<p>For nearly three decades, Indian software outsourcing helped grow its IT industry, sent tens of thousands of Indians on high‑skilled visas who went on to build new businesses and startups both in India and abroad, and made software engineering a “secure job” option for higher studies. But politico‑economic winds threaten to end this honeymoon, with the spectre of tariffs, visa and immigration policy curbs likely to disrupt their longstanding growth trajectory in the American market.</p><p><a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/trump-s-tariff-war-trump-s-trade-adviser-says-india-s-tariffs-highest-costs-us-job-1757166949161/embed">https://www.wionews.com/videos/trump-s-tariff-war-trump-s-trade-adviser-says-india-s-tariffs-highest-costs-us-job-1757166949161/embed</a></p><h2>How US policies may hurt India’s IT sector</h2><p>The negative trends include proposed “outsourcing taxes” under HIRE Act, tightening of visa regulations, and national security reviews under legislation such as the RESTRICT Act.</p><p>The US federal government—both in the executive branch and in Congress—is considering steps that could disrupt the traditional Indian IT business model that heavily relied on skilled visa workers, especially those on H‑1B visas.</p><h2>Taxation on outsourcing may become a reality in the US: The HIRE Act</h2><p>The proposed HIRE Act (Halting International Relocation of Employment Act), introduced by Senator Bernie Moreno of Ohio, aims to impose a 25 per cent excise tax on payments US companies make to foreign persons for services that benefit US consumers.&nbsp;</p><p>The bill also prohibits tax deductions for such outsourcing payments and would channel the revenue into a so-called ‘Domestic Workforce Fund’ to finance retraining and apprenticeships. Industry experts believe that the cost burden under the HIRE Act could approach 46 per cent before state taxes.</p><h2>Talk of US visa rule tightening is making Indian IT sector jittery</h2><p>The US proposals include raising H‑1B visa fees by up to five times, enforcing one mandatory local hire for each H‑1B worker, and limiting H‑1B usage if firms use these visa holders for more than 15 per cent of their US workforce. These proposals are not yet law but are under serious discussion.</p><p>Indian IT firms are already reducing their dependence on H‑1B visas amid increasing complexity, cost, and regulatory uncertainty. As of June 2025, the 10 largest Indian IT services firms had about 14,652 workers in the US on H‑1B visas.&nbsp;</p><p>Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/america-s-50-tariff-on-india-was-due-to-trump-s-personal-enmity-this-report-reveals-hidden-info-1756495589393">America's 50% tariff on India was due to Trump's 'personal' enmity? This report reveals hidden info</a></p><h2>How big is the US market for the Indian IT sector?</h2><p>India’s IT sector is now estimated at about $283 billion in total size. More than 60 per cent of the revenues of major Indian IT services companies comes from the US, which remains their largest market by far. Top five Indian IT firms—TCS, Infosys, HCLTech, Wipro and Tech Mahindra—generate about 50 to 65 per cent of their revenues from North America.&nbsp;</p><p>The US outsourcing tax (if passed in its current form) and visa tightening could erode their margins. Experts say the cost arbitrage advantage Indian IT firms have enjoyed is under threat. Many clients are reportedly delaying contracts, renegotiating pricing, or demanding changes in delivery models because of the perceived risk, according to reports</p><p>Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/-not-easy-big-deal-trump-admits-rift-in-india-us-ties-after-50-tariff-over-russian-energy-trade-1757703372604">‘Not easy, big deal’: Trump admits rift in India-US ties after 50% tariff over Russian energy trade</a></p><h2>RESTRICT Act, Russia-linked sanctions, and other headwinds</h2><p>Although visa policy is one major front, there are also national security and trade policy headwinds. Several Indian firms have been under scrutiny for allegedly supplying dual‑use or sensitive technology related to Russia. The RESTRICT Act empowers the US Commerce Secretary to investigate and potentially block tech‑related transactions involving entities from “foreign adversaries” if those transactions pose a risk to national security. While Indian firms are not the direct targets of this in many public reports, the law could indirectly affect them, especially if they are linked to supply chains involving sensitive ICT (Information and Communications Technology).</p><p>Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/-any-attempt-to-harm-ties-with-india-destined-to-fail-says-russia-amid-trump-s-tariff-threats-1757874260227">‘Any attempt to harm ties with India destined to fail,’ says Russia amid Trump’s tariff threats</a></p><h2>Indian IT firms are at a critical inflection point in US market</h2><p>The combination of this proposed outsourcing taxes, probable visa tightening, national security laws, and geopolitical tensions mean that the days of relatively easy growth in the US market may be coming to an end for Indian IT companies.&nbsp;</p><p>They will have to diversify away from heavy dependence on US clients, re‑negotiate business models with greater risk sharing. The honeymoon is probably over, or at least on borrowed time.<br>&nbsp;</p>

Indian IT giants face major headwinds in the US due to proposed curbs, laws and policy changes related to outsourcing, such as the HIRE Act, H‑1B visa curbs, and national security reviews under the RESTRICT Act. Will they weather this storm? Heres' what's in store for them



For nearly three decades, Indian software outsourcing helped grow its IT industry, sent tens of thousands of Indians on high‑skilled visas who went on to build new businesses and startups both in India and abroad, and made software engineering a “secure job” option for higher studies. But politico‑economic winds threaten to end this honeymoon, with the spectre of tariffs, visa and immigration policy curbs likely to disrupt their longstanding growth trajectory in the American market. https://www.wionews.com/videos/trump-s-tariff-war-trump-s-trade-adviser-says-india-s-tariffs-highest-costs-us-job-1757166949161/embed How US policies may hurt India’s IT sector The negative trends include proposed “outsourcing taxes” under HIRE Act, tightening of visa regulations, and national security reviews under legislation such as the RESTRICT Act. The US federal government—both in the executive branch and in Congress—is considering steps that could disrupt the traditional Indian IT business model that heavily relied on skilled visa workers, especially those on H‑1B visas. Taxation on outsourcing may become a reality in the US: The HIRE Act The proposed HIRE Act (Halting International Relocation of Employment Act), introduced by Senator Bernie Moreno of Ohio, aims to impose a 25 per cent excise tax on payments US companies make to foreign persons for services that benefit US consumers. The bill also prohibits tax deductions for such outsourcing payments and would channel the revenue into a so-called ‘Domestic Workforce Fund’ to finance retraining and apprenticeships. Industry experts believe that the cost burden under the HIRE Act could approach 46 per cent before state taxes. Talk of US visa rule tightening is making Indian IT sector jittery The US proposals include raising H‑1B visa fees by up to five times, enforcing one mandatory local hire for each H‑1B worker, and limiting H‑1B usage if firms use these visa holders for more than 15 per cent of their US workforce. These proposals are not yet law but are under serious discussion. Indian IT firms are already reducing their dependence on H‑1B visas amid increasing complexity, cost, and regulatory uncertainty. As of June 2025, the 10 largest Indian IT services firms had about 14,652 workers in the US on H‑1B visas. Also read: America's 50% tariff on India was due to Trump's 'personal' enmity? This report reveals hidden info How big is the US market for the Indian IT sector? India’s IT sector is now estimated at about $283 billion in total size. More than 60 per cent of the revenues of major Indian IT services companies comes from the US, which remains their largest market by far. Top five Indian IT firms—TCS, Infosys, HCLTech, Wipro and Tech Mahindra—generate about 50 to 65 per cent of their revenues from North America. The US outsourcing tax (if passed in its current form) and visa tightening could erode their margins. Experts say the cost arbitrage advantage Indian IT firms have enjoyed is under threat. Many clients are reportedly delaying contracts, renegotiating pricing, or demanding changes in delivery models because of the perceived risk, according to reports Also read: ‘Not easy, big deal’: Trump admits rift in India-US ties after 50% tariff over Russian energy trade RESTRICT Act, Russia-linked sanctions, and other headwinds Although visa policy is one major front, there are also national security and trade policy headwinds. Several Indian firms have been under scrutiny for allegedly supplying dual‑use or sensitive technology related to Russia. The RESTRICT Act empowers the US Commerce Secretary to investigate and potentially block tech‑related transactions involving entities from “foreign adversaries” if those transactions pose a risk to national security. While Indian firms are not the direct targets of this in many public reports, the law could indirectly affect them, especially if they are linked to supply chains involving sensitive ICT (Information and Communications Technology). Also read: ‘Any attempt to harm ties with India destined to fail,’ says Russia amid Trump’s tariff threats Indian IT firms are at a critical inflection point in US market The combination of this proposed outsourcing taxes, probable visa tightening, national security laws, and geopolitical tensions mean that the days of relatively easy growth in the US market may be coming to an end for Indian IT companies. They will have to diversify away from heavy dependence on US clients, re‑negotiate business models with greater risk sharing. The honeymoon is probably over, or at least on borrowed time.

