The UAE has threatened to scrap the F-35 deal with the United States. The warning comes amid America's efforts to make the UAE scrap deals with China. Palki Sharma tells you how the sheikhdom is caught in the US-China rift.

Gravitas: U.S-UAE rift? Emiratis threaten to scrap F-35 deal

US President Joe Biden arrived in Kentucky Wednesday to survey the damage caused by last week's tornadoes, which caused death and destruction in several communities.

US President Joe Biden visits Kentucky to survey tornado damage

For the first time ever, New York City has got a woman as a police commissioner. Nassau county police chief of detectives Keeshant Sewell will lead the largest police force in the United States.

Keechant Sewell becomes first woman to lead New York Police Department

A song by US rapper Logic has helped in saving hundreds of lives&nbsp;as it has increased the number of calls made to a suicide prevention helpline and it has also reduced the number of suicides. This was done as the rapper referenced&nbsp;the name of the suicide prevention helpline in his song.&nbsp;

The hit soundtrack titled “1-800-273-8255” garnered lots of public attention.&nbsp;

As per a research published in the British Medical Journal, after the release of this song, a total of 9,915 calls were recorded in a time period of 34 days. This is a 6.9 per cent increase from the expected number. Also, there have been pieces of evidence that show a reduction in the number of suicides.

The song which features Alessia Cara and Khalid managed to remain in the top 10 of the Billboard Hot 100 US music charts for a couple of weeks. Also, it has managed to gather over 430 million views on YouTube. &nbsp;

Thomas Niederkrotenthaler, an associate professor at the Medical University of Vienna and lead author of the study said, "We thought that the song might indeed encourage help-seeking and help prevent suicide, because findings from experimental studies suggest that these types of stories of hope and recovery can be very helpful."

The study further concluded that the song led to 245 lesser suicides than expected.&nbsp;

(With inputs from agencies)

A song by US rapper Logic has helped in saving hundreds of lives as it has increased the number of calls made to a suicide prevention helpline and it has also reduced the number of suicides.

A song by US rapper Logic has helped in saving hundreds of lives as it has increased the number of calls made to a suicide prevention helpline and it has also reduced the number of suicides. This was done as the rapper referenced the name of the suicide prevention helpline in his song. The hit soundtrack titled “1-800-273-8255” garnered lots of public attention. As per a research published in the British Medical Journal, after the release of this song, a total of 9,915 calls were recorded in a time period of 34 days. This is a 6.9 per cent increase from the expected number. Also, there have been pieces of evidence that show a reduction in the number of suicides. The song which features Alessia Cara and Khalid managed to remain in the top 10 of the Billboard Hot 100 US music charts for a couple of weeks. Also, it has managed to gather over 430 million views on YouTube. Thomas Niederkrotenthaler, an associate professor at the Medical University of Vienna and lead author of the study said, "We thought that the song might indeed encourage help-seeking and help prevent suicide, because findings from experimental studies suggest that these types of stories of hope and recovery can be very helpful." The study further concluded that the song led to 245 lesser suicides than expected. (With inputs from agencies)

This is how a US rapper's song helped in saving hundreds of lives

At the Summit of Democracies today, PM Narendra Modi said social media should empower democracies, and not undermine them. From Myanmar to Bangladesh & even in the US - platforms are weakening democracies. Palki Sharma asks: Will Biden rein in social media giants?

Gravitas: Will Biden ask social media giants to protect democracies?

A group of women from Maryland, US, have challenged a ban on topless sunbathing. The petitioners are asking the Supreme Court to review a law that allows men to show skin but bans women from doing the same.

As per the petitioners, the court is so preoccupied with “protecting traditional moral sensibilities” that it permits “discrimination against all women.”&nbsp;

In 2017, Ocean City had passed a law banning women from exposing their skin at the beach after one of their plaintiffs, Chelsea Eline, complained to local authorities that she had a right to go topless.&nbsp;

According to a report by The Associated Press, Judge A. Marvin Quattlebaum, also one of the panel members said that Ocean City is within their rights to impose such a ban to protect “public sensibilities."

The court had also denied a request to rehear the case.

Chief judge Roger Gregory said that the court should reconsider its decision. Gregory wrote, "At first glance, Ocean City’s ordinance seems innocuous enough … But we must take care not to let our analysis be confined by the limits of our social lens. Suppose the ordinance defined nudity to include public exposure of a woman’s hair, neck, shoulders, or ankles. Would that law not run afoul of the Equal Protection Clause?"

The petition was filed on December 1 and the court can respond till January 7.&nbsp;

(With inputs from agencies)

A group of women from Maryland, US, have challenged a ban on topless sunbathing. The petitioners are asking the Supreme Court to review a law that allows men to show skin but bans women from doing the same.

A group of women from Maryland, US, have challenged a ban on topless sunbathing. The petitioners are asking the Supreme Court to review a law that allows men to show skin but bans women from doing the same. As per the petitioners, the court is so preoccupied with “protecting traditional moral sensibilities” that it permits “discrimination against all women.” In 2017, Ocean City had passed a law banning women from exposing their skin at the beach after one of their plaintiffs, Chelsea Eline, complained to local authorities that she had a right to go topless. According to a report by The Associated Press, Judge A. Marvin Quattlebaum, also one of the panel members said that Ocean City is within their rights to impose such a ban to protect “public sensibilities." The court had also denied a request to rehear the case. Chief judge Roger Gregory said that the court should reconsider its decision. Gregory wrote, "At first glance, Ocean City’s ordinance seems innocuous enough … But we must take care not to let our analysis be confined by the limits of our social lens. Suppose the ordinance defined nudity to include public exposure of a woman’s hair, neck, shoulders, or ankles. Would that law not run afoul of the Equal Protection Clause?" The petition was filed on December 1 and the court can respond till January 7. (With inputs from agencies)

US women urge Supreme Court to repeal topless sunbathing ban as it permits discrimination

Amid tensions over Iran's nuclear programme, the United States has reportedly refused to speed up the delivery of two tanker aircraft to Israel.

US rejects Israeli request for tanker aircraft as Iran plans advance

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken cut short a trip to Southeast Asia on Wednesday after a member of his delegation contracted the COVID-19.

