he&rsquo;s becoming his own man. It appears he wishes to distance himself from the Dos Santos family, which for many Angolans is associated with corruption on a vast scale.

The London-educated Isabel has proved herself to be a very capable businesswoman, and though the Angolan economy has been suffering because of low oil prices, on top of massive corruption, it&rsquo;s unlikely she was sacked to bring in a better chief executive to run the country&rsquo;s most important state-owned company. There is talk in Luanda that Isabel&rsquo;s brother, Jos&eacute; Filomeno dos Santos, will be relieved of his position as head of the country&rsquo;s large Sovereign Wealth Fund and that his father, the former president of the country, will be replaced as president of the ruling party, though that may have to wait until a party congress is held.

Mugabe&rsquo;s succession plan

In Zimbabwe Mugabe has sought to arrange that his wife will succeed him. But Gucci Grace and Robert made the mistake of trying to ensure this by firing Vice-President Emmerson Mnangagwa.

Though at the time of writing, the 93-year-old Mugabe remains president both of the country and of the ruling Zanu-PF party, it&rsquo;s widely expected that he will soon be relieved of both positions, probably by Mnangagwa, with the assistance of the army.

Changes for the better?

New leadership in Angola and Zimbabwe will have an impact on the region as a whole.

Given Mnangagwa&rsquo;s record as a long-serving member of the government in Zimbabwe and his involvement in the mass killing of Ndebele in the early 1980s, it is hardly likely that he will emerge as a champion of democracy.

In Angola, Louren&ccedil;o is still finding his feet as head of government.

It is therefore unrealistic to hope that either country will soon move from decades of repressive rule and lack of transparency to greater constitutionalism and closer adherence to the rule of law.

But if we are witnessing the end of an era in which dictators stayed in power for decades and tried to secure their continuing influence through their families, and if we are seeing the diminishing importance of liberation movements turned political party, this must be good not only for Angola and Zimbabwe but for the southern African region as a whole.

It should also hold lessons for those who rule in neighbouring countries.

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com" rel="nofollow" target="blank">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/mugabe-and-dos-santos-africas-old-men-seem-finally-to-be-fading-away-87689" rel="nofollow" target="blank">original article</a>.

The end of an era in which dictators like Mugabe and Dos Santos stayed in power for decades, is good not only for Angola and Zimbabwe but for southern Africa as a whole

Soon after Zimbabwe’s army confined President Robert Mugabe to his palatial Harare home this week – allegedly for his safety – it was announced in Luanda that Angola’s new President, João Lourenço, had relieved Isabel dos Santos of her position as head of the state-run oil company Sonangol. While there may not be any direct connection between these two events, they suggest some intriguing comparisons. In both countries, ruling families seem to have failed to secure themselves in power. When Mugabe, as leader of the Zimbabwean African National Union-Patriotic Front (Zanu-PF), became ruler of Zimbabwe at independence in April 1980, José Eduardo dos Santos was already President of Angola. He had succeeded to that position after the death of Agostinho Neto in September 1979. Dos Santos had to deal with external intervention and over two decades of civil war, during which he ruled dictatorially. Mugabe, despite a facade of constitutionalism and regular elections, also became increasingly dictatorial. He abandoned adherence to the rule of law and his country’s economy collapsed. Angola became notorious for the scale of the corruption linked especially to its oil riches. Zimbabwe went from bread-basket to basket-case. With the great majority of the people of both countries living in dire poverty, Dos Santos flew to Europe when he needed medical attention, while Mugabe went to Singapore. Though Dos Santos was probably as reluctant as Mugabe to give up power, he decided to quit as president of the country and try to retain influence through the ruling party and members of his family. Mugabe tried to impose his wife on his party as his chosen successor and then to cling on to his positions even when the army took effective control of his country. Given recent developments in Luanda and Harare, it would seem that neither of these two old men have succeeded in securing their family dynasties. Dos Santos’s succession plan By 2016, suffering health problems that took him to Spain for treatment, Dos Santos announced that he would step down as president of Angola and he approved his Minister of Defence, João Manuel Gonçalves Lourenço as his successor. Following the victory of the ruling Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) in the general election held in August this year, Lourenço took over as president in September. But Dos Santos remained president of the MPLA, and clearly expected Lourenço to look after his interests and that of his family, who had become enormously wealthy. From the action Lourenço has now taken against Dos Santos’ billionaire daughter Isabel, it would seem that he’s becoming his own man. It appears he wishes to distance himself from the Dos Santos family, which for many Angolans is associated with corruption on a vast scale. The London-educated Isabel has proved herself to be a very capable businesswoman, and though the Angolan economy has been suffering because of low oil prices, on top of massive corruption, it’s unlikely she was sacked to bring in a better chief executive to run the country’s most important state-owned company. There is talk in Luanda that Isabel’s brother, José Filomeno dos Santos, will be relieved of his position as head of the country’s large Sovereign Wealth Fund and that his father, the former president of the country, will be replaced as president of the ruling party, though that may have to wait until a party congress is held. Mugabe’s succession plan In Zimbabwe Mugabe has sought to arrange that his wife will succeed him. But Gucci Grace and Robert made the mistake of trying to ensure this by firing Vice-President Emmerson Mnangagwa. Though at the time of writing, the 93-year-old Mugabe remains president both of the country and of the ruling Zanu-PF party, it’s widely expected that he will soon be relieved of both positions, probably by Mnangagwa, with the assistance of the army. Changes for the better? New leadership in Angola and Zimbabwe will have an impact on the region as a whole. Given Mnangagwa’s record as a long-serving member of the government in Zimbabwe and his involvement in the mass killing of Ndebele in the early 1980s, it is hardly likely that he will emerge as a champion of democracy. In Angola, Lourenço is still finding his feet as head of government. It is therefore unrealistic to hope that either country will soon move from decades of repressive rule and lack of transparency to greater constitutionalism and closer adherence to the rule of law. But if we are witnessing the end of an era in which dictators stayed in power for decades and tried to secure their continuing influence through their families, and if we are seeing the diminishing importance of liberation movements turned political party, this must be good not only for Angola and Zimbabwe but for the southern African region as a whole. It should also hold lessons for those who rule in neighbouring countries. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

Mugabe and Dos Santos: No place for dictators in Africa

For decades, Robert Mugabe ruled Zimbabwe in a ruthless, even reckless manner. Over nearly 40 years, he turned the &ldquo;jewel of Africa&rdquo; into an economic basket case that&rsquo;s seen inflation of up to 800 percent.