<p>Indian IT giants face major headwinds in the US due to proposed curbs, laws and policy changes related to outsourcing, such as the HIRE Act, H‑1B visa curbs, and national security reviews under the RESTRICT Act. Will they weather this storm? Heres' what's in store for them</p><p>&nbsp;</p>

US honeymoon over for Indian IT giants? How Trump tariff threats, visa curbs, RESTRICT Act, HIRE Act spell doom for software industry

<p>India's Goods and Services Tax (GST) reforms are expected to offset the Trump tariffs at least partially, but it depends on a number of factors. The GST reforms consolidated tax slabs and cut rates on hundreds of items, from cars and electronics to soaps and insurance premiums. The aim is to boost domestic consumption, improve tax collection, and create an investment-friendly business environment. The reforms came days after the 50 per cent tariffs imposed by US President Donald Trump over the trade gap and India's oil purchases from Russia. The tariffs could impact India's textiles, auto parts, and industrial machinery sectors, among others. This could hurt India's export competitiveness in the US, which is its largest trading partner.</p><h2>What did India's GST reforms do to the taxpayer?</h2><p>India's ‘GST 2.0’ reforms simplified it to two main slabs of 5 per cent and 18 per cent, while a 40 per cent slab was introduced for luxury/sin goods such as premium cars and tobacco products.</p><p>Tax rate for consumer durables was cut from 28 per cent to 18 per cent, and for processed foods from 12 per cent to 5 per cent, besides signficant reductions for textiles-linked products.</p><p>The GDP boost is estimated from 0.6 per cent to 1.2 per cent, as per analysts.</p><p>It would simplify tax filing for medium and small enterprises (MSMEs), enable faster refunds and improve ease of doing business.</p><p>GST cuts also could ease inflation, which is already at an eight-year low.</p><p><a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/gst-reforms-2025-rate-cuts-5-per-cent-slab-middle-class-relief-1756971115143"><strong>Also read: GST rate cuts on common goods: Relief for middle class, push for festive demand</strong></a></p><h2>How India's exports sectors are affected by Trump tariffs</h2><p>India is estimated to have saved $17 billion by importing discounted Russian oil. The exports to US in 2024 were around $87 billion or around 2.5 per cent of India’s GDP. Up to 66 per cent of these exports are at risk of Trump tariff impact, with estimated loss ranging from 4 billion to 37 billion dollars depending on the value of the lost exports.<br>Textiles could take a hit of $10.3 billion, Gems &amp; Jewellery could be hurt by $10 billion, while auto components, shrimp, chemicals and leather are some other areas that can be affected. Job losses are estimated at over 1 million, particularly in textiles, gems, machinery and fisheries sectors. GDP loss could range from 0.1 per cent to 1 per cent, according to analysts from HSBC, Nomura, Nirmal Bank, Cleartax and others.</p><p><a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/new-gst-reform-what-gets-cheaper-and-what-becomes-costlier-under-new-slabs-1757046365613/embed">https://www.wionews.com/videos/new-gst-reform-what-gets-cheaper-and-what-becomes-costlier-under-new-slabs-1757046365613/embed</a></p><h2>How India is seeing GST reform amid Trump tariffs</h2><p>Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal hailed the GST reforms as “game-changing” and hinted that they could partially shield India from global trade disruptions—an indirect reference to the Trump tariffs. National Stock Exchange CEO Ashishkumar Chauhan and Kotak Mahindra’s Nilesh Shah expressed hope that the simplified tax regime would attract investment and spur growth.</p><p><a href="https://www.wionews.com/photos/will-flight-tickets-be-cheaper-in-new-gst-slab-quick-overview-before-your-next-vacation-1756994610769">Also read: Will flight tickets be cheaper in new GST slab? Quick overview before your next vacation</a></p><p>State Bank of India noted that GST cuts and other recent income tax reliefs might inject some ₹5.31 trillion into the economy, roughly 1.6 per cent of India’s GDP. This is significant, as the impact from Trump tariffs on GDP was estimated at around 1 per cent.</p><p>Analysts such as Fitch Solutions projected GDP growth of 5.8 per cent in the financial year 2025–26 and 5.4 per cent in 2026–27 if domestic reforms continue and global trade conditions don’t worsen. Elara Capital and Geojit Financial Services estimated that increased consumption resulting from the GST reforms could lift GDP growth by up to 1.2 percentage points over the next 4 to 6 quarters.</p><p>A Moneycontrol portal survey found that 67 per cent of economists believe GST reforms and tax cuts will at least partially offset the damage from Trump tariffs.</p><h2>GST reforms vs Trump tariffs: It is more complicated&nbsp;</h2><p>Some experts, however, cautioned against overestimating the tax reform's capacity to offset the Trump tariffs. Even if consumption rises, export sectors directly hit by tariffs—such as apparel, auto parts, and engineering goods—rely heavily on international markets and could take years to recover from lost US revenue.</p><p>Economist Gaura Sen Gupta from IDFC First Bank estimated that GST-related growth gains will add 0.6 percentage points to GDP, but persistent tariffs at 50 per cent could neutralise these benefits.</p><p>It all depends on if Trump tightens his tariff stance.<br>Trump has already hinted at a second and third phase of sanctions or tariffs on buyers of Russian oil, which could also affect India. Therefore, the future effectiveness of India's tax reforms in offsetting the Trump tariffs depends on whether Trump hardens or softens his stance. If tariffs ease to 25 per cent or below by the end of the year, India may still meet its growth targets, according to experts.</p><h2>The government is taking a hit with GST, income tax reforms</h2><p>After GST reforms, along with some $12 billion in income tax relief announced earlier this year, the exchequer will take a hit of $20 billion per year due to the reforms, according to analysts.</p><p>&nbsp;Reduction of GST rates could impact public finances, particularly the tax collection of state governments that rely on GST for their budgets. There is a risk of underfunding crucial infrastructure and social programmes due to reduced revenue.</p><h2>GST reforms vs Trump tariffs: A buffer, not a cure</h2><p>Many economists and industry observers feel the GST reforms, while long overdue, are a strategic response to external pressures. They will have only a limited impact in the long run, as they are not a full substitute for losses from US-bound exports. The future will depend on how long the Trump tariffs remain, how the global trade environment evolves, and whether India can diversify its export markets quickly enough.</p><p>The general consensus is that GST reforms are a strong buffer, but not a cure for the current pressures on the Indian economy due to tariffs. More diplomatic engagement and export diversification are required to fully safeguard the Indian economy.</p><p>As mentioned earlier, the &nbsp;GDP impact of US tariffs is between 0.2% to –1%, while the GST reform would benefit it by an estimated 0.6%.</p><p>But it will take time.<br>It should be noted that GST reforms take time to impact the economy, while tariffs are immediate. Then there is sectoral mismatch: The reforms support domestic demand, but not all the export-heavy sectors.<br>If US tariffs are imposed in the 'second or third phases' on IT services, or non-tariff barriers like visa restrictions, it could hit India again. It could add to urban unemployment, which is already at 7.1 per cent in some cities.</p><p>In short, tariffs have an immediate, export-driven negative impact, &nbsp;causing a potential GDP loss of up to 1 per cent and taking a hit of over $30 billion in trade.<br>GST reforms can be a partial yet significant mitigation by boosting internal demand, and adding up to 0.6 per cent to GDP.<br>&nbsp;</p>

