The first shipments of COVID-19 vaccine left on trucks and planes early on Sunday, kicking off a historic effort to stop a surging pandemic that is claiming more than 2,400 lives a day in the United States.

Historic US vaccine campaign begins, US to distribute 40 mn doses by end of 2020

US Food & Drug Administration has approved emergency authorisation of the Pfizer vaccine. WION brings you the US FDA's briefs on Pfizer vaccine.

US FDA on Pfizer vaccine approval: Americans can trust this clinical review

After Russia accused United States-led West of trying to undermine its ties with India, India has replied saying that its relations with Moscow stand on their own merit.

India: Relations with Moscow based on its own merit

Acting on the annual report of the US Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF), released in April 2020, the US State Department has designated (7th December) ten countries including China and Pakistan as “Countries of Particular Concern” (CPC) for &nbsp;“engaging in or tolerating systematic, on-going, egregious violations of religious freedom” in those countries. The CPC is considered as the US Government’s official term for countries that are the world’s worst offenders of religious freedom.

The State Department has however rejected the USCIRFs recommendation to include India as well in the list of Countries of Particular Concern. Credit for this must go to India’s impeccable credentials, aggressive diplomatic offensive by India and the prevalence of wise sense upon the policymakers in the USA.

After USCIRF’s annual report this year, 14 US Senators (10 Republicans and 4 Democrats) had urged the State Secretary to accept the recommendations. The move by the Senators was promptly welcomed by the so-called&nbsp;“The Coalition to Stop Genocide in India” (CSGI) which urged the US State Secretary Mike Pompeo not only to accept the USCIRF’s recommendation that India be designated as CPC but also to impose “targeted sanctions” against Indian agencies and officials “responsible for severe violations of religious freedom by freezing those individuals’ assets and/ or barring their entry into the United States.”

While responding to a question from a Pakistani-American journalist at a Press Conference (December 8), as to why Pakistan was included in CPC whereas India was left out, the US Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom Samuel Brownback said that in the case of Pakistan it was the state that was responsible for most of the violations whereas in India much of it was a result of communal violence.&nbsp;

Mr Brownback hit the nail on its head as far as Pakistan (and also China) was concerned. For there are numerous reports from diverse international bodies documenting the gross violation of human rights including the rights of ethnic and religious minorities as well as anti-government political activists who are being systematically discriminated by the state in Pakistan.&nbsp;

Ambassador Brownback rightly pointed out that half of the world’s people that are locked up for apostasy or blasphemy are in Pakistani jails. China’s track-record in this context is equally bad -be it the persecution of Uighur Muslims in concentration &nbsp;camps &nbsp;or the enactment of National Security Law in Hong Kong or demographic changes in Tibet or the forced sourcing of Pakistan’s ethnic minority girls for Chinese bridegrooms.&nbsp;

The US thus has every justifiable reason to designate Pakistan and China as Countries of Particular Concern.&nbsp; 
The US State Department’s decision to reject the USCIRF recommendation to include India in the CPC was arguably guided by reasons far more than what was cited by Ambassador Brownback.&nbsp;

The USA cannot ignore the fact that the freedom of religion is enshrined in the Constitution of India which allows not only the freedom to pursue a religion of an individual’s choice but also to preach it freely. Institutional mechanisms are in place to protect this freedom.&nbsp;

The laws enacted by the Indian government are directed primarily towards preventing any abuse of these freedoms, &nbsp;for instance inducement to conversion through material incentives.&nbsp;

The global community has by and large accepted India’s narrative that the CAA is not devised to deprive Indian Muslims of their Indian citizenship, and that the cow slaughter related laws have been enacted to address the genuine religious sentiments of the Hindus who constitute 80 per cent of India’s population rather than offend any other religious community.&nbsp;

Further, India had condemned the USCIRF report, signalling its displeasure. In a strongly worded statement, the Official Spokesperson of the Ministry of External Affairs said (28th April, 2020) : “We reject the observations on India in the USCIRF Annual Report. Its biased and tendentious comments against India are not new. But on this occasion, its misrepresentation has reached new levels---. We regard it as an organization of particular concern and will treat it accordingly.”&nbsp;

Finally, the US understands the possible adverse political fall-out of taking a decision which is not supported either by facts or by logic and reason but has the potential to create a highly avoidable irritant in bilateral relations with India for no good reasons particularly now when the two countries enjoy a &nbsp;comprehensive global strategic partnership and when the USA &nbsp;is counting on India as a counter-weight to China in Asia.

The USCIRF&nbsp;Report episode has thus ended in the humiliation not only of the Commission but also of the certain other anti-India lobbies in the USA.