Antony Blinken cuts short Asia trip due to COVID-19 case among travelling US delegation group

Amid the simmering tensions between Russia and the West over Ukraine President Vladimir Putin said that he wants immediate talks with NATO on the issue of security. According to a statement issued by the Kremlin in a conversation with his Finnish counterpart, Putin said that he wants to hold talks with the united states and NATO over security guarantees.

Putin: Will speak to US, NATO over security concerns

The House voted Tuesday night to recommend holding Mark Meadows, who served as chief of staff to former President Donald Trump, in criminal contempt of Congress for refusing to cooperate with its investigation into the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol, escalating a legal battle against a potentially crucial witness in a widening inquiry.

The vote of 222-208 sent the matter to the Department of Justice to consider whether to prosecute Meadows, who would be the first former member of Congress to be held in contempt of the body he once served in nearly 200 years, according to congressional aides.

Two Republicans — Reps. Liz Cheney of Wyoming and Adam Kinzinger of Illinois, who serve, over the objections of their party, on the committee investigating the attack — joined Democrats in voting to find him in contempt.

But while the action indicated a stalemate between Meadows and Congress, his initial cooperation with the inquiry — including around 9,000 pages of documents he turned over — has already given the committee its first substantial burst of momentum and political traction as it tries to establish a full accounting of the events that led to the deadly riot.

More revelations emerged Tuesday before the vote, as Cheney, the vice chair of the committee, read aloud text messages that Republicans in Congress sent to Meadows Jan. 6 as violence engulfed the Capitol.

“It’s really bad up here on the hill,” one said.

“The President needs to stop this ASAP,” another implored.

“Fix this now,” another said.

The committee also divulged a Nov. 4 message from an unidentified Republican member of Congress to Meadows — before states were even finished counting ballots — proposing an “aggressive strategy” in which Republican-controlled legislatures in Georgia, North Carolina, Pennsylvania and other states would “just send their own electors” instead of potential Biden electors chosen by voters.

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“How did this text influence the planning of Mark Meadows and Donald Trump to try to destroy the lawful Electoral College majority that had been established by the people of the United States and the states for Joe Biden?” said Rep. Jamie Raskin, D-Md., a member of the committee.

Cheney’s recitation of the messages from Republicans, during a meeting of the Rules Committee before the House began debating the contempt charge, was a stark reminder that there was a moment when prominent conservative figures, GOP lawmakers and even Trump’s son had been appalled by the violence at the Capitol and agreed it was the president who needed to stop it.

“As the violence was underway on the 6th, it was evident to all, but we know that for 187 minutes, President Trump refused to act,” said Cheney, who was ousted from her Republican leadership post for speaking out against Trump’s election lies. “And he refused to act when his action was required, it was essential, and it was compelled by his duty, compelled by his oath of office.”

The revelations were also being watched in the Senate, where Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the Republican leader, said Tuesday that while he was not among the lawmakers sending text messages to Meadows on Jan. 6, he was paying close attention to what House investigators might uncover.

“We’re all watching, as you are, what’s unfolding on the House side, and it will be interesting to reveal all the participants that were involved,” he told reporters outside the Senate chamber.

After initially expressing outrage at what unfolded on Jan. 6, Republicans in Congress have largely pivoted to denying or dismissing what happened and rallied once again around Trump, arguing he was not culpable. House leaders sent out a notice Tuesday encouraging their members to fight the contempt charge against Meadows.

Rep. Jim Jordan, R-Ohio, said the committee’s investigation was a political “charade” focused solely on persecuting Trump and his allies.

“Mark Meadows is our former colleague. He is a good man. He is my friend,” Jordan said during debate on the contempt referral. “This is as wrong as it gets. You all know it. But your lust for power, your lust to get your opponents, is so intense you don’t care.”

The vote would be the second time in recent weeks the House voted to hold an ally of Trump in contempt of Congress for refusing to sit for deposition. Steve Bannon was indicted by a federal grand jury last month after the House voted to recommend that he be found in contempt for refusing to cooperate with the committee.

Unlike Bannon, who was not a member of the government during the run-up to Jan. 6, Meadows, who was one of Trump’s closest White House advisers during the attack, may have a stronger case against cooperating with a congressional inquiry that seeks confidential communications with a president that could be protected by executive privilege.

But Democrats argued that Meadows’ decision to furnish thousands of documents that are not privileged only underscored his obligation to speak to investigators about what he knew. They chalked up his change in stance to pressure from the former president, who objected to portions of Meadows’ newly released book.

“In an investigation like ours, when you produce records, you are expected to come in and answer questions about those records,” said Rep. Bennie Thompson, D-Miss., chair of the committee. “But that’s not what he did. He told us the day before his deposition — the same day his book was published — that he would no longer cooperate with our investigation, and that he wasn’t coming in to be interviewed.”

Meadows and his lawyer, George Terwilliger, vigorously protested the charge Tuesday before the House action. Terwilliger said Meadows never “stopped cooperating” with the committee, arguing he has cooperated as much as he could without violating Trump’s assertions of executive privilege. Meadows has filed suit against the panel to seek a court ruling to determine the validity of Trump’s assertions of executive privilege.

“He has fully cooperated as to documents in his possession that are not privileged and has sought various means to provide other information while continuing to honor the former president’s privilege claims,” Terwilliger said, pointing out that his client had provided the panel with voluminous evidence.

On Monday, the committee voted 9-0 to recommend that Meadows be charged with criminal contempt of Congress. Meadows said later in an interview with the Fox News host Sean Hannity that the vote against him was “disappointing but not surprising.” He argued that the committee was focusing solely on Trump at the expense of security lapses at the Capitol.

“I’ve tried to share non privileged information,” he said. “But truly the executive privilege that Donald Trump has claimed is his to waive. It’s not mine to waive.”

The documents Meadows has furnished have shown that he played a far more substantial role in plans to try to overturn the 2020 election than was previously known.

Among the documents Meadows provided the committee was a message in which he indicated the National Guard would be available to protect “pro-Trump people” Jan. 6. Meadows told Hannity the former president wanted thousands of troops ready.

But the guard was not deployed quickly Jan. 6 as the violence unfolded, with its former commanding officer testifying that he had to wait for more than three hours for approval to send in his troops.