India’s GST reforms could partially offset Trump’s tariffs by boosting consumption and easing taxes but they won’t fully counteract tariff impacts on exports, according to expert views

India's Goods and Services Tax (GST) reforms are expected to offset the Trump tariffs at least partially, but it depends on a number of factors. The GST reforms consolidated tax slabs and cut rates on hundreds of items, from cars and electronics to soaps and insurance premiums. The aim is to boost domestic consumption, improve tax collection, and create an investment-friendly business environment. The reforms came days after the 50 per cent tariffs imposed by US President Donald Trump over the trade gap and India's oil purchases from Russia. The tariffs could impact India's textiles, auto parts, and industrial machinery sectors, among others. This could hurt India's export competitiveness in the US, which is its largest trading partner. What did India's GST reforms do to the taxpayer? India's ‘GST 2.0’ reforms simplified it to two main slabs of 5 per cent and 18 per cent, while a 40 per cent slab was introduced for luxury/sin goods such as premium cars and tobacco products. Tax rate for consumer durables was cut from 28 per cent to 18 per cent, and for processed foods from 12 per cent to 5 per cent, besides signficant reductions for textiles-linked products. The GDP boost is estimated from 0.6 per cent to 1.2 per cent, as per analysts. It would simplify tax filing for medium and small enterprises (MSMEs), enable faster refunds and improve ease of doing business. GST cuts also could ease inflation, which is already at an eight-year low. Also read: GST rate cuts on common goods: Relief for middle class, push for festive demand How India's exports sectors are affected by Trump tariffs India is estimated to have saved $17 billion by importing discounted Russian oil. The exports to US in 2024 were around $87 billion or around 2.5 per cent of India’s GDP. Up to 66 per cent of these exports are at risk of Trump tariff impact, with estimated loss ranging from 4 billion to 37 billion dollars depending on the value of the lost exports. Textiles could take a hit of $10.3 billion, Gems & Jewellery could be hurt by $10 billion, while auto components, shrimp, chemicals and leather are some other areas that can be affected. Job losses are estimated at over 1 million, particularly in textiles, gems, machinery and fisheries sectors. GDP loss could range from 0.1 per cent to 1 per cent, according to analysts from HSBC, Nomura, Nirmal Bank, Cleartax and others. https://www.wionews.com/videos/new-gst-reform-what-gets-cheaper-and-what-becomes-costlier-under-new-slabs-1757046365613/embed How India is seeing GST reform amid Trump tariffs Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal hailed the GST reforms as “game-changing” and hinted that they could partially shield India from global trade disruptions—an indirect reference to the Trump tariffs. National Stock Exchange CEO Ashishkumar Chauhan and Kotak Mahindra’s Nilesh Shah expressed hope that the simplified tax regime would attract investment and spur growth. Also read: Will flight tickets be cheaper in new GST slab? Quick overview before your next vacation State Bank of India noted that GST cuts and other recent income tax reliefs might inject some ₹5.31 trillion into the economy, roughly 1.6 per cent of India’s GDP. This is significant, as the impact from Trump tariffs on GDP was estimated at around 1 per cent. Analysts such as Fitch Solutions projected GDP growth of 5.8 per cent in the financial year 2025–26 and 5.4 per cent in 2026–27 if domestic reforms continue and global trade conditions don’t worsen. Elara Capital and Geojit Financial Services estimated that increased consumption resulting from the GST reforms could lift GDP growth by up to 1.2 percentage points over the next 4 to 6 quarters. A Moneycontrol portal survey found that 67 per cent of economists believe GST reforms and tax cuts will at least partially offset the damage from Trump tariffs. GST reforms vs Trump tariffs: It is more complicated Some experts, however, cautioned against overestimating the tax reform's capacity to offset the Trump tariffs. Even if consumption rises, export sectors directly hit by tariffs—such as apparel, auto parts, and engineering goods—rely heavily on international markets and could take years to recover from lost US revenue. Economist Gaura Sen Gupta from IDFC First Bank estimated that GST-related growth gains will add 0.6 percentage points to GDP, but persistent tariffs at 50 per cent could neutralise these benefits. It all depends on if Trump tightens his tariff stance. Trump has already hinted at a second and third phase of sanctions or tariffs on buyers of Russian oil, which could also affect India. Therefore, the future effectiveness of India's tax reforms in offsetting the Trump tariffs depends on whether Trump hardens or softens his stance. If tariffs ease to 25 per cent or below by the end of the year, India may still meet its growth targets, according to experts. The government is taking a hit with GST, income tax reforms After GST reforms, along with some $12 billion in income tax relief announced earlier this year, the exchequer will take a hit of $20 billion per year due to the reforms, according to analysts. Reduction of GST rates could impact public finances, particularly the tax collection of state governments that rely on GST for their budgets. There is a risk of underfunding crucial infrastructure and social programmes due to reduced revenue. GST reforms vs Trump tariffs: A buffer, not a cure Many economists and industry observers feel the GST reforms, while long overdue, are a strategic response to external pressures. They will have only a limited impact in the long run, as they are not a full substitute for losses from US-bound exports. The future will depend on how long the Trump tariffs remain, how the global trade environment evolves, and whether India can diversify its export markets quickly enough. The general consensus is that GST reforms are a strong buffer, but not a cure for the current pressures on the Indian economy due to tariffs. More diplomatic engagement and export diversification are required to fully safeguard the Indian economy. As mentioned earlier, the GDP impact of US tariffs is between 0.2% to –1%, while the GST reform would benefit it by an estimated 0.6%. But it will take time. It should be noted that GST reforms take time to impact the economy, while tariffs are immediate. Then there is sectoral mismatch: The reforms support domestic demand, but not all the export-heavy sectors. If US tariffs are imposed in the 'second or third phases' on IT services, or non-tariff barriers like visa restrictions, it could hit India again. It could add to urban unemployment, which is already at 7.1 per cent in some cities. In short, tariffs have an immediate, export-driven negative impact, causing a potential GDP loss of up to 1 per cent and taking a hit of over $30 billion in trade. GST reforms can be a partial yet significant mitigation by boosting internal demand, and adding up to 0.6 per cent to GDP.

<p>India’s GST reforms could partially offset Trump’s tariffs by boosting consumption and easing taxes but they won’t fully counteract tariff impacts on exports, according to expert views</p>