Then, late in the night of Nov. 14, the country&rsquo;s security services detained and put Zimbabwe&rsquo;s 93-year-old president under house arrest in what appeared to be a military coup. The whereabouts of his powerful wife, Grace, are unconfirmed.

Much remains unclear at this early stage. Will violence erupt? Is this really the end of the Mugabe era?

I don&rsquo;t know the answers to those questions yet. I&rsquo;m not sure even Vice President Emerson Mnangagwa, who appears to have orchestrated Mugabe&rsquo;s overthrow, knows how his gambit will turn out.

But with each passing hour, it is increasingly evident that Zimbabwe &ndash; a country whose politics I spent uncountable hours grappling with as a State Department official &ndash; is poised to see its first real leadership transition since 1980.

Setting the stage for Zimbabwe&rsquo;s coup

For decades, Mugabe&rsquo;s grip on Zimbabwe was iron-clad. Even when challenged by an invigorated opposition in 2008, he kept the presidency by entering into a nominal power-sharing agreement. After a decisive electoral victory in 2013, though, he cast the coalition aside.

But as the elderly president grew increasingly frail this year, the power struggle to succeed him became frenzied. Two major camps were vying for power.

Vice President Emerson Mnangagwa, who as a soldier fighting for Zimbabwe&rsquo;s liberation earned the nickname &ldquo;the crocodile,&rdquo; represented the old guard. The 75-year-old enjoyed strong military backing, particularly from the veterans&rsquo; association, a powerful coalition of former combatants from Zimbabwe&rsquo;s independence struggle which began in 1964 and ended in 1979.

Last year, the group broke with Mugabe in a public letter, declaring that he had &ldquo;presided over unbridled corruption and downright mismanagement of the economy, leading to national economic ruin.&rdquo; Many believed that Vice President Mnangagwa orchestrated the group&rsquo;s letter as a shot across the bow to warn would-be rivals.

The second camp jockeying to control Zimbabwe before the coup was led by Mugabe&rsquo;s current wife, Grace Mugabe. At a relatively spry 53, she represented the younger generation, drawing significant support from the ruling party&rsquo;s loyalist Youth League and from an informal grouping of emerging leaders known as &ldquo;Generation 40.&rdquo;

But Grace Mugabe was deeply unpopular among ordinary Zimbabweans, who called her &ldquo;Gucci Grace&rdquo; because of her extravagant spending. Plus, she had a reputation for cruelty. Earlier this year, the president&rsquo;s wife faced accusations of beating a 20-year old South African model with an electric cable.

In September, after Vice President Mnangagwa was emergency airlifted to South Africa due to a strange illness, Grace Mugabe had to publicly deny, on state TV, that she had poisoned her rival.

As recently as early November, it appeared that Grace&rsquo;s camp had prevailed. President Mugabe sacked Mnangagwa, who fled to South Africa. Mnangagwa, it seems, had a different plan. While in exile, he stayed in touch with his military allies.

On Nov. 14, Mnangagwa&rsquo;s camp struck back. By the next morning, Mugabe was under house arrest, his wife had reportedly fled to Namibia seeking asylum and Mnangagwa&rsquo;s cohort appeared to control the country.

Democracy or dictatorship?

At least, that&rsquo;s the picture right now. Events have moved swiftly in the last 24 hours, and some big questions remain unanswered.

If Mnangagwa officially takes power, the first unknown is whether he will rule by fiat or cobble together a transitional government. It&rsquo;s unclear whether Mnanangwa and his allies have any real interest in introducing democracy to Zimbabwe. To do so, they would need to hold an election within a reasonable period of time, say six months.

Military coups don&rsquo;t have a promising track record of ushering in democracy. Recent scholarship finds that while &ldquo;democratisation coups&rdquo; have become more frequent worldwide, their most common outcome is to replace an incumbent dictatorship with a &ldquo;different group of autocrats.&rdquo;

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Soldiers patrol the streets of Harare, Zimbabwe&rsquo;s capital, after a military coup d&#39;etat against president Robert Mugabe. (AP)
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Signals in Zimbabwe are mixed so far. Experts generally describe the latest developments as &ldquo;an internecine fight&rdquo; among inner-circle elites and ask two key questions: Which side will prevail, and will violence break out?

In my assessment, the answers hinge on Mnangagwa, a hard-nosed realist and survivor who was critical in securing Mugabe&rsquo;s four-decade rule. Mnangagwa has an appalling human rights record. Many consider him responsible for overseeing a series of massacres between 1982 and 1986 known as the &ldquo;Gukurahundi,&rdquo; in which an estimated 20,000 civilians from the Ndebele ethnic group perished.

More recently, in 2008, civil society groups accused Mnangagwa of orchestrating electoral violence against the political opposition and rigging polls in Mugabe&rsquo;s favour.

It is also true that Mnangagwa is massively invested in ensuring his continued and unfettered access to power, which has proven highly lucrative for him. The vice president is &ldquo;reputed&rdquo; to be one of Zimbabwe&rsquo;s richest people. All of this suggests he might become yet another dictator.

&lsquo;Unity&rsquo; for Zimbabwe?

Nonetheless, reports indicate that Mnangagwa is currently talking to several opposition parties about potentially forming a transitional government.

A key stakeholder in any such arrangement would be Morgan Tsvangirai of the Movement for Democratic Change, who served as prime minister to Mugabe as part of the 2009 power-sharing agreement.

That coalition achieved some success on economic matters, but Mugabe&rsquo;s party never relinquished any real authority. Mnangagwa was among those who clung to power back then, but I believe he might play things differently now. Mnangagwa is no reformer, but he does need to find ways to bolster his legitimacy. Not to mention he will quickly need to confront Zimbabwe&rsquo;s massive economic woes.

The choices that Zimbabwe&rsquo;s political leadership makes in the coming weeks will have immense consequences for the future of a country whose development has stagnated under 40 years of authoritarian rule.

Real transitions in Zimbabwe are all too rare. Mugabe led the country to independence in March 1980, assumed the presidency and never left. His demise represents a chance for a political reset.

