The acting director of Voice of America was reassigned Tuesday, as part of what is most likely a broader bid to install loyalists for President Donald Trump at the news outlet before the Biden administration takes over, two people familiar with the decision said.

Michael Pack, the chief executive of the outlet’s parent agency, U.S. Agency for Global Media, and a conservative filmmaker with ties to former Trump adviser Steve Bannon, informed the acting director, Elez Biberaj, earlier Tuesday that he would be removed from his role.

Biberaj will return to his previous job as the director of the Eurasia desk at Voice of America. One official said that Robert Reilly, a conservative author who was the director of Voice of America in the Bush administration, was likely to succeed Biberaj.

Biberaj, who has worked at Voice of America for over 40 years, was named its acting director in June.

As chief of the U.S. Agency for Global Media, Pack oversees federally funded news outlets including Voice of America, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, Radio Free Asia, the Middle East Broadcasting Networks and the Office of Cuba Broadcasting.

Once he was appointed, he moved quickly to fire the chiefs of the four news outlets and an internet technology nonprofit under his oversight. He also replaced the bipartisan board that supervises the organizations with allies of the Trump administration.

In October, Pack said he was rescinding a firewall rule that protects news outlets funded by the government, including Voice of America, from federal tampering. A lawsuit filed by five officials suspended by Pack asserted that Pack or his aides had interrogated Voice of America journalists who had been critical of Pack. A federal judge recently ruled that Pack’s attempts to breach the firewall were unconstitutional.

Biberaj has not openly criticized Pack, but he has issued statements in recent months saying that “editorial independence and journalistic integrity free of political interference are the core elements that sustain VOA and make us America’s voice.”

His likely successor, Reilly, has written against Islam and gay rights, publishing a book called “Making Gay Okay: How Rationalizing Homosexual Behavior Is Changing Everything.”

President-elect Joe Biden is likely to replace Pack once he assumes office, agency officials said. But Reilly may be harder to remove if language in the National Defense Authorization Act, a defense spending bill passed by the House, is signed into law that requires the U.S. Agency for Global Media’s chief executive to gain approval from an advisory board before replacing the head of a media network under their purview.

The acting director of Voice of America was reassigned Tuesday, as part of what is most likely a broader bid to install loyalists for President Donald Trump at the news outlet before the Biden administration takes over, two people familiar with the decision said.

The acting director of Voice of America was reassigned Tuesday, as part of what is most likely a broader bid to install loyalists for President Donald Trump at the news outlet before the Biden administration takes over, two people familiar with the decision said. Michael Pack, the chief executive of the outlet’s parent agency, U.S. Agency for Global Media, and a conservative filmmaker with ties to former Trump adviser Steve Bannon, informed the acting director, Elez Biberaj, earlier Tuesday that he would be removed from his role. Biberaj will return to his previous job as the director of the Eurasia desk at Voice of America. One official said that Robert Reilly, a conservative author who was the director of Voice of America in the Bush administration, was likely to succeed Biberaj. Biberaj, who has worked at Voice of America for over 40 years, was named its acting director in June. As chief of the U.S. Agency for Global Media, Pack oversees federally funded news outlets including Voice of America, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, Radio Free Asia, the Middle East Broadcasting Networks and the Office of Cuba Broadcasting. Once he was appointed, he moved quickly to fire the chiefs of the four news outlets and an internet technology nonprofit under his oversight. He also replaced the bipartisan board that supervises the organizations with allies of the Trump administration. In October, Pack said he was rescinding a firewall rule that protects news outlets funded by the government, including Voice of America, from federal tampering. A lawsuit filed by five officials suspended by Pack asserted that Pack or his aides had interrogated Voice of America journalists who had been critical of Pack. A federal judge recently ruled that Pack’s attempts to breach the firewall were unconstitutional. Biberaj has not openly criticized Pack, but he has issued statements in recent months saying that “editorial independence and journalistic integrity free of political interference are the core elements that sustain VOA and make us America’s voice.” His likely successor, Reilly, has written against Islam and gay rights, publishing a book called “Making Gay Okay: How Rationalizing Homosexual Behavior Is Changing Everything.” President-elect Joe Biden is likely to replace Pack once he assumes office, agency officials said. But Reilly may be harder to remove if language in the National Defense Authorization Act, a defense spending bill passed by the House, is signed into law that requires the U.S. Agency for Global Media’s chief executive to gain approval from an advisory board before replacing the head of a media network under their purview.

Trump appointee sidelines VOA director before Biden takes office

At harvest time, as neighbors and relatives reap their crops, 80-year-old Jamal Khan can only look in despair on the plot of land that was the source of his family’s livelihood — until the American forces arrived over a decade ago.

Just before sunset one day, armored vehicles drove into fields of knee-high corn stalks, claimed about 30 acres that were co-owned by about as many families and quickly cordoned off the area with barbed wire. This was now Combat Outpost Honaker-Miracle, one of the roughly 1,000 military installations the United States and its coalition partners would prop up across Afghanistan.

“In the whole vastness of the lord’s world, I had this plot of land and this house that I am living in and nothing else,” said Khan, who lives the Watapur District of Kunar province, in eastern Afghanistan. “We told them this is our private land, how do you suddenly put up here? They said nothing.”

Khan is one of countless Afghans whose land became a casualty of the U.S.-led war and the sprawling military infrastructure born from it. They have been forced to navigate a maze of Afghan and American bureaucracy and indifference, stoking a growing bitterness toward coalition forces and the Afghan government alike.

Despite the drawdown of American forces in Afghanistan from more than 100,000 in 2011 to fewer than 5,000, some of the property they occupied has not been returned. Instead, the bases and the land have been transferred to Afghan security forces.

The Americans have left Watapur but Khan does not have his land back, and similar conflicts linger across wide swaths of the country. In at least half a dozen of Afghanistan’s 34 provinces, The New York Times has found land disputes involving owners who said they had simply been shut out.

In a country where due process is nearly impossible in the face of corruption and state erosion, the U.S. presence has added to a long history of land disputes that have often served as an underlying cause of local conflicts.

The Taliban touts the swift resolution of disputes in its shadow courts as a strength, and the unresolved discord over land bolsters the insurgents’ message that not only are Afghans deprived of justice under the American-backed government, but that the U.S. military presence has added to the injustice.

Khan still carries a pile of documents: petitions to the government, and even confirmation letters from the U.S. Army that say he is the rightful owner. On several occasions, he says, delegations from Kabul came to investigate — and they asked the villagers for money to cover their expenses during the stay.

But the most painful reminder of the trespass is his collection of small receipts. Although the Afghan army now occupies his land, Khan is still required to pay tax on the plot.

Over the years of fighting, the size of the U.S.-constructed installations varied greatly. Some bases were sprawling, even housing their own fast-food chain restaurants. In other cases, coalition forces would briefly occupy empty Afghan homes, destroying or modifying walls for defensive purposes before leaving.

The Americans sometimes negotiated temporary leases with local farmers, but those agreements were vulnerable to manipulation by corrupt local warlords and strongmen who brokered deals. During shorter stays, homeowners were rarely compensated.

A Pentagon spokesman, Army Maj. Rob Lodewick, deferred specific questions about land disputes to the Afghan government.

“It would be the responsibility of the government of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan to adjudicate and compensate, as appropriate, any and all entities that claim ownership to areas and facilities” provided by the Afghan government for use by U.S. forces, he said.

The Afghan defense ministry, despite repeated requests, did not comment.

Today, most installations are controlled by Afghan security forces; the few U.S. bases that remain are shuttering now as part of the U.S. deal with the Taliban.

In northern Balkh province, the U.S.-led coalition forces built a base next to the provincial capital’s airport. Amanullah Balkhi, a local business owner, says the installation occupied about 20 acres of his land.

The defense ministry said it was government land, Balkhi was told, but if he proved he owned it, the coalition would compensate him and pay rent. He says he fought a six-year legal battle that cost him about $2 million, which he covered by selling two of his apartment buildings, renting out more land and taking on $500,000 of debt.

“I have the deed, and the government and the courts have attested that this is my land,” he said. “But the Americans still have the land and they still deny me.”

Balkhi has become deeply depressed, he said, adding, “I have ruined my life to get my right, but I have gotten nothing.”

The story of a base in Panjwai, in southern Kandahar province, is almost identical — and speaks to the troubling legacy the United States has left behind.

About 10 years ago, dozens of coalition vehicles arrived at the small village and eyed about 10 acres of vineyard owned by half a dozen villagers. They even tasted the grapes before getting to work building a new base.

“They didn’t carve a road where there was a trek, where we came and went — they carved a road for themselves through people’s lands, people’s gardens,” said Fida Muhammad, a tribal elder from Panjwai and one of the vineyard’s owners.

In the initial days, there was word that the coalition forces were offering compensation, but the area was so restive that approaching the base for money meant taking potentially lethal risks. Villagers feared the Americans would mistake them for the Taliban. And they knew that if they did manage to get their money, the Taliban, who were everywhere, would know and come after them for profiting from the occupiers.

The area was so lush that “you had to squint your eyes to find a dry patch,” said Rashid Gul, a village resident. But these days it’s desolate except for one small patch of vineyard.

“It ruined the irrigation system too — for five years, the irrigation canals were ruined, the land dried,” Muhammad said of the coalition base. “Many families left the area. They went to the city for daily labor.”