However, there are larger issues in the given context, which need to be addressed. First and foremost is the question of the right of an individual country- the USA in this case- to judge unilaterally the conduct of the rest of the world on the basis of the standards the judging country wishes to impose on other countries.&nbsp;

Further, what purpose, if any, can such censures serve unless followed by persuasive or punitive measures to motivate or force the erring countries to mend their ways. In the given case the US State Department has designated Pakistan as CPC but for geopolitical considerations refrained from announcing any punitive sanctions against Pakistan despite repeated violations of human rights. Finally, why create parallel unilateral structures when multilateral inter-Governmental mechanisms – UN Human Rights Council in the given case- are already in place?&nbsp;

The newly elected US President should reconsider the US decision in 2018 to withdraw from the UN Human Rights Council and return to the Council with firm determination to reform and strengthen the organisation. The international community must make concerted efforts to reform as well as empower the Council so that it can take un-biased decisions, effectively protect human rights globally and enforce collective punitive actions wherever and whenever called for.&nbsp;

A similar approach must also be adopted for several institutions of global governance that require substantial reforms so that these organizations can inspire the global confidence in their ability to promote a just world order based on the collective will of the entire world community. In such a scenario, the need for unilateral actions and interventions would automatically stand obviated.

(Disclaimer: The views of the writer do not represent the views of WION or ZMCL. Nor does WION or ZMCL endorse the views of the writer)

Acting on the annual report of the US Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF), released in April 2020, the US State Department has designated (7th December) ten countries including China and Pakistan as “Countries of Particular Concern” (CPC) for “engaging in or tolerating systematic, on-going, egregious violations of religious freedom” in those countries.

Acting on the annual report of the US Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF), released in April 2020, the US State Department has designated (7th December) ten countries including China and Pakistan as “Countries of Particular Concern” (CPC) for “engaging in or tolerating systematic, on-going, egregious violations of religious freedom” in those countries. The CPC is considered as the US Government’s official term for countries that are the world’s worst offenders of religious freedom. The State Department has however rejected the USCIRFs recommendation to include India as well in the list of Countries of Particular Concern. Credit for this must go to India’s impeccable credentials, aggressive diplomatic offensive by India and the prevalence of wise sense upon the policymakers in the USA. After USCIRF’s annual report this year, 14 US Senators (10 Republicans and 4 Democrats) had urged the State Secretary to accept the recommendations. The move by the Senators was promptly welcomed by the so-called “The Coalition to Stop Genocide in India” (CSGI) which urged the US State Secretary Mike Pompeo not only to accept the USCIRF’s recommendation that India be designated as CPC but also to impose “targeted sanctions” against Indian agencies and officials “responsible for severe violations of religious freedom by freezing those individuals’ assets and/ or barring their entry into the United States.” While responding to a question from a Pakistani-American journalist at a Press Conference (December 8), as to why Pakistan was included in CPC whereas India was left out, the US Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom Samuel Brownback said that in the case of Pakistan it was the state that was responsible for most of the violations whereas in India much of it was a result of communal violence. Mr Brownback hit the nail on its head as far as Pakistan (and also China) was concerned. For there are numerous reports from diverse international bodies documenting the gross violation of human rights including the rights of ethnic and religious minorities as well as anti-government political activists who are being systematically discriminated by the state in Pakistan. Ambassador Brownback rightly pointed out that half of the world’s people that are locked up for apostasy or blasphemy are in Pakistani jails. China’s track-record in this context is equally bad -be it the persecution of Uighur Muslims in concentration camps or the enactment of National Security Law in Hong Kong or demographic changes in Tibet or the forced sourcing of Pakistan’s ethnic minority girls for Chinese bridegrooms. The US thus has every justifiable reason to designate Pakistan and China as Countries of Particular Concern. The US State Department’s decision to reject the USCIRF recommendation to include India in the CPC was arguably guided by reasons far more than what was cited by Ambassador Brownback. The USA cannot ignore the fact that the freedom of religion is enshrined in the Constitution of India which allows not only the freedom to pursue a religion of an individual’s choice but also to preach it freely. Institutional mechanisms are in place to protect this freedom. The laws enacted by the Indian government are directed primarily towards preventing any abuse of these freedoms, for instance inducement to conversion through material incentives. The global community has by and large accepted India’s narrative that the CAA is not devised to deprive Indian Muslims of their Indian citizenship, and that the cow slaughter related laws have been enacted to address the genuine religious sentiments of the Hindus who constitute 80 per cent of India’s population rather than offend any other religious community. Further, India had condemned the USCIRF report, signalling its displeasure. In a strongly worded statement, the Official Spokesperson of the Ministry of External Affairs said (28th April, 2020) : “We reject the observations on India in the USCIRF Annual Report. Its biased and tendentious comments against India are not new. But on this occasion, its misrepresentation has reached new levels---. We regard it as an organization of particular concern and will treat it accordingly.” Finally, the US understands the possible adverse political fall-out of taking a decision which is not supported either by facts or by logic and reason but has the potential to create a highly avoidable irritant in bilateral relations with India for no good reasons particularly now when the two countries enjoy a comprehensive global strategic partnership and when the USA is counting on India as a counter-weight to China in Asia. The USCIRF Report episode has thus ended in the humiliation not only of the Commission but also of the certain other anti-India lobbies in the USA. However, there are larger issues in the given context, which need to be addressed. First and foremost is the question of the right of an individual country- the USA in this case- to judge unilaterally the conduct of the rest of the world on the basis of the standards the judging country wishes to impose on other countries. Further, what purpose, if any, can such censures serve unless followed by persuasive or punitive measures to motivate or force the erring countries to mend their ways. In the given case the US State Department has designated Pakistan as CPC but for geopolitical considerations refrained from announcing any punitive sanctions against Pakistan despite repeated violations of human rights. Finally, why create parallel unilateral structures when multilateral inter-Governmental mechanisms – UN Human Rights Council in the given case- are already in place? The newly elected US President should reconsider the US decision in 2018 to withdraw from the UN Human Rights Council and return to the Council with firm determination to reform and strengthen the organisation. The international community must make concerted efforts to reform as well as empower the Council so that it can take un-biased decisions, effectively protect human rights globally and enforce collective punitive actions wherever and whenever called for. A similar approach must also be adopted for several institutions of global governance that require substantial reforms so that these organizations can inspire the global confidence in their ability to promote a just world order based on the collective will of the entire world community. In such a scenario, the need for unilateral actions and interventions would automatically stand obviated. (Disclaimer: The views of the writer do not represent the views of WION or ZMCL. Nor does WION or ZMCL endorse the views of the writer)