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com" rel="nofollow" target="blank">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/after-coup-will-zimbabwe-see-democracy-or-dictatorship-87563" rel="nofollow" target="blank">original article</a>.

The choices that Zimbabwe?s political leadership will make for the future of a country will have immense consequences

For decades, Robert Mugabe ruled Zimbabwe in a ruthless, even reckless manner. Over nearly 40 years, he turned the “jewel of Africa” into an economic basket case that’s seen inflation of up to 800 percent. Then, late in the night of Nov. 14, the country’s security services detained and put Zimbabwe’s 93-year-old president under house arrest in what appeared to be a military coup. The whereabouts of his powerful wife, Grace, are unconfirmed. Much remains unclear at this early stage. Will violence erupt? Is this really the end of the Mugabe era? I don’t know the answers to those questions yet. I’m not sure even Vice President Emerson Mnangagwa, who appears to have orchestrated Mugabe’s overthrow, knows how his gambit will turn out. But with each passing hour, it is increasingly evident that Zimbabwe – a country whose politics I spent uncountable hours grappling with as a State Department official – is poised to see its first real leadership transition since 1980. Setting the stage for Zimbabwe’s coup For decades, Mugabe’s grip on Zimbabwe was iron-clad. Even when challenged by an invigorated opposition in 2008, he kept the presidency by entering into a nominal power-sharing agreement. After a decisive electoral victory in 2013, though, he cast the coalition aside. But as the elderly president grew increasingly frail this year, the power struggle to succeed him became frenzied. Two major camps were vying for power. Vice President Emerson Mnangagwa, who as a soldier fighting for Zimbabwe’s liberation earned the nickname “the crocodile,” represented the old guard. The 75-year-old enjoyed strong military backing, particularly from the veterans’ association, a powerful coalition of former combatants from Zimbabwe’s independence struggle which began in 1964 and ended in 1979. Last year, the group broke with Mugabe in a public letter, declaring that he had “presided over unbridled corruption and downright mismanagement of the economy, leading to national economic ruin.” Many believed that Vice President Mnangagwa orchestrated the group’s letter as a shot across the bow to warn would-be rivals. The second camp jockeying to control Zimbabwe before the coup was led by Mugabe’s current wife, Grace Mugabe. At a relatively spry 53, she represented the younger generation, drawing significant support from the ruling party’s loyalist Youth League and from an informal grouping of emerging leaders known as “Generation 40.” But Grace Mugabe was deeply unpopular among ordinary Zimbabweans, who called her “Gucci Grace” because of her extravagant spending. Plus, she had a reputation for cruelty. Earlier this year, the president’s wife faced accusations of beating a 20-year old South African model with an electric cable. In September, after Vice President Mnangagwa was emergency airlifted to South Africa due to a strange illness, Grace Mugabe had to publicly deny, on state TV, that she had poisoned her rival. As recently as early November, it appeared that Grace’s camp had prevailed. President Mugabe sacked Mnangagwa, who fled to South Africa. Mnangagwa, it seems, had a different plan. While in exile, he stayed in touch with his military allies. On Nov. 14, Mnangagwa’s camp struck back. By the next morning, Mugabe was under house arrest, his wife had reportedly fled to Namibia seeking asylum and Mnangagwa’s cohort appeared to control the country. Democracy or dictatorship? At least, that’s the picture right now. Events have moved swiftly in the last 24 hours, and some big questions remain unanswered. If Mnangagwa officially takes power, the first unknown is whether he will rule by fiat or cobble together a transitional government. It’s unclear whether Mnanangwa and his allies have any real interest in introducing democracy to Zimbabwe. To do so, they would need to hold an election within a reasonable period of time, say six months. Military coups don’t have a promising track record of ushering in democracy. Recent scholarship finds that while “democratisation coups” have become more frequent worldwide, their most common outcome is to replace an incumbent dictatorship with a “different group of autocrats.” Soldiers patrol the streets of Harare, Zimbabwe’s capital, after a military coup d'etat against president Robert Mugabe. (AP) × Signals in Zimbabwe are mixed so far. Experts generally describe the latest developments as “an internecine fight” among inner-circle elites and ask two key questions: Which side will prevail, and will violence break out? In my assessment, the answers hinge on Mnangagwa, a hard-nosed realist and survivor who was critical in securing Mugabe’s four-decade rule. Mnangagwa has an appalling human rights record. Many consider him responsible for overseeing a series of massacres between 1982 and 1986 known as the “Gukurahundi,” in which an estimated 20,000 civilians from the Ndebele ethnic group perished. More recently, in 2008, civil society groups accused Mnangagwa of orchestrating electoral violence against the political opposition and rigging polls in Mugabe’s favour. It is also true that Mnangagwa is massively invested in ensuring his continued and unfettered access to power, which has proven highly lucrative for him. The vice president is “reputed” to be one of Zimbabwe’s richest people. All of this suggests he might become yet another dictator. ‘Unity’ for Zimbabwe? Nonetheless, reports indicate that Mnangagwa is currently talking to several opposition parties about potentially forming a transitional government. A key stakeholder in any such arrangement would be Morgan Tsvangirai of the Movement for Democratic Change, who served as prime minister to Mugabe as part of the 2009 power-sharing agreement. That coalition achieved some success on economic matters, but Mugabe’s party never relinquished any real authority. Mnangagwa was among those who clung to power back then, but I believe he might play things differently now. Mnangagwa is no reformer, but he does need to find ways to bolster his legitimacy. Not to mention he will quickly need to confront Zimbabwe’s massive economic woes. The choices that Zimbabwe’s political leadership makes in the coming weeks will have immense consequences for the future of a country whose development has stagnated under 40 years of authoritarian rule. Real transitions in Zimbabwe are all too rare. Mugabe led the country to independence in March 1980, assumed the presidency and never left. His demise represents a chance for a political reset. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

After the coup, will a dictator rule Zimbabwe?

Four people were killed and over 20 wounded when grenades were thrown into a concert in the capital of the chronically unstable Central African Republic, while revenge attacks later left another three people dead, the UN peacekeeping force and a local official said Sunday.&nbsp;

In the first serious incident of violence in Bangui this year, the assault late Saturday saw two unidentified attackers hurl grenades at a cafe called &quot;On the Crossroads of Peace&quot; during a performance, said Herve Verhoosel, spokesman for the UN peacekeeping force MINUSCA.

