Over the last 10 days, Iran's second most powerful person Soleimani was killed, missiles were fired & Iran shot down a passenger plane due to a 'human error'. De-escalation is a necessity even as the world grieves for the dead. Details in this report. #Gravitas #WestAsia

Gravitas: Crisis in West Asia, Canada grieves for the victims

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WION Speed News: Watch top national and international news of the morning - January 13, 2020

It has been more than three weeks since the historic impeachment of US President Donald Trump. However, the trial for impeachment has not begun even in the Senate. Watch report: #WION #WIONNews #US #USPresident #DonalTrump #TrumpImpeachment The World is One News, WION examines global issues with in-depth analysis. We provide much more than the news of the day. Our aim is to empower people to explore their world. Please keep discussions on this channel clean and respectful and refrain from using racist or sexist slurs as well as personal insults. Subscribe to our channel at https://goo.gl/JfY3NI Check out our website: http://www.wionews.com Connect with us on our social media handles: Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/WIONews Twitter: https://twitter.com/WIONews Follow us on Google News for latest updates Follow us on Google News for latest updates WION: shorturl.at/fwKO0 Zee News English: shorturl.at/aJVY3 Zee News Hindi: shorturl.at/eorM1 Zee Business: shorturl.at/hpqX6 DNA News: shorturl.at/rBOY6 BGR: shorturl.at/eioqL

WION Dispatch: Stand-off over Trump's impeachment trial, House to move changes to Senate

Iran is on a major diplomatic mission to garner support against the United States of America in West Asia. For Tehran, the Ultimate aim is to expel all US troops from the region. Iran Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and President Hassan Rouhani held a meeting with Qatar's Emir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani in Tehran. All three leaders agreed that de-escalation and dialogue are the only way to solve the current crisis. #WION #WIONNews #Rouhani #Iran #US #Tehran

WION Dispatch: Iran's diplomatic outreach to allies, Pak PM Qureshi meets Prez Rouhani

As the papers of the trade deal are to be signed, different industrial sectors are hoping high for some good news for lower tariffs. The boat manufacturing industry in the United States is anticipating lower tariffs, leading to the growth of the boat industry. #US #USBoatIndustry #BoatIndustry #WION #WIONNews

WION Wallet: US boat industry sales 11 year high in 2018

By the law of unintended consequences, US President Donald J Trump’s mix of uncritical and cynical embrace of Saudi Arabia and transactional approach towards relations with the kingdom may be producing results.

Saudi Arabia appears to be backing away from its largely disastrous assertive and robust go-it-alone foreign and defence policy posture and reverting to a more cautious approach that embraces multilateralism, seeks international backing before acting and emphasises traditional and public diplomacy.

The kingdom’s shift towards a less reckless, more coordinated and deliberate foreign and defence policy does not necessarily mean a change in rhetoric or a greater willingness to seek negotiated solutions.

It entails a change in tone and strategy rather than a backing away from key foreign or domestic policy positions, including Saudi Arabia’s deep-seated animosity towards Iran.

Saudi state minister for foreign affairs Adel al-Jubeir made that clear, saying that Saudi Arabia had not ruled out a military response to drone and missile attacks that severely damaged two if its key oil installations.

Al-Jubeir reiterated conditions for any successful negotiation that include tough restrictions on and oversight of Iran’s nuclear programme and limits to its development of ballistic missile. He further demanded fundamental changes in Iran’s foreign and defence policy.

“No nukes, no missiles and no terrorism,” Al-Jubeir said in language that was likely to appeal to a broad audience but masked the two countries’ core differences.

Nicolas Dunais, an economic advisor to Gulf governments who last year was helping Saudi Arabia establish a national risk and resilience unit, got a glimpse of Saudi Arabia’s fundamental attitude before the kingdom’s recent repackaging.

Dunais was taken aback when he suggested opening a backchannel to Yemen’s Iranian-backed Houthi rebels.

"Suggestions by Dunais to consider the broader risks related to the missile threat and to undertake an indirect dialogue with the Houthi leadership were summarily dismissed given the confidence that military might alone would be enough to crush a ragtag army of rebels"

King Salman signalled the policy shift when he told a Cabinet meeting, days after the attacks believed to have at least been enabled by Iran, that they were "not aimed at the vital facilities of Saudi Arabia only, but also threaten the global economy."

King Salman’s statement was as much an effort to capitalise on the attacks to garner international support and step up pressure on Iran as it was the setting of a different foreign policy tone.

Unlike the United States that put responsibility for the attacks squarely on the shoulders of Iran, Saudi spokesmen were careful to stop short of holding Iran directly responsible for the attacks. Instead, they asserted that the weapons used in the attacks were Iranian made and therefore bore some degree of responsibility.

Similarly, in sharp contrast to the kingdom’s rejection of an international investigation into last year’s killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi and its tight control of access to war-torn Yemen, Saudi Arabia followed up on King Salman’s statement by inviting the United Nations and others to participate in a forensic investigation of the attacks that would focus on the origin of the weapons employed, and the launching spot of the drones and missiles.

Speaking to the New York-based Council of Foreign Relations, Al-Jubeir said foreign experts had already arrived in the kingdom. Driving the point home, Al al-Jubeir said earlier that Saudi Arabia was consulting “with friends and allies about the next steps to take.”

In a further embrace of multilateralism, Saudi Arabia, days after the attacks, joined a US-led coalition to secure the Middle East’s waterways. Earlier, Britain, Bahrain and Australia pledged to participate in the coalition.

The Saudi moves were buffeted by a concerted reaching out to the media rather than relying primarily on expensive public relations and lobbying agencies to ensure that the kingdom’s voice and more cautious approach was heard and noted.