In an effort to speed up guard deployment, the House approved a bill to empower the chief of the U.S. Capitol Police to unilaterally request the assistance of the District of Columbia National Guard or other federal law enforcement agencies in emergencies without prior approval of the Capitol Police Board. The measure had passed the Senate on Monday and now heads to Biden’s desk.

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The debate over Meadows on the House floor Tuesday night was extraordinary and at times bitter.

At one point, the proceedings ground to a halt after Rep. Scott Perry, R-Pa., demanded that Rep. Steny Hoyer of Maryland, the No. 2 Democrat, be sanctioned for saying that Perry did not want the subpoena of Meadows enforced because he feared the truth that would be exposed.

Perry, the new leader of the right-wing House Freedom Caucus, played a key role in the weeks before Jan. 6 in trying to help Trump invalidate the election results, introducing a little-known Justice Department lawyer to Trump as he pushed the agency to declare the 2020 election fraudulent.

His complaint against Hoyer was rejected. But the exchange reflected the hostile dynamic Tuesday in the House, where lawmakers who came under attack by a mob inspired by Trump’s lies of a stolen election were squaring off against Republicans who helped spread those lies.

Aides said Tuesday’s vote would be the first time the House had voted to hold one of its former members in criminal contempt since Sam Houston, a former representative from Tennessee, was convicted of the charge in the 1830s after beating a member of Congress with his wooden cane.

The House voted Tuesday night to recommend holding Mark Meadows, who served as chief of staff to former President Donald Trump, in criminal contempt of Congress for refusing to cooperate with its investigation into the Jan.

The House voted Tuesday night to recommend holding Mark Meadows, who served as chief of staff to former President Donald Trump, in criminal contempt of Congress for refusing to cooperate with its investigation into the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol, escalating a legal battle against a potentially crucial witness in a widening inquiry. The vote of 222-208 sent the matter to the Department of Justice to consider whether to prosecute Meadows, who would be the first former member of Congress to be held in contempt of the body he once served in nearly 200 years, according to congressional aides. Two Republicans — Reps. Liz Cheney of Wyoming and Adam Kinzinger of Illinois, who serve, over the objections of their party, on the committee investigating the attack — joined Democrats in voting to find him in contempt. But while the action indicated a stalemate between Meadows and Congress, his initial cooperation with the inquiry — including around 9,000 pages of documents he turned over — has already given the committee its first substantial burst of momentum and political traction as it tries to establish a full accounting of the events that led to the deadly riot. More revelations emerged Tuesday before the vote, as Cheney, the vice chair of the committee, read aloud text messages that Republicans in Congress sent to Meadows Jan. 6 as violence engulfed the Capitol. “It’s really bad up here on the hill,” one said. “The President needs to stop this ASAP,” another implored. “Fix this now,” another said. The committee also divulged a Nov. 4 message from an unidentified Republican member of Congress to Meadows — before states were even finished counting ballots — proposing an “aggressive strategy” in which Republican-controlled legislatures in Georgia, North Carolina, Pennsylvania and other states would “just send their own electors” instead of potential Biden electors chosen by voters. Also read | Xi thanks Putin for standing against attempts to undermine China-Russia relations “How did this text influence the planning of Mark Meadows and Donald Trump to try to destroy the lawful Electoral College majority that had been established by the people of the United States and the states for Joe Biden?” said Rep. Jamie Raskin, D-Md., a member of the committee. Cheney’s recitation of the messages from Republicans, during a meeting of the Rules Committee before the House began debating the contempt charge, was a stark reminder that there was a moment when prominent conservative figures, GOP lawmakers and even Trump’s son had been appalled by the violence at the Capitol and agreed it was the president who needed to stop it. “As the violence was underway on the 6th, it was evident to all, but we know that for 187 minutes, President Trump refused to act,” said Cheney, who was ousted from her Republican leadership post for speaking out against Trump’s election lies. “And he refused to act when his action was required, it was essential, and it was compelled by his duty, compelled by his oath of office.” The revelations were also being watched in the Senate, where Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the Republican leader, said Tuesday that while he was not among the lawmakers sending text messages to Meadows on Jan. 6, he was paying close attention to what House investigators might uncover. “We’re all watching, as you are, what’s unfolding on the House side, and it will be interesting to reveal all the participants that were involved,” he told reporters outside the Senate chamber. After initially expressing outrage at what unfolded on Jan. 6, Republicans in Congress have largely pivoted to denying or dismissing what happened and rallied once again around Trump, arguing he was not culpable. House leaders sent out a notice Tuesday encouraging their members to fight the contempt charge against Meadows. Rep. Jim Jordan, R-Ohio, said the committee’s investigation was a political “charade” focused solely on persecuting Trump and his allies. “Mark Meadows is our former colleague. He is a good man. He is my friend,” Jordan said during debate on the contempt referral. “This is as wrong as it gets. You all know it. But your lust for power, your lust to get your opponents, is so intense you don’t care.” The vote would be the second time in recent weeks the House voted to hold an ally of Trump in contempt of Congress for refusing to sit for deposition. Steve Bannon was indicted by a federal grand jury last month after the House voted to recommend that he be found in contempt for refusing to cooperate with the committee. Unlike Bannon, who was not a member of the government during the run-up to Jan. 6, Meadows, who was one of Trump’s closest White House advisers during the attack, may have a stronger case against cooperating with a congressional inquiry that seeks confidential communications with a president that could be protected by executive privilege. But Democrats argued that Meadows’ decision to furnish thousands of documents that are not privileged only underscored his obligation to speak to investigators about what he knew. They chalked up his change in stance to pressure from the former president, who objected to portions of Meadows’ newly released book. “In an investigation like ours, when you produce records, you are expected to come in and answer questions about those records,” said Rep. Bennie Thompson, D-Miss., chair of the committee. “But that’s not what he did. He told us the day before his deposition — the same day his book was published — that he would no longer cooperate with our investigation, and that he wasn’t coming in to be interviewed.” Meadows and his lawyer, George Terwilliger, vigorously protested the charge Tuesday before the House action. Terwilliger said Meadows never “stopped cooperating” with the committee, arguing he has cooperated as much as he could without violating Trump’s assertions of executive privilege. Meadows has filed suit against the panel to seek a court ruling to determine the validity of Trump’s assertions of executive privilege. “He has fully cooperated as to documents in his possession that are not privileged and has sought various means to provide other information while continuing to honor the former president’s privilege claims,” Terwilliger said, pointing out that his client had provided the panel with voluminous evidence. On Monday, the committee voted 9-0 to recommend that Meadows be charged with criminal contempt of Congress. Meadows said later in an interview with the Fox News host Sean Hannity that the vote against him was “disappointing but not surprising.” He argued that the committee was focusing solely on Trump at the expense of security lapses at the Capitol. “I’ve tried to share non privileged information,” he said. “But truly the executive privilege that Donald Trump has claimed is his to waive. It’s not mine to waive.” The documents Meadows has furnished have shown that he played a far more substantial role in plans to try to overturn the 2020 election than was previously known. Among the documents Meadows provided the committee was a message in which he indicated the National Guard would be available to protect “pro-Trump people” Jan. 6. Meadows told Hannity the former president wanted thousands of troops ready. But the guard was not deployed quickly Jan. 6 as the violence unfolded, with its former commanding officer testifying that he had to wait for more than three hours for approval to send in his troops. In an effort to speed up guard deployment, the House approved a bill to empower the chief of the U.S. Capitol Police to unilaterally request the assistance of the District of Columbia National Guard or other federal law enforcement agencies in emergencies without prior approval of the Capitol Police Board. The measure had passed the Senate on Monday and now heads to Biden’s desk. Also read | Kim Jong Un's 10 years in power: A look back at his reign in North Korea The debate over Meadows on the House floor Tuesday night was extraordinary and at times bitter. At one point, the proceedings ground to a halt after Rep. Scott Perry, R-Pa., demanded that Rep. Steny Hoyer of Maryland, the No. 2 Democrat, be sanctioned for saying that Perry did not want the subpoena of Meadows enforced because he feared the truth that would be exposed. Perry, the new leader of the right-wing House Freedom Caucus, played a key role in the weeks before Jan. 6 in trying to help Trump invalidate the election results, introducing a little-known Justice Department lawyer to Trump as he pushed the agency to declare the 2020 election fraudulent. His complaint against Hoyer was rejected. But the exchange reflected the hostile dynamic Tuesday in the House, where lawmakers who came under attack by a mob inspired by Trump’s lies of a stolen election were squaring off against Republicans who helped spread those lies. Aides said Tuesday’s vote would be the first time the House had voted to hold one of its former members in criminal contempt since Sam Houston, a former representative from Tennessee, was convicted of the charge in the 1830s after beating a member of Congress with his wooden cane.