CAR&#39;s minister for public security, Henri Wanzet, told state radio that four people had died in the attack and around 20 were injured. An official probe has been opened, Wanzet said.&nbsp;

The cafe is located near the PK5 majority Muslim district of Bangui, once a Muslim rebel bastion, and now home to several armed groups.&nbsp;

Even though relative peace has been restored in Central Africa following the civil war that erupted in 2013, inter-communal tensions remain.

Among those injured in Saturday&#39;s attack were several musicians from the group that was performing, Verhoosel said.

A doctor at the hospital where the injured were rushed for treatment said 21 people had been admitted.

Seven others were taken to another health centre, a local official with Doctors Without Borders (MSF) medical charity said.

A local public figure said three people were killed later in the night in revenge attacks -&nbsp;two of whom had their throats cut and one who was beaten to death.

&quot;They were two motorcycle-taxi drivers and a young man who was walking in the neighbourhood,&quot; the man, who asked not to be identified, he said. &quot;They are innocents&quot;.

He appealed for calm in the neighbourhood where sporadic gunfire could be heard and armed members of &quot;self-defence&quot; groups patrolled. An armoured car carrying MINUSCA troops was stationed at the entrance to PK5.

An AFP correspondent saw three bodies taken to the morgue from a local mosque.

A witness who did not give his name said the attackers at the cafe had launched four grenades.

In a video posted on his Facebook page, the concert&#39;s singer Ozaguin - dubbed the king of Central African rumba - confirmed six of his fellow musicians had been injured.

He said he was surprised that he was not himself injured by grenade fragments.

&quot;Ozaguin came to perform here to ensure that all Central Africans -&nbsp;Muslims and Christians - can find some social cohesion,&quot; the cafe&#39;s owner, Issiakou Guymba, told AFP.

&quot;An unidentified group came on a motorcycle-taxi, they threw one or some grenades in the middle of the crowd,&quot; he said.

&quot;It makes us lose hope when people come to cause panic like that among the population.&quot;

Mired in poverty but rich in diamonds and other minerals, CAR has been battered by a conflict between rival militias that began after then-president Francois Bozize was overthrown in 2013.

Under a UN mandate, the former colonial power France intervened to push out the Muslim Seleka rebels who had taken over, and the UN launched a peacekeeping mission in 2014.

But the country remains chronically prone to violence, with armed groups controlling most of the country.

Fighting between armed groups around the town of Batangafo in northern CAR left at least two dead and 10 wounded at the end of last month.

Among those injured in Saturday's attack were several musicians from the group that was performing

Four people were killed and over 20 wounded when grenades were thrown into a concert in the capital of the chronically unstable Central African Republic, while revenge attacks later left another three people dead, the UN peacekeeping force and a local official said Sunday. In the first serious incident of violence in Bangui this year, the assault late Saturday saw two unidentified attackers hurl grenades at a cafe called "On the Crossroads of Peace" during a performance, said Herve Verhoosel, spokesman for the UN peacekeeping force MINUSCA. CAR's minister for public security, Henri Wanzet, told state radio that four people had died in the attack and around 20 were injured. An official probe has been opened, Wanzet said. The cafe is located near the PK5 majority Muslim district of Bangui, once a Muslim rebel bastion, and now home to several armed groups. Even though relative peace has been restored in Central Africa following the civil war that erupted in 2013, inter-communal tensions remain. Among those injured in Saturday's attack were several musicians from the group that was performing, Verhoosel said. A doctor at the hospital where the injured were rushed for treatment said 21 people had been admitted. Seven others were taken to another health centre, a local official with Doctors Without Borders (MSF) medical charity said. A local public figure said three people were killed later in the night in revenge attacks - two of whom had their throats cut and one who was beaten to death. "They were two motorcycle-taxi drivers and a young man who was walking in the neighbourhood," the man, who asked not to be identified, he said. "They are innocents". He appealed for calm in the neighbourhood where sporadic gunfire could be heard and armed members of "self-defence" groups patrolled. An armoured car carrying MINUSCA troops was stationed at the entrance to PK5. An AFP correspondent saw three bodies taken to the morgue from a local mosque. A witness who did not give his name said the attackers at the cafe had launched four grenades. In a video posted on his Facebook page, the concert's singer Ozaguin - dubbed the king of Central African rumba - confirmed six of his fellow musicians had been injured. He said he was surprised that he was not himself injured by grenade fragments. "Ozaguin came to perform here to ensure that all Central Africans - Muslims and Christians - can find some social cohesion," the cafe's owner, Issiakou Guymba, told AFP. "An unidentified group came on a motorcycle-taxi, they threw one or some grenades in the middle of the crowd," he said. "It makes us lose hope when people come to cause panic like that among the population." Mired in poverty but rich in diamonds and other minerals, CAR has been battered by a conflict between rival militias that began after then-president Francois Bozize was overthrown in 2013. Under a UN mandate, the former colonial power France intervened to push out the Muslim Seleka rebels who had taken over, and the UN launched a peacekeeping mission in 2014. But the country remains chronically prone to violence, with armed groups controlling most of the country. Fighting between armed groups around the town of Batangafo in northern CAR left at least two dead and 10 wounded at the end of last month.

Attacks in the Central African Republic leave 7 dead, over 20 injured

Kenya&#39;s Supreme Court has declared invalid the re-election of incumbent president Uhuru Kenyatta. This unprecedented move is also a sign of hope for veteran Opposition leader Raila Odinga, who has over the years accused the electoral body of irregularities.

&ldquo;The declaration of Kenyatta&rsquo;s win&nbsp;is invalid, null and void,&rdquo; said Judge David Maraga, announcing the verdict of four out of the six judges.

The Supreme Court ruled on last Friday that the election board had committed irregularities that rendered the August 8 poll invalid, thereby,&nbsp;overturning&nbsp;President Uhuru Kenyatta&#39;s win. Incidentally,&nbsp;Kenyatta won&nbsp;by a margin of 1.4 million votes.&nbsp;

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<h5>Kenyatta emerged as a winner of the August 8 polls with over 60 per cent of votes as against Odinga&#39;s 40 per cent.</h5>
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Kenyatta emerged as a winner of the August 8 polls with over 60 per cent of votes as against Odinga&#39;s 40 per cent.