The attacks drove home the vulnerability of the kingdom’s oil assets that account for the bulk of its revenues and its international standing and a realisation that Saudi Arabia could not count on unquestioned support of the international community and particularly the United States, its long-standing guardian angel.

That realisation came as Saudi Arabia was working to repair damage to its image as a result of its conduct of the Yemen war; the killing of Khashoggi; the massive crackdown on activists, critics and businessmen; and its abrupt and undiplomatic response to countries like Sweden and Canada that voiced public criticism of the kingdom’s policies.

This week, Saudi ambassador to the UN Abdulaziz Alwasil didn’t mince his words, responding to Australia’s leadership of 24 Western nations in issuing a statement condemning the kingdom for a raft of human rights abuses.

Yet, in a sign of the times and in contrast to earlier incidents involving Sweden and Canada, Alwasil did not threaten disruption of trade and other forms of cooperation with Australia nor did he indicate that the kingdom may expel Australian diplomats.

Saudi Arabia’s efforts to come to grips with new realities came as the kingdom was preparing for an initial public offering by its national oil company, Aramco, that has been struggling to ensure that it meets Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s target valuation of $2 trillion.

The precarity of the kingdom’s situation was obvious for all to see when Trump made clear that his inclination was not to launch a risky retaliatory strike against Iran in response to the attacks but to tighten economic sanctions and to continue exploring a possible dialogue with the Islamic republic.

Adding insult to injury, Trump emphasised the fact that the attacks were against Saudi Arabia and not against the United States and that his administration would support a Saudi response or potentially act on its behalf against payment.

As a result, Saudi Arabia has been manoeuvring to ensure that the situation does not get out of control and that it is not put in a position in which it risks an all-out war that could prove to be devastating.

Saudi Arabia’s shift in policy approach follows in the footsteps of the United Arab Emirates that has in recent months sought to de-escalate tensions in the Gulf by distancing itself from Saudi positions. 
 
The UAE has partially withdrawn its forces from Yemen in an effort to prevent further reputational damage, a move that sparked fighting between UAE and Saudi-backed forces in the country. It was careful not to blame Iran for attacks on tankers off the coast of the UAE believed to have been launched by Iran and reached out to the Islamic republic by sending a coast guard delegation to Tehran.

Said Rebecca Wasser, a senior policy analyst at RAND Corporation, noting that the attacks had made the kingdom realise that it may be playing for stakes that are too high: “I think there has a been a calculation that the costs might be too high.”

Trump can claim some credit for Saudi Arabia’s emerging adoption of a more cautious approach. Higher costs and greater risk perceptions were likely one consequence of his transactional approach towards the kingdom. 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) &nbsp;

By the law of unintended consequences, US President Donald J Trump’s mix of uncritical and cynical embrace of Saudi Arabia and transactional approach towards relations with the kingdom may be producing results.

By the law of unintended consequences, US President Donald J Trump’s mix of uncritical and cynical embrace of Saudi Arabia and transactional approach towards relations with the kingdom may be producing results. Saudi Arabia appears to be backing away from its largely disastrous assertive and robust go-it-alone foreign and defence policy posture and reverting to a more cautious approach that embraces multilateralism, seeks international backing before acting and emphasises traditional and public diplomacy. The kingdom’s shift towards a less reckless, more coordinated and deliberate foreign and defence policy does not necessarily mean a change in rhetoric or a greater willingness to seek negotiated solutions. It entails a change in tone and strategy rather than a backing away from key foreign or domestic policy positions, including Saudi Arabia’s deep-seated animosity towards Iran. Saudi state minister for foreign affairs Adel al-Jubeir made that clear, saying that Saudi Arabia had not ruled out a military response to drone and missile attacks that severely damaged two if its key oil installations. Al-Jubeir reiterated conditions for any successful negotiation that include tough restrictions on and oversight of Iran’s nuclear programme and limits to its development of ballistic missile. He further demanded fundamental changes in Iran’s foreign and defence policy. “No nukes, no missiles and no terrorism,” Al-Jubeir said in language that was likely to appeal to a broad audience but masked the two countries’ core differences. Nicolas Dunais, an economic advisor to Gulf governments who last year was helping Saudi Arabia establish a national risk and resilience unit, got a glimpse of Saudi Arabia’s fundamental attitude before the kingdom’s recent repackaging. Dunais was taken aback when he suggested opening a backchannel to Yemen’s Iranian-backed Houthi rebels. "Suggestions by Dunais to consider the broader risks related to the missile threat and to undertake an indirect dialogue with the Houthi leadership were summarily dismissed given the confidence that military might alone would be enough to crush a ragtag army of rebels" King Salman signalled the policy shift when he told a Cabinet meeting, days after the attacks believed to have at least been enabled by Iran, that they were "not aimed at the vital facilities of Saudi Arabia only, but also threaten the global economy." King Salman’s statement was as much an effort to capitalise on the attacks to garner international support and step up pressure on Iran as it was the setting of a different foreign policy tone. Unlike the United States that put responsibility for the attacks squarely on the shoulders of Iran, Saudi spokesmen were careful to stop short of holding Iran directly responsible for the attacks. Instead, they asserted that the weapons used in the attacks were Iranian made and therefore bore some degree of responsibility. Similarly, in sharp contrast to the kingdom’s rejection of an international investigation into last year’s killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi and its tight control of access to war-torn Yemen, Saudi Arabia followed up on King Salman’s statement by inviting the United Nations and others to participate in a forensic investigation of the attacks that would focus on the origin of the weapons employed, and the launching spot of the drones and missiles. Speaking to the New York-based Council of Foreign Relations, Al-Jubeir said foreign experts had already arrived in the kingdom. Driving the point home, Al al-Jubeir said earlier that Saudi Arabia was consulting “with friends and allies about the next steps to take.” In a further embrace of multilateralism, Saudi Arabia, days after the attacks, joined a US-led coalition to secure the Middle East’s waterways. Earlier, Britain, Bahrain and Australia pledged to participate in the coalition. The Saudi moves were buffeted by a concerted reaching out to the media rather than relying primarily on expensive public relations and lobbying agencies to ensure that the kingdom’s voice and more cautious approach was heard and noted. The attacks drove home the vulnerability of the kingdom’s oil assets that account for the bulk of its revenues and its international standing and a realisation that Saudi Arabia could not count on unquestioned support of the international community and particularly the United States, its long-standing guardian angel. That realisation came as Saudi Arabia was working to repair damage to its image as a result of its conduct of the Yemen war; the killing of Khashoggi; the massive crackdown on activists, critics and businessmen; and its abrupt and undiplomatic response to countries like Sweden and Canada that voiced public criticism of the kingdom’s policies. This week, Saudi ambassador to the UN Abdulaziz Alwasil didn’t mince his words, responding to Australia’s leadership of 24 Western nations in issuing a statement condemning the kingdom for a raft of human rights abuses. Yet, in a sign of the times and in contrast to earlier incidents involving Sweden and Canada, Alwasil did not threaten disruption of trade and other forms of cooperation with Australia nor did he indicate that the kingdom may expel Australian diplomats. Saudi Arabia’s efforts to come to grips with new realities came as the kingdom was preparing for an initial public offering by its national oil company, Aramco, that has been struggling to ensure that it meets Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s target valuation of $2 trillion. The precarity of the kingdom’s situation was obvious for all to see when Trump made clear that his inclination was not to launch a risky retaliatory strike against Iran in response to the attacks but to tighten economic sanctions and to continue exploring a possible dialogue with the Islamic republic. Adding insult to injury, Trump emphasised the fact that the attacks were against Saudi Arabia and not against the United States and that his administration would support a Saudi response or potentially act on its behalf against payment. As a result, Saudi Arabia has been manoeuvring to ensure that the situation does not get out of control and that it is not put in a position in which it risks an all-out war that could prove to be devastating. Saudi Arabia’s shift in policy approach follows in the footsteps of the United Arab Emirates that has in recent months sought to de-escalate tensions in the Gulf by distancing itself from Saudi positions. The UAE has partially withdrawn its forces from Yemen in an effort to prevent further reputational damage, a move that sparked fighting between UAE and Saudi-backed forces in the country. It was careful not to blame Iran for attacks on tankers off the coast of the UAE believed to have been launched by Iran and reached out to the Islamic republic by sending a coast guard delegation to Tehran. Said Rebecca Wasser, a senior policy analyst at RAND Corporation, noting that the attacks had made the kingdom realise that it may be playing for stakes that are too high: “I think there has a been a calculation that the costs might be too high.” Trump can claim some credit for Saudi Arabia’s emerging adoption of a more cautious approach. Higher costs and greater risk perceptions were likely one consequence of his transactional approach towards the kingdom. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Saudi Arabia policy shift: A rare Donald Trump's foreign policy success