House seeks contempt charge against Meadows in January 6 inquiry

The United Arab Emirates suspended talks on a $23 billion deal to buy American-made F-35 planes, armed drones and other equipment after the US imposed stringent conditions on the purchase.

UAE halts military deal talks with United States

The United Arab Emirates has suspended talks on a $23 billion deal to purchase American-made F-35 planes in a rare dispute between Washington and a key US ally in the Persian Gulf.

UAE suspends discussions on $23 billion weapons deal with US

The US Congress approved raising the federal government's debt limit by $2.5 trillion, to about $31.4 trillion, sending the bill to President Joe Biden to sign and avert an unprecedented default.

US Congress approves boosting debt limit to $31.4 trillion

United Arab Emirates (UAE) is mulling to suspend discussions over the procurement of 50 F-35 fighter jets that are part of the $23 billion arms deal with the US, according to media reports.

An unnamed official from UAE told Reuters that the US has been apprised of the middle eastern country’s concern over technical issues such as cost-benefit analysis and restrictive end-user agreement.

“Technical requirements, sovereign operational restrictions, and cost/benefit analysis led to the re-assessment,” the UAE official said.

The UAE had signed an agreement to purchase 50 5th generation fighter jets and up to 18 armed drones, and other advanced munitions.

“The US remains the UAE’s preferred provider for advanced defence requirements and discussions for the F-35 may be re-opened in the future,” the official said, adding there were discussions to “address mutual defence security conditions for the acquisition.”

Also read |<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/india-in-a-tough-neighbourhood-will-help-secure-its-borders-says-bidens-envoy-pick-garcetti-436992">&nbsp;India in a tough neighbourhood, will help secure its borders, says Biden’s envoy pick Garcetti</a>

However, US State secretary Anthony Blinken on Wednesday said that America is prepared to move forward with the sale of the fighter jets and drones to the its ally.

Speaking at a news conference in Kuala Lumpur, Blinken said Washington had to conduct some reviews.

"We've wanted to make sure, for example, that our commitment to Israel`s qualitative military edge is assured, so we wanted to make sure that we could do a thorough review of any technologies that are sold or transferred to other partners in the region, including the UAE," Blinken said.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-women-urge-supreme-court-to-repeal-topless-sunbathing-ban-as-it-permits-discrimination-436984">US women urge Supreme Court to repeal topless sunbathing ban as it permits discrimination</a>

"But I think we continue to be prepared to move forward if the UAE continues to want to pursue both of these," he said.

The sale of 50 F-35 jets comes as a part of a $23 billion arms deal that the US and the UAE reached in the last days of Trump’s administration. The agreement also involves a sale of 18 MQ-9B Reaper attack drones, as well as other high-tech munitions.

(With inputs from agencies)

United Arab Emirates (UAE) is mulling to suspend discussions over the procurement of 50 F-35 fighter jets that are part of the $23 billion arms deal with the US, according to media reports.

United Arab Emirates (UAE) is mulling to suspend discussions over the procurement of 50 F-35 fighter jets that are part of the $23 billion arms deal with the US, according to media reports. An unnamed official from UAE told Reuters that the US has been apprised of the middle eastern country’s concern over technical issues such as cost-benefit analysis and restrictive end-user agreement. “Technical requirements, sovereign operational restrictions, and cost/benefit analysis led to the re-assessment,” the UAE official said. The UAE had signed an agreement to purchase 50 5th generation fighter jets and up to 18 armed drones, and other advanced munitions. “The US remains the UAE’s preferred provider for advanced defence requirements and discussions for the F-35 may be re-opened in the future,” the official said, adding there were discussions to “address mutual defence security conditions for the acquisition.” Also read | India in a tough neighbourhood, will help secure its borders, says Biden’s envoy pick Garcetti However, US State secretary Anthony Blinken on Wednesday said that America is prepared to move forward with the sale of the fighter jets and drones to the its ally. Speaking at a news conference in Kuala Lumpur, Blinken said Washington had to conduct some reviews. "We've wanted to make sure, for example, that our commitment to Israel`s qualitative military edge is assured, so we wanted to make sure that we could do a thorough review of any technologies that are sold or transferred to other partners in the region, including the UAE," Blinken said. Also read | US women urge Supreme Court to repeal topless sunbathing ban as it permits discrimination "But I think we continue to be prepared to move forward if the UAE continues to want to pursue both of these," he said. The sale of 50 F-35 jets comes as a part of a $23 billion arms deal that the US and the UAE reached in the last days of Trump’s administration. The agreement also involves a sale of 18 MQ-9B Reaper attack drones, as well as other high-tech munitions. (With inputs from agencies)