India GST reforms can offset Trump tariffs, but only under these conditions

<p>In what could be a show of defiance, Russian President Vladimir Putin has tightened his embrace of China, striking a long-delayed energy deal that sends a clear message to the West — and especially to US President Donald Trump. The two countries are moving ahead with deeper cooperation in the energy sector, even as India is being punished by Trump for buying Russian oil. China, for those who don’t already know, is the largest buyer of Russian oil and gas. Now it's being handed a golden pipeline deal — and Trump appears powerless to stop it. The heart of this new alignment? Gas.</p><p>While in Tianjin for the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit, Putin declared that relations with China had reached an “unprecedentedly high level”. This was a diplomatic high-five to Chinese President Xi Jinping as both leaders sidestepped US pressure and moved to build their version of a new global order.</p><h2>What is the new energy deal between Russia and China?</h2><p>According to reports from CNN and TASS, Russian energy giant Gazprom has signed a legally binding agreement for the Power of Siberia-2 gas pipeline, which will funnel 50 billion cubic metres of gas annually from western Russia to northern China. That volume is nearly half of what Russia lost in exports to Europe since the Ukraine war began.</p><p>China, meanwhile, will reportedly receive the gas at prices cheaper than what Europe once paid to Russia. The supply deal spans 30 years.</p><p>“It will be the largest, most extensive, and most capital-intensive gas project in the world,” boasted Gazprom CEO Alexey Miller, as quoted by Russia’s TASS news agency.</p><h2>Putin at the SCO Summit: Sipping tea with Xi and meeting Mongolia’s president</h2><p>While in China for the SCO summit, Putin spent hours with Xi at the Chinese leader’s Zhongnanhai residence and also held talks with Mongolia’s president.</p><p>“We were always together then, and we remain together now,” Putin declared — likely referring to historic Russia-China ties during the Cold War.</p><p>Xi, for his part, called Putin an “old friend” and vowed to “firmly uphold international fairness and justice”.</p><p><strong>Also read: </strong><a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/confused-america-trump-slams-india-on-trade-hours-after-us-embassy-praises-ties-is-it-impact-of-modi-xi-putin-sco-meet-1756744606894"><strong>Confused America! Trump slams India on trade hours after US embassy praises ties — Is it impact of Modi-Xi-Putin SCO meet?</strong></a></p><h2>China-Russia united front against the US</h2><p>Xi and Putin were unmistakably putting up a brave front against Trump, whose foreign policy remains increasingly erratic. On the one hand, he punishes India for buying Russian oil; on the other, he does little to counter China — the world’s largest buyer of Russian energy.</p><p>On the sidelines of the SCO summit, Putin reportedly discussed his August meeting with Trump in Alaska, according to Russian state media.</p><p><a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/sco-summit-trump-slams-india-s-trade-policies-as-pm-modi-meets-putin-and-xi-1756807127605/embed">https://www.wionews.com/videos/sco-summit-trump-slams-india-s-trade-policies-as-pm-modi-meets-putin-and-xi-1756807127605/embed</a></p><h2>So India gets punished over Russian oil, China gets pipelines from it, and Trump can’t do much&nbsp;</h2><p>India, the so-called strategic partner of the United States, has been hit with a 25 per cent additional tariff by the Trump administration for continuing oil trade with Russia.</p><p>But Trump appears unwilling to confront China over its 30-year mega-energy deal with the Kremlin — or any of its previous deals — that have made it the largest customer of Russian energy supplies. India gets punished. China gets pipelines. This is the reality of American diplomatic double standards.</p><p><a href="https://www.wionews.com/trending/watch-viral-moments-of-modi-putin-xi-from-the-sco-summit-spark-meme-fest-1756750765281"><strong>Also read: WATCH | Viral moments of Modi, Putin, Xi from the SCO Summit spark meme fest</strong></a></p><p>It’s worth noting that China has yet to officially confirm the pipeline deal, maintaining strategic ambiguity. Chinese state media made no mention of the pipeline, though Xi’s comment about using “major projects to drive cooperation” was telling.</p><p>As Putin stands alongside Xi once again — and with North Korea’s Kim Jong Un expected to join them at a military parade in Beijing on Wednesday (Sep 3) — one thing is certain: Moscow-Beijing ties are stronger than ever.</p><p>And Donald Trump? He can only watch a new world being built in spite of him, while his sanctions strategy quietly unravels.</p><p>&nbsp;</p>

Russia reportedly inked a 30-year gas pipeline deal with China, in a sign that both nations are defying US pressure. While India faces US tariffs for buying Russian oil, China gets cheaper energy and no pushback. Diplomatic double standards, or commercial compulsions?
 

In what could be a show of defiance, Russian President Vladimir Putin has tightened his embrace of China, striking a long-delayed energy deal that sends a clear message to the West — and especially to US President Donald Trump. The two countries are moving ahead with deeper cooperation in the energy sector, even as India is being punished by Trump for buying Russian oil. China, for those who don’t already know, is the largest buyer of Russian oil and gas. Now it's being handed a golden pipeline deal — and Trump appears powerless to stop it. The heart of this new alignment? Gas. While in Tianjin for the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit, Putin declared that relations with China had reached an “unprecedentedly high level”. This was a diplomatic high-five to Chinese President Xi Jinping as both leaders sidestepped US pressure and moved to build their version of a new global order. What is the new energy deal between Russia and China? According to reports from CNN and TASS, Russian energy giant Gazprom has signed a legally binding agreement for the Power of Siberia-2 gas pipeline, which will funnel 50 billion cubic metres of gas annually from western Russia to northern China. That volume is nearly half of what Russia lost in exports to Europe since the Ukraine war began. China, meanwhile, will reportedly receive the gas at prices cheaper than what Europe once paid to Russia. The supply deal spans 30 years. “It will be the largest, most extensive, and most capital-intensive gas project in the world,” boasted Gazprom CEO Alexey Miller, as quoted by Russia’s TASS news agency. Putin at the SCO Summit: Sipping tea with Xi and meeting Mongolia’s president While in China for the SCO summit, Putin spent hours with Xi at the Chinese leader’s Zhongnanhai residence and also held talks with Mongolia’s president. “We were always together then, and we remain together now,” Putin declared — likely referring to historic Russia-China ties during the Cold War. Xi, for his part, called Putin an “old friend” and vowed to “firmly uphold international fairness and justice”. Also read: Confused America! Trump slams India on trade hours after US embassy praises ties — Is it impact of Modi-Xi-Putin SCO meet? China-Russia united front against the US Xi and Putin were unmistakably putting up a brave front against Trump, whose foreign policy remains increasingly erratic. On the one hand, he punishes India for buying Russian oil; on the other, he does little to counter China — the world’s largest buyer of Russian energy. On the sidelines of the SCO summit, Putin reportedly discussed his August meeting with Trump in Alaska, according to Russian state media. https://www.wionews.com/videos/sco-summit-trump-slams-india-s-trade-policies-as-pm-modi-meets-putin-and-xi-1756807127605/embed So India gets punished over Russian oil, China gets pipelines from it, and Trump can’t do much India, the so-called strategic partner of the United States, has been hit with a 25 per cent additional tariff by the Trump administration for continuing oil trade with Russia. But Trump appears unwilling to confront China over its 30-year mega-energy deal with the Kremlin — or any of its previous deals — that have made it the largest customer of Russian energy supplies. India gets punished. China gets pipelines. This is the reality of American diplomatic double standards. Also read: WATCH | Viral moments of Modi, Putin, Xi from the SCO Summit spark meme fest It’s worth noting that China has yet to officially confirm the pipeline deal, maintaining strategic ambiguity. Chinese state media made no mention of the pipeline, though Xi’s comment about using “major projects to drive cooperation” was telling. As Putin stands alongside Xi once again — and with North Korea’s Kim Jong Un expected to join them at a military parade in Beijing on Wednesday (Sep 3) — one thing is certain: Moscow-Beijing ties are stronger than ever. And Donald Trump? He can only watch a new world being built in spite of him, while his sanctions strategy quietly unravels.

<p>Russia reportedly inked a 30-year gas pipeline deal with China, in a sign that both nations are defying US pressure. While India faces US tariffs for buying Russian oil, China gets cheaper energy and no pushback. Diplomatic double standards, or commerical compulsions?<br>&nbsp;</p>

What will you do, Trump? Putin thumbs his nose at US with a MASSIVE China gas pipeline deal, while US prez punishes India