An Iran hawk who advocated killing General Qasem Soleimani, US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo has ordered his diplomats to limit contacts with militant Iranian exile and opposition groups that support either regime change or greater rights for ethnic groups like Kurds and Arabs.

Coming on the back of the Soleimani killing, Pompeo’s directive appears to put an end to the Trump administration’s hinting that it covertly supports insurgent efforts to at the very least destabilise the Iranian government if not topple it.

A litmus test of the directive by Pompeo, known to have a close relationship with Donald J Trump, is likely to be whether the president’s personal lawyer, Rudolph Giuliani, distances himself from the controversial National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), an offshoot of the Mujahedeen-e-Khalq, a group that was taken off the US Treasury’s list of designated terrorists several years ago.

Giuliani is a frequent, well-paid speaker at gatherings of the group that has built a significant network among Western political elites. The council and the Mujahedeen openly call for regime change in Iran.

The Mujahedeen were moved with US assistance from their exile base in Iraq to a reportedly Saudi-funded secretive facility in Albania.

A New Jersey-based lobbying firm hired by the NCRI, Rosemont Associates, reported last year in its filing as a foreign agent frequent email and telephone contact on behalf of its client with the US embassy in the Albanian capital of Tirana as well as Brian Hook, the US Special Representative for Iran, and Gabriel Noronha, an aide to Hook.

In his directive, Pompeo said that “Direct US government engagement with these groups could prove counterproductive to our policy goal of seeking a comprehensive deal with the Iranian regime that addresses its destabilising behaviour.”&nbsp;

The secretary went on to say that Iranian opposition groups “Try to engage US officials regularly to gain at least the appearance of tacit support and enhance their visibility and clout.”

Pompeo’s cable, while keeping a potential negotiated deal with Iran on the table, does not stop other US government agencies from covertly supporting the various groups, that also includes Arab Struggle Movement for the Liberation of al-Ahwaz (AMLA), the Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan, and the Kurdish Democratic Party of Iran (KDPI).

Iran, which has long believed that the United States, alongside Saudi Arabia and Israel, supported the Mujahedeen as well as ethnic militants that intermittently launch attacks inside Iran, is likely to take a wait-and see-attitude towards Pompeo’s directive that could be seen as a signal that the Trump administration is not seeking regime change.

The timing of the directive is significant. Iran responded to the killing of Soleimani with carefully calibrated missile attacks on US facilities in Iraq in a bid to create an environment in which backchanneling potentially could steer the United States and Iran back to the negotiating table.

While it was uncertain that one round of escalated tensions would do the trick, potential efforts were not helped by the death of Oman’s Sultan Qaboos bin Said al Said, a key interlocutor who has repeatedly helped resolve US-Iranian problems and initiated contacts that ultimately led to the 2015 international agreement that curbed Iran’s nuclear program.