As one of the village elders, Muhammad took the lead in trying to get compensation and reclaim the land, to no avail. When the Americans ran the base, he said, the villagers’ claim was simply lost in bureaucracy; come tomorrow, come the next day, he was told repeatedly.

“We have lost hope of finding someone who can get us our right,” said Muhammad, who said he had made about 30 trips with petitions. “It’s just tiring ourselves, losing more money, but we can’t find a door to knock on for justice.”

When a base was transferred to Afghan control, the forces stationed there were often too preoccupied with defending it against Taliban attacks to pay much attention to land claims. Many of the Afghan commanders who rotated through simply did not care about the local residents’ grievances, which they saw as an issue between the farmers and the Americans.

Gul worried that even if one day the plot of land in Panjwai were returned, figuring out which piece belonged to whom could spark new disagreements.

Land disputes have been one of the main issues of conflict in the village, he said. Just two weeks earlier, Muhammad had to quell a feud because one farmer’s tractor had crossed the boundary of another man’s land.

“All this land is mixed up now, no one knows which piece is whose,” Gul said. “You will be amazed at what kind of fights will break out between people over this.”

Resolving those conflicts would require digging through government archives, hoping to find old property demarcation records.

Asked about how long that would take, he smiled a tired smile.

“This is Afghanistan,” he said.

At harvest time, as neighbors and relatives reap their crops, 80-year-old Jamal Khan can only look in despair on the plot of land that was the source of his family’s livelihood — until the American forces arrived over a decade ago.

At harvest time, as neighbors and relatives reap their crops, 80-year-old Jamal Khan can only look in despair on the plot of land that was the source of his family’s livelihood — until the American forces arrived over a decade ago. Just before sunset one day, armored vehicles drove into fields of knee-high corn stalks, claimed about 30 acres that were co-owned by about as many families and quickly cordoned off the area with barbed wire. This was now Combat Outpost Honaker-Miracle, one of the roughly 1,000 military installations the United States and its coalition partners would prop up across Afghanistan. “In the whole vastness of the lord’s world, I had this plot of land and this house that I am living in and nothing else,” said Khan, who lives the Watapur District of Kunar province, in eastern Afghanistan. “We told them this is our private land, how do you suddenly put up here? They said nothing.” Khan is one of countless Afghans whose land became a casualty of the U.S.-led war and the sprawling military infrastructure born from it. They have been forced to navigate a maze of Afghan and American bureaucracy and indifference, stoking a growing bitterness toward coalition forces and the Afghan government alike. Despite the drawdown of American forces in Afghanistan from more than 100,000 in 2011 to fewer than 5,000, some of the property they occupied has not been returned. Instead, the bases and the land have been transferred to Afghan security forces. The Americans have left Watapur but Khan does not have his land back, and similar conflicts linger across wide swaths of the country. In at least half a dozen of Afghanistan’s 34 provinces, The New York Times has found land disputes involving owners who said they had simply been shut out. In a country where due process is nearly impossible in the face of corruption and state erosion, the U.S. presence has added to a long history of land disputes that have often served as an underlying cause of local conflicts. The Taliban touts the swift resolution of disputes in its shadow courts as a strength, and the unresolved discord over land bolsters the insurgents’ message that not only are Afghans deprived of justice under the American-backed government, but that the U.S. military presence has added to the injustice. Khan still carries a pile of documents: petitions to the government, and even confirmation letters from the U.S. Army that say he is the rightful owner. On several occasions, he says, delegations from Kabul came to investigate — and they asked the villagers for money to cover their expenses during the stay. But the most painful reminder of the trespass is his collection of small receipts. Although the Afghan army now occupies his land, Khan is still required to pay tax on the plot. Over the years of fighting, the size of the U.S.-constructed installations varied greatly. Some bases were sprawling, even housing their own fast-food chain restaurants. In other cases, coalition forces would briefly occupy empty Afghan homes, destroying or modifying walls for defensive purposes before leaving. The Americans sometimes negotiated temporary leases with local farmers, but those agreements were vulnerable to manipulation by corrupt local warlords and strongmen who brokered deals. During shorter stays, homeowners were rarely compensated. A Pentagon spokesman, Army Maj. Rob Lodewick, deferred specific questions about land disputes to the Afghan government. “It would be the responsibility of the government of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan to adjudicate and compensate, as appropriate, any and all entities that claim ownership to areas and facilities” provided by the Afghan government for use by U.S. forces, he said. The Afghan defense ministry, despite repeated requests, did not comment. Today, most installations are controlled by Afghan security forces; the few U.S. bases that remain are shuttering now as part of the U.S. deal with the Taliban. In northern Balkh province, the U.S.-led coalition forces built a base next to the provincial capital’s airport. Amanullah Balkhi, a local business owner, says the installation occupied about 20 acres of his land. The defense ministry said it was government land, Balkhi was told, but if he proved he owned it, the coalition would compensate him and pay rent. He says he fought a six-year legal battle that cost him about $2 million, which he covered by selling two of his apartment buildings, renting out more land and taking on $500,000 of debt. “I have the deed, and the government and the courts have attested that this is my land,” he said. “But the Americans still have the land and they still deny me.” Balkhi has become deeply depressed, he said, adding, “I have ruined my life to get my right, but I have gotten nothing.” The story of a base in Panjwai, in southern Kandahar province, is almost identical — and speaks to the troubling legacy the United States has left behind. About 10 years ago, dozens of coalition vehicles arrived at the small village and eyed about 10 acres of vineyard owned by half a dozen villagers. They even tasted the grapes before getting to work building a new base. “They didn’t carve a road where there was a trek, where we came and went — they carved a road for themselves through people’s lands, people’s gardens,” said Fida Muhammad, a tribal elder from Panjwai and one of the vineyard’s owners. In the initial days, there was word that the coalition forces were offering compensation, but the area was so restive that approaching the base for money meant taking potentially lethal risks. Villagers feared the Americans would mistake them for the Taliban. And they knew that if they did manage to get their money, the Taliban, who were everywhere, would know and come after them for profiting from the occupiers. The area was so lush that “you had to squint your eyes to find a dry patch,” said Rashid Gul, a village resident. But these days it’s desolate except for one small patch of vineyard. “It ruined the irrigation system too — for five years, the irrigation canals were ruined, the land dried,” Muhammad said of the coalition base. “Many families left the area. They went to the city for daily labor.” As one of the village elders, Muhammad took the lead in trying to get compensation and reclaim the land, to no avail. When the Americans ran the base, he said, the villagers’ claim was simply lost in bureaucracy; come tomorrow, come the next day, he was told repeatedly. “We have lost hope of finding someone who can get us our right,” said Muhammad, who said he had made about 30 trips with petitions. “It’s just tiring ourselves, losing more money, but we can’t find a door to knock on for justice.” When a base was transferred to Afghan control, the forces stationed there were often too preoccupied with defending it against Taliban attacks to pay much attention to land claims. Many of the Afghan commanders who rotated through simply did not care about the local residents’ grievances, which they saw as an issue between the farmers and the Americans. Gul worried that even if one day the plot of land in Panjwai were returned, figuring out which piece belonged to whom could spark new disagreements. Land disputes have been one of the main issues of conflict in the village, he said. Just two weeks earlier, Muhammad had to quell a feud because one farmer’s tractor had crossed the boundary of another man’s land. “All this land is mixed up now, no one knows which piece is whose,” Gul said. “You will be amazed at what kind of fights will break out between people over this.” Resolving those conflicts would require digging through government archives, hoping to find old property demarcation records. Asked about how long that would take, he smiled a tired smile. “This is Afghanistan,” he said.

US leaves behind Afghan bases and legacy of land disputes

Some things just read bizarre. The irony is so much that you can't decide whether to laugh or feel sorry. Russia may no longer be a superpower as it was in Soviet times but the country still packs a major punch and has massive influence in world affairs.

A country like this apparently must be able to protect its most valuable assets with peak alertness and impunity right?

Apparently not.

Russia's Ilyushin Il-80 Maxdome aircraft, also known to be 'doomsday jet' or 'Kremlin in the sky' due to its ability to withstand a nuclear attack has seen a theft.

In a major security breach, radio equipment was stolen from the aircraft as it was undergoing upgrade and maintenance in Russian city of Taganrog.

As the maintenance work was going on, 'unknown persons opened the hatch' and stole radio equipment, said Russia's state-run news outlet RIA Novosti.

As per news reports, 39 pieces of equipment were stolen.

The equipment contains precious materials such as gold and platinum so this may well be a motive. But it appears unlikely that a gang of robbers would risk targetting a mightly, nuclear-attack-proof defence aircraft just to earn quick money.

Investigators have obtained fingerprints and shoe prints from inside the aircraft and are hoping to nab the culprits.

Some things just read bizarre. The irony is so much that you can't decide whether to laugh or feel sorry. Russia may no longer be a superpower as it was in Soviet times but the country still packs a major punch and has massive influence in world affairs.

Some things just read bizarre. The irony is so much that you can't decide whether to laugh or feel sorry. Russia may no longer be a superpower as it was in Soviet times but the country still packs a major punch and has massive influence in world affairs. A country like this apparently must be able to protect its most valuable assets with peak alertness and impunity right? Apparently not. Russia's Ilyushin Il-80 Maxdome aircraft, also known to be 'doomsday jet' or 'Kremlin in the sky' due to its ability to withstand a nuclear attack has seen a theft. In a major security breach, radio equipment was stolen from the aircraft as it was undergoing upgrade and maintenance in Russian city of Taganrog. As the maintenance work was going on, 'unknown persons opened the hatch' and stole radio equipment, said Russia's state-run news outlet RIA Novosti. As per news reports, 39 pieces of equipment were stolen. The equipment contains precious materials such as gold and platinum so this may well be a motive. But it appears unlikely that a gang of robbers would risk targetting a mightly, nuclear-attack-proof defence aircraft just to earn quick money. Investigators have obtained fingerprints and shoe prints from inside the aircraft and are hoping to nab the culprits.