Opinion: US snubs anti-India lobbies, but larger issues remain to be addressed

The record-shattering report mirrors the consequences that officials had expected to see of travel and gatherings for the Thanksgiving holiday.

California coronavirus case explode to new daily high | WION-VOA Co-production | World News

The Pfizer Inc's coronavirus vaccine has been endorsed by a panel of outside advisers to the U.S. Food and Drug Administration Thursday (December 10). And at the same time, a leading New York hospital system was standing at the ready with temperature-appropriate freezers.

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Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Thursday (December 10) welcomed President Donald Trump's announcement of a normalization deal between Israel and Morocco as a "historic peace between us."

US brokers deal establishing ties between Israel and Morocco

A panel of outside advisers to the U.S. Food and Drug Administration on Thursday voted overwhelmingly to endorse emergency use of Pfizer Inc's coronavirus vaccine, paving the way for the agency to authorize the shot for a nation that has lost more than 285,000 lives to COVID-19.

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Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro said his government would work to establish dialogue with the United States under President-elect Joe Biden

Venezuela's Maduro says he hopes for better dialogue with U.S. under Biden

At harvest time, as neighbors and relatives reap their crops, 80-year-old Jamal Khan can only look in despair on the plot of land that was the source of his family’s livelihood — until the American forces arrived over a decade ago.

Just before sunset one day, armored vehicles drove into fields of knee-high corn stalks, claimed about 30 acres that were co-owned by about as many families and quickly cordoned off the area with barbed wire. This was now Combat Outpost Honaker-Miracle, one of the roughly 1,000 military installations the United States and its coalition partners would prop up across Afghanistan.

“In the whole vastness of the lord’s world, I had this plot of land and this house that I am living in and nothing else,” said Khan, who lives the Watapur District of Kunar province, in eastern Afghanistan. “We told them this is our private land, how do you suddenly put up here? They said nothing.”

Khan is one of countless Afghans whose land became a casualty of the U.S.-led war and the sprawling military infrastructure born from it. They have been forced to navigate a maze of Afghan and American bureaucracy and indifference, stoking a growing bitterness toward coalition forces and the Afghan government alike.

Despite the drawdown of American forces in Afghanistan from more than 100,000 in 2011 to fewer than 5,000, some of the property they occupied has not been returned. Instead, the bases and the land have been transferred to Afghan security forces.

The Americans have left Watapur but Khan does not have his land back, and similar conflicts linger across wide swaths of the country. In at least half a dozen of Afghanistan’s 34 provinces, The New York Times has found land disputes involving owners who said they had simply been shut out.

In a country where due process is nearly impossible in the face of corruption and state erosion, the U.S. presence has added to a long history of land disputes that have often served as an underlying cause of local conflicts.

The Taliban touts the swift resolution of disputes in its shadow courts as a strength, and the unresolved discord over land bolsters the insurgents’ message that not only are Afghans deprived of justice under the American-backed government, but that the U.S. military presence has added to the injustice.

Khan still carries a pile of documents: petitions to the government, and even confirmation letters from the U.S. Army that say he is the rightful owner. On several occasions, he says, delegations from Kabul came to investigate — and they asked the villagers for money to cover their expenses during the stay.

But the most painful reminder of the trespass is his collection of small receipts. Although the Afghan army now occupies his land, Khan is still required to pay tax on the plot.

Over the years of fighting, the size of the U.S.-constructed installations varied greatly. Some bases were sprawling, even housing their own fast-food chain restaurants. In other cases, coalition forces would briefly occupy empty Afghan homes, destroying or modifying walls for defensive purposes before leaving.

The Americans sometimes negotiated temporary leases with local farmers, but those agreements were vulnerable to manipulation by corrupt local warlords and strongmen who brokered deals. During shorter stays, homeowners were rarely compensated.

A Pentagon spokesman, Army Maj. Rob Lodewick, deferred specific questions about land disputes to the Afghan government.

“It would be the responsibility of the government of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan to adjudicate and compensate, as appropriate, any and all entities that claim ownership to areas and facilities” provided by the Afghan government for use by U.S. forces, he said.