Main Opposition leader Raila Odinga headed to the Court with a petition, citing irregularities by the electoral body and hacking of results which he considered to have&nbsp;favoured&nbsp;Kenyatta&#39;s campaign. Kenya&#39;s election body acknowledged hacking attempts but said those attempts were unsuccessful.

Kenyatta&#39;s victory had the backing of election observers, they all welcomed the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission&#39;s report of free and fair elections.

The Election Commission&#39;s stand on a fair election, however, did not go down very well with Odinga&#39;s followers who took to violence, resulting in dozens of death. To put an end to the violence,&nbsp;Odinga approached&nbsp;the Supreme Court.

This is not the first time, however, that Odinga has approached the Court hoping that the judges will be impartial. He did the same in 2013&nbsp;when he lost the election to the same rival Uhuru Kenyatta.&nbsp;There was light at the end of the tunnel for Odinga when the Supreme Court granted his coalition, NASA, limited access to the electoral body&rsquo;s data.

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<h5>Losing candidates in different countries of Africa have always placed their faith in the Court&#39;s impartiality.</h5>
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Kenya Supreme Court&#39;s ruling has brought&nbsp;hope to other Opposition candidates across Africa. Losing candidates in different countries of Africa have always placed their faith in the Court&#39;s impartiality. The latest post-election Constitutional Court battle is in Gabon, where the main Opposition, led by former African Union (AU) chief, Jean Ping is seeking to overturn results of the last presidential election. Approaching the Courts proved to be effective to curb instability, it is a move that Odinga took and many others in Africa.

But what does it mean for the winner?

Observers are watching as events unfold in Kenya after the Supreme Court ruling. The elections body was ordered to conduct fresh polls in sixty days.&nbsp;

With all eyes on Kenyatta&#39;s response to the unprecedented ruling,&nbsp;Kenyatta said that he has accepted a Court ruling annulling his re-election on August 8. He, however, expressed his disagreement with the judges&rsquo; position. The 55-year-old, now a serving president and not president-elect, had some uncharitable words for the Supreme Court describing them as &lsquo;thugs&#39;, local media reported.

For the poll re- run to take place peacefully, there has to be a consensus between President Kenyatta and the Opposition leader on the electoral board to run&nbsp;the election. For now, both leaders have voiced their differences, with Odinga calling for a new electoral board while Kenyatta insisting&nbsp;the poll should re-run with the current electoral board.

Kenya has a history of post-election violence, it remains to be seen how&nbsp;these&nbsp;two leaders will handle the re-run and ensure stability in this sixty days.

Kenya's Supreme Court has declared invalid the re-election of incumbent president Uhuru Kenyatta. This gives hope to Opposition leaders in Africa.

Kenya's Supreme Court has declared invalid the re-election of incumbent president Uhuru Kenyatta. This unprecedented move is also a sign of hope for veteran Opposition leader Raila Odinga, who has over the years accused the electoral body of irregularities. “The declaration of Kenyatta’s win is invalid, null and void,” said Judge David Maraga, announcing the verdict of four out of the six judges. The Supreme Court ruled on last Friday that the election board had committed irregularities that rendered the August 8 poll invalid, thereby, overturning President Uhuru Kenyatta's win. Incidentally, Kenyatta won by a margin of 1.4 million votes. Kenyatta emerged as a winner of the August 8 polls with over 60 per cent of votes as against Odinga's 40 per cent. × Kenyatta emerged as a winner of the August 8 polls with over 60 per cent of votes as against Odinga's 40 per cent. Main Opposition leader Raila Odinga headed to the Court with a petition, citing irregularities by the electoral body and hacking of results which he considered to have favoured Kenyatta's campaign. Kenya's election body acknowledged hacking attempts but said those attempts were unsuccessful. Kenyatta's victory had the backing of election observers, they all welcomed the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission's report of free and fair elections. The Election Commission's stand on a fair election, however, did not go down very well with Odinga's followers who took to violence, resulting in dozens of death. To put an end to the violence, Odinga approached the Supreme Court. This is not the first time, however, that Odinga has approached the Court hoping that the judges will be impartial. He did the same in 2013 when he lost the election to the same rival Uhuru Kenyatta. There was light at the end of the tunnel for Odinga when the Supreme Court granted his coalition, NASA, limited access to the electoral body’s data. Losing candidates in different countries of Africa have always placed their faith in the Court's impartiality. × Kenya Supreme Court's ruling has brought hope to other Opposition candidates across Africa. Losing candidates in different countries of Africa have always placed their faith in the Court's impartiality. The latest post-election Constitutional Court battle is in Gabon, where the main Opposition, led by former African Union (AU) chief, Jean Ping is seeking to overturn results of the last presidential election. Approaching the Courts proved to be effective to curb instability, it is a move that Odinga took and many others in Africa. But what does it mean for the winner? Observers are watching as events unfold in Kenya after the Supreme Court ruling. The elections body was ordered to conduct fresh polls in sixty days. With all eyes on Kenyatta's response to the unprecedented ruling, Kenyatta said that he has accepted a Court ruling annulling his re-election on August 8. He, however, expressed his disagreement with the judges’ position. The 55-year-old, now a serving president and not president-elect, had some uncharitable words for the Supreme Court describing them as ‘thugs', local media reported. For the poll re- run to take place peacefully, there has to be a consensus between President Kenyatta and the Opposition leader on the electoral board to run the election. For now, both leaders have voiced their differences, with Odinga calling for a new electoral board while Kenyatta insisting the poll should re-run with the current electoral board. Kenya has a history of post-election violence, it remains to be seen how these two leaders will handle the re-run and ensure stability in this sixty days.

Kenya's Supreme Court's verdict on election malpractices will have wider repercussions in Africa

Everyone knows that you should not look at the sun!

Not with your naked eye, not with sunglasses and certainly not with binoculars or with a telescope. Our sun might be just an ordinary star, but it&rsquo;s extremely close to us &mdash; about 269,000 times closer than the <a href="https://imagine.gsfc.nasa.gov/features/cosmic/nearest_star_info.html">next nearest star</a>. This makes the sun very, very bright.

Everyone knows that you should not look at the sun. But what about during an eclipse? This situation will confront us <a href="http://eclipse.aas.org">on August 21</a>, when the entirety of North America, along with parts of South America, Africa, Europe and eastern Russia, will experience a solar eclipse.