Someone stole radio from 'doomsday jet', Russia's nuclear attack-proof aircraft

New restrictions are set to come in force in Hong Kong this Thursday as the city prepares to stem fourth wave of coronavirus infections. Under these restrictions evening dining at restaurants will be prohibited and fitness centres will be closed. Hong Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam said the rules aim to reduce "number of people on the streets", echoing moves taken by authorities when cases spiked earlier this year.

Under the new restrictions, dining will be banned after 6 pm. Beauty and massage parlors will be forced to close, civil servants will be asked to work from home.

Hong Kong's strict social distancing measures have largely helped keep infections to under 7000 in the city of 7.5 million, with 112 deaths.

But daily recorded cases have risen again to more than 100 on several occasions in recent weeks, the highest level since July.

Speaking ahead of a weekly meeting with policy advisers, Lam said "the strictness of social distancing measures must at least return to the level" of the outbreak's peak in the city in July and August.

Schools, bars and nightclubs have already been ordered to close.

The city's health minister Sophia Chan, speaking later on Tuesday, said the measures would last for two weeks from Thursday until December 23.

Fines for breaching mask-wearing or social gathering rules will be increased to HK$5,000 ($645) from Friday, she said.

Authorities fought the spread of Hong Kong's initial outbreak at the start of the year by shutting schools and restricting travel across the city's border with mainland China, where the virus was first detected.

The territory endured two more Covid-19 infection spikes over the spring and summer, prompting tighter quarantine protocols and economically painful social distancing rules for restaurants and other businesses.

(With AFP inputs)

New restrictions are set to come in force in Hong Kong this Thursday as the city prepares to stem fourth wave of coronavirus infections. Under these restrictions evening dining at restaurants will be prohibited and fitness centres will be closed.

New restrictions are set to come in force in Hong Kong this Thursday as the city prepares to stem fourth wave of coronavirus infections. Under these restrictions evening dining at restaurants will be prohibited and fitness centres will be closed. Hong Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam said the rules aim to reduce "number of people on the streets", echoing moves taken by authorities when cases spiked earlier this year. Under the new restrictions, dining will be banned after 6 pm. Beauty and massage parlors will be forced to close, civil servants will be asked to work from home. Hong Kong's strict social distancing measures have largely helped keep infections to under 7000 in the city of 7.5 million, with 112 deaths. But daily recorded cases have risen again to more than 100 on several occasions in recent weeks, the highest level since July. Speaking ahead of a weekly meeting with policy advisers, Lam said "the strictness of social distancing measures must at least return to the level" of the outbreak's peak in the city in July and August. Schools, bars and nightclubs have already been ordered to close. The city's health minister Sophia Chan, speaking later on Tuesday, said the measures would last for two weeks from Thursday until December 23. Fines for breaching mask-wearing or social gathering rules will be increased to HK$5,000 ($645) from Friday, she said. Authorities fought the spread of Hong Kong's initial outbreak at the start of the year by shutting schools and restricting travel across the city's border with mainland China, where the virus was first detected. The territory endured two more Covid-19 infection spikes over the spring and summer, prompting tighter quarantine protocols and economically painful social distancing rules for restaurants and other businesses. (With AFP inputs)

Hong Kong to impose fresh restrictions to curb latest coronavirus wave

It's raining monoliths and they seem to pop up in different corners of earth. While it remains to be ascertained that whether this is a precursor to a massive alien invasion or simply pranksters' acts in different countries, one more monolith has appeared, this time in El Paso in Texas.

This monolith has appeared in car parking lot in a shopping and entertainment complex in the city, as per local media reports.

Given the hype around the monoliths, locals thronged to check the new one out. As per videos posted online, the monolith in Texas appears to be hollow and "not sturdy"

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false">
<div class="twitter-block" draggable="false">
<blockquote class="twitter-tweet">
The monolith sounds hollow as hell really light easy to tip over and move <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/ElPaso?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#ElPaso</a> <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/monolith?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#monolith</a> <a href="https://t.co/AVq0pSVx71">pic.twitter.com/AVq0pSVx71</a>
— Unelectable Airwaves Podcast 🌹 🔮 (@UnelectableA) <a href="https://twitter.com/UnelectableA/status/1336156215059992577?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">December 8, 2020</a></blockquote>
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<a class="close-mark close-div" href="#" id="jqclosemark">×</a></div>

As per media reports, the monolith has disappeared. It is likely that the local authorities have removed it but there is no concrete info as yet.

Appearance of monoliths has taken social media by storm since last month. The very first one was found in Utah desert. This was followed by monoliths in Romania, in Califonia, on the Isle of Wight and in Belgium. Monoliths have also been found in Spain, Germany and Colombia. The one found in Colombia was a golden one.

It's raining monoliths and they seem to pop up in different corners of earth. While it remains to be ascertained that whether this is a precursor to a massive alien invasion or simply pranksters' acts in different countries, one more monolith has appeared, this time in El Paso in Texas.

It's raining monoliths and they seem to pop up in different corners of earth. While it remains to be ascertained that whether this is a precursor to a massive alien invasion or simply pranksters' acts in different countries, one more monolith has appeared, this time in El Paso in Texas. This monolith has appeared in car parking lot in a shopping and entertainment complex in the city, as per local media reports. Given the hype around the monoliths, locals thronged to check the new one out. As per videos posted online, the monolith in Texas appears to be hollow and "not sturdy" The monolith sounds hollow as hell really light easy to tip over and move #ElPaso #monolith pic.twitter.com/AVq0pSVx71 — Unelectable Airwaves Podcast 🌹 🔮 (@UnelectableA) December 8, 2020 × As per media reports, the monolith has disappeared. It is likely that the local authorities have removed it but there is no concrete info as yet. Appearance of monoliths has taken social media by storm since last month. The very first one was found in Utah desert. This was followed by monoliths in Romania, in Califonia, on the Isle of Wight and in Belgium. Monoliths have also been found in Spain, Germany and Colombia. The one found in Colombia was a golden one.

Another monolith pops up, in Texas this time

Japan logged a spike of more than 2000 coronavirus cases in a day on Wednesday. As per the numbers by Johns Hopkins University, there were 2158 new coronavirus cases in the country. 35 fresh deaths were recorded. This has brought the total number of coronavirus infections in the country to 166,592.

2334 people have lost their lives so far. Out of the total number of coronavirus cases in the country 58,198 were recorded in just past month.

Japan is preparing to boost its economy that has taken a hit due to coronavirus pandemic. On Tuesday, the government approved more than USD 700 billion in fresh stimulus to fund projects from anti-coronavirus measures to green tech. This is Japan's third such package this financial year

Japan's latest package, worth 73.6 trillion yen ($708 billion), includes loan schemes and actual government spending of around 40 trillion yen.

It is the first stimulus spending Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga has announced since taking office in September, and comes as Japan faces a spike in Covid-19 infections, with record numbers of new cases reported in recent weeks.

"We drew up (the stimulus package) to pave the way for new growth, to protect people's livelihoods as well as maintaining employment and keeping businesses going," Suga said.

Japan officially exited recession last month after three quarters of contraction, and hopes to cement its recovery with the latest spending -- which follows two previous packages this year each worth around 117 trillion yen.

Japan logged a spike of more than 2000 coronavirus cases in a day on Wednesday. As per the numbers by Johns Hopkins University, there were 2158 new coronavirus cases in the country.

Japan logged a spike of more than 2000 coronavirus cases in a day on Wednesday. As per the numbers by Johns Hopkins University, there were 2158 new coronavirus cases in the country. 35 fresh deaths were recorded. This has brought the total number of coronavirus infections in the country to 166,592. 2334 people have lost their lives so far. Out of the total number of coronavirus cases in the country 58,198 were recorded in just past month. Japan is preparing to boost its economy that has taken a hit due to coronavirus pandemic. On Tuesday, the government approved more than USD 700 billion in fresh stimulus to fund projects from anti-coronavirus measures to green tech. This is Japan's third such package this financial year Japan's latest package, worth 73.6 trillion yen ($708 billion), includes loan schemes and actual government spending of around 40 trillion yen. It is the first stimulus spending Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga has announced since taking office in September, and comes as Japan faces a spike in Covid-19 infections, with record numbers of new cases reported in recent weeks. "We drew up (the stimulus package) to pave the way for new growth, to protect people's livelihoods as well as maintaining employment and keeping businesses going," Suga said. Japan officially exited recession last month after three quarters of contraction, and hopes to cement its recovery with the latest spending -- which follows two previous packages this year each worth around 117 trillion yen.

Japan records 2000+ new coronavirus cases

Black Lives Matter: When a single death unleashed full fury of the movement

Last April, when Rob Flaherty, the digital director for Joe Biden’s presidential campaign, told me that the former vice president’s team planned to use feel-good videos and inspirational memes to beat President Donald Trump in a “battle for the soul of the internet,” my first thought was, Good luck with that.