The Afghan defense ministry, despite repeated requests, did not comment.

Today, most installations are controlled by Afghan security forces; the few U.S. bases that remain are shuttering now as part of the U.S. deal with the Taliban.

In northern Balkh province, the U.S.-led coalition forces built a base next to the provincial capital’s airport. Amanullah Balkhi, a local business owner, says the installation occupied about 20 acres of his land.

The defense ministry said it was government land, Balkhi was told, but if he proved he owned it, the coalition would compensate him and pay rent. He says he fought a six-year legal battle that cost him about $2 million, which he covered by selling two of his apartment buildings, renting out more land and taking on $500,000 of debt.

“I have the deed, and the government and the courts have attested that this is my land,” he said. “But the Americans still have the land and they still deny me.”

Balkhi has become deeply depressed, he said, adding, “I have ruined my life to get my right, but I have gotten nothing.”

The story of a base in Panjwai, in southern Kandahar province, is almost identical — and speaks to the troubling legacy the United States has left behind.

About 10 years ago, dozens of coalition vehicles arrived at the small village and eyed about 10 acres of vineyard owned by half a dozen villagers. They even tasted the grapes before getting to work building a new base.

“They didn’t carve a road where there was a trek, where we came and went — they carved a road for themselves through people’s lands, people’s gardens,” said Fida Muhammad, a tribal elder from Panjwai and one of the vineyard’s owners.

In the initial days, there was word that the coalition forces were offering compensation, but the area was so restive that approaching the base for money meant taking potentially lethal risks. Villagers feared the Americans would mistake them for the Taliban. And they knew that if they did manage to get their money, the Taliban, who were everywhere, would know and come after them for profiting from the occupiers.

The area was so lush that “you had to squint your eyes to find a dry patch,” said Rashid Gul, a village resident. But these days it’s desolate except for one small patch of vineyard.

“It ruined the irrigation system too — for five years, the irrigation canals were ruined, the land dried,” Muhammad said of the coalition base. “Many families left the area. They went to the city for daily labor.”

As one of the village elders, Muhammad took the lead in trying to get compensation and reclaim the land, to no avail. When the Americans ran the base, he said, the villagers’ claim was simply lost in bureaucracy; come tomorrow, come the next day, he was told repeatedly.

“We have lost hope of finding someone who can get us our right,” said Muhammad, who said he had made about 30 trips with petitions. “It’s just tiring ourselves, losing more money, but we can’t find a door to knock on for justice.”

When a base was transferred to Afghan control, the forces stationed there were often too preoccupied with defending it against Taliban attacks to pay much attention to land claims. Many of the Afghan commanders who rotated through simply did not care about the local residents’ grievances, which they saw as an issue between the farmers and the Americans.

Gul worried that even if one day the plot of land in Panjwai were returned, figuring out which piece belonged to whom could spark new disagreements.

Land disputes have been one of the main issues of conflict in the village, he said. Just two weeks earlier, Muhammad had to quell a feud because one farmer’s tractor had crossed the boundary of another man’s land.

“All this land is mixed up now, no one knows which piece is whose,” Gul said. “You will be amazed at what kind of fights will break out between people over this.”

Resolving those conflicts would require digging through government archives, hoping to find old property demarcation records.

Asked about how long that would take, he smiled a tired smile.

“This is Afghanistan,” he said.

At harvest time, as neighbors and relatives reap their crops, 80-year-old Jamal Khan can only look in despair on the plot of land that was the source of his family’s livelihood — until the American forces arrived over a decade ago.