For the vast majority of viewers, including anyone in any part of Canada, the eclipse will be a <a href="https://www.timeanddate.com/eclipse/partial-solar-eclipse.html">partial one</a>. This means that the moon will block out part of the face of the sun but leave the rest of it unchanged.

<figure class="align-right zoomable"><a href="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/181475/area14mp/file-20170808-26048-o6es2t.jpg"><img alt="" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/181475/width237/file-20170808-26048-o6es2t.jpg" /></a>

<figcaption>
NASA&rsquo;s Solar Dynamics Observatory saw a partial solar eclipse in space when it caught the moon passing in front of the sun on May 25, 2017.

If you&rsquo;re under <a href="https://eclipse.gsfc.nasa.gov/SEanimate/SEanimate2001/SE2017Aug21T.GIF">the path of the partial eclipse</a> &mdash; even somewhere where the sun is 99 per cent concealed &mdash; you still should not look at the sun with the unaided eye. Even one-hundredth of the sun&rsquo;s normal brightness is enough to permanently damage your eyesight.
</figcaption>
</figure>

Instead, you can safely watch the action through special <a href="https://www.space.com/36941-solar-eclipse-eye-protection-guide.html">eclipse glasses</a> (make sure they&rsquo;re <a href="https://eclipse.aas.org/eye-safety/iso-certification">ISO certified and from a reliable supplier</a>), through a simple <a href="https://www.jpl.nasa.gov/edu/learn/project/how-to-make-a-pinhole-camera/">home-made pinhole camera</a> or even by looking at the shadows cast by <a href="https://petapixel.com/2012/05/21/crescent-shaped-projections-through-tree-leaves-during-the-solar-eclipse/">tree leaves</a> or by a <a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/2015/03/20/solar-eclipse-colander-_n_6908140.html">kitchen colander</a>.

For some lucky viewers in parts of <a href="http://eclipse2017.org/blog/2017/01/15/states-the-total-eclipse-touches/">14 U.S. states</a>, a total solar eclipse awaits on August 21. This will be far more exciting than a mere partial eclipse. For maybe as long as two minutes, depending on your exact location, the sun will disappear completely behind the moon. The temperature will drop, the stars will come out, and the birds will think evening has come.

If you are under the path of the total eclipse, you&rsquo;ll likely have more than an hour of partial eclipse both before and after the exciting moment of totality. During the partial phases, the usual rules apply: Wear your eclipse glasses or use your colander, but don&rsquo;t look at the sun unaided!

However, when the time finally arrives and when the sky goes dark, it will finally be safe to look. Take off your glasses, stare at the sun with your unaided eyes, and soak up a remarkable cosmic moment.

<figure class="align-center "><img alt="" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/181476/width754/file-20170808-26004-1qtloh3.jpg" />
<figcaption>
The Hinode satellite observed the sun&rsquo;s corona during a total solar eclipse on July 22, 2009.

During the total eclipse, it is completely safe to look at the sun without any equipment at all. And what a sight it will be.
</figcaption>
</figure>

Revealed, just for a moment, will be <a href="https://www.exploratorium.edu/eclipse/what-to-see-during-eclipse#totality">the sun&rsquo;s glorious corona</a>, the faint <a href="https://eclipse2017.nasa.gov/solar-corona">tendrils of ultra-hot gas</a> that stream off the sun&rsquo;s blazing surface. This is not to be missed. If you leave your eclipse glasses on, you won&rsquo;t see anything.

<img alt="The Conversation" height="1" src="https://counter.theconversation.edu.au/content/81067/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" width="1" />After a minute or two, the total eclipse will be over, the skies will lighten and special safety precautions must once again be taken. But those who experience totality will be left with memories of an otherwise hidden view of the Universe, a brief glimpse of our life-giving sun unlike any other.

&nbsp;

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-to-safely-watch-an-eclipse-advice-from-an-astronomer-81067">original article</a>.

&nbsp;

Even one-hundredth of the sun?s normal brightness is enough to permanently damage your eyesight, says astronomer Gaensler.

Everyone knows that you should not look at the sun! Not with your naked eye, not with sunglasses and certainly not with binoculars or with a telescope. Our sun might be just an ordinary star, but it’s extremely close to us — about 269,000 times closer than the next nearest star. This makes the sun very, very bright. Everyone knows that you should not look at the sun. But what about during an eclipse? This situation will confront us on August 21, when the entirety of North America, along with parts of South America, Africa, Europe and eastern Russia, will experience a solar eclipse. For the vast majority of viewers, including anyone in any part of Canada, the eclipse will be a partial one. This means that the moon will block out part of the face of the sun but leave the rest of it unchanged. NASA’s Solar Dynamics Observatory saw a partial solar eclipse in space when it caught the moon passing in front of the sun on May 25, 2017. If you’re under the path of the partial eclipse — even somewhere where the sun is 99 per cent concealed — you still should not look at the sun with the unaided eye. Even one-hundredth of the sun’s normal brightness is enough to permanently damage your eyesight. Instead, you can safely watch the action through special eclipse glasses (make sure they’re ISO certified and from a reliable supplier), through a simple home-made pinhole camera or even by looking at the shadows cast by tree leaves or by a kitchen colander. For some lucky viewers in parts of 14 U.S. states, a total solar eclipse awaits on August 21. This will be far more exciting than a mere partial eclipse. For maybe as long as two minutes, depending on your exact location, the sun will disappear completely behind the moon. The temperature will drop, the stars will come out, and the birds will think evening has come. If you are under the path of the total eclipse, you’ll likely have more than an hour of partial eclipse both before and after the exciting moment of totality. During the partial phases, the usual rules apply: Wear your eclipse glasses or use your colander, but don’t look at the sun unaided! However, when the time finally arrives and when the sky goes dark, it will finally be safe to look. Take off your glasses, stare at the sun with your unaided eyes, and soak up a remarkable cosmic moment. The Hinode satellite observed the sun’s corona during a total solar eclipse on July 22, 2009. During the total eclipse, it is completely safe to look at the sun without any equipment at all. And what a sight it will be. Revealed, just for a moment, will be the sun’s glorious corona, the faint tendrils of ultra-hot gas that stream off the sun’s blazing surface. This is not to be missed. If you leave your eclipse glasses on, you won’t see anything. After a minute or two, the total eclipse will be over, the skies will lighten and special safety precautions must once again be taken. But those who experience totality will be left with memories of an otherwise hidden view of the Universe, a brief glimpse of our life-giving sun unlike any other. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

During the total eclipse, it is completely safe to look at the sun

China hasn&rsquo;t been known for establishing military bases in Africa &ndash; or even beyond its immediate sphere of influence. This is changing following its decision to build a military base in <a href="http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/07/china-open-overseas-military-base-djibouti-170712135241977.html">Djibouti</a> on the Horn of Africa. The base will be next door to the <a href="https://www.africom.mil/area-of-responsibility/east-africa/republic-of-djibouti">United States Africa Command</a>.