After all, we were talking about the internet, which doesn’t seem to reward anything uplifting or nuanced these days. In addition, Trump is a digital powerhouse, with an enormous and passionate following; a coalition of popular right-wing media outlets boosting his signal; and a flair for saying the kinds of outrageous, attention-grabbing things that are catnip to the algorithms of Facebook, Twitter and YouTube. And after I wrote about Biden’s comparatively tiny internet presence last spring, I heard from legions of nervous Democratic strategists who worried that using “heal the nation” messaging against the MAGA meme army was like bringing a pinwheel to a prizefight.

But in the end, the bed-wetters were wrong. Biden won, and despite having many fewer followers and much less engagement on social media than Trump, his campaign raised record amounts of money and ultimately neutralized Trump’s vaunted “Death Star” — the name his erstwhile campaign manager, Brad Parscale, gave to the campaign’s digital operation.

Figuring out whether any particular online strategy decisively moved the needle for Biden is probably impossible. Offline factors, such as Trump’s mishandling of the pandemic and the economic devastation it has caused, undoubtedly played a major role. But since successful campaigns breed imitators, it’s worth looking under the hood of the Biden digital strategy to see what future campaigns might learn from it.

After the election, I spoke with Flaherty, along with more than a dozen other people who worked on the Biden digital team. They told me that while the internet alone didn’t get Biden elected, a few key decisions helped his chances.

1. Lean on Influencers and Validators

In the early days of his campaign, Biden’s team envisioned setting up its own digital media empire. It posted videos to his official YouTube channel, conducted virtual forums and even set up a podcast hosted by Biden, “Here’s the Deal.” But those efforts were marred by technical glitches and lukewarm receptions, and they never came close to rivaling the reach of Trump’s social media machine.

So the campaign pivoted to a different strategy, which involved expanding Biden’s reach by working with social media influencers and “validators,” people who were trusted by the kinds of voters the campaign hoped to reach.

“We were not the biggest megaphone compared to Trump, so we had to help arm any who were,” said Andrew Bleeker, president of Bully Pulpit Interactive, a Democratic strategy firm that worked with the Biden campaign.

One validator at the top of the team’s list was Brené Brown, a popular author and podcast host who speaks and writes about topics like courage and vulnerability. Brown has a devoted following among suburban women — a critical demographic for Biden’s campaign — and when Biden appeared as a guest on her podcast to talk about his own stories of grief and empathy, the campaign viewed it as a coup.

Also high on the list was actor Dwayne (The Rock) Johnson, whose following skews center-right and male. Johnson’s endorsement this fall of Biden and his running mate, Sen. Kamala Harris, created a so-called permission structure for his followers — including some who may have voted for Trump in 2016 — to support Biden, members of the campaign staff told me.

Celebrity endorsements aren’t a new campaign strategy. But Biden’s team also worked with lesser-known influencers, including YouTubers like Liza Koshy, and struck a partnership with a group of creators known as TikTok for Biden, which the campaign paid to promote pro-Biden content on the teen-dominated video app TikTok.

Perhaps the campaign’s most unlikely validator was Fox News. Headlines from the outlet that reflected well on Biden were relatively rare, but the campaign’s tests showed that they were more persuasive to on-the-fence voters than headlines from other outlets. So when they appeared — as they did in October when Fox News covered an endorsement that Biden received from more than 120 Republican former national security and military officials — the campaign paid to promote them on Facebook and other platforms.

“The headlines from the sources that were the most surprising were the ones that had the most impact,” said Rebecca Rinkevich, Biden’s digital rapid response director. “When people saw a Fox News headline endorsing Joe Biden, it made them stop scrolling and think.”

2. Tune Out Twitter and Focus on ‘Facebook Moms’

A frequent criticism of Hillary Clinton’s 2016 campaign was that it was too focused on appealing to the elite, high-information crowd on Twitter instead of paying attention to the much larger group of voters who get their news and information on Facebook. In 2020, Biden’s digital team was committed to avoiding a repeat.

“The whole Biden campaign ethos was, ‘Twitter isn’t real life,’” Flaherty said. “There are risks of running a campaign that is too hyperaware of your own ideological corner.”

As it focused on Facebook, the Biden campaign paid extra attention to “Facebook moms” — women who spend a lot of time sharing cute and uplifting content, and who the campaign believed could be persuaded to vote for Biden with positive messages about his character. Its target audience, Flaherty said, was women “who would go out and share a video of troops coming home or who would follow The Dodo,” a website known for heartwarming animal videos.

One successful clip aimed at this group showed Biden giving his American flag lapel pin to a young boy at a campaign stop. Another video showed Biden, who has talked about overcoming a stutter in his youth, meeting Brayden Harrington, a 13-year-old boy with one. Both were viewed millions of times.

Voters also responded positively to videos in which Biden showed his command of foreign policy. In January, after a U.S. drone strike killed Iranian Gen. Qassem Soleimani, the campaign posted a three-minute Facebook video of Biden explaining the situation. Despite the snoozy title — “Joe Biden Discusses Donald Trump’s Recent Actions in the Middle East” — the video became one of the campaign’s earliest viral successes.

The campaign experimented with lighter fare, putting virtual Biden for President lawn signs in Animal Crossing, the hit Nintendo game, and setting up a custom “Build Back Better” map in Fortnite, the popular battle royale game, in hopes of reaching younger voters. Some of these efforts were more gimmicky than others. But they all reflected the campaign’s decision to take a pro-Biden message to as many corners of the internet as possible.

“Our goal was really to meet people where they were,” said Christian Tom, head of Biden’s digital partnerships team.

3. Build a Facebook Brain Trust

One of the campaign’s goals, Biden staff members told me, was promoting content that increased “social trust” — in other words, avoiding the kind of energizing, divisive fare that Trump has used to great effect.

But Biden’s digital strategy wasn’t all puppies and rainbows. The campaign also joined ranks with a number of popular left-wing Facebook pages, many of which are known for putting out aggressive anti-Trump content.

They called this group the “Rebel Alliance,” a jokey nod to Parscale’s “Death Star,” and it eventually grew to include the proprietors of pages like Occupy Democrats, Call to Activism, The Other 98 Percent and Being Liberal. On the messaging app Signal, the page owners formed a group text that became a kind of rapid-response brain trust for the campaign.

“I had the freedom to go for the jugular,” said Rafael Rivero, a co-founder of Occupy Democrats and Ridin’ With Biden, another big pro-Biden Facebook page.

Rivero, who was paid by the Biden campaign as a consultant, told me that in addition to cross-posting its content on Occupy Democrats, he often offered the campaign advice based on what was performing well on his pages.

During the Republican National Convention, for example, Rivero noticed that a meme posted by Ridin’ With Biden about Trump’s comments on Medicare and Social Security was going viral. He notified the rest of the Rebel Alliance group and recommended that the campaign borrow the message for Biden’s official Twitter account.

“It was sort of a big, distributed message test,” Flaherty said of the Rebel Alliance. “If it was popping through Occupy or any of our other partners, we knew there was heat there.”

These left-wing pages gave the campaign a bigger Facebook audience than it could have reached on its own. But they also allowed Biden to keep most of his messaging positive while still tapping into the anger and outrage many Democratic voters felt.

4. Promote ‘Small-Batch Creators,’ Not Just Slick Commercials

In its internal tests, the Biden campaign found that traditional political ads — professionally produced, slick-looking 30-second spots — were far less effective than impromptu, behind-the-scenes footage and ads that featured regular voters talking directly into their smartphones or webcams about why they were voting for Biden.

“All our testing showed that higher production value was not better,” said Nathaniel Lubin, a Biden campaign consultant. “The things that were realer, more grainy and cheaper to produce were more credible.”

So the campaign commissioned a series of simple, lo-fi ads targeted at key groups of voters, like a series of self-recorded videos by Biden supporters who didn’t vote in 2016, talking about their regrets.

In addition to hiring traditional Democratic ad firms, the campaign also teamed up with what it called “small-batch creators” — lesser-known producers and digital creators, some of whom had little experience making political ads. Among the small-batch creators it hired: Scotty Wagner, a former art school professor from California, who produced a video about young people who supported Bernie Sanders in the Democratic primary sharing things they didn’t know about Biden, and Jawanza Tucker, a TikTok creator, who made a video styled after a TikTok meme about why he was voting for Biden.

5. Fight Misinformation, but Pick Your Battles

One of the biggest obstacles the Biden campaign faced was a tsunami of misinformation, much of it amplified by the Trump campaign and its right-wing media allies. There were baseless rumors about Biden’s health, unfounded questions about Harris' citizenship and spurious claims about the business dealings of Biden’s son Hunter.

The campaign formed an in-house effort to combat these rumors, known as the “Malarkey Factory.” But it picked its battles carefully, using data from voter testing to guide its responses.

When the Hunter Biden laptop story emerged, for example, some Democrats — worried that it would be 2020’s version of the Hillary Clinton email story — suggested that the Biden campaign should forcefully denounce it. But the campaign’s testing found that most voters in its key groups couldn’t follow the complexities of the allegations and that it wasn’t changing their opinion of Joe Biden.

“The Hunter Biden conversation was many times larger than the Hillary Clinton email conversation, but it really didn’t stick because people think Joe Biden’s a good guy,” said Bleeker of Bully Pulpit Interactive.

The campaign still responded to the reports, and Biden defended his son on the debate stage. But it stopped short of mounting a full-throated countermessaging campaign.