In his directive, Pompeo, referring to Komala, acknowledged that “Iran’s regime appears to assess that the United States and/or Israel support this group of militant Kurds.”

Iranian perceptions were reinforced not only by calls for regime change by senior figures like Giuliani and Saudi prince Turki al-Faisal, a former head of the kingdom’s intelligence service and ex-ambassador to Britain and the United States, but also the appointment in 2018 of Steven Fagin as counsel general in Erbil in Iraqi Kurdistan.

Shortly before moving to Erbil, Fagin met in Washington as head of the State Department’s Office of Iranian Affairs, with Mustafa Hijri, leader of the KDPI as it stepped up its attacks in Iranian Kurdistan.

Iranian perceptions were further informed by the appointment of John Bolton, Trump’s since departed national security advisor and like Giuliani a frequent speaker at NCRI events, who publicly advocates support of ethnic insurgencies in Iran in a bid to change the regime.

As Trump’s first director of the Central Intelligence Agency, Pompeo named Michael D’Andrea, a hard-charging, chain-smoking covert operations officer, alternatively nicknamed the Dark Prince or Ayatollah Mike, whose track record includes overseeing the hunt for Osama Bin Laden, as head of the CIA’s Iran operations.

The appointment was followed by the publication by a Riyadh-based think tank believed to be close to crown prince Mohammed bin Salman of a study for Saudi support for a low-level Baloch insurgency in Iran. Prince Mohammed vowed around the same time that “We will work so that the battle is for them in Iran, not in Saudi Arabia.”

Pakistani militants have claimed that Saudi Arabia had stepped up funding of militant madrassas or religious seminaries in the Pakistani province of Balochistan that allegedly serves as havens for anti-Iranian fighters.

The New York Times reported this week that aides to Prince Mohammed had in the past discussed with private businessmen the assassination of Soleimani, an architect of Iran’s regional network of proxies, and other Iranians as well as ways of sabotaging the country’s economy.

Pompeo’s directive is unlikely to persuade Iran that Washington has had a change of heart. Indeed, it hasn’t. Trump maintains his campaign of maximum pressure and this week imposed additional sanctions on Iran.

Nonetheless, potentially taking regime change off the table facilitates backchanneling that aims at getting the two nations to talk again. 
 
(Views expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) 
&nbsp;

An Iran hawk who advocated killing General Qasem Soleimani, US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo has ordered his diplomats to limit contacts with militant Iranian exile and opposition groups that support either regime change or greater rights for ethnic groups like Kurds and Arabs.

An Iran hawk who advocated killing General Qasem Soleimani, US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo has ordered his diplomats to limit contacts with militant Iranian exile and opposition groups that support either regime change or greater rights for ethnic groups like Kurds and Arabs. Coming on the back of the Soleimani killing, Pompeo’s directive appears to put an end to the Trump administration’s hinting that it covertly supports insurgent efforts to at the very least destabilise the Iranian government if not topple it. A litmus test of the directive by Pompeo, known to have a close relationship with Donald J Trump, is likely to be whether the president’s personal lawyer, Rudolph Giuliani, distances himself from the controversial National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), an offshoot of the Mujahedeen-e-Khalq, a group that was taken off the US Treasury’s list of designated terrorists several years ago. Giuliani is a frequent, well-paid speaker at gatherings of the group that has built a significant network among Western political elites. The council and the Mujahedeen openly call for regime change in Iran. The Mujahedeen were moved with US assistance from their exile base in Iraq to a reportedly Saudi-funded secretive facility in Albania. A New Jersey-based lobbying firm hired by the NCRI, Rosemont Associates, reported last year in its filing as a foreign agent frequent email and telephone contact on behalf of its client with the US embassy in the Albanian capital of Tirana as well as Brian Hook, the US Special Representative for Iran, and Gabriel Noronha, an aide to Hook. In his directive, Pompeo said that “Direct US government engagement with these groups could prove counterproductive to our policy goal of seeking a comprehensive deal with the Iranian regime that addresses its destabilising behaviour.” The secretary went on to say that Iranian opposition groups “Try to engage US officials regularly to gain at least the appearance of tacit support and enhance their visibility and clout.” Pompeo’s cable, while keeping a potential negotiated deal with Iran on the table, does not stop other US government agencies from covertly supporting the various groups, that also includes Arab Struggle Movement for the Liberation of al-Ahwaz (AMLA), the Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan, and the Kurdish Democratic Party of Iran (KDPI). Iran, which has long believed that the United States, alongside Saudi Arabia and Israel, supported the Mujahedeen as well as ethnic militants that intermittently launch attacks inside Iran, is likely to take a wait-and see-attitude towards Pompeo’s directive that could be seen as a signal that the Trump administration is not seeking regime change. The timing of the directive is significant. Iran responded to the killing of Soleimani with carefully calibrated missile attacks on US facilities in Iraq in a bid to create an environment in which backchanneling potentially could steer the United States and Iran back to the negotiating table. While it was uncertain that one round of escalated tensions would do the trick, potential efforts were not helped by the death of Oman’s Sultan Qaboos bin Said al Said, a key interlocutor who has repeatedly helped resolve US-Iranian problems and initiated contacts that ultimately led to the 2015 international agreement that curbed Iran’s nuclear program. In his directive, Pompeo, referring to Komala, acknowledged that “Iran’s regime appears to assess that the United States and/or Israel support this group of militant Kurds.” Iranian perceptions were reinforced not only by calls for regime change by senior figures like Giuliani and Saudi prince Turki al-Faisal, a former head of the kingdom’s intelligence service and ex-ambassador to Britain and the United States, but also the appointment in 2018 of Steven Fagin as counsel general in Erbil in Iraqi Kurdistan. Shortly before moving to Erbil, Fagin met in Washington as head of the State Department’s Office of Iranian Affairs, with Mustafa Hijri, leader of the KDPI as it stepped up its attacks in Iranian Kurdistan. Iranian perceptions were further informed by the appointment of John Bolton, Trump’s since departed national security advisor and like Giuliani a frequent speaker at NCRI events, who publicly advocates support of ethnic insurgencies in Iran in a bid to change the regime. As Trump’s first director of the Central Intelligence Agency, Pompeo named Michael D’Andrea, a hard-charging, chain-smoking covert operations officer, alternatively nicknamed the Dark Prince or Ayatollah Mike, whose track record includes overseeing the hunt for Osama Bin Laden, as head of the CIA’s Iran operations. The appointment was followed by the publication by a Riyadh-based think tank believed to be close to crown prince Mohammed bin Salman of a study for Saudi support for a low-level Baloch insurgency in Iran. Prince Mohammed vowed around the same time that “We will work so that the battle is for them in Iran, not in Saudi Arabia.” Pakistani militants have claimed that Saudi Arabia had stepped up funding of militant madrassas or religious seminaries in the Pakistani province of Balochistan that allegedly serves as havens for anti-Iranian fighters. The New York Times reported this week that aides to Prince Mohammed had in the past discussed with private businessmen the assassination of Soleimani, an architect of Iran’s regional network of proxies, and other Iranians as well as ways of sabotaging the country’s economy. Pompeo’s directive is unlikely to persuade Iran that Washington has had a change of heart. Indeed, it hasn’t. Trump maintains his campaign of maximum pressure and this week imposed additional sanctions on Iran. Nonetheless, potentially taking regime change off the table facilitates backchanneling that aims at getting the two nations to talk again. (Views expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