UAE mulling to scrap talks on 50 F-35 fighter jets deal with US: Report

When President Biden met his Indonesian counterpart, Joko Widodo, last month in Glasgow, he praised Indonesia’s “essential” leadership in the Indo-Pacific and “strong commitment” to democratic values.

But the reality of American engagement with the world’s third-most-populous democracy has been more tepid than these warm words imply, belying Indonesia’s position as the leading Southeast Asian power and a vital balancing force in the geopolitical contest of our time between the United States and China.

The Biden administration has spent much of its first year in office shoring up support among allies and partners who share Washington’s concerns about Beijing but were bruised by four years of Donald Trump. That period of reassurance was important and necessary. But if the real goal of strategic competition with China is to ensure a “free and open Indo-Pacific” — rather than pursuing great-power competition for its own sake — America cannot rely on a few fast friends who share its worldview.

Washington needs to move closer to nonaligned, and sometimes quarrelsome, emerging powers like Indonesia and help them become less reliant on China.

A proud nation of 275 million people, Indonesia jealously guards its autonomy in international affairs, knowing full well how damaging foreign interventions can be — from colonial rule to violent coups and uprisings supported by America in the 1950s and ’60s.

Indonesia established an “independent and active” foreign policy after declaring independence from the Netherlands in 1945. It still refuses to sign alliances with any other powers, is a committed member of the Non-Aligned Movement and reacts angrily to perceived threats to its sovereignty.

Relations with Washington have seesawed over the decades. The United States ended a lengthy period of confrontation with Sukarno, Indonesia’s founding president, by backing his ouster and propelling the rise of Suharto, a taciturn general who ruled as a dictator for 32 years until 1998. But the Indonesian government soured on Washington because it felt that President Bill Clinton had pressured Indonesia to accept a punishing I.M.F. bailout in 1998 and later grant an independence referendum to East Timor.

Today, Indonesia maintains close ties with U.S. adversaries Russia and Iran. And there’s its growing relationship with China. Under President Joko, known as Jokowi, China has become one of Indonesia’s biggest investors, spending billions of dollars on new highways, power plants and a high-speed rail line. It also provided Indonesia with around 80 percent of its Covid-19 vaccines.

While Indonesia cooperates with the United States on military, counterterrorism and development programs, it also is wary about new American security initiatives in the region — like the AUKUS partnership, which aims to equip neighboring Australia with nuclear-powered submarines.

Now is the perfect time for Washington and its allies to woo Indonesia. The goal should not be to peel Indonesia away from China but to support Mr. Joko’s plans for economic and social development — he is looking to cement his legacy before he’s due to step down in 2024 — and help the country become an alternative pole of strength to challenge the emerging sense in Asia that China alone holds the keys to the region’s future.

So far, Washington has shown limited ambition for boosting the relationship with Indonesia. Despite warnings over Beijing’s growing strategic leverage with Jakarta, it has yet to come up with significant economic counterweights.

But closer relations with China don’t mean that Mr. Joko is choosing a side in great-power competition. Rather, he is approaching foreign policy with the practicality of the furniture factory owner and mayor he used to be, willing to work with whoever can help him meet core objectives — like boosting the economy.

Kurt Campbell, who leads Indo-Pacific policy in the White House, once told me that if you ranked the countries most important to the United States but least understood, Indonesia would be first. The world’s fourth-most-populous nation, the world’s most populous Muslim-majority nation and the world’s largest archipelago nation: Generating interest in Indonesia usually requires a list of superlatives.

Between domestic issues and a long list of foreign policy challenges to address, it seems that Indonesia is falling off the agenda again, even as the Biden administration starts to step up in Southeast Asia. The president’s interim national security strategic guidance, released in March, name-checked Singapore and Vietnam, which support U.S. pushback against China, as important Southeast Asian partners, but not Indonesia.

When Vice President Kamala Harris and Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin made separate trips to Southeast Asia earlier this year, they skipped Indonesia — which The Jakarta Post, the country’s leading English language newspaper, called a “snub.”

The good news is that Mr. Joko does not bear grudges. While writing his first English-language political biography, I watched him work with all comers to get what he wants, from street hawkers to billionaires to hard-line Islamist preachers.

A planned visit to Jakarta this week by Secretary of State Antony Blinken is a much-needed corrective to earlier oversights. But one trip does not build a relationship, especially when Chinese ministers have had more regular face-to-face contact with Indonesian counterparts. The Biden administration should use this visit to kick-start a sustained charm offensive to bring the world’s third-largest democracy closer.

Much like Mr. Biden, Mr. Joko is a doer, not a thinker. So the United States should concentrate on areas of practical cooperation with Indonesia — like trade and investment, financing for Jakarta’s plans to curb coal-fired power and deforestation, and greater support for Indonesia’s Covid-19 vaccination campaign.

Helping Indonesia emerge from the economic and health crisis spurred by the pandemic will win favor with Mr. Joko while reducing his reliance on Beijing. Supporting Indonesia’s recovery also will bolster the argument that democracy — not authoritarianism — can deliver for developing countries in Asia.

If the Biden administration wants to dispel China’s line that Washington is an unreliable, declining power, then its proposed Indo-Pacific economic framework, due early next year, must bring real heft. As Southeast Asia’s largest economy, Indonesia merits its own special attention too.

A stronger, wealthier, democratic Indonesia won’t always agree with the United States — but it will add a critical counterweight to China in Asia.

When President Biden met his Indonesian counterpart, Joko Widodo, last month in Glasgow, he praised Indonesia’s “essential” leadership in the Indo-Pacific and “strong commitment” to democratic values.