<p>The US mainstream media, most of which Donald Trump calls ‘fake news’, as well as several policy-watching think tanks, have criticised the American president's move to punish India with 50 per cent tariffs over the purchase of Russian oil. Only Trump-aligned media appear to be accepting it as a wise decision. Here is a breakdown:</p><h2>Criticism of Trump tariffs against India from media, thinktanks and experts</h2><p>The Wall Street Journal editorial board, often supportive of free-market conservatism, has taken a critical stance, with commentators arguing that the tariffs are disproportionate and unnecessarily antagonistic towards a key democratic ally. They noted that while India-Russia ties could be a problem for the US, Trump’s approach would do more harm than good. The Journal questioned why a nation seen as being close to the US, particularly given the bonhomie between Trump and Indian PM Narendra Modi, is now facing such punitive treatment.</p><p><strong>Also read: </strong><a href="https://www.wionews.com/business-economy/amid-trump-tariff-pressure-india-looks-to-diversify-textile-exports-to-40-nations-1756296523632"><strong>Amid Trump tariff pressure, India looks to diversify textile exports to 40 nations</strong></a></p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>Analysts at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace described the move as ‘dismantling decades of bipartisan progress’ in strengthening US-India relations. They suggested the tariff policy will be perceived in New Delhi as ‘heavy-handed interference’ in Indian sovereignty, particularly given India’s strategic reliance on Russian oil. Carnegie warned that this shift from engagement to economic punishment could unravel trust between two democracies once seen as natural partners in counterbalancing China’s rise.</p><p><strong>Also read: </strong><a href="https://www.wionews.com/business-economy/think-tank-gtri-asks-centre-to-boost-consumption-to-offset-donald-trump-s-tariff-1756299239761"><strong>Think tank GTRI asks Centre to boost consumption to offset&nbsp;Donald Trump's tariff</strong></a></p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>Opinions and experts quoted in The Guardian challenged the framing of tariffs as legitimate diplomatic tools. Dr Stuart Rollo, for instance, characterised the measures as a 'departure from traditional diplomacy', calling them instruments of 'geopolitical compulsion'. Economist Devashish Mitra pointed out that India’s regional importance as a counterweight to China appears to have been undervalued, suggesting the administration is sacrificing strategic stability for short-term pressure tactics.</p><p><strong>Also read: </strong><a href="https://www.wionews.com/business-economy/here-s-what-india-can-do-to-counter-donald-trump-s-tariffs-1756284737233"><strong>Here's what India can do to counter Donald Trump's tariffs</strong></a></p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>Even opinion pieces in the New York Post, typically sympathetic to Trump, flagged concerns. While acknowledging India’s increased economic alignment with Russia, some writers there questioned whether tariffs are an appropriate vehicle for foreign policy enforcement. They warned that the move exposes fissures in the US–India relationship, which may not recover easily.</p><h2>But conservative media defends Trump tariffs as ‘realpolitik’</h2><p>In contrast, right-leaning media outlets aligned with Trump framed the tariffs as a logical extension of his “America First” agenda and a necessary recalibration of foreign policy. Fox News featured several columns positioning the tariffs as ‘tactical leverage’, not random economic aggression. Policy analyst Tanvi Ratna described the action as a ‘bold and ambitious realignment’, arguing that it is intended to force India to reassess its economic ties with Russia.&nbsp;</p><p><a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/democrats-lash-out-at-trump-for-india-tariffs-why-is-china-spared-1756376042775/embed">https://www.wionews.com/videos/democrats-lash-out-at-trump-for-india-tariffs-why-is-china-spared-1756376042775/embed</a></p><p>The goal, in this view, is not to punish, but to negotiate from a position of strength.</p><p>Some Fox News voices compared the strategy to ‘defensive warfare’, portraying tariffs as tools of reciprocity. They argued that if India penalises American exporters indirectly through strategic partnerships with adversaries like Russia, then the US is justified in returning the favour.</p><h2>Can tariffs be a foreign policy tool?</h2><p>Much of the debate centres on whether tariffs can be instruments of foreign policy at all.</p><p>On one side are those who believe in global cooperation, mutual economic benefit, and soft-power influence; while on the other, there are voice that favour transactional relationships and pressure-based negotiation.</p>

Trump's 50 per cent tariffs on India over Russian oil purchase have drawn sharp criticism from much of US media, warning of damage to US-India relations. But pro-Trump voices insist it's a bold leverage to counter Russia and enforce “America First” policies

The US mainstream media, most of which Donald Trump calls ‘fake news’, as well as several policy-watching think tanks, have criticised the American president's move to punish India with 50 per cent tariffs over the purchase of Russian oil. Only Trump-aligned media appear to be accepting it as a wise decision. Here is a breakdown: Criticism of Trump tariffs against India from media, thinktanks and experts The Wall Street Journal editorial board, often supportive of free-market conservatism, has taken a critical stance, with commentators arguing that the tariffs are disproportionate and unnecessarily antagonistic towards a key democratic ally. They noted that while India-Russia ties could be a problem for the US, Trump’s approach would do more harm than good. The Journal questioned why a nation seen as being close to the US, particularly given the bonhomie between Trump and Indian PM Narendra Modi, is now facing such punitive treatment. Also read: Amid Trump tariff pressure, India looks to diversify textile exports to 40 nations Analysts at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace described the move as ‘dismantling decades of bipartisan progress’ in strengthening US-India relations. They suggested the tariff policy will be perceived in New Delhi as ‘heavy-handed interference’ in Indian sovereignty, particularly given India’s strategic reliance on Russian oil. Carnegie warned that this shift from engagement to economic punishment could unravel trust between two democracies once seen as natural partners in counterbalancing China’s rise. Also read: Think tank GTRI asks Centre to boost consumption to offset Donald Trump's tariff Opinions and experts quoted in The Guardian challenged the framing of tariffs as legitimate diplomatic tools. Dr Stuart Rollo, for instance, characterised the measures as a 'departure from traditional diplomacy', calling them instruments of 'geopolitical compulsion'. Economist Devashish Mitra pointed out that India’s regional importance as a counterweight to China appears to have been undervalued, suggesting the administration is sacrificing strategic stability for short-term pressure tactics. Also read: Here's what India can do to counter Donald Trump's tariffs Even opinion pieces in the New York Post, typically sympathetic to Trump, flagged concerns. While acknowledging India’s increased economic alignment with Russia, some writers there questioned whether tariffs are an appropriate vehicle for foreign policy enforcement. They warned that the move exposes fissures in the US–India relationship, which may not recover easily. But conservative media defends Trump tariffs as ‘realpolitik’ In contrast, right-leaning media outlets aligned with Trump framed the tariffs as a logical extension of his “America First” agenda and a necessary recalibration of foreign policy. Fox News featured several columns positioning the tariffs as ‘tactical leverage’, not random economic aggression. Policy analyst Tanvi Ratna described the action as a ‘bold and ambitious realignment’, arguing that it is intended to force India to reassess its economic ties with Russia. https://www.wionews.com/videos/democrats-lash-out-at-trump-for-india-tariffs-why-is-china-spared-1756376042775/embed The goal, in this view, is not to punish, but to negotiate from a position of strength. Some Fox News voices compared the strategy to ‘defensive warfare’, portraying tariffs as tools of reciprocity. They argued that if India penalises American exporters indirectly through strategic partnerships with adversaries like Russia, then the US is justified in returning the favour. Can tariffs be a foreign policy tool? Much of the debate centres on whether tariffs can be instruments of foreign policy at all. On one side are those who believe in global cooperation, mutual economic benefit, and soft-power influence; while on the other, there are voice that favour transactional relationships and pressure-based negotiation.

<p>Trump's 50 per cent tariffs on India over Russian oil purchase have drawn sharp criticism from much of US media, warning of damage to US-India relations. But pro-Trump voices insist it's a bold leverage to counter Russia and enforce “America First” policies</p>

Trump anti-India tariffs a strategic misstep or leverage? How US media, think tanks, experts are reacting to punishment over Russia oil trade

Peter Navarro, who has been making anti-India remarks,  is known for pushing false election fraud claims and clashing with officials over tariffs to inventing a fake economist and promoting discredited COVID-19 treatments. He even went to jail once. Here is what you should know 

<p>Peter Navarro, who has been making anti-India remarks, &nbsp;is known for pushing false election fraud claims and clashing with officials over tariffs to inventing a fake economist and promoting discredited COVID-19 treatments. He even went to jail once. Here is what you should know&nbsp;</p>

From anti-India rants to jail time: 7 times Peter Navarro proved right his ex-aide who called him an unreliable a**hole