China will be able to use the base to improve the way it manages its peacekeeping operations and humanitarian efforts in Africa, as well as its regional maritime operations.

How should this be understood in terms of China&rsquo;s global positioning? And what are the implications of its expanding military footprint in Africa?

The brief answer is that there has not been a sudden change in China&rsquo;s role and foreign policy profile on the continent. Instead, the change has been gradual and incremental. This is particularly evident from an international peacekeeping perspective.

Beijing&rsquo;s views and approach towards United Nations peacekeeping have changed significantly since China <a href="http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/feat/archives/2015/10/18/2003630319">joined the UN</a> in 1971. A major shift took place after the end of the <a href="https://www.britannica.com/event/Cold-War">Cold War</a> and, over the years, it&rsquo;s gradually taken a more positive stance and indicated a greater willingness to contribute.

Today China contributes peacekeepers in <a href="https://theglobalobservatory.org/2016/10/china-peacekeeping-dpko-south-sudan-mali/">substantial numbers</a> to operations in South Sudan, Mali and the <a href="http://www.african-defense.com/defense-news/chinese-peacekeepers-shine-in-drc/">Democratic Republic of Congo</a>. In doing so, it&rsquo;s deliberately sending a message that its rising profile is not a strategic threat to other major powers. Instead, it wants to be regarded as a friend to developing nations and be more responsive to global expectations. This includes the need to reduce tensions and conflicts.

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<h5>China&rsquo;s role in Africa can be understood from three broad perspectives: to assert its position as a global power, craft a positive image of itself, and to promote its national interests.</h5>
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<div class="col-sm-1 blockquote-content">
<div class="share-blockquote"><a class="twitter popup" href="http://twitter.com/intent/tweet?text=China?s role in Africa can be understood from three broad perspectives: to assert its position as a global power, craft a positive image of itself, and to promote its national interests." target="_blank">&nbsp;</a></div>
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China&rsquo;s role in Africa can be understood from three broad perspectives: to assert its position as a global power, craft a positive image of itself, and to promote its national interests.

A global player

China increasingly intends to show that it is a global power. The new base in Djibouti should be viewed in this context. It&rsquo;s in line with China&rsquo;s views on international peacekeeping. This is that peacekeeping&nbsp;way of exerting greater influence on international affairs through the UN.

Unlike the US, which has numerous <a href="http://www.globalresearch.ca/the-worldwide-network-of-us-military-bases/5564">military bases around the world</a>, China has exercised its global presence through peacekeeping operations. As a result, Beijing has emerged as a significant actor in international peacekeeping operations &ndash; in Africa and elsewhere.

Its commitment to this can be seen from the fact that it&rsquo;s the only country that significantly contributes both troops and money to <a href="http://chinapower.csis.org/china-un-mission/">UN peacekeeping operations</a>.

Secondly, China&rsquo;s expanding role in UN peacekeeping over the last two decades has helped it craft a more positive and constructive global image and reputation. It has used peacekeeping deliberately, and systematically, as a diplomatic instrument aimed at projecting China as a responsible global power. Its approach to peacekeeping has also allowed it to respond more quickly to African requests or challenges. And it&rsquo;s worked as a confidence building measure with both African governments and the African Union.

Thirdly, China&rsquo;s emerging role in Africa is part of an evolving and pragmatic reorientation in Chinese policymaking circles, specifically where Beijing&rsquo;s political interests and related investments are at stake. China is <a href="http://www.un.org/africarenewal/magazine/january-2013/china-heart-africa">Africa&rsquo;s largest trading partner</a>, and its strategic and material interests have become more integrated and entangled with African concerns.

<figure class="align-center "><img alt="" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/180386/width754/file-20170731-22175-9evoy0.jpg" />
<figcaption>
Chinese soldiers deployed for UN peacekeeping missions at their military base in Qinyang, Henan province, China.&nbsp;

But its growing involvement in peacekeeping has become more difficult to reconcile with its historical commitment to non-interventionism. This is particularly clear in the case of South Sudan.
</figcaption>
</figure>

Strategic interests

Africa&rsquo;s youngest nation has presented both challenges and opportunities for China. It has had to soften its historical arm&rsquo;s length approach to facilitate a political solution to the ongoing conflict in South Sudan. But it has also needed to secure its strategic interests, especially the production of oil.

In this volatile and turbulent environment, Beijing felt compelled to make a substantial peacekeeping contribution to the <a href="http://www.un.org/en/peacekeeping/missions/unmiss/">United Nations Mission in South Sudan</a>. This included deploying combat troops.

But it also had to assume a number of new political roles, such as mediating between warring parties and engaging in <a href="http://www.jamestown.org/programs/chinabrief/single/?tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=45658&amp;#.V-KBmvl97IU">multilateral peace talks</a>. This puts Chinese foreign policy principles under pressure and steered its involvement in international peacekeeping operations in a new direction.

China&rsquo;s peacekeeping experience in South Sudan suggests that it tacitly recognises that some kind of intervention is sometimes needed to protect its strategic interests.

Although China&rsquo;s involvement in peacekeeping in South Sudan should not be overstated in terms of its scope and extent, it does seem to signal the beginning of a far more assertive role in Africa&rsquo;s peace and security issues.

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<h5>As much as China is being forced to adopt high-risk strategies in cases of overseas investment, as in South Sudan, its approach can still be defined as being carefully impartial</h5>
</blockquote>
</div>

<div class="col-sm-1 blockquote-content">
<div class="share-blockquote"><a class="twitter popup" href="http://twitter.com/intent/tweet?text=As much as China is being forced to adopt high-risk strategies in cases of overseas investment, as in South Sudan, its approach can still be defined as being carefully impartial" target="_blank">&nbsp;</a></div>
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At the same time, as much as China is being forced to adopt high-risk strategies in cases of overseas investment, as in South Sudan, its approach can still be defined as being carefully impartial. It remains true that China&rsquo;s increased involvement in political dynamics in South Sudan doesn&rsquo;t sit easily with its long held policy of non-intervention.