US backs off support to regime change in Iran

More than a dozen&nbsp;Saudi&nbsp;servicemen who are training at&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/trump-warns-iran-against-massacre-as-protests-erupt-over-downing-of-ukrainian-airplane-273670">US&nbsp;military&nbsp;bases</a> will be&nbsp;expelled&nbsp;from&nbsp;the United States in the&nbsp;aftermath of a Pentagon review prompted by the deadly December&nbsp;6&nbsp;shooting&nbsp;by a&nbsp;<a>Saudi&nbsp;Air Force</a> officer at an American naval base in&nbsp;Florida,&nbsp;CNN&nbsp;reported on Saturday.

Watch:&nbsp;Florida Naval Base Shooting: 3 killed and 8 injured by Saudi Gunman

The&nbsp;Saudi&nbsp;personnel being&nbsp;expelled&nbsp;are not accused of aiding the&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-grounds-saudi-pilots-suspends-military-training-after-shooting-at-base-267695">Saudi&nbsp;Air Force</a> second lieutenant who killed three American sailors at the <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/saudi-military-training-in-us-under-scrutiny-after-base-attack-267060">Pensacola</a> installation,&nbsp;CNN&nbsp;reported, quoting unnamed sources.

The <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/iran-fires-missiles-at-us-bases-in-iraq-272811">Pentagon</a> referred questions to the Justice Department, which did not immediately respond to a request for comment. The FBI and the&nbsp;Saudi&nbsp;Embassy in Washington did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

The Pentagon announced on December&nbsp;10 it was halting operational training of all&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/saudi-airman-in-us-for-training-suspected-in-deadly-shooting-at-florida-naval-base-266755">Saudi&nbsp;Arabian</a>&nbsp;military&nbsp;personnel in the United States&nbsp;after&nbsp;the incident. The Pentagon then announced on December&nbsp;19 that it found no threat in its review of about 850&nbsp;military&nbsp;students&nbsp;from&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/fbi-thinks-saudi-shooter-acted-alone-florida-governor-decries-deep-seated-hatred-267095">Saudi&nbsp;Arabia</a> studying in the United States.

The FBI has said&nbsp;US&nbsp;investigators believe&nbsp;Saudi&nbsp;Air Force Second Lieutenant <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/florida-base-shooting-probe-trump-saudi-crown-prince-vow-to-cooperate-267259">Mohammed Saeed Alshamrani</a>, 21, acted alone in the incident before he was fatally shot by a deputy sheriff.

More than a dozen Saudi servicemen who are training at US military bases will be expelled from the United States in the aftermath of a Pentagon review prompted by the deadly December 6 shooting by a Saudi Air Force officer at an American naval base in Florida, CNN reported on Saturday.

More than a dozen Saudi servicemen who are training at US military bases will be expelled from the United States in the aftermath of a Pentagon review prompted by the deadly December 6 shooting by a Saudi Air Force officer at an American naval base in Florida, CNN reported on Saturday. Watch: Florida Naval Base Shooting: 3 killed and 8 injured by Saudi Gunman The Saudi personnel being expelled are not accused of aiding the Saudi Air Force second lieutenant who killed three American sailors at the Pensacola installation, CNN reported, quoting unnamed sources. The Pentagon referred questions to the Justice Department, which did not immediately respond to a request for comment. The FBI and the Saudi Embassy in Washington did not immediately respond to requests for comment. The Pentagon announced on December 10 it was halting operational training of all Saudi Arabian military personnel in the United States after the incident. The Pentagon then announced on December 19 that it found no threat in its review of about 850 military students from Saudi Arabia studying in the United States. The FBI has said US investigators believe Saudi Air Force Second Lieutenant Mohammed Saeed Alshamrani, 21, acted alone in the incident before he was fatally shot by a deputy sheriff.

Saudi military trainees to be expelled from US after Florida shooting

The year 2019 ended with a significant event. An unprecedented joint naval drill conducted by Iran, China and Russia. The setting was crucial, so was the message from Iran. The four day long exercise was held in the Indian Ocean and the Gulf of Oman - the most crucial waters for international oil trade. An Iranian admiral told the state broadcaster that the result of this exercise will be “to show that Iran cannot be isolated.” While this was viewed as directed at the US, it held meaning for India too.