When it did respond to misinformation, the Biden team tried to address the root of the narrative. After right-wing influencers posted compilation videos of Biden stumbling over his words and appearing forgetful, the campaign surveyed voters to try to figure out whether the attempt to paint him as mentally unfit was resonating. It discovered that the real concern for many people wasn’t Biden’s age or his health, per se, but whether he was an easily manipulated tool of the radical left.

The Biden team identified the voters who were most likely to see those clips and ran a targeted digital ad campaign showing them videos of Biden speaking lucidly at debates and public events.

Flaherty, the campaign digital director, said the campaign’s focus on empathy had informed how it treated misinformation: not as a cynical Trump ploy that was swallowed by credulous dupes but as something that required listening to voters to understand their concerns and worries before fighting back. Ultimately, he said, the campaign’s entire digital strategy — the Malarkey Factory, the TikTok creators and Facebook moms, the Fortnite signs and small-batch creators — was about trying to reach a kinder, gentler version of the internet that it still believed existed.

“It was about, how do we throw the incentives of the internet for a bit of a loop?” he said. “We made a decision early that we were going to be authentically Joe Biden online, even when people were saying that was a trap.”

Last April, when Rob Flaherty, the digital director for Joe Biden’s presidential campaign, told me that the former vice president’s team planned to use feel-good videos and inspirational memes to beat President Donald Trump in a “battle for the soul of the internet,” my first thought was, Good luck with that.

Last April, when Rob Flaherty, the digital director for Joe Biden’s presidential campaign, told me that the former vice president’s team planned to use feel-good videos and inspirational memes to beat President Donald Trump in a “battle for the soul of the internet,” my first thought was, Good luck with that. After all, we were talking about the internet, which doesn’t seem to reward anything uplifting or nuanced these days. In addition, Trump is a digital powerhouse, with an enormous and passionate following; a coalition of popular right-wing media outlets boosting his signal; and a flair for saying the kinds of outrageous, attention-grabbing things that are catnip to the algorithms of Facebook, Twitter and YouTube. And after I wrote about Biden’s comparatively tiny internet presence last spring, I heard from legions of nervous Democratic strategists who worried that using “heal the nation” messaging against the MAGA meme army was like bringing a pinwheel to a prizefight. But in the end, the bed-wetters were wrong. Biden won, and despite having many fewer followers and much less engagement on social media than Trump, his campaign raised record amounts of money and ultimately neutralized Trump’s vaunted “Death Star” — the name his erstwhile campaign manager, Brad Parscale, gave to the campaign’s digital operation. Figuring out whether any particular online strategy decisively moved the needle for Biden is probably impossible. Offline factors, such as Trump’s mishandling of the pandemic and the economic devastation it has caused, undoubtedly played a major role. But since successful campaigns breed imitators, it’s worth looking under the hood of the Biden digital strategy to see what future campaigns might learn from it. After the election, I spoke with Flaherty, along with more than a dozen other people who worked on the Biden digital team. They told me that while the internet alone didn’t get Biden elected, a few key decisions helped his chances. 1. Lean on Influencers and Validators In the early days of his campaign, Biden’s team envisioned setting up its own digital media empire. It posted videos to his official YouTube channel, conducted virtual forums and even set up a podcast hosted by Biden, “Here’s the Deal.” But those efforts were marred by technical glitches and lukewarm receptions, and they never came close to rivaling the reach of Trump’s social media machine. So the campaign pivoted to a different strategy, which involved expanding Biden’s reach by working with social media influencers and “validators,” people who were trusted by the kinds of voters the campaign hoped to reach. “We were not the biggest megaphone compared to Trump, so we had to help arm any who were,” said Andrew Bleeker, president of Bully Pulpit Interactive, a Democratic strategy firm that worked with the Biden campaign. One validator at the top of the team’s list was Brené Brown, a popular author and podcast host who speaks and writes about topics like courage and vulnerability. Brown has a devoted following among suburban women — a critical demographic for Biden’s campaign — and when Biden appeared as a guest on her podcast to talk about his own stories of grief and empathy, the campaign viewed it as a coup. Also high on the list was actor Dwayne (The Rock) Johnson, whose following skews center-right and male. Johnson’s endorsement this fall of Biden and his running mate, Sen. Kamala Harris, created a so-called permission structure for his followers — including some who may have voted for Trump in 2016 — to support Biden, members of the campaign staff told me. Celebrity endorsements aren’t a new campaign strategy. But Biden’s team also worked with lesser-known influencers, including YouTubers like Liza Koshy, and struck a partnership with a group of creators known as TikTok for Biden, which the campaign paid to promote pro-Biden content on the teen-dominated video app TikTok. Perhaps the campaign’s most unlikely validator was Fox News. Headlines from the outlet that reflected well on Biden were relatively rare, but the campaign’s tests showed that they were more persuasive to on-the-fence voters than headlines from other outlets. So when they appeared — as they did in October when Fox News covered an endorsement that Biden received from more than 120 Republican former national security and military officials — the campaign paid to promote them on Facebook and other platforms. “The headlines from the sources that were the most surprising were the ones that had the most impact,” said Rebecca Rinkevich, Biden’s digital rapid response director. “When people saw a Fox News headline endorsing Joe Biden, it made them stop scrolling and think.” 2. Tune Out Twitter and Focus on ‘Facebook Moms’ A frequent criticism of Hillary Clinton’s 2016 campaign was that it was too focused on appealing to the elite, high-information crowd on Twitter instead of paying attention to the much larger group of voters who get their news and information on Facebook. In 2020, Biden’s digital team was committed to avoiding a repeat. “The whole Biden campaign ethos was, ‘Twitter isn’t real life,’” Flaherty said. “There are risks of running a campaign that is too hyperaware of your own ideological corner.” As it focused on Facebook, the Biden campaign paid extra attention to “Facebook moms” — women who spend a lot of time sharing cute and uplifting content, and who the campaign believed could be persuaded to vote for Biden with positive messages about his character. Its target audience, Flaherty said, was women “who would go out and share a video of troops coming home or who would follow The Dodo,” a website known for heartwarming animal videos. One successful clip aimed at this group showed Biden giving his American flag lapel pin to a young boy at a campaign stop. Another video showed Biden, who has talked about overcoming a stutter in his youth, meeting Brayden Harrington, a 13-year-old boy with one. Both were viewed millions of times. Voters also responded positively to videos in which Biden showed his command of foreign policy. In January, after a U.S. drone strike killed Iranian Gen. Qassem Soleimani, the campaign posted a three-minute Facebook video of Biden explaining the situation. Despite the snoozy title — “Joe Biden Discusses Donald Trump’s Recent Actions in the Middle East” — the video became one of the campaign’s earliest viral successes. The campaign experimented with lighter fare, putting virtual Biden for President lawn signs in Animal Crossing, the hit Nintendo game, and setting up a custom “Build Back Better” map in Fortnite, the popular battle royale game, in hopes of reaching younger voters. Some of these efforts were more gimmicky than others. But they all reflected the campaign’s decision to take a pro-Biden message to as many corners of the internet as possible. “Our goal was really to meet people where they were,” said Christian Tom, head of Biden’s digital partnerships team. 3. Build a Facebook Brain Trust One of the campaign’s goals, Biden staff members told me, was promoting content that increased “social trust” — in other words, avoiding the kind of energizing, divisive fare that Trump has used to great effect. But Biden’s digital strategy wasn’t all puppies and rainbows. The campaign also joined ranks with a number of popular left-wing Facebook pages, many of which are known for putting out aggressive anti-Trump content. They called this group the “Rebel Alliance,” a jokey nod to Parscale’s “Death Star,” and it eventually grew to include the proprietors of pages like Occupy Democrats, Call to Activism, The Other 98 Percent and Being Liberal. On the messaging app Signal, the page owners formed a group text that became a kind of rapid-response brain trust for the campaign. “I had the freedom to go for the jugular,” said Rafael Rivero, a co-founder of Occupy Democrats and Ridin’ With Biden, another big pro-Biden Facebook page. Rivero, who was paid by the Biden campaign as a consultant, told me that in addition to cross-posting its content on Occupy Democrats, he often offered the campaign advice based on what was performing well on his pages. During the Republican National Convention, for example, Rivero noticed that a meme posted by Ridin’ With Biden about Trump’s comments on Medicare and Social Security was going viral. He notified the rest of the Rebel Alliance group and recommended that the campaign borrow the message for Biden’s official Twitter account. “It was sort of a big, distributed message test,” Flaherty said of the Rebel Alliance. “If it was popping through Occupy or any of our other partners, we knew there was heat there.” These left-wing pages gave the campaign a bigger Facebook audience than it could have reached on its own. But they also allowed Biden to keep most of his messaging positive while still tapping into the anger and outrage many Democratic voters felt. 4. Promote ‘Small-Batch Creators,’ Not Just Slick Commercials In its internal tests, the Biden campaign found that traditional political ads — professionally produced, slick-looking 30-second spots — were far less effective than impromptu, behind-the-scenes footage and ads that featured regular voters talking directly into their smartphones or webcams about why they were voting for Biden. “All our testing showed that higher production value was not better,” said Nathaniel Lubin, a Biden campaign consultant. “The things that were realer, more grainy and cheaper to produce were more credible.” So the campaign commissioned a series of simple, lo-fi ads targeted at key groups of voters, like a series of self-recorded videos by Biden supporters who didn’t vote in 2016, talking about their regrets. In addition to hiring traditional Democratic ad firms, the campaign also teamed up with what it called “small-batch creators” — lesser-known producers and digital creators, some of whom had little experience making political ads. Among the small-batch creators it hired: Scotty Wagner, a former art school professor from California, who produced a video about young people who supported Bernie Sanders in the Democratic primary sharing things they didn’t know about Biden, and Jawanza Tucker, a TikTok creator, who made a video styled after a TikTok meme about why he was voting for Biden. 5. Fight Misinformation, but Pick Your Battles One of the biggest obstacles the Biden campaign faced was a tsunami of misinformation, much of it amplified by the Trump campaign and its right-wing media allies. There were baseless rumors about Biden’s health, unfounded questions about Harris' citizenship and spurious claims about the business dealings of Biden’s son Hunter. The campaign formed an in-house effort to combat these rumors, known as the “Malarkey Factory.” But it picked its battles carefully, using data from voter testing to guide its responses. When the Hunter Biden laptop story emerged, for example, some Democrats — worried that it would be 2020’s version of the Hillary Clinton email story — suggested that the Biden campaign should forcefully denounce it. But the campaign’s testing found that most voters in its key groups couldn’t follow the complexities of the allegations and that it wasn’t changing their opinion of Joe Biden. “The Hunter Biden conversation was many times larger than the Hillary Clinton email conversation, but it really didn’t stick because people think Joe Biden’s a good guy,” said Bleeker of Bully Pulpit Interactive. The campaign still responded to the reports, and Biden defended his son on the debate stage. But it stopped short of mounting a full-throated countermessaging campaign. When it did respond to misinformation, the Biden team tried to address the root of the narrative. After right-wing influencers posted compilation videos of Biden stumbling over his words and appearing forgetful, the campaign surveyed voters to try to figure out whether the attempt to paint him as mentally unfit was resonating. It discovered that the real concern for many people wasn’t Biden’s age or his health, per se, but whether he was an easily manipulated tool of the radical left. The Biden team identified the voters who were most likely to see those clips and ran a targeted digital ad campaign showing them videos of Biden speaking lucidly at debates and public events. Flaherty, the campaign digital director, said the campaign’s focus on empathy had informed how it treated misinformation: not as a cynical Trump ploy that was swallowed by credulous dupes but as something that required listening to voters to understand their concerns and worries before fighting back. Ultimately, he said, the campaign’s entire digital strategy — the Malarkey Factory, the TikTok creators and Facebook moms, the Fortnite signs and small-batch creators — was about trying to reach a kinder, gentler version of the internet that it still believed existed. “It was about, how do we throw the incentives of the internet for a bit of a loop?” he said. “We made a decision early that we were going to be authentically Joe Biden online, even when people were saying that was a trap.”