When President Biden met his Indonesian counterpart, Joko Widodo, last month in Glasgow, he praised Indonesia’s “essential” leadership in the Indo-Pacific and “strong commitment” to democratic values. But the reality of American engagement with the world’s third-most-populous democracy has been more tepid than these warm words imply, belying Indonesia’s position as the leading Southeast Asian power and a vital balancing force in the geopolitical contest of our time between the United States and China. The Biden administration has spent much of its first year in office shoring up support among allies and partners who share Washington’s concerns about Beijing but were bruised by four years of Donald Trump. That period of reassurance was important and necessary. But if the real goal of strategic competition with China is to ensure a “free and open Indo-Pacific” — rather than pursuing great-power competition for its own sake — America cannot rely on a few fast friends who share its worldview. Washington needs to move closer to nonaligned, and sometimes quarrelsome, emerging powers like Indonesia and help them become less reliant on China. A proud nation of 275 million people, Indonesia jealously guards its autonomy in international affairs, knowing full well how damaging foreign interventions can be — from colonial rule to violent coups and uprisings supported by America in the 1950s and ’60s. Indonesia established an “independent and active” foreign policy after declaring independence from the Netherlands in 1945. It still refuses to sign alliances with any other powers, is a committed member of the Non-Aligned Movement and reacts angrily to perceived threats to its sovereignty. Relations with Washington have seesawed over the decades. The United States ended a lengthy period of confrontation with Sukarno, Indonesia’s founding president, by backing his ouster and propelling the rise of Suharto, a taciturn general who ruled as a dictator for 32 years until 1998. But the Indonesian government soured on Washington because it felt that President Bill Clinton had pressured Indonesia to accept a punishing I.M.F. bailout in 1998 and later grant an independence referendum to East Timor. Today, Indonesia maintains close ties with U.S. adversaries Russia and Iran. And there’s its growing relationship with China. Under President Joko, known as Jokowi, China has become one of Indonesia’s biggest investors, spending billions of dollars on new highways, power plants and a high-speed rail line. It also provided Indonesia with around 80 percent of its Covid-19 vaccines. While Indonesia cooperates with the United States on military, counterterrorism and development programs, it also is wary about new American security initiatives in the region — like the AUKUS partnership, which aims to equip neighboring Australia with nuclear-powered submarines. Now is the perfect time for Washington and its allies to woo Indonesia. The goal should not be to peel Indonesia away from China but to support Mr. Joko’s plans for economic and social development — he is looking to cement his legacy before he’s due to step down in 2024 — and help the country become an alternative pole of strength to challenge the emerging sense in Asia that China alone holds the keys to the region’s future. So far, Washington has shown limited ambition for boosting the relationship with Indonesia. Despite warnings over Beijing’s growing strategic leverage with Jakarta, it has yet to come up with significant economic counterweights. But closer relations with China don’t mean that Mr. Joko is choosing a side in great-power competition. Rather, he is approaching foreign policy with the practicality of the furniture factory owner and mayor he used to be, willing to work with whoever can help him meet core objectives — like boosting the economy. Kurt Campbell, who leads Indo-Pacific policy in the White House, once told me that if you ranked the countries most important to the United States but least understood, Indonesia would be first. The world’s fourth-most-populous nation, the world’s most populous Muslim-majority nation and the world’s largest archipelago nation: Generating interest in Indonesia usually requires a list of superlatives. Between domestic issues and a long list of foreign policy challenges to address, it seems that Indonesia is falling off the agenda again, even as the Biden administration starts to step up in Southeast Asia. The president’s interim national security strategic guidance, released in March, name-checked Singapore and Vietnam, which support U.S. pushback against China, as important Southeast Asian partners, but not Indonesia. When Vice President Kamala Harris and Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin made separate trips to Southeast Asia earlier this year, they skipped Indonesia — which The Jakarta Post, the country’s leading English language newspaper, called a “snub.” The good news is that Mr. Joko does not bear grudges. While writing his first English-language political biography, I watched him work with all comers to get what he wants, from street hawkers to billionaires to hard-line Islamist preachers. A planned visit to Jakarta this week by Secretary of State Antony Blinken is a much-needed corrective to earlier oversights. But one trip does not build a relationship, especially when Chinese ministers have had more regular face-to-face contact with Indonesian counterparts. The Biden administration should use this visit to kick-start a sustained charm offensive to bring the world’s third-largest democracy closer. Much like Mr. Biden, Mr. Joko is a doer, not a thinker. So the United States should concentrate on areas of practical cooperation with Indonesia — like trade and investment, financing for Jakarta’s plans to curb coal-fired power and deforestation, and greater support for Indonesia’s Covid-19 vaccination campaign. Helping Indonesia emerge from the economic and health crisis spurred by the pandemic will win favor with Mr. Joko while reducing his reliance on Beijing. Supporting Indonesia’s recovery also will bolster the argument that democracy — not authoritarianism — can deliver for developing countries in Asia. If the Biden administration wants to dispel China’s line that Washington is an unreliable, declining power, then its proposed Indo-Pacific economic framework, due early next year, must bring real heft. As Southeast Asia’s largest economy, Indonesia merits its own special attention too. A stronger, wealthier, democratic Indonesia won’t always agree with the United States — but it will add a critical counterweight to China in Asia.

If the US is serious about China competition, it needs Indonesia

Pentagon makes it clear that none of their military personnel will be held accountable for the last US drone strike in war-torn Afghanistan.

No US troops to be held accountable for last airstrike in Afghanistan

Amid ongoing tensions with China, US secretary of state Antony Blinken embarks on a Southeast Asia trip. It is his first trip since he took over the office.

US secretary of state Antony Blinken delivers remarks on Indo-Pacific

At dusk the converted school bus pulled up to the little park as it does every Friday evening, and a line began to form. A man with a clipboard made his way down the line taking names and asking questions: “You need any socks or hygiene kits tonight? Anything I can pray for?”

Then came the main event: Volunteers in the bus, run by a group called City Relief, handed each waiting person a cup of hot vegetable soup, two big rolls and a cup of hot chocolate.

Among the regulars waiting here, at Peter Francisco Park behind Newark Penn Station, the news that city officials plan to make it harder to give food to homeless people did not go over well.