At harvest time, as neighbors and relatives reap their crops, 80-year-old Jamal Khan can only look in despair on the plot of land that was the source of his family’s livelihood — until the American forces arrived over a decade ago. Just before sunset one day, armored vehicles drove into fields of knee-high corn stalks, claimed about 30 acres that were co-owned by about as many families and quickly cordoned off the area with barbed wire. This was now Combat Outpost Honaker-Miracle, one of the roughly 1,000 military installations the United States and its coalition partners would prop up across Afghanistan. “In the whole vastness of the lord’s world, I had this plot of land and this house that I am living in and nothing else,” said Khan, who lives the Watapur District of Kunar province, in eastern Afghanistan. “We told them this is our private land, how do you suddenly put up here? They said nothing.” Khan is one of countless Afghans whose land became a casualty of the U.S.-led war and the sprawling military infrastructure born from it. They have been forced to navigate a maze of Afghan and American bureaucracy and indifference, stoking a growing bitterness toward coalition forces and the Afghan government alike. Despite the drawdown of American forces in Afghanistan from more than 100,000 in 2011 to fewer than 5,000, some of the property they occupied has not been returned. Instead, the bases and the land have been transferred to Afghan security forces. The Americans have left Watapur but Khan does not have his land back, and similar conflicts linger across wide swaths of the country. In at least half a dozen of Afghanistan’s 34 provinces, The New York Times has found land disputes involving owners who said they had simply been shut out. In a country where due process is nearly impossible in the face of corruption and state erosion, the U.S. presence has added to a long history of land disputes that have often served as an underlying cause of local conflicts. The Taliban touts the swift resolution of disputes in its shadow courts as a strength, and the unresolved discord over land bolsters the insurgents’ message that not only are Afghans deprived of justice under the American-backed government, but that the U.S. military presence has added to the injustice. Khan still carries a pile of documents: petitions to the government, and even confirmation letters from the U.S. Army that say he is the rightful owner. On several occasions, he says, delegations from Kabul came to investigate — and they asked the villagers for money to cover their expenses during the stay. But the most painful reminder of the trespass is his collection of small receipts. Although the Afghan army now occupies his land, Khan is still required to pay tax on the plot. Over the years of fighting, the size of the U.S.-constructed installations varied greatly. Some bases were sprawling, even housing their own fast-food chain restaurants. In other cases, coalition forces would briefly occupy empty Afghan homes, destroying or modifying walls for defensive purposes before leaving. The Americans sometimes negotiated temporary leases with local farmers, but those agreements were vulnerable to manipulation by corrupt local warlords and strongmen who brokered deals. During shorter stays, homeowners were rarely compensated. A Pentagon spokesman, Army Maj. Rob Lodewick, deferred specific questions about land disputes to the Afghan government. “It would be the responsibility of the government of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan to adjudicate and compensate, as appropriate, any and all entities that claim ownership to areas and facilities” provided by the Afghan government for use by U.S. forces, he said. The Afghan defense ministry, despite repeated requests, did not comment. Today, most installations are controlled by Afghan security forces; the few U.S. bases that remain are shuttering now as part of the U.S. deal with the Taliban. In northern Balkh province, the U.S.-led coalition forces built a base next to the provincial capital’s airport. Amanullah Balkhi, a local business owner, says the installation occupied about 20 acres of his land. The defense ministry said it was government land, Balkhi was told, but if he proved he owned it, the coalition would compensate him and pay rent. He says he fought a six-year legal battle that cost him about $2 million, which he covered by selling two of his apartment buildings, renting out more land and taking on $500,000 of debt. “I have the deed, and the government and the courts have attested that this is my land,” he said. “But the Americans still have the land and they still deny me.” Balkhi has become deeply depressed, he said, adding, “I have ruined my life to get my right, but I have gotten nothing.” The story of a base in Panjwai, in southern Kandahar province, is almost identical — and speaks to the troubling legacy the United States has left behind. About 10 years ago, dozens of coalition vehicles arrived at the small village and eyed about 10 acres of vineyard owned by half a dozen villagers. They even tasted the grapes before getting to work building a new base. “They didn’t carve a road where there was a trek, where we came and went — they carved a road for themselves through people’s lands, people’s gardens,” said Fida Muhammad, a tribal elder from Panjwai and one of the vineyard’s owners. In the initial days, there was word that the coalition forces were offering compensation, but the area was so restive that approaching the base for money meant taking potentially lethal risks. Villagers feared the Americans would mistake them for the Taliban. And they knew that if they did manage to get their money, the Taliban, who were everywhere, would know and come after them for profiting from the occupiers. The area was so lush that “you had to squint your eyes to find a dry patch,” said Rashid Gul, a village resident. But these days it’s desolate except for one small patch of vineyard. “It ruined the irrigation system too — for five years, the irrigation canals were ruined, the land dried,” Muhammad said of the coalition base. “Many families left the area. They went to the city for daily labor.” As one of the village elders, Muhammad took the lead in trying to get compensation and reclaim the land, to no avail. When the Americans ran the base, he said, the villagers’ claim was simply lost in bureaucracy; come tomorrow, come the next day, he was told repeatedly. “We have lost hope of finding someone who can get us our right,” said Muhammad, who said he had made about 30 trips with petitions. “It’s just tiring ourselves, losing more money, but we can’t find a door to knock on for justice.” When a base was transferred to Afghan control, the forces stationed there were often too preoccupied with defending it against Taliban attacks to pay much attention to land claims. Many of the Afghan commanders who rotated through simply did not care about the local residents’ grievances, which they saw as an issue between the farmers and the Americans. Gul worried that even if one day the plot of land in Panjwai were returned, figuring out which piece belonged to whom could spark new disagreements. Land disputes have been one of the main issues of conflict in the village, he said. Just two weeks earlier, Muhammad had to quell a feud because one farmer’s tractor had crossed the boundary of another man’s land. “All this land is mixed up now, no one knows which piece is whose,” Gul said. “You will be amazed at what kind of fights will break out between people over this.” Resolving those conflicts would require digging through government archives, hoping to find old property demarcation records. Asked about how long that would take, he smiled a tired smile. “This is Afghanistan,” he said.

US leaves behind Afghan bases and legacy of land disputes

A U.S. government source confirmed Washington’s growing consensus, which has not previously been reported but matches accounts by some residents, refugees and TPLF leaders

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The US Supreme Court denied a last-minute attempt by President Donald Trump’s allies to overturn the election results in Pennsylvania, a blow to the president’s continuing efforts to reverse his loss to Democrat Joe Biden.