<p>In one of the most vapid statements to emerge from his acerbic tongue yet, Peter Navarro said the Ukraine-Russia conflict is 'Modi's war.' The once-jailed, 76-year-old opportunist Democrat-turned-trade protectionist Republican hardliner is no stranger to controversy. Here is what you should know about the man, once described by a former aide as an a**hole, who has also called India the 'Maharaja of tariffs.'</p><h2>What exactly did Peter Navarro say about 'Modi's war'?</h2><p>Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is the only world leader who took the stance, 'this is not the era of war,' when the US and Europe were arming Ukraine to resist the Russian invasion. In his remarks to Bloomberg TV, however, Navarro flipped the entire script. He said India "look us bald-faced in the eye and say they don’t have the highest tariffs in the world, when in fact they do."&nbsp;<br>"Then they say we’re not going to stop buying Russian oil. Now what does that mean? Russia uses the money it gets to fund its war machine, kill more Ukrainians, and then Ukraine comes to us and Europe and says give us more money. So American taxpayers lose because we’ve got to fund Modi’s war,” he added.</p><p><a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/-indians-are-so-arrogant-trump-aide-peter-navarro-blames-pm-modi-for-russia-ukraine-war-loses-clam-over-new-delhi-s-oil-purchase-from-russia-1756350881354"><strong>Also read: 'Not Putin, Modi's war...': Trump aide blames Indian PM for Ukraine war, loses calm over India's oil purchase from Russia</strong></a></p><h2>But is Peter Navarro really the trade or commerce offcial of US? Who really is he?</h2><p>Peter Navarro, the 76-year-old economist and political firebrand, spent decades shifting from a liberal Democrat to a trade protectionist hardliner under Donald Trump.</p><p>Born on 15 July 1949 in Cambridge, Massachusetts, Navarro was a Professor Emeritus of Economics and Public Policy at the University of California, Irvine.</p><p>He became famous during Donald Trump’s first administration (2017–2021), as the Director of the White House National Trade Council, and later leading the Office of Trade and Manufacturing Policy. In Trump’s second term, he returned as Senior Counsellor for Trade and Manufacturing, continuing to push a protectionist trade agenda.</p><p>Point to note here: He was never the top US trade or commerce official. But Navarro was a key figure in renegotiating NAFTA into the USMCA and implementing sweeping tariffs on steel, aluminium, and Chinese goods.</p><p><a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/trump-tariff-vs-india-us-trade-advisor-calls-ukraine-modi-s-war-over-russian-oil-1756358954721/embed">https://www.wionews.com/videos/trump-tariff-vs-india-us-trade-advisor-calls-ukraine-modi-s-war-over-russian-oil-1756358954721/embed</a></p><h2>Seven times Navarro proved his ex-aide right by being an a**hole</h2><p>Navarro’s career has been defined by both policy influence and scandals. Here are the top seven:<br>&nbsp;</p><h3>1. Contempt of Congress (2021–2024) and jail time</h3><p>Navarro was convicted on two counts of contempt of Congress for defying a subpoena related to the 2021 January 6 Capitol riot investigation. He cited executive privilege, but the court found no evidence Trump had formally invoked it. Eventually, Navarro served four months in prison and was fined $9,500. Upon release, Navarro called the case “an attack on constitutional principles.”</p><p><strong>Also read:</strong><a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/ex-trump-adviser-peter-navarro-sentenced-to-4-months-for-contempt-of-congress-683686"><strong> Ex-Trump adviser Peter Navarro sentenced to 4 months for contempt of Congress</strong></a></p><h2>2. Election fraud conspiracies</h2><p>After Trump’s 2020 election loss, Navarro became a leading promoter of discredited election fraud claims. His 'Navarro Report' and a plan dubbed the 'Green Bay Sweep' aimed to delay election certification.</p><h3>3. The “Ron Vara” scandal</h3><p>Navarro invented a fictional economist named Ron Vara — an anagram of his own name — and cited him in several books. When exposed, he dismissed it as a 'Hitchcockian writing device' and an inside joke, but the stunt raised questions about his scholarly credibility.</p><h3>4. Trade policy Clashes: Musk called him a moron, colleagues disliked him</h3><p>Navarro frequently clashed with colleagues like Steven Mnuchin and Gary Cohn over his extreme positions on tariffs. He reportedly shouted at Mnuchin during a 2018 China trip. In 2019, he claimed tariffs had “no impact” on Americans, an assertion fact-checked as false.</p><p>In April 2025, Elon Musk attacked Navarro’s trade stance, calling him a “moron” and “dumber than a sack of bricks.” Navarro responded by calling Musk a mere “car assembler” dependent on foreign parts.</p><p><a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/elon-musk-calls-trump-trade-adviser-navarro-dumber-than-a-sack-of-bricks-in-over-tariff-clash-8940303"><strong>Also read: 'Truly a moron': Musk calls Trump trade adviser Navarro ‘dumber than a sack of bricks’ in clash over tariff</strong></a></p><h2>5. COVID-19 missteps</h2><p>Navarro famously championed hydroxychloroquine, an anti-malaria drug, as a COVID-19 treatment, despite scientific consensus against it. He also penned an editorial criticising Dr Anthony Fauci, which was later disavowed by the White House and the publisher, USA Today. A ventilator contract he arranged in 2020 was terminated due to overpayment concerns and became the subject of an internal investigation.</p><p><a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/-you-re-getting-in-bed-with-authoritarians-us-unsolicited-warning-to-india-on-ties-with-russia-and-china-1756351118040"><strong>Also read: 'You’re getting in bed with authoritarians': US' unsolicited warning to India on ties with Russia and China</strong></a></p><h2>6. Criticism of Germany and the Euro</h2><p>Navarro accused Germany of manipulating the euro to gain unfair trade advantages, despite the fact that Germany doesn’t control the currency. Economist Paul Krugman dismissed the broader accusation as flawed.</p><p><a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/-laundromat-for-kremlin-top-us-official-slams-india-accuses-india-of-fuelling-russia-s-war-in-ukraine-1755798988515"><strong>Also read: ‘Laundromat for Kremlin’: Top US official slams India, accuses India of fuelling Russia’s war in Ukraine</strong></a></p><h2>7. Difficult Conduct: Who called him an a**hole?</h2><p>Navarro is known for being difficult to work with, even among allies. His ex-campaign manager, Larry Remer, summed it up in <i>The New Yorker</i>, saying, “He’s an a**hole, and he’s unreliable.” That behaviour continued into his time in the Trump White House, where his abrasive style strained relationships with key officials and fuelled internal conflicts.</p><p>&nbsp;</p>

Peter Navarro, a trade hawk, is hogging limelight with acerbic remarks against India amid the Trump tariff war. He controversially called the Ukraine-Russia conflict "Modi's war," but is no stranger to controversy. Did you know he was even jailed once?