It is losing ground to China again. India has invested time and money in developing the very important <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/india-iran-to-speed-up-chabahar-project-reaffirm-unbreakable-ties-269590">Chabahar port in Iran</a>. India views it as a gateway for trade in Central Asia and Afghanistan. But India has wavered and now succumbed to American pressure. China on the other hand has sided with Iran and is making swift moves to incorporate Iran’s transit infrastructure into its Belt and Road Initiative. Disappointed with Delhi’s decisions, Iran has hinted that Chabahar could be linked to Pakistan’s Gwadar port, which China is developing. The result isn’t hard to imagine. China’s economic domination of Central Asia, and India’s energy insecurity and shrinking options of connectivity.

<img alt="modi-rouhani" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="8cb94d2e-b9f5-4c0d-896e-b1bfea70428b" height="473" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/modi-rouhani.JPG" width="780" />

The joint development of Chabahar was agreed upon in 2003. India’s position vis-a-vis Iran has been inconsistent since. India voted against Iran at the IAEA on multiple occasions. International sanctions on Iran put speed breakers on the port project. In 2018, the US under President Trump exited the Iran nuclear deal and imposed more sanctions. While Chabahar was exempted from the sanctions, business became unviable for Indian companies there. In 2019, India slashed the budget for the port by more than two-thirds — from Rs 150 crores to just Rs 45 crores, all the while saying that the government remains committed to the project. With China pushing more aggressively, India’s foreign minister visited Iran to reaffirm the government’s commitment and accelerate cooperation. But India isn’t putting its money where its mouth is.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/afghanistan-hopes-the-us-iran-tensions-wons-impact-chabahar-project-272800" hreflang="en">Afghanistan hopes the US-Iran tensions won't impact Chabahar project</a>

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<h5>The current escalation of the crisis between the US and Iran only means more bad news for India.</h5>
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Simultaneously, India stopped buying oil from Iran. For a country that maintains it only recognizes UN sanctions and not unilateral country-specific ones, this was a move that hurt India’s relationship with Iran further. India imports 84 per cent of its oil. Domestic production has fallen in recent years. India is the world’s third biggest oil consumer and Iran was India’s third-biggest supplier. Iran’s loss, not surprisingly, has been America’s gain. India’s oil imports from the US have shot up. Delhi has labeled this as “diversification of its energy sources.” But the decision puts a question mark on the government’s much talked about “strategic autonomy.”

The current escalation of the crisis between the US and Iran only means more bad news for India. Delhi’s response to Qassem Soleimani’s killing was mature and measured. Iran welcomed mediation from India to de-escalate the situation. This was an opportunity to take a stand, play a bigger role, try to broker peace and raise India’s stature as a global leader. Instead, India is pretending it did not notice the offer.

Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/opinions/qasem-soleimanis-death-opens-a-door-to-alternative-security-arrangements-in-the-gulf-272710">Qasem Soleimani’s death opens a door to alternative security arrangements in the Gulf</a>

<img alt="soleimani" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="517af06b-4b13-4d20-84b2-c9201911e697" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/soleimani.jpg" />

India’s acquiescence is a win-win for the US. It sells more oil to India. It uses India as a potential leverage against China. And it squeezes Iran further by depriving it of a major trading partner and oil buyer.

But what’s in it for India? Delhi’s relationship with Tehran is as much a factor of geography as of history. Cultural ties go back several millennia. We won’t dwell on that because this, we understand, is the phase of “pragmatic partnerships” sans romanticism. So here’s the business end of it. Even in terms of energy security and strategic connectivity, distancing Iran makes little sense for India. It has the world’s richest gas reserves and the fourth-largest oil reserves. It sits at a geostrategic vantage point, along the Strait of Hormuz. Two-thirds of the oil and half the LNG that India imports pass through this Strait.

India’s drift towards the US is happening at the cost of ties with Iran. The losses from this shift are evident — the alienation of an old and reliable economic and strategic partner like Iran and the cession of ground to China. The gains though, still remain the realm of possibility, guided by the idiosyncrasies and self-interest of a country led by Donald Trump.&nbsp;

(Views expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

The year 2019 ended with a significant event. An unprecedented joint naval drill conducted by Iran, China and Russia. The setting was crucial, so was the message from Iran.