Scotus denies Trump allies' attempt to overturn results

US President-elect Joe Biden has selected Xavier Becerra, the Democratic attorney general of California, as his nominee for secretary of health and human services.

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The United States imposed financial sanctions and a travel ban on 14 Chinese officials over their alleged role in Beijing’s disqualification last month of elected opposition legislators in Hong Kong.

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Taiwan's President Tsai Ing-wen said they face daily military threats from China, as United States announced a new $280m arms sale package to the Chinese-claimed island.

Taiwan says faces daily threats as US notifies of $280m arms sale

A second US federal judge has suspended a <a href="https://www.wionews.com/topics/donald-trump">Trump</a> administration executive order threatening to ban TikTok in the United States.

The preliminary injunction granted late Monday by judge Carl Nichols in a district court in Washington DC comes more than a month after a similar decision in Pennsylvania.

Also read|&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-plans-to-not-extend-tiktok-divestiture-deadline-347609">US plans to not extend TikTok divestiture deadline</a>

Nichols said TikTok's lawyers had demonstrated that the Commerce Department likely overstepped its authority by seeking to ban the popular social media app and "acted in an arbitrary and capricious manner by failing to consider obvious alternatives."

The <a href="https://www.wionews.com/topics/the-white-house">White House</a> claims TikTok is a national security risk because of potential links to the Beijing government through its Chinese owner ByteDance.

President Donald Trump signed an executive order on August 6 giving Americans 45 days to stop doing business with ByteDance -- effectively setting a deadline for a sale of the app to a US company.

Also read|<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/how-pakistani-imam-used-tiktok-in-france-to-propagate-terror-345945">&nbsp;How Pakistani imam used TikTok in France to propagate terror</a>

Trump's order said the action was necessary to "protect our national security" and claimed the personal data of TikTok users could be used by Beijing.

TikTok has repeatedly defended itself against allegations of data transfers to the Chinese government, saying it stores user information on servers in the United States and Singapore.

The latest order follows an October 30 ruling by a federal court in Pennsylvania which issued a temporary injunction blocking Trump's ban.

Also read|<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-grants-tiktok-owner-bytedance-new-extension-of-sale-order-345426">&nbsp;US grants Tiktok owner ByteDance new extension of sale order</a>

After a complaint from three TikTok content creators, Judge Wendy Beetlestone ordered the US administration not to prevent other companies from providing essential services to the platform, such as online hosting.

Beetlestone had considered that the August 6 presidential decree should be suspended.&nbsp;

At the end of September, judge Nichols had also issued a temporary injunction stopping the US from banning downloads of the app, which he said would cause "irreparable harm" to TikTok, but he refused to rule on its total ban in the United States.

TikTok has a further fight on its hands over an August 14 executive order from Trump to force ByteDance to sell its US operations to an American buyer.

The US Treasury has repeatedly extended the deadline for the Chinese group to divest, and indicated on Friday it would continue negotiations to resolve the dispute.&nbsp;

TikTok has 100 million users in the United States and 700 million worldwide.

Washington is in a tense trade battle with Beijing, and Trump's administration has stepped up warnings about China's growing economic and military power.

A second US federal judge has suspended a Trump administration executive order threatening to ban TikTok in the United States. The preliminary injunction granted late Monday by judge Carl Nichols in a district court in Washington DC comes more than a month after a similar decision in Pennsylvania.

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Second US judge blocks Trump's TikTok ban

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Somalis fear a U.S. decision to withdraw troops from their country will be seen as a victory for al-Qaida-linked militants who have wreaked havoc there for years, and sow the potential for further chaos at an especially delicate moment for Somalia and the region.

Somali presidential elections are scheduled in just two months; war is erupting in neighboring Ethiopia; and the militants, from al-Shabab, are still strong despite years of U.S.-led raids and drone strikes.

The timing of Friday’s Pentagon announcement, some Somalis say, is terrible.

“The fight against global terrorism is still ongoing, and we must still win the battle for peace and security to prevail,” said Ayub Ismail Yusuf, a Somali senator, who called the U.S. decision “untimely” on Twitter. “We must not give up on our successes.”

At Mogadishu University, Abdullahi, a 23-year-old political science student, said he feared al-Shabab will now be able to “strike without fear” in the capital.

“Now their leaders can move easily from place to place with little threat,” he added, asking that his full name be withheld to protect against possible reprisals. He lives near the charred remains of an ice cream parlor blitzed by an al-Shabab suicide bomber Nov. 27, an attack that killed seven people.

The Pentagon said it will “reposition” some of the estimated 700 U.S. troops in Somalia to other parts of East Africa — likely Kenya and Djibouti — and continue to carry out raids against al-Shabab and a smaller cluster of Islamic State group fighters in northern Somalia from bases in neighboring countries.

Drone strikes, which have killed numerous senior and midlevel al-Shabab commanders as well as dozens of civilians, will continue.

President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed of Somalia did not immediately react to the U.S. decision, announced late Friday as part of President Donald Trump’s drive to end what he calls America’s endless wars before leaving office Jan. 20. Whether fears over the withdrawal, which is expected by mid-January, are fully merited is not yet clear.