In one of the most vapid statements to emerge from his acerbic tongue yet, Peter Navarro said the Ukraine-Russia conflict is 'Modi's war.' The once-jailed, 76-year-old opportunist Democrat-turned-trade protectionist Republican hardliner is no stranger to controversy. Here is what you should know about the man, once described by a former aide as an a**hole, who has also called India the 'Maharaja of tariffs.' What exactly did Peter Navarro say about 'Modi's war'? Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is the only world leader who took the stance, 'this is not the era of war,' when the US and Europe were arming Ukraine to resist the Russian invasion. In his remarks to Bloomberg TV, however, Navarro flipped the entire script. He said India "look us bald-faced in the eye and say they don’t have the highest tariffs in the world, when in fact they do." "Then they say we’re not going to stop buying Russian oil. Now what does that mean? Russia uses the money it gets to fund its war machine, kill more Ukrainians, and then Ukraine comes to us and Europe and says give us more money. So American taxpayers lose because we’ve got to fund Modi’s war,” he added. Also read: 'Not Putin, Modi's war...': Trump aide blames Indian PM for Ukraine war, loses calm over India's oil purchase from Russia But is Peter Navarro really the trade or commerce offcial of US? Who really is he? Peter Navarro, the 76-year-old economist and political firebrand, spent decades shifting from a liberal Democrat to a trade protectionist hardliner under Donald Trump. Born on 15 July 1949 in Cambridge, Massachusetts, Navarro was a Professor Emeritus of Economics and Public Policy at the University of California, Irvine. He became famous during Donald Trump’s first administration (2017–2021), as the Director of the White House National Trade Council, and later leading the Office of Trade and Manufacturing Policy. In Trump’s second term, he returned as Senior Counsellor for Trade and Manufacturing, continuing to push a protectionist trade agenda. Point to note here: He was never the top US trade or commerce official. But Navarro was a key figure in renegotiating NAFTA into the USMCA and implementing sweeping tariffs on steel, aluminium, and Chinese goods. https://www.wionews.com/videos/trump-tariff-vs-india-us-trade-advisor-calls-ukraine-modi-s-war-over-russian-oil-1756358954721/embed Seven times Navarro proved his ex-aide right by being an a**hole Navarro’s career has been defined by both policy influence and scandals. Here are the top seven: 1. Contempt of Congress (2021–2024) and jail time Navarro was convicted on two counts of contempt of Congress for defying a subpoena related to the 2021 January 6 Capitol riot investigation. He cited executive privilege, but the court found no evidence Trump had formally invoked it. Eventually, Navarro served four months in prison and was fined $9,500. Upon release, Navarro called the case “an attack on constitutional principles.” Also read: Ex-Trump adviser Peter Navarro sentenced to 4 months for contempt of Congress 2. Election fraud conspiracies After Trump’s 2020 election loss, Navarro became a leading promoter of discredited election fraud claims. His 'Navarro Report' and a plan dubbed the 'Green Bay Sweep' aimed to delay election certification. 3. The “Ron Vara” scandal Navarro invented a fictional economist named Ron Vara — an anagram of his own name — and cited him in several books. When exposed, he dismissed it as a 'Hitchcockian writing device' and an inside joke, but the stunt raised questions about his scholarly credibility. 4. Trade policy Clashes: Musk called him a moron, colleagues disliked him Navarro frequently clashed with colleagues like Steven Mnuchin and Gary Cohn over his extreme positions on tariffs. He reportedly shouted at Mnuchin during a 2018 China trip. In 2019, he claimed tariffs had “no impact” on Americans, an assertion fact-checked as false. In April 2025, Elon Musk attacked Navarro’s trade stance, calling him a “moron” and “dumber than a sack of bricks.” Navarro responded by calling Musk a mere “car assembler” dependent on foreign parts. Also read: 'Truly a moron': Musk calls Trump trade adviser Navarro ‘dumber than a sack of bricks’ in clash over tariff 5. COVID-19 missteps Navarro famously championed hydroxychloroquine, an anti-malaria drug, as a COVID-19 treatment, despite scientific consensus against it. He also penned an editorial criticising Dr Anthony Fauci, which was later disavowed by the White House and the publisher, USA Today. A ventilator contract he arranged in 2020 was terminated due to overpayment concerns and became the subject of an internal investigation. Also read: 'You’re getting in bed with authoritarians': US' unsolicited warning to India on ties with Russia and China 6. Criticism of Germany and the Euro Navarro accused Germany of manipulating the euro to gain unfair trade advantages, despite the fact that Germany doesn’t control the currency. Economist Paul Krugman dismissed the broader accusation as flawed. Also read: ‘Laundromat for Kremlin’: Top US official slams India, accuses India of fuelling Russia’s war in Ukraine 7. Difficult Conduct: Who called him an a**hole? Navarro is known for being difficult to work with, even among allies. His ex-campaign manager, Larry Remer, summed it up in The New Yorker, saying, “He’s an a**hole, and he’s unreliable.” That behaviour continued into his time in the Trump White House, where his abrasive style strained relationships with key officials and fuelled internal conflicts.

<p>Peter Navarro, a trade hawk, is hogging limelight with acerbic remarks against India amid the Trump tariff war. He controversially called the Ukraine-Russia conflict "Modi's war," but is no stranger to controversy. Did you know he was even jailed once?</p>

'Modi's war'? Peter Navarro, brain behind Trump tariffs, was once called an a**hole by his aid. His controversies prove it right

Donald Trump's tariff threat is not the first time India was punished by the US. The last time it happened, India came out bruised, but not defeated. Here is the story of India's Pokhran II nuclear tests, US punishment for it, and how New Delhi dealt with it

<p>Donald Trump's tariff threat is not the first time India was punished by the US. The last time it happened, India came out bruised, but not defeated. Here is the story of India's Pokhran II nuclear tests, US punishment for it, and how New Delhi dealt with it</p>

When India was punished, isolated by US and still survived the impact - The Pokhran nuclear test story - Foreign affairs tales