“I think it’s wrong,” Olivia Fontana, 40, who has lived in a shelter for the past year, said this month as she waited in the soup line, which typically feeds about 60 people. “People need to eat.”

A few days before Thanksgiving, the city sent out an email to churches and relief organizations announcing that it was prohibiting feeding homeless people in public places, including parks and the train station.

After inquiries from The New York Times about the policy, the city shifted and said that groups who give out food would need a permit and that the new rule would be specifically targeted at those who give food to the homeless.

“The ordinance the city is working on will prohibit agencies and individuals without a permit from feeding residents without addresses,” a spokeswoman for Mayor Ras Baraka said in an email. “All violators will be ticketed and fined.”

Putting restrictions on perhaps the most fundamental act of human charity, feeding the hungry, may seem harsh. But many places do it. According to a 2019 report from the National Homelessness Law Center, at least 17 cities across the U.S. either ban giving out food in public areas or require permits for it, some with onerous conditions attached.

Tristia Bauman, a senior attorney at the law center, said that by singling out homeless people, Newark’s ordinance could violate the 14th Amendment’s equal protection clause and also impinge food donors’ First Amendment rights, since courts have found that food sharing is a form of protected speech.

“This discriminatory restriction seems based on animus toward people experiencing homelessness, rather than a legitimate government interest,” Bauman said in an email.

A few miles away in New York City, the Coalition for the Homeless serves about 1,000 hot meals seven nights a week in 25 pop-up locations. While the city technically requires a $70-a-year permit to serve food “at a fixed location for a temporary period of time,” the group has never been asked for a distribution permit, said David Giffen, the coalition’s executive director, adding “nor do we think we should be.”

“In terms of going to the streets and handing out meals, people are just hungry, and we have to feed them,” Giffen said. “This can’t be buried in bureaucratic morasses. We have to be able to respond to a need. These are life-or-death issues.”

Newark officials offered various reasons for the crackdown, saying the city needed to ensure that food being given out was safe, and that distributing food in public places actually encouraged street homelessness. The city wants those who wish to donate food to bring it to shelters and soup kitchens instead.

But the shifting ground also reflects a struggle over marquee public space.

Restrictions on food handouts have been pushed by a business-improvement group in the Ironbound neighborhood, which includes Peter Francisco Park, a well-trodden 1-acre triangle where weekends bring a steady stream of food donors and often end with the park filled with litter. The Ironbound, like much of Newark’s downtown, is undergoing a wave of redevelopment.

Seth Grossman, executive director of the Ironbound Business Improvement District, said groups that brought food sometimes did not clean up trash left behind.

“It’s always important to be a good neighbor, and what constitutes a good neighbor is a person who is safe, clean and considerate of each other,” he said.

Newark’s move to limit food handouts, which the city has periodically discussed for at least five years, also comes as the state of New Jersey and New Jersey Transit are gearing up for a $190 million makeover of Newark Penn Station, an 85-year-old neoclassical behemoth where one morning this month a dozen men were slumped across long benches in the grand, high-ceilinged waiting room.

Like cities across the country, Newark—New Jersey’s biggest city, with a population of 311,000 — has seen homelessness worsen during the pandemic. The nonprofit that the city contracts with to do homeless outreach, Bridges, has tallied 1,366 people who have spent an unsheltered night so far this year. The equivalent figure in New York City, which has nearly 30 times as many residents as Newark, would be about 37,000 unsheltered people, far higher than any estimate of New York’s street-homeless population.

Under Baraka, the city has taken steps to reduce homelessness. He created an office of homeless services last year and appointed a former Bridges official, Sakinah Hoyte, to be the city’s homelessness czar. This year, the city opened a housing facility called Hope Village, made from converted shipping containers, which is designed to help transition people who live in and around the train station into permanent housing. The city is converting a former schoolhouse into another shelter and housing-services center.

It was in the context of these new programs that Hoyte sent out a “public feeding letter” on Nov. 19 announcing an outright ban on giving food to homeless people in public areas.

“Feeding people in parks doesn’t encourage any sort of transitioning folks into housing,” Hoyte said in an interview. “It keeps people living on sidewalks and sleeping outside.”

She said the city welcomed relief groups offering homeless people emergency supplies like warm clothes and helping connect them to social services, but that public feeding should not be part of the picture.

To City Relief’s chief program officer, Josiah Haken, this approach seemed backward: Offering people food where they are, he said, is often the first step to getting them off the street.

“The meal is really important,” he said. “It’s what helps us build trust, and we leverage that trust to help people move forward. The simple truth is that there aren’t enough resources in Newark for the people that are in the street.”

Besides, he said, no one decides to live in the street or a train station, rather than in an apartment, because of the convenience of a nearby free meal.

The day after Hoyte spoke to the Times, the city had changed course and said it would require permits instead. Haken said City Relief would abide by the city’s permit process.

Inside the train station this month, several men who live there said they had sometimes seen the New Jersey Transit police telling groups that came in with food donations to distribute the food outside.

“I saw them stop people from coming in here the other day,” said Eugene Bradley, 41. “It’s stupid, inconsiderate and pointless.”

But Vincent Jiles, 57, who has lived in the station for three years, said he understood that New Jersey Transit was trying to run a train station, not a shelter.

“This is a place of business,” he said. “You’ve got a lot of movement through here, and by distributing food, it can interrupt the businesses.” Sometimes when people bring in food, he said, “People go a little crazy, and then it can make a big mess.”

At dusk the converted school bus pulled up to the little park as it does every Friday evening, and a line began to form. A man with a clipboard made his way down the line taking names and asking questions: “You need any socks or hygiene kits tonight?