What seems certain, though, is that the brunt of the changes will be borne by Danab, an elite Somali force that the U.S. military took under its wing after its formation in 2013. Since then, U.S. soldiers have trained and armed the Somali commandos, whose numbers have grown to about 1,000, and have often accompanied them on raids against al-Shabab.

Now Danab will be largely on its own.

Col. Ahmed Abdullahi Sheikh, who commanded Danab between 2016 and 2019, said he expected the United States to continue funding and arming the elite force. But the crucial U.S. “advise-and-assist” role — Americans helping Somali officers plan raids and accompanying them into firefights — will not be easily replaced, he said.

“You can launch and stage operations from countries like Djibouti and Kenya, but it’s not the same as being in the country,” Sheikh said. “You can’t train a force remotely.”

Even with years of U.S. support, Somalia has been able to only partially blunt al-Shabab’s potency.

The group controls swaths of southern Somalia, where its fighters ambush and bomb Somalia soldiers and African Union peacekeepers. A recent U.S. government report noted that al-Shabab was involved in 440 violent events in Somalia between July and September — the highest number in two years.

U.S. and Somali pressure has succeeded, though, in stemming sophisticated, large-scale attacks in Mogadishu, said Omar Mahmood, a Somalia analyst at the International Crisis Group, a conflict research organization.

The Somalis were supposed to be standing on their own feet in the coming year. An international plan hashed out in 2017 called for Somali security forces to be operating independently by 2021. That will not happen.

Danab, the main counterterrorism strike force, still relies heavily on U.S. support and has reached only about one-third of its planned size.

The U.S. withdrawal “could have a pretty big impact” Mahmood said. “The American advisory role is invaluable for Danab. This raises concerns it can continue to develop.”

Danab is not the main pillar of Somali security. The government relies heavily on a 19,000-strong force of African Union peacekeepers — although that, too, has been buffeted by uncertainty because of the erupting civil conflict in Ethiopia, which contributes about 4,000 troops.

The U.S. pullout from Somalia may have been inevitable. President-elect Joe Biden has also committed to withdrawing U.S. troops from “forever wars” — open-ended counterterrorism missions that proliferated after 2001.

But Somalia experts warned that Trump’s decision to pull the plug now, as Somalia faces parliamentary elections this month and a presidential vote in February, was a recipe for chaos and maximum damage.

“It’s typical of the Trump administration’s incoherent policy toward Somalia,” said Matt Bryden, a strategic adviser at Sahan Research, a group that specializes in the Horn of Africa. “This is an incomprehensible decision at a time when governments are likely to change in both Somalia and the U.S. It would have made more sense to wait a few months.”

Pentagon assurances that the U.S. will continue to hit al-Shabab from bases outside the country, he said, “look like a brave attempt to put lipstick on a pig.”

Other experts, though, said there is never a good time to leave a fragile country like Somalia.

“It’s probably a good thing if the American relationship with Somalia is not predominantly about a few hundred soldiers,” said Brittany Brown, a former Africa adviser at the National Security Council in the Obama and Trump administrations and now chief of staff for the International Crisis Group. “But like everything with Trump, it’s been so poorly executed.”

Somalia’s turmoil will not be solved by drone strikes or military raids, she said. “It won’t stop until Somalia has a government that can provide services to its people. Until then, al-Shabab will continue to be a threat.”

The presidential election itself faces some uncertainty. The incumbent, Mohamed, has been at loggerheads with Somalia’s regional leaders, and the opposition fears he may try to manipulate the vote.

Without the U.S. troops, the Somalis can still rely on other foreign allies like Qatar, which provides cash and humanitarian aid, and Turkey, which aims to train about 10,000 regular soldiers.

But for the Danab force, the U.S. withdrawal will constitute a “wake-up call,” said Sheikh, its former commander. “They realize they can’t rely on outside help anymore.”

It may also leave the force more prone to political interference, not to mention the corruption that has blighted other Somali security units. And the U.S. departure may deal a blow to morale, raising questions about America’s commitment to their fight.

“A bit of trust will be lost,” Sheikh said. “And it will be really hard to get it back.”

Somalis fear a U.S. decision to withdraw troops from their country will be seen as a victory for al-Qaida-linked militants who have wreaked havoc there for years, and sow the potential for further chaos at an especially delicate moment for Somalia and the region.