The year 2019 ended with a significant event. An unprecedented joint naval drill conducted by Iran, China and Russia. The setting was crucial, so was the message from Iran. The four day long exercise was held in the Indian Ocean and the Gulf of Oman - the most crucial waters for international oil trade. An Iranian admiral told the state broadcaster that the result of this exercise will be “to show that Iran cannot be isolated.” While this was viewed as directed at the US, it held meaning for India too. It is losing ground to China again. India has invested time and money in developing the very important Chabahar port in Iran. India views it as a gateway for trade in Central Asia and Afghanistan. But India has wavered and now succumbed to American pressure. China on the other hand has sided with Iran and is making swift moves to incorporate Iran’s transit infrastructure into its Belt and Road Initiative. Disappointed with Delhi’s decisions, Iran has hinted that Chabahar could be linked to Pakistan’s Gwadar port, which China is developing. The result isn’t hard to imagine. China’s economic domination of Central Asia, and India’s energy insecurity and shrinking options of connectivity. The joint development of Chabahar was agreed upon in 2003. India’s position vis-a-vis Iran has been inconsistent since. India voted against Iran at the IAEA on multiple occasions. International sanctions on Iran put speed breakers on the port project. In 2018, the US under President Trump exited the Iran nuclear deal and imposed more sanctions. While Chabahar was exempted from the sanctions, business became unviable for Indian companies there. In 2019, India slashed the budget for the port by more than two-thirds — from Rs 150 crores to just Rs 45 crores, all the while saying that the government remains committed to the project. With China pushing more aggressively, India’s foreign minister visited Iran to reaffirm the government’s commitment and accelerate cooperation. But India isn’t putting its money where its mouth is. Also read: Afghanistan hopes the US-Iran tensions won't impact Chabahar project The current escalation of the crisis between the US and Iran only means more bad news for India. × Simultaneously, India stopped buying oil from Iran. For a country that maintains it only recognizes UN sanctions and not unilateral country-specific ones, this was a move that hurt India’s relationship with Iran further. India imports 84 per cent of its oil. Domestic production has fallen in recent years. India is the world’s third biggest oil consumer and Iran was India’s third-biggest supplier. Iran’s loss, not surprisingly, has been America’s gain. India’s oil imports from the US have shot up. Delhi has labeled this as “diversification of its energy sources.” But the decision puts a question mark on the government’s much talked about “strategic autonomy.” The current escalation of the crisis between the US and Iran only means more bad news for India. Delhi’s response to Qassem Soleimani’s killing was mature and measured. Iran welcomed mediation from India to de-escalate the situation. This was an opportunity to take a stand, play a bigger role, try to broker peace and raise India’s stature as a global leader. Instead, India is pretending it did not notice the offer. Also read: Qasem Soleimani’s death opens a door to alternative security arrangements in the Gulf India’s acquiescence is a win-win for the US. It sells more oil to India. It uses India as a potential leverage against China. And it squeezes Iran further by depriving it of a major trading partner and oil buyer. But what’s in it for India? Delhi’s relationship with Tehran is as much a factor of geography as of history. Cultural ties go back several millennia. We won’t dwell on that because this, we understand, is the phase of “pragmatic partnerships” sans romanticism. So here’s the business end of it. Even in terms of energy security and strategic connectivity, distancing Iran makes little sense for India. It has the world’s richest gas reserves and the fourth-largest oil reserves. It sits at a geostrategic vantage point, along the Strait of Hormuz. Two-thirds of the oil and half the LNG that India imports pass through this Strait. India’s drift towards the US is happening at the cost of ties with Iran. The losses from this shift are evident — the alienation of an old and reliable economic and strategic partner like Iran and the cession of ground to China. The gains though, still remain the realm of possibility, guided by the idiosyncrasies and self-interest of a country led by Donald Trump. (Views expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

India is losing the Iran plot

From losses in the stock market to a spike in oil markets. The US operation to kill an Iranian General could trigger fresh troubles from India. Palki Sharma tells you how tensions in West Asia could have a major impact on India. #Gravitas #WestAsiaCrisis #SoleimaniKilling

Gravitas: West Asia Crisis: How a conflict would hurt India

Ukrainian airliner crash in Iran&nbsp;killed all 176 people on board. Canada's Prime Minister&nbsp;Justin Trudeau&nbsp;citing intelligence said on Thursday that the crash had occurred due to an Iranian surface-to-air missile, adding that it "may well have been unintentional".

<ul>
	<li>Washington had concluded that with the&nbsp;high degree of certainty that anti-aircraft missiles brought down the plane.&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/iran-all-passengers-aboard-ukrainian-airplane-killed-in-crash-272841">Read more</a></li>
	<li>The US believes Iran shot down the plane by mistake. <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/ukrainian-airlines-crash-western-intelligence-agencies-iran-and-ukraine-dismiss-theory-of-missile-downing-boeing-737-273157">Read more</a></li>
	<li>The plane was airborne for two minutes after departing Tehran when the heat signatures of two surface-to-air missiles were detected. <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/ukraine-plane-crash-investigators-consider-several-leads-including-missile-strike-technical-malfunction-act-of-terror-273238">Read more</a></li>
	<li>US President Donald Trump said he did not believe the crash of the airliner was due to a mechanical issue. <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/black-boxes-of-ukranian-boeing-737-airline-found-iran-273062">Read more&nbsp;</a></li>
	<li>The Ukrainian airliner took off at 6:12 am on Tuesday and was given permission to climb to 26,000 feet (7,925 m). It crashed six minutes later near the town of Sabashahr. <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/black-boxes-of-ukranian-boeing-737-airline-found-iran-273062">Read more&nbsp;</a></li>
	<li>Iran has formally invited the US National Transportation Safety Board (NTSB) to take part in its investigation and the agency has agreed to assign an investigator. <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/ukrainian-airplane-with-180-aboard-crashes-in-iran-272823">Read More&nbsp;</a></li>
	<li>&nbsp;Boeing is still reeling from two deadly crashes of 737 MAX planes in five months that led to the plane's grounding in March 2019. The 737-800 that crashed was built in 2016 and is the prior generation of the 737 before the MAX. Boeing has built about 5,000 of those planes, which have a good safety record. <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/intelligence-evidence-indicates-boeing-airliner-was-shot-down-by-iranian-surface-to-air-missile-trudeau-273282">Read more</a></li>
	<li>The FAA had banned US&nbsp;carriers from operating in the airspace over Iraq, Iran, the Gulf of Oman and the waters between Iran and Saudi Arabia in the hours after Iran's attack on US-led forces in Iraq. Several other airlines also diverted flights.<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/ukrainian-boeing-737-airliner-turned-was-headed-to-airport-when-it-crashed-iran-civil-aviation-authority-273145"> Read more&nbsp;</a></li>
</ul>

Watch Video:&nbsp;

<div class="videoWrapper trancodeVideo"><iframe allowfullscreen="" autoplay="1" class="includeVideo" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/videos/fineprint-iran-plane-crash-what-do-we-know-about-the-crash-273258/embed" style="width:100%;max-width:560px;" width="560"></iframe></div>

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Ukrainian airliner crash in Iran killed all 176 people on board. Canada's Prime Minister Justin Trudeau citing intelligence said on Thursday that the crash had occurred due to an Iranian surface-to-air missile, adding that it "may well have been unintentional".