How Joe Biden’s digital team tamed the MAGA internet

Somalis fear a U.S. decision to withdraw troops from their country will be seen as a victory for al-Qaida-linked militants who have wreaked havoc there for years, and sow the potential for further chaos at an especially delicate moment for Somalia and the region.

Somali presidential elections are scheduled in just two months; war is erupting in neighboring Ethiopia; and the militants, from al-Shabab, are still strong despite years of U.S.-led raids and drone strikes.

The timing of Friday’s Pentagon announcement, some Somalis say, is terrible.

“The fight against global terrorism is still ongoing, and we must still win the battle for peace and security to prevail,” said Ayub Ismail Yusuf, a Somali senator, who called the U.S. decision “untimely” on Twitter. “We must not give up on our successes.”

At Mogadishu University, Abdullahi, a 23-year-old political science student, said he feared al-Shabab will now be able to “strike without fear” in the capital.

“Now their leaders can move easily from place to place with little threat,” he added, asking that his full name be withheld to protect against possible reprisals. He lives near the charred remains of an ice cream parlor blitzed by an al-Shabab suicide bomber Nov. 27, an attack that killed seven people.

The Pentagon said it will “reposition” some of the estimated 700 U.S. troops in Somalia to other parts of East Africa — likely Kenya and Djibouti — and continue to carry out raids against al-Shabab and a smaller cluster of Islamic State group fighters in northern Somalia from bases in neighboring countries.

Drone strikes, which have killed numerous senior and midlevel al-Shabab commanders as well as dozens of civilians, will continue.

President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed of Somalia did not immediately react to the U.S. decision, announced late Friday as part of President Donald Trump’s drive to end what he calls America’s endless wars before leaving office Jan. 20. Whether fears over the withdrawal, which is expected by mid-January, are fully merited is not yet clear.

What seems certain, though, is that the brunt of the changes will be borne by Danab, an elite Somali force that the U.S. military took under its wing after its formation in 2013. Since then, U.S. soldiers have trained and armed the Somali commandos, whose numbers have grown to about 1,000, and have often accompanied them on raids against al-Shabab.

Now Danab will be largely on its own.

Col. Ahmed Abdullahi Sheikh, who commanded Danab between 2016 and 2019, said he expected the United States to continue funding and arming the elite force. But the crucial U.S. “advise-and-assist” role — Americans helping Somali officers plan raids and accompanying them into firefights — will not be easily replaced, he said.

“You can launch and stage operations from countries like Djibouti and Kenya, but it’s not the same as being in the country,” Sheikh said. “You can’t train a force remotely.”

Even with years of U.S. support, Somalia has been able to only partially blunt al-Shabab’s potency.

The group controls swaths of southern Somalia, where its fighters ambush and bomb Somalia soldiers and African Union peacekeepers. A recent U.S. government report noted that al-Shabab was involved in 440 violent events in Somalia between July and September — the highest number in two years.

U.S. and Somali pressure has succeeded, though, in stemming sophisticated, large-scale attacks in Mogadishu, said Omar Mahmood, a Somalia analyst at the International Crisis Group, a conflict research organization.

The Somalis were supposed to be standing on their own feet in the coming year. An international plan hashed out in 2017 called for Somali security forces to be operating independently by 2021. That will not happen.

Danab, the main counterterrorism strike force, still relies heavily on U.S. support and has reached only about one-third of its planned size.

The U.S. withdrawal “could have a pretty big impact” Mahmood said. “The American advisory role is invaluable for Danab. This raises concerns it can continue to develop.”

Danab is not the main pillar of Somali security. The government relies heavily on a 19,000-strong force of African Union peacekeepers — although that, too, has been buffeted by uncertainty because of the erupting civil conflict in Ethiopia, which contributes about 4,000 troops.

The U.S. pullout from Somalia may have been inevitable. President-elect Joe Biden has also committed to withdrawing U.S. troops from “forever wars” — open-ended counterterrorism missions that proliferated after 2001.

But Somalia experts warned that Trump’s decision to pull the plug now, as Somalia faces parliamentary elections this month and a presidential vote in February, was a recipe for chaos and maximum damage.

“It’s typical of the Trump administration’s incoherent policy toward Somalia,” said Matt Bryden, a strategic adviser at Sahan Research, a group that specializes in the Horn of Africa. “This is an incomprehensible decision at a time when governments are likely to change in both Somalia and the U.S. It would have made more sense to wait a few months.”

Pentagon assurances that the U.S. will continue to hit al-Shabab from bases outside the country, he said, “look like a brave attempt to put lipstick on a pig.”

Other experts, though, said there is never a good time to leave a fragile country like Somalia.

“It’s probably a good thing if the American relationship with Somalia is not predominantly about a few hundred soldiers,” said Brittany Brown, a former Africa adviser at the National Security Council in the Obama and Trump administrations and now chief of staff for the International Crisis Group. “But like everything with Trump, it’s been so poorly executed.”

Somalia’s turmoil will not be solved by drone strikes or military raids, she said. “It won’t stop until Somalia has a government that can provide services to its people. Until then, al-Shabab will continue to be a threat.”

The presidential election itself faces some uncertainty. The incumbent, Mohamed, has been at loggerheads with Somalia’s regional leaders, and the opposition fears he may try to manipulate the vote.

Without the U.S. troops, the Somalis can still rely on other foreign allies like Qatar, which provides cash and humanitarian aid, and Turkey, which aims to train about 10,000 regular soldiers.

But for the Danab force, the U.S. withdrawal will constitute a “wake-up call,” said Sheikh, its former commander. “They realize they can’t rely on outside help anymore.”

It may also leave the force more prone to political interference, not to mention the corruption that has blighted other Somali security units. And the U.S. departure may deal a blow to morale, raising questions about America’s commitment to their fight.

“A bit of trust will be lost,” Sheikh said. “And it will be really hard to get it back.”

Somalis fear a U.S. decision to withdraw troops from their country will be seen as a victory for al-Qaida-linked militants who have wreaked havoc there for years, and sow the potential for further chaos at an especially delicate moment for Somalia and the region.