Somalis fear a U.S. decision to withdraw troops from their country will be seen as a victory for al-Qaida-linked militants who have wreaked havoc there for years, and sow the potential for further chaos at an especially delicate moment for Somalia and the region. Somali presidential elections are scheduled in just two months; war is erupting in neighboring Ethiopia; and the militants, from al-Shabab, are still strong despite years of U.S.-led raids and drone strikes. The timing of Friday’s Pentagon announcement, some Somalis say, is terrible. “The fight against global terrorism is still ongoing, and we must still win the battle for peace and security to prevail,” said Ayub Ismail Yusuf, a Somali senator, who called the U.S. decision “untimely” on Twitter. “We must not give up on our successes.” At Mogadishu University, Abdullahi, a 23-year-old political science student, said he feared al-Shabab will now be able to “strike without fear” in the capital. “Now their leaders can move easily from place to place with little threat,” he added, asking that his full name be withheld to protect against possible reprisals. He lives near the charred remains of an ice cream parlor blitzed by an al-Shabab suicide bomber Nov. 27, an attack that killed seven people. The Pentagon said it will “reposition” some of the estimated 700 U.S. troops in Somalia to other parts of East Africa — likely Kenya and Djibouti — and continue to carry out raids against al-Shabab and a smaller cluster of Islamic State group fighters in northern Somalia from bases in neighboring countries. Drone strikes, which have killed numerous senior and midlevel al-Shabab commanders as well as dozens of civilians, will continue. President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed of Somalia did not immediately react to the U.S. decision, announced late Friday as part of President Donald Trump’s drive to end what he calls America’s endless wars before leaving office Jan. 20. Whether fears over the withdrawal, which is expected by mid-January, are fully merited is not yet clear. What seems certain, though, is that the brunt of the changes will be borne by Danab, an elite Somali force that the U.S. military took under its wing after its formation in 2013. Since then, U.S. soldiers have trained and armed the Somali commandos, whose numbers have grown to about 1,000, and have often accompanied them on raids against al-Shabab. Now Danab will be largely on its own. Col. Ahmed Abdullahi Sheikh, who commanded Danab between 2016 and 2019, said he expected the United States to continue funding and arming the elite force. But the crucial U.S. “advise-and-assist” role — Americans helping Somali officers plan raids and accompanying them into firefights — will not be easily replaced, he said. “You can launch and stage operations from countries like Djibouti and Kenya, but it’s not the same as being in the country,” Sheikh said. “You can’t train a force remotely.” Even with years of U.S. support, Somalia has been able to only partially blunt al-Shabab’s potency. The group controls swaths of southern Somalia, where its fighters ambush and bomb Somalia soldiers and African Union peacekeepers. A recent U.S. government report noted that al-Shabab was involved in 440 violent events in Somalia between July and September — the highest number in two years. U.S. and Somali pressure has succeeded, though, in stemming sophisticated, large-scale attacks in Mogadishu, said Omar Mahmood, a Somalia analyst at the International Crisis Group, a conflict research organization. The Somalis were supposed to be standing on their own feet in the coming year. An international plan hashed out in 2017 called for Somali security forces to be operating independently by 2021. That will not happen. Danab, the main counterterrorism strike force, still relies heavily on U.S. support and has reached only about one-third of its planned size. The U.S. withdrawal “could have a pretty big impact” Mahmood said. “The American advisory role is invaluable for Danab. This raises concerns it can continue to develop.” Danab is not the main pillar of Somali security. The government relies heavily on a 19,000-strong force of African Union peacekeepers — although that, too, has been buffeted by uncertainty because of the erupting civil conflict in Ethiopia, which contributes about 4,000 troops. The U.S. pullout from Somalia may have been inevitable. President-elect Joe Biden has also committed to withdrawing U.S. troops from “forever wars” — open-ended counterterrorism missions that proliferated after 2001. But Somalia experts warned that Trump’s decision to pull the plug now, as Somalia faces parliamentary elections this month and a presidential vote in February, was a recipe for chaos and maximum damage. “It’s typical of the Trump administration’s incoherent policy toward Somalia,” said Matt Bryden, a strategic adviser at Sahan Research, a group that specializes in the Horn of Africa. “This is an incomprehensible decision at a time when governments are likely to change in both Somalia and the U.S. It would have made more sense to wait a few months.” Pentagon assurances that the U.S. will continue to hit al-Shabab from bases outside the country, he said, “look like a brave attempt to put lipstick on a pig.” Other experts, though, said there is never a good time to leave a fragile country like Somalia. “It’s probably a good thing if the American relationship with Somalia is not predominantly about a few hundred soldiers,” said Brittany Brown, a former Africa adviser at the National Security Council in the Obama and Trump administrations and now chief of staff for the International Crisis Group. “But like everything with Trump, it’s been so poorly executed.” Somalia’s turmoil will not be solved by drone strikes or military raids, she said. “It won’t stop until Somalia has a government that can provide services to its people. Until then, al-Shabab will continue to be a threat.” The presidential election itself faces some uncertainty. The incumbent, Mohamed, has been at loggerheads with Somalia’s regional leaders, and the opposition fears he may try to manipulate the vote. Without the U.S. troops, the Somalis can still rely on other foreign allies like Qatar, which provides cash and humanitarian aid, and Turkey, which aims to train about 10,000 regular soldiers. But for the Danab force, the U.S. withdrawal will constitute a “wake-up call,” said Sheikh, its former commander. “They realize they can’t rely on outside help anymore.” It may also leave the force more prone to political interference, not to mention the corruption that has blighted other Somali security units. And the U.S. departure may deal a blow to morale, raising questions about America’s commitment to their fight. “A bit of trust will be lost,” Sheikh said. “And it will be really hard to get it back.”

In Somalia, US troop withdrawal is seen as badly timed

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In Somalia, US troop withdrawal is seen as badly timed