At dusk the converted school bus pulled up to the little park as it does every Friday evening, and a line began to form. A man with a clipboard made his way down the line taking names and asking questions: “You need any socks or hygiene kits tonight? Anything I can pray for?” Then came the main event: Volunteers in the bus, run by a group called City Relief, handed each waiting person a cup of hot vegetable soup, two big rolls and a cup of hot chocolate. Among the regulars waiting here, at Peter Francisco Park behind Newark Penn Station, the news that city officials plan to make it harder to give food to homeless people did not go over well. “I think it’s wrong,” Olivia Fontana, 40, who has lived in a shelter for the past year, said this month as she waited in the soup line, which typically feeds about 60 people. “People need to eat.” A few days before Thanksgiving, the city sent out an email to churches and relief organizations announcing that it was prohibiting feeding homeless people in public places, including parks and the train station. After inquiries from The New York Times about the policy, the city shifted and said that groups who give out food would need a permit and that the new rule would be specifically targeted at those who give food to the homeless. “The ordinance the city is working on will prohibit agencies and individuals without a permit from feeding residents without addresses,” a spokeswoman for Mayor Ras Baraka said in an email. “All violators will be ticketed and fined.” Putting restrictions on perhaps the most fundamental act of human charity, feeding the hungry, may seem harsh. But many places do it. According to a 2019 report from the National Homelessness Law Center, at least 17 cities across the U.S. either ban giving out food in public areas or require permits for it, some with onerous conditions attached. Tristia Bauman, a senior attorney at the law center, said that by singling out homeless people, Newark’s ordinance could violate the 14th Amendment’s equal protection clause and also impinge food donors’ First Amendment rights, since courts have found that food sharing is a form of protected speech. “This discriminatory restriction seems based on animus toward people experiencing homelessness, rather than a legitimate government interest,” Bauman said in an email. A few miles away in New York City, the Coalition for the Homeless serves about 1,000 hot meals seven nights a week in 25 pop-up locations. While the city technically requires a $70-a-year permit to serve food “at a fixed location for a temporary period of time,” the group has never been asked for a distribution permit, said David Giffen, the coalition’s executive director, adding “nor do we think we should be.” “In terms of going to the streets and handing out meals, people are just hungry, and we have to feed them,” Giffen said. “This can’t be buried in bureaucratic morasses. We have to be able to respond to a need. These are life-or-death issues.” Newark officials offered various reasons for the crackdown, saying the city needed to ensure that food being given out was safe, and that distributing food in public places actually encouraged street homelessness. The city wants those who wish to donate food to bring it to shelters and soup kitchens instead. But the shifting ground also reflects a struggle over marquee public space. Restrictions on food handouts have been pushed by a business-improvement group in the Ironbound neighborhood, which includes Peter Francisco Park, a well-trodden 1-acre triangle where weekends bring a steady stream of food donors and often end with the park filled with litter. The Ironbound, like much of Newark’s downtown, is undergoing a wave of redevelopment. Seth Grossman, executive director of the Ironbound Business Improvement District, said groups that brought food sometimes did not clean up trash left behind. “It’s always important to be a good neighbor, and what constitutes a good neighbor is a person who is safe, clean and considerate of each other,” he said. Newark’s move to limit food handouts, which the city has periodically discussed for at least five years, also comes as the state of New Jersey and New Jersey Transit are gearing up for a $190 million makeover of Newark Penn Station, an 85-year-old neoclassical behemoth where one morning this month a dozen men were slumped across long benches in the grand, high-ceilinged waiting room. Like cities across the country, Newark—New Jersey’s biggest city, with a population of 311,000 — has seen homelessness worsen during the pandemic. The nonprofit that the city contracts with to do homeless outreach, Bridges, has tallied 1,366 people who have spent an unsheltered night so far this year. The equivalent figure in New York City, which has nearly 30 times as many residents as Newark, would be about 37,000 unsheltered people, far higher than any estimate of New York’s street-homeless population. Under Baraka, the city has taken steps to reduce homelessness. He created an office of homeless services last year and appointed a former Bridges official, Sakinah Hoyte, to be the city’s homelessness czar. This year, the city opened a housing facility called Hope Village, made from converted shipping containers, which is designed to help transition people who live in and around the train station into permanent housing. The city is converting a former schoolhouse into another shelter and housing-services center. It was in the context of these new programs that Hoyte sent out a “public feeding letter” on Nov. 19 announcing an outright ban on giving food to homeless people in public areas. “Feeding people in parks doesn’t encourage any sort of transitioning folks into housing,” Hoyte said in an interview. “It keeps people living on sidewalks and sleeping outside.” She said the city welcomed relief groups offering homeless people emergency supplies like warm clothes and helping connect them to social services, but that public feeding should not be part of the picture. To City Relief’s chief program officer, Josiah Haken, this approach seemed backward: Offering people food where they are, he said, is often the first step to getting them off the street. “The meal is really important,” he said. “It’s what helps us build trust, and we leverage that trust to help people move forward. The simple truth is that there aren’t enough resources in Newark for the people that are in the street.” Besides, he said, no one decides to live in the street or a train station, rather than in an apartment, because of the convenience of a nearby free meal. The day after Hoyte spoke to the Times, the city had changed course and said it would require permits instead. Haken said City Relief would abide by the city’s permit process. Inside the train station this month, several men who live there said they had sometimes seen the New Jersey Transit police telling groups that came in with food donations to distribute the food outside. “I saw them stop people from coming in here the other day,” said Eugene Bradley, 41. “It’s stupid, inconsiderate and pointless.” But Vincent Jiles, 57, who has lived in the station for three years, said he understood that New Jersey Transit was trying to run a train station, not a shelter. “This is a place of business,” he said. “You’ve got a lot of movement through here, and by distributing food, it can interrupt the businesses.” Sometimes when people bring in food, he said, “People go a little crazy, and then it can make a big mess.”

Feed the hungry? You’ll need a permit for that. 

The US' Pentagon has said that no American troops or officials will be held accountable for a drone strike that killed 10 people in Afghanistan in August.

No US troops to be held accountable for Kabul drone strike, says Pentagon

US Secretary of State Antony Blinken has urged China to cease “aggressive actions” in the Indo-Pacific, speaking during a visit to the region.

Antony Blinken urges China to stop 'aggressive actions' in Indo-Pacific

US President Joe Biden is facing significant skepticism from the American public, with his job approval rating lagging across a range of major issues, including handling of inflation, COVID-19 and gun violence.

Joe Biden faces lowest approval ratings yet in handling of inflation, COVID-19

Amid ongoing tensions with China, US secretary of state Anthony Blinken embarks on a Southeast Asia trip. It is his first trip since he took over the office.

US secretary of state Anthony Blinken on Southeast Asia trip

Tornadoes destroyed everything in their path as 30 tornadoes rip through 6 US states. The worst tornado strike in Kentucky history.

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Pentagon: No military personnel to be held accountable for last US drone strike in Afghanistan

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