Somalis fear a U.S. decision to withdraw troops from their country will be seen as a victory for al-Qaida-linked militants who have wreaked havoc there for years, and sow the potential for further chaos at an especially delicate moment for Somalia and the region. Somali presidential elections are scheduled in just two months; war is erupting in neighboring Ethiopia; and the militants, from al-Shabab, are still strong despite years of U.S.-led raids and drone strikes. The timing of Friday’s Pentagon announcement, some Somalis say, is terrible. “The fight against global terrorism is still ongoing, and we must still win the battle for peace and security to prevail,” said Ayub Ismail Yusuf, a Somali senator, who called the U.S. decision “untimely” on Twitter. “We must not give up on our successes.” At Mogadishu University, Abdullahi, a 23-year-old political science student, said he feared al-Shabab will now be able to “strike without fear” in the capital. “Now their leaders can move easily from place to place with little threat,” he added, asking that his full name be withheld to protect against possible reprisals. He lives near the charred remains of an ice cream parlor blitzed by an al-Shabab suicide bomber Nov. 27, an attack that killed seven people. The Pentagon said it will “reposition” some of the estimated 700 U.S. troops in Somalia to other parts of East Africa — likely Kenya and Djibouti — and continue to carry out raids against al-Shabab and a smaller cluster of Islamic State group fighters in northern Somalia from bases in neighboring countries. Drone strikes, which have killed numerous senior and midlevel al-Shabab commanders as well as dozens of civilians, will continue. President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed of Somalia did not immediately react to the U.S. decision, announced late Friday as part of President Donald Trump’s drive to end what he calls America’s endless wars before leaving office Jan. 20. Whether fears over the withdrawal, which is expected by mid-January, are fully merited is not yet clear. What seems certain, though, is that the brunt of the changes will be borne by Danab, an elite Somali force that the U.S. military took under its wing after its formation in 2013. Since then, U.S. soldiers have trained and armed the Somali commandos, whose numbers have grown to about 1,000, and have often accompanied them on raids against al-Shabab. Now Danab will be largely on its own. Col. Ahmed Abdullahi Sheikh, who commanded Danab between 2016 and 2019, said he expected the United States to continue funding and arming the elite force. But the crucial U.S. “advise-and-assist” role — Americans helping Somali officers plan raids and accompanying them into firefights — will not be easily replaced, he said. “You can launch and stage operations from countries like Djibouti and Kenya, but it’s not the same as being in the country,” Sheikh said. “You can’t train a force remotely.” Even with years of U.S. support, Somalia has been able to only partially blunt al-Shabab’s potency. The group controls swaths of southern Somalia, where its fighters ambush and bomb Somalia soldiers and African Union peacekeepers. A recent U.S. government report noted that al-Shabab was involved in 440 violent events in Somalia between July and September — the highest number in two years. U.S. and Somali pressure has succeeded, though, in stemming sophisticated, large-scale attacks in Mogadishu, said Omar Mahmood, a Somalia analyst at the International Crisis Group, a conflict research organization. The Somalis were supposed to be standing on their own feet in the coming year. An international plan hashed out in 2017 called for Somali security forces to be operating independently by 2021. That will not happen. Danab, the main counterterrorism strike force, still relies heavily on U.S. support and has reached only about one-third of its planned size. The U.S. withdrawal “could have a pretty big impact” Mahmood said. “The American advisory role is invaluable for Danab. This raises concerns it can continue to develop.” Danab is not the main pillar of Somali security. The government relies heavily on a 19,000-strong force of African Union peacekeepers — although that, too, has been buffeted by uncertainty because of the erupting civil conflict in Ethiopia, which contributes about 4,000 troops. The U.S. pullout from Somalia may have been inevitable. President-elect Joe Biden has also committed to withdrawing U.S. troops from “forever wars” — open-ended counterterrorism missions that proliferated after 2001. But Somalia experts warned that Trump’s decision to pull the plug now, as Somalia faces parliamentary elections this month and a presidential vote in February, was a recipe for chaos and maximum damage. “It’s typical of the Trump administration’s incoherent policy toward Somalia,” said Matt Bryden, a strategic adviser at Sahan Research, a group that specializes in the Horn of Africa. “This is an incomprehensible decision at a time when governments are likely to change in both Somalia and the U.S. It would have made more sense to wait a few months.” Pentagon assurances that the U.S. will continue to hit al-Shabab from bases outside the country, he said, “look like a brave attempt to put lipstick on a pig.” Other experts, though, said there is never a good time to leave a fragile country like Somalia. “It’s probably a good thing if the American relationship with Somalia is not predominantly about a few hundred soldiers,” said Brittany Brown, a former Africa adviser at the National Security Council in the Obama and Trump administrations and now chief of staff for the International Crisis Group. “But like everything with Trump, it’s been so poorly executed.” Somalia’s turmoil will not be solved by drone strikes or military raids, she said. “It won’t stop until Somalia has a government that can provide services to its people. Until then, al-Shabab will continue to be a threat.” The presidential election itself faces some uncertainty. The incumbent, Mohamed, has been at loggerheads with Somalia’s regional leaders, and the opposition fears he may try to manipulate the vote. Without the U.S. troops, the Somalis can still rely on other foreign allies like Qatar, which provides cash and humanitarian aid, and Turkey, which aims to train about 10,000 regular soldiers. But for the Danab force, the U.S. withdrawal will constitute a “wake-up call,” said Sheikh, its former commander. “They realize they can’t rely on outside help anymore.” It may also leave the force more prone to political interference, not to mention the corruption that has blighted other Somali security units. And the U.S. departure may deal a blow to morale, raising questions about America’s commitment to their fight. “A bit of trust will be lost,” Sheikh said. “And it will be really hard to get it back.”

In Somalia, US troop withdrawal is seen as badly timed

Thousands of protesters marched in Belarus capital Minsk and elsewhere on Sunday as protests continued against President Alexander Lukashenko. Police detained more than 300 people.&nbsp;

Belarus has been rocked by mass protest since presidential elections in August which Lukashenko claims to have won. His opponents say that the election was rigged and are demanding his resignation ever since.

Lukashenko is considered close to Russia, which sees Belarus as a buffer against NATO.

On Sunday, most protesters marched in remote residential areas of Minsk. They clapped hands, shouted "long live Belarus" and waving white flags with a red stripe in the middle, a symbol of the opposition.

"This (protest) does work as it is impossible to rule the country when the majority does not accept you. With protests we are showing that we are the majority," said one of the protesters Alisa, 21.

Lukashenko has remained in power for 26 years. He has shrugged off the protests saying they are sponsored by the West. He has shown little signs of any willingness to start dialogue with the opposition.

Military vehicles and water cannons were seen on the streets of Minsk on Sunday while uniformed men, many in helmets, grabbed people in civilian clothes, a witness aid and videos posted on social media showed.

In Minsk alone, the police detained more than 300 people accused of "violating the law on mass events", Russia's TASS news agency quoted the Belarus interior ministry as saying.

Russian President Vladimir Putin has urged political forces in Belarus to try to resolve differences through dialogue, and also said the ex-Soviet republic, a close Moscow ally, was facing unprecedented meddling by external forces.

(With Reuters inputs)

Thousands of protesters marched in Belarus capital Minsk and elsewhere on Sunday as protests continued against President Alexander Lukashenko. Police detained more than 300 people.

Thousands of protesters marched in Belarus capital Minsk and elsewhere on Sunday as protests continued against President Alexander Lukashenko. Police detained more than 300 people. Belarus has been rocked by mass protest since presidential elections in August which Lukashenko claims to have won. His opponents say that the election was rigged and are demanding his resignation ever since. Lukashenko is considered close to Russia, which sees Belarus as a buffer against NATO. On Sunday, most protesters marched in remote residential areas of Minsk. They clapped hands, shouted "long live Belarus" and waving white flags with a red stripe in the middle, a symbol of the opposition. "This (protest) does work as it is impossible to rule the country when the majority does not accept you. With protests we are showing that we are the majority," said one of the protesters Alisa, 21. Lukashenko has remained in power for 26 years. He has shrugged off the protests saying they are sponsored by the West. He has shown little signs of any willingness to start dialogue with the opposition. Military vehicles and water cannons were seen on the streets of Minsk on Sunday while uniformed men, many in helmets, grabbed people in civilian clothes, a witness aid and videos posted on social media showed. In Minsk alone, the police detained more than 300 people accused of "violating the law on mass events", Russia's TASS news agency quoted the Belarus interior ministry as saying. Russian President Vladimir Putin has urged political forces in Belarus to try to resolve differences through dialogue, and also said the ex-Soviet republic, a close Moscow ally, was facing unprecedented meddling by external forces. (With Reuters inputs)

Belarus: Thousands of protesters march, demand Lukashenko's resignation

Police in Hong Kong confirmed freezing bank accounts of pro-democracy politician who fled overseas. The police said on Sunday that the politician was being investigated for national security crimes. Ted Hui, a veteran opposition activist and former lawmaker left Hong Kong last week after he faced a string of prosecutions.

Hui said the banks accounts belonging to him, his wife and his parents in Bank of China Hong Kong, HSBC and Hang Seng Bank were frozen.

He confirmed he would go into exile while attending a conference in Denmark, joining a growing list of critics who have fled the financial hub since Beijing imposed a sweeping new security law over the summer.

Hui, who travelled on to Britain on Friday, said his bank accounts and those of some family members had been frozen, accusing authorities of "using economic oppression as means of political retaliation".

On Sunday evening police issued a response to media enquiries, confirming Hui is now being investigated for "colluding with foreign forces", one of the new national security crimes.

So far around HK$850,000 (US$109,000) is in the frozen accounts, the statement said.&nbsp;

Hui is also suspected of money laundering linked to a crowdfunding campaign that allegedly went to accounts owned by his relatives.&nbsp;

Hong Kong prides itself as a dependable free market economy and a business bridge between China and international markets.

But large and often violent pro-democracy protests last year -- and Beijing's subsequent clampdown -- has ramped up political risk for banks.

China has made it clear it expects international businesses to back its security law, which grants authorities expanded investigatory and seizure powers.