Ukrainian airliner crash in Iran killed all 176 people on board. Canada's Prime Minister Justin Trudeau citing intelligence said on Thursday that the crash had occurred due to an Iranian surface-to-air missile, adding that it "may well have been unintentional". Washington had concluded that with the high degree of certainty that anti-aircraft missiles brought down the plane. Read more The US believes Iran shot down the plane by mistake. Read more The plane was airborne for two minutes after departing Tehran when the heat signatures of two surface-to-air missiles were detected. Read more US President Donald Trump said he did not believe the crash of the airliner was due to a mechanical issue. Read more The Ukrainian airliner took off at 6:12 am on Tuesday and was given permission to climb to 26,000 feet (7,925 m). It crashed six minutes later near the town of Sabashahr. Read more Iran has formally invited the US National Transportation Safety Board (NTSB) to take part in its investigation and the agency has agreed to assign an investigator. Read More Boeing is still reeling from two deadly crashes of 737 MAX planes in five months that led to the plane's grounding in March 2019. The 737-800 that crashed was built in 2016 and is the prior generation of the 737 before the MAX. Boeing has built about 5,000 of those planes, which have a good safety record. Read more The FAA had banned US carriers from operating in the airspace over Iraq, Iran, the Gulf of Oman and the waters between Iran and Saudi Arabia in the hours after Iran's attack on US-led forces in Iraq. Several other airlines also diverted flights. Read more Watch Video:

Iran plane crash news: Iran formally invites US transport board to investigate Boeing airliner crash

The conflict between the U.S. & Iran has been the major global headline over the last week. Now the mystery around the U.I.A. plane crash in Tehran deepens. Did Iran mistakenly fire at the jet as the western intelligence agencies suspect? WION's Palki Sharma explains. #Gravitas #US #Iran #PlaneCrash #Boeing

Gravitas: Iran plane crash, Did Iran mistakenly fire at the Ukrainian jet?

176 people of 7 nationalities have been killed in the mysterious Iran plane crash. Did E.U. nations & IAEA fail Iran? Is the world normalising the recklessness of the U.S., especially with regard to Soleimani's killing. On #WionEdit Palki Sharma explains. #Iran #PlaneCrash #WION

Wion Edit: Iran plane crash, Politics over innocent lives?

This is not the first time a passenger jet has been shot down by a missile. History is full of similar examples of unsuspecting passengers becoming fodder for geopolitical conflicts. A compact compilation in this report. #Gravitas #US #Iran #PlaneCrash #Boeing

Gravitas: How airline passengers become targets of geopolitical conflicts

Videos, images, claims, counterclaims & conspiracy theories over Iran plane crash have heightened tensions in West Asia. As always, the clincher will be the incontrovertible evidence. This report pieces together all the available evidence on the Iran plane crash. #Gravitas #Boeing #US #Iran #PlaneCrash

Gravitas: Iran plane crash, What does the evidence say

The United States Secretary of State lashed out at Iran saying that he is sure that Iranian missiles shot down the Ukrainian airline which led the killing of 176 people. Watch report: #US #Iran #UkrainianAirline #Boeing #Ukraine

Today Tonight: US lashes out at Iran, levies new sanctions

Boeing has released hundreds of internal messages that contained harshly critical comments about the development of the 737 MAX, including one that said the plane was designed by clowns who in turn are supervised by monkeys. Watch video to know more. #Boeing #BoeingEmails # 737MAX #US #Iran #Ukraine

Fineprint: Boeing emails reveal Max 737 designed by clowns

Massive crowds attended the funeral procession of Qassim Soleimani in Tehran. From the young to the old - Iranians see the U.S. strike as an assault on their country and their pride. Watch this report from Gravitas. #Gravitas # SoleimaniKilled

Gravitas: Soleimani killed, Thousands mourn the General's death in Tehran

Gravitas: West Asia Crisis — How a conflict would hurt India?

The tensions in West Asia means bad news for the global economy and the business community. Many international airlines have been re-routed, oil prices have risen sharply and volatility grips the equity markets. This report looks at some key numbers. #US #Iran #Gravitas #GlobalEconomy

Gravitas: US-Iran conflict, Impact on global economy

Iran calls its missile strikes on U.S. military assets in Iraq 'a fierce revenge'. Two Iraqi bases were targetted. While the U.S. President Trump says 'All is Well', Iran's revolutionary guards hint at more strikes. Details in this report. #US #Iran #Gravitas #IranMissile #USMilitary

Gravitas: How Iran's missile strikes against US military assets in Iraq unfolded?

Almost a week after the US drone strike killed Iran's most powerful general, Soleimani, the war clouds seem to have receded for now in West Asia. Last night, US President Trump hinted at de-escalation of tensions with Iran. Is the crisis in West Asia truly over? @Palkisu explains. #Gravitas #India #US #Iran

Gravitas: Iran, US pull back from brink of war

The mystery around the Ukrainian International Airlines (UIA) passenger jet crash in Iran continues. All 176 people on board have been killed in the crash and the investigations may well become one of the most complicated probes in aviation history. Details in this report. #Gravitas #UkrainianJet #Iran #US

Gravitas: Did Iran shoot down the Ukrainian jet?

Amidst the crisis in West Asia, the maritime stand-off in South China sea has largely been ignored in the media. In the last week, Indonesia gathered naval troops near Natuna islands & forced China to retreat after Chinese vessels intruded into Indonesia's naval boundaries. WION's Palki Sharma explains. #Gravitas #China #SouthChinaSea #Indonesia

Gravitas: Stand-off in South China sea: Indonesia's stern message to China

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