<p>Indian media is awash with stories of how RIC - an imagined alliance of Russia, India and China - could take on the Donald Trump-led US amid tariff threats by the American president against New Delhi. While it might be a good clickbait headline for articles and videos, it is a bad idea. In case you are too busy, here is the fast answer: India-China trust deficit, &nbsp;low alignment of strategic goals, and huge disparities in the economies are factors. The public and political opinion in India is against China. India, China and Russia do not have military capabilities that can take on the US. Political values are different: India is the only true democracy among the three. India’s alliances are generally West-leaning, and therefore the threat perception against the US and West is almost non-existent for it, and not aligned with that of China and Russia. &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<br>If you have more time, let me break it down for you.</p><h2>Why a likely RIC alliance of Russia, India and China against the US is strategically flawed</h2><p>If formalised, RIC would have the goal of countering the US under Trump’s administration. But it is a deeply flawed and unrealistic geopolitical idea because of mistrust, differing national interests, incompatible economic goals, and asymmetric power dynamics among India, Russia and China.</p><p><a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/breaking-why-is-us-imposing-tariff-on-india-trump-tariff-news-1754495938671/embed">https://www.wionews.com/videos/breaking-why-is-us-imposing-tariff-on-india-trump-tariff-news-1754495938671/embed</a></p><p>&nbsp;</p><h2>India-China hostility and mistrust trump even Trump tantrums</h2><p>There's a massive trust deficit between India and China in spite of their continuing economic cooperation and current alignment against the US. The two countries still have unresolved border disputes, particularly in Ladakh and Arunachal Pradesh, and military tensions despite recent attempts at a thaw.</p><p>The 2020 Galwan Valley clash led to casualties on both sides, severely damaging diplomatic trust, coming close on the heels of the Doklam clash along the border with Bhutan. Despite ongoing diplomatic engagements since 2024, India and China have not fully restored trust.</p><h2>Indian public and politicians view China with suspicion</h2><p>In the court of Indian public opinion, China is still the enemy. Any move toward an alliance involving China would lead to political backlash in India, and public outrage.</p><p>India is not anti-US, per se, but seeks to maintain its strategic autonomy. India has acted as a democratic counterbalance to China in the Indo-Pacific, which in fact is the reason why it's seen by the West as an important player in the region, and is invited to all kinds of strategic alliances like the Quad.<br>China, on the other hand, seeks regional hegemony, and given the context of Taiwan invasion fears and South China Sea territorial ambitions, can best be called a regional bully. Beijing dreams of a China-led world order under the single-party rule of communism, which fundamentally clashes with India's multi-party democratic ethos.<br>Russia and China jointly oppose the US-led world order, while India selectively aligns with the West when in its interest: this is why India is invited to G7, and is a key player in the G20.<br>&nbsp;</p><h2>India is an active partner of the US and West</h2><p>India is an active partner in the India-US-Japan-Australia Quad, which is fundamentally about checkmating China in the region.<br>The IPEF or Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, is another grouping that goes against a potential India-China alignment. India supports a rules-based international order and freedom of navigation, things that are in contrast to China’s assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific.</p><h2>Russia’s tilt towards China at India’s expense</h2><p>Russia and China have increasingly been sharing notes for a strategic alignment against the West's opposition to them, particularly since the Ukraine war.<br>Russia has become economically and strategically dependent on China, specifically in oil and gas trade, where Beijing is the biggest buyer.<br>China remains the economic lifeline for Russia amidst Western sanctions over the war. This has led Russia to covertly support China on Taiwan and the South China Sea. In both of these, India does not share the positions of China and Russia.</p><p>&nbsp;</p><h2>Russia-China friendship can impact India-Russia ties</h2><p>While India has had a long-standing economic and defence partnership with Russia, the question remains if Russia will be neutral in an India-China conflict scenario.<br>India has not had the best treatment recently in groupings like the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. SCO, which is dominated by China and Russia, recently disappointed India by not including language on terrorism in the wake of the Pahalgam attack, during a ministerial meeting.&nbsp;<br>India has also been diversifying defence suppliers away from Russia, buying its fighter jets from France and drones from the US and Israel, for instance. India's defence purchase dependence on Russia is already waning.</p><h2>Except for the current downturn, the India-US strategic partnership has been growing</h2><p>In the post-9/11 world, India and the US extended their cooperation in defence with arrangements and pacts like BECA and COMCASA. The two nations continue intelligence sharing, counterterrorism operations, and have advanced technology cooperation, like in the iCET initiative.<br>In spite of the Trump-led tensions, the US is India’s largest export market, worth over $130 billion.<br>The current levels of India-US cooperation in investment, technology, education and people-to-people cooperation cannot immediately be replaced by Russia or China.<br>Suddenly aligning against the US could jeopardise India's critical economic sectors and affect its national development.</p><h2>No meaningful economic convergence between India, China and Russia</h2><p>India and China are regional economic competitors, not partners. India has a major trade deficit with China. The Chinese infrastructure project, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) was seen by India as a geopolitical threat. Except for energy and defence deals, there's not much that Russia’s economy can offer India.</p><h2>An issue of values and political systems: Democratic India vs autocratic Russia and China</h2><p>India is a vibrant democracy with civil liberties, electoral institutions, and a free press, while &nbsp;China is a single-party authoritarian regime, and Russia has become increasingly autocratic with one ruler, Vladimir Putin, at the helm for decades now. Thus, India is a natural ally of liberal democracies in the West rather than with authoritarian regimes. An alliance with Russia and China could damage India’s credibility as a leader of the democratic world.</p><h2>Can India, China and Russia have a military or strategic alliance?</h2><p>It's tough as the ingredients for such an alliance are missing: a shared threat perception, mutual trust, and operational compatibility.<br>India does not trust China, and Russia lacks the capacity or neutrality to bridge this gap. There is no institutional structure or commitment, or military planning to coordinate the three nations in case of a joint external threat.</p><h2>China is really the big brother among the three</h2><p>With Russia boxed in by years of sanctions and economic apartheid from the West, China is really the big brother among the three, both in military and money.</p><p>China’s GDP is nearly 10 times that of India. In spite of Western rhetoric, China still has more than 30 per cent of global manufacturing, while India is only 3 per cent. Russia's economic dependency on China is making it a junior partner in the arrangement.<br>India could be marginalised or relegated to a junior role in a China-dominated alliance.</p><h2>US would retaliate against any strategic alliance between India, Russia and China</h2><p>US retaliation to any strategic, defence or economic alliance between India, Russia and China could be severe. Already, Trump has threatened BRICS - a grouping of the three nations that also includes South Africa and Brazil. He has slapped tariffs on India, China and Brazil.&nbsp;<br>Any alignment by India with China and Russia might draw New Delhi into foreign conflicts it has nothing to do with, particularly Ukraine and Taiwan.<br>Furthermore, it would be a contradiction of India’s non-alignment policy.</p><h2>A huge risk for India's international standing</h2><p>Any alignment with Russia and China would dent India's aspirations to play a global role. India's participation in groupings and fora like G7, G20, BRICS, Quad, IPEF will be affected. India's continuing aspiration for a permanent seat at the UN Security Council could take a hit.</p><p>India’s image as a responsible, independent, democratic actor in the international system would be damaged if it aligns with Russia and China, and undermines India’s leadership of the Global South.</p><h2>Don't buy into the RIC narrative</h2><p>Therefore, next time you see that YouTube video with a thumbnail that screams ‘India, China, Russia to take on Trump’, please take these factors into account. RIC is neither feasible nor beneficial for India. It would be unstable and counterproductive.</p><p>India’s current strategy is the best: multiple alignments, balancing relations with the West while having open lines with Russia and regional powers. Keeping its strategic autonomy intact is the way forward for India. Attempting to join an authoritarian bloc to counter the US - and probably only as long as Trump is in power - would undermine India’s global aspirations, harm its economy, alienate vital partners, and trap it in alliances that serve others’ interests more than its own.</p>

Next time you see that YouTube video with a thumbnail that screams ‘India, China, Russia to take on Trump’, please take these factors into account. RIC is neither feasible nor beneficial for India. It would be unstable and counterproductive.

Indian media is awash with stories of how RIC - an imagined alliance of Russia, India and China - could take on the Donald Trump-led US amid tariff threats by the American president against New Delhi. While it might be a good clickbait headline for articles and videos, it is a bad idea. In case you are too busy, here is the fast answer: India-China trust deficit, low alignment of strategic goals, and huge disparities in the economies are factors. The public and political opinion in India is against China. India, China and Russia do not have military capabilities that can take on the US. Political values are different: India is the only true democracy among the three. India’s alliances are generally West-leaning, and therefore the threat perception against the US and West is almost non-existent for it, and not aligned with that of China and Russia. If you have more time, let me break it down for you. Why a likely RIC alliance of Russia, India and China against the US is strategically flawed If formalised, RIC would have the goal of countering the US under Trump’s administration. But it is a deeply flawed and unrealistic geopolitical idea because of mistrust, differing national interests, incompatible economic goals, and asymmetric power dynamics among India, Russia and China. https://www.wionews.com/videos/breaking-why-is-us-imposing-tariff-on-india-trump-tariff-news-1754495938671/embed India-China hostility and mistrust trump even Trump tantrums There's a massive trust deficit between India and China in spite of their continuing economic cooperation and current alignment against the US. The two countries still have unresolved border disputes, particularly in Ladakh and Arunachal Pradesh, and military tensions despite recent attempts at a thaw. The 2020 Galwan Valley clash led to casualties on both sides, severely damaging diplomatic trust, coming close on the heels of the Doklam clash along the border with Bhutan. Despite ongoing diplomatic engagements since 2024, India and China have not fully restored trust. Indian public and politicians view China with suspicion In the court of Indian public opinion, China is still the enemy. Any move toward an alliance involving China would lead to political backlash in India, and public outrage. India is not anti-US, per se, but seeks to maintain its strategic autonomy. India has acted as a democratic counterbalance to China in the Indo-Pacific, which in fact is the reason why it's seen by the West as an important player in the region, and is invited to all kinds of strategic alliances like the Quad. China, on the other hand, seeks regional hegemony, and given the context of Taiwan invasion fears and South China Sea territorial ambitions, can best be called a regional bully. Beijing dreams of a China-led world order under the single-party rule of communism, which fundamentally clashes with India's multi-party democratic ethos. Russia and China jointly oppose the US-led world order, while India selectively aligns with the West when in its interest: this is why India is invited to G7, and is a key player in the G20. India is an active partner of the US and West India is an active partner in the India-US-Japan-Australia Quad, which is fundamentally about checkmating China in the region. The IPEF or Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, is another grouping that goes against a potential India-China alignment. India supports a rules-based international order and freedom of navigation, things that are in contrast to China’s assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific. Russia’s tilt towards China at India’s expense Russia and China have increasingly been sharing notes for a strategic alignment against the West's opposition to them, particularly since the Ukraine war. Russia has become economically and strategically dependent on China, specifically in oil and gas trade, where Beijing is the biggest buyer. China remains the economic lifeline for Russia amidst Western sanctions over the war. This has led Russia to covertly support China on Taiwan and the South China Sea. In both of these, India does not share the positions of China and Russia. Russia-China friendship can impact India-Russia ties While India has had a long-standing economic and defence partnership with Russia, the question remains if Russia will be neutral in an India-China conflict scenario. India has not had the best treatment recently in groupings like the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. SCO, which