The US has declared Hong Kong no longer sufficiently autonomous from the mainland and sanctioned key officials, including the city's leader Carrie Lam.

In an interview last month, the Hong Kong chief executive said she has now been forced to rely on "piles of cash" at home after US sanctions meant that her bank accounts were cut off.

The US has ordered banks to stop doing business with top officials in the city and warned further sanctions could come against any businesses deemed to be complicit in the crackdown.

At the same time, China's new law makes it a potential security crime to adhere to foreign sanctions, leaving international banks in a quandary that has yet to be resolved.

(With AFP inputs)

Police in Hong Kong confirmed freezing bank accounts of pro-democracy politician who fled overseas. The police said on Sunday that the politician was being investigated for national security crimes.

Police in Hong Kong confirmed freezing bank accounts of pro-democracy politician who fled overseas. The police said on Sunday that the politician was being investigated for national security crimes. Ted Hui, a veteran opposition activist and former lawmaker left Hong Kong last week after he faced a string of prosecutions. Hui said the banks accounts belonging to him, his wife and his parents in Bank of China Hong Kong, HSBC and Hang Seng Bank were frozen. He confirmed he would go into exile while attending a conference in Denmark, joining a growing list of critics who have fled the financial hub since Beijing imposed a sweeping new security law over the summer. Hui, who travelled on to Britain on Friday, said his bank accounts and those of some family members had been frozen, accusing authorities of "using economic oppression as means of political retaliation". On Sunday evening police issued a response to media enquiries, confirming Hui is now being investigated for "colluding with foreign forces", one of the new national security crimes. So far around HK$850,000 (US$109,000) is in the frozen accounts, the statement said. Hui is also suspected of money laundering linked to a crowdfunding campaign that allegedly went to accounts owned by his relatives. Hong Kong prides itself as a dependable free market economy and a business bridge between China and international markets. But large and often violent pro-democracy protests last year -- and Beijing's subsequent clampdown -- has ramped up political risk for banks. China has made it clear it expects international businesses to back its security law, which grants authorities expanded investigatory and seizure powers. The US has declared Hong Kong no longer sufficiently autonomous from the mainland and sanctioned key officials, including the city's leader Carrie Lam. In an interview last month, the Hong Kong chief executive said she has now been forced to rely on "piles of cash" at home after US sanctions meant that her bank accounts were cut off. The US has ordered banks to stop doing business with top officials in the city and warned further sanctions could come against any businesses deemed to be complicit in the crackdown. At the same time, China's new law makes it a potential security crime to adhere to foreign sanctions, leaving international banks in a quandary that has yet to be resolved. (With AFP inputs)

Hong Kong police confirm bank account freeze of runaway pro-democracy politician

Last ditch efforts are on from both sides as British and European Union negotiators embarked on talks which are probably in their final two days. The negotiations are taking place over a trade deal. Both sides have not been able to close-in on an agreement for past eight months.

Britain's David Frost and EU's Michel Barnier took up from where they left off in EU headquarters in Brussels, ending a two-day pause after a fruitless week of late-night wrangling in London.

"We're working very hard to try to get a deal. We'll see what happens in the negotiations today," Frost told reporters as he arrived at the city's Gare de Midi train station.

It is expected that the talks will go on till late Sunday and into Monday. Senior negotiators are still haggling over last remaining but most contentious issues.

Also Read | <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/explainer-the-potential-impact-of-brexit-without-a-trade-deal-347959">Explainer: The potential impact of Brexit without a trade deal</a>

UK PM Boris Johnson will reportedly lobby European leaders. Johnson's call with EU chief Ursula von der Leyen on Saturday ended without any agreement.

Both of them will now talk on Monday evening. 27 EU leaders will then gather in Brussels on Thursday for a two-day summit planned to tackle their own budget dispute, but which will now once again be clouded by Brexit worries.

Johnson and von der Leyen issued a downbeat joint statement after their call, with divisions still wide over fishing rights, fair trade rules and an enforcement mechanism to govern any deal.

'No sense'

Ireland would be the EU member worst hit by a failure to strike a deal and Foreign Minister Simon Coveney insisted agreement was crucial to avoid more damage to an economy already reeling from the Covid-19 pandemic. 
Failure "doesn’t make any political sense and it certainly doesn't make any economic or social sense either", he told RTE news.

"And for all those reasons, I think that the negotiating teams and senior politicians will find a way of getting a deal here, but at the moment we're in a difficult place as we try to close it out," he said.

Britain formally left the EU in January, nearly four years after a referendum on membership that split the nation down the middle and two months after Johnson won an election touting what he claimed was an "oven ready" Brexit deal.

The UK is bound to the EU's tariff-free single market until a post-Brexit transition period expires at the end of the year -- an immovable deadline by which time the two sides must try to agree on new terms for their future relationship.

"It's in a very difficult position, there's no point denying that," British Environment Minister George Eustice told Sky News.

"We're going continue to work on these negotiations until there's no point in doing so any further."

Without a deal, the bulk of cross-Channel trade will revert to World Trade Organization terms, a return to tariffs and quotas after almost five decades of close economic and political integration.

Johnson has insisted Britain will "prosper mightily" whatever the outcome of the talks, but he will face severe political and economic fallout if he cannot seal a deal.

"If there is no deal now, I see huge international implications... because we would be in an economic war with Europe that would cost us very dearly," former Labour prime minister Gordon Brown told Sky News.

European capitals have remained remarkably united behind Barnier through the fraught Brexit process, but some internal fractures have now begun to surface.

On Friday, France threatened to veto any deal that falls short of their demands on ensuring fair trade and access to UK fishing waters, where they have demanded a durable agreement, whereas Britain wants frequent renegotiations.

"We know that 100-percent access to fishing waters in the UK maritime zone is finished," European Affairs minister Clement Beaune told French weekly le Journal du Dimanche.&nbsp;

"But we need lasting access. The British can't have total access to our EU single market and exclude fish." 
Barnier was to brief envoys from the bloc member states early on Monday with several countries sharing Paris's concerns that the EU side could give too much ground, especially on fair trade rules.

Last ditch efforts are on from both sides as British and European Union negotiators embarked on talks which are probably in their final two days. The negotiations are taking place over a trade deal.

Last ditch efforts are on from both sides as British and European Union negotiators embarked on talks which are probably in their final two days. The negotiations are taking place over a trade deal. Both sides have not been able to close-in on an agreement for past eight months. Britain's David Frost and EU's Michel Barnier took up from where they left off in EU headquarters in Brussels, ending a two-day pause after a fruitless week of late-night wrangling in London. "We're working very hard to try to get a deal. We'll see what happens in the negotiations today," Frost told reporters as he arrived at the city's Gare de Midi train station. It is expected that the talks will go on till late Sunday and into Monday. Senior negotiators are still haggling over last remaining but most contentious issues. Also Read | Explainer: The potential impact of Brexit without a trade deal UK PM Boris Johnson will reportedly lobby European leaders. Johnson's call with EU chief Ursula von der Leyen on Saturday ended without any agreement. Both of them will now talk on Monday evening. 27 EU leaders will then gather in Brussels on Thursday for a two-day summit planned to tackle their own budget dispute, but which will now once again be clouded by Brexit worries. Johnson and von der Leyen issued a downbeat joint statement after their call, with divisions still wide over fishing rights, fair trade rules and an enforcement mechanism to govern any deal. 'No sense' Ireland would be the EU member worst hit by a failure to strike a deal and Foreign Minister Simon Coveney insisted agreement was crucial to avoid more damage to an economy already reeling from the Covid-19 pandemic. Failure "doesn’t make any political sense and it certainly doesn't make any economic or social sense either", he told RTE news. "And for all those reasons, I think that the negotiating teams and senior politicians will find a way of getting a deal here, but at the moment we're in a difficult place as we try to close it out," he said. Britain formally left the EU in January, nearly four years after a referendum on membership that split the nation down the middle and two months after Johnson won an election touting what he claimed was an "oven ready" Brexit deal. The UK is bound to the EU's tariff-free single market until a post-Brexit transition period expires at the end of the year -- an immovable deadline by which time the two sides must try to agree on new terms for their future relationship. "It's in a very difficult position, there's no point denying that," British Environment Minister George Eustice told Sky News. "We're going continue to work on these negotiations until there's no point in doing so any further." Without a deal, the bulk of cross-Channel trade will revert to World Trade Organization terms, a return to tariffs and quotas after almost five decades of close economic and political integration. Johnson has insisted Britain will "prosper mightily" whatever the outcome of the talks, but he will face severe political and economic fallout if he cannot seal a deal. "If there is no deal now, I see huge international implications... because we would be in an economic war with Europe that would cost us very dearly," former Labour prime minister Gordon Brown told Sky News. European capitals have remained remarkably united behind Barnier through the fraught Brexit process, but some internal fractures have now begun to surface. On Friday, France threatened to veto any deal that falls short of their demands on ensuring fair trade and access to UK fishing waters, where they have demanded a durable agreement, whereas Britain wants frequent renegotiations. "We know that 100-percent access to fishing waters in the UK maritime zone is finished," European Affairs minister Clement Beaune told French weekly le Journal du Dimanche. "But we need lasting access. The British can't have total access to our EU single market and exclude fish." Barnier was to brief envoys from the bloc member states early on Monday with several countries sharing Paris's concerns that the EU side could give too much ground, especially on fair trade rules.

Brexit: Last ditch efforts on to save trade deal talks from failure

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