A new colonialism?

Will China&rsquo;s presence in Africa &ndash; including its military footprint in Djibouti &ndash; turn into a new form of colonialism in Africa?

I believe this is highly unlikely. China remains acutely aware of the pitfalls associated with the politics of interventionism, especially in developing nations. It wants developing countries to regard it as a friend in global politics.

But it wouldn&rsquo;t be surprising if China started to apply at least a measure of military (hard) power alongside diplomatic (soft) power if it believes its economic interests are under threat.

<img alt="The Conversation" height="1" src="https://counter.theconversation.edu.au/content/81783/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" width="1" />African leaders must be realistic about developments such as the Djibouti military base. They can&rsquo;t welcome China&rsquo;s presence &ndash; and investments &ndash; as an acceptable alternative to America, while opposing Beijing&rsquo;s use of diplomatic &ndash; and even military &ndash; means to protect its interests.

&nbsp;

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-the-djibouti-military-base-tells-us-about-chinas-growing-role-in-africa-81783">original article</a>.

China?s expanding role in UN peacekeeping over the last two decades has helped it craft a more positive and constructive global image and reputation

China hasn’t been known for establishing military bases in Africa – or even beyond its immediate sphere of influence. This is changing following its decision to build a military base in Djibouti on the Horn of Africa. The base will be next door to the United States Africa Command. China will be able to use the base to improve the way it manages its peacekeeping operations and humanitarian efforts in Africa, as well as its regional maritime operations. How should this be understood in terms of China’s global positioning? And what are the implications of its expanding military footprint in Africa? The brief answer is that there has not been a sudden change in China’s role and foreign policy profile on the continent. Instead, the change has been gradual and incremental. This is particularly evident from an international peacekeeping perspective. Beijing’s views and approach towards United Nations peacekeeping have changed significantly since China joined the UN in 1971. A major shift took place after the end of the Cold War and, over the years, it’s gradually taken a more positive stance and indicated a greater willingness to contribute. Today China contributes peacekeepers in substantial numbers to operations in South Sudan, Mali and the Democratic Republic of Congo. In doing so, it’s deliberately sending a message that its rising profile is not a strategic threat to other major powers. Instead, it wants to be regarded as a friend to developing nations and be more responsive to global expectations. This includes the need to reduce tensions and conflicts. China’s role in Africa can be understood from three broad perspectives: to assert its position as a global power, craft a positive image of itself, and to promote its national interests. × China’s role in Africa can be understood from three broad perspectives: to assert its position as a global power, craft a positive image of itself, and to promote its national interests. A global player China increasingly intends to show that it is a global power. The new base in Djibouti should be viewed in this context. It’s in line with China’s views on international peacekeeping. This is that peacekeeping way of exerting greater influence on international affairs through the UN. Unlike the US, which has numerous military bases around the world, China has exercised its global presence through peacekeeping operations. As a result, Beijing has emerged as a significant actor in international peacekeeping operations – in Africa and elsewhere. Its commitment to this can be seen from the fact that it’s the only country that significantly contributes both troops and money to UN peacekeeping operations. Secondly, China’s expanding role in UN peacekeeping over the last two decades has helped it craft a more positive and constructive global image and reputation. It has used peacekeeping deliberately, and systematically, as a diplomatic instrument aimed at projecting China as a responsible global power. Its approach to peacekeeping has also allowed it to respond more quickly to African requests or challenges. And it’s worked as a confidence building measure with both African governments and the African Union. Thirdly, China’s emerging role in Africa is part of an evolving and pragmatic reorientation in Chinese policymaking circles, specifically where Beijing’s political interests and related investments are at stake. China is Africa’s largest trading partner, and its strategic and material interests have become more integrated and entangled with African concerns. Chinese soldiers deployed for UN peacekeeping missions at their military base in Qinyang, Henan province, China. But its growing involvement in peacekeeping has become more difficult to reconcile with its historical commitment to non-interventionism. This is particularly clear in the case of South Sudan. Strategic interests Africa’s youngest nation has presented both challenges and opportunities for China. It has had to soften its historical arm’s length approach to facilitate a political solution to the ongoing conflict in South Sudan. But it has also needed to secure its strategic interests, especially the production of oil. In this volatile and turbulent environment, Beijing felt compelled to make a substantial peacekeeping contribution to the United Nations Mission in South Sudan. This included deploying combat troops. But it also had to assume a number of new political roles, such as mediating between warring parties and engaging in multilateral peace talks. This puts Chinese foreign policy principles under pressure and steered its involvement in international peacekeeping operations in a new direction. China’s peacekeeping experience in South Sudan suggests that it tacitly recognises that some kind of intervention is sometimes needed to protect its strategic interests. Although China’s involvement in peacekeeping in South Sudan should not be overstated in terms of its scope and extent, it does seem to signal the beginning of a far more assertive role in Africa’s peace and security issues. As much as China is being forced to adopt high-risk strategies in cases of overseas investment, as in South Sudan, its approach can still be defined as being carefully impartial × At the same time, as much as China is being forced to adopt high-risk strategies in cases of overseas investment, as in South Sudan, its approach can still be defined as being carefully impartial. It remains true that China’s increased involvement in political dynamics in South Sudan doesn’t sit easily with its long held policy of non-intervention. A new colonialism? Will China’s presence in Africa – including its military footprint in Djibouti – turn into a new form of colonialism in Africa? I believe this is highly unlikely. China remains acutely aware of the pitfalls associated with the politics of interventionism, especially in developing nations. It wants developing countries to regard it as a friend in global politics. But it wouldn’t be surprising if China started to apply at least a measure of military (hard) power alongside diplomatic (soft) power if it believes its economic interests are under threat. African leaders must be realistic about developments such as the Djibouti military base. They can’t welcome China’s presence – and investments – as an acceptable alternative to America, while opposing Beijing’s use of diplomatic – and even military – means to protect its interests. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

China?s new military base in Africa will help China in asserting its position as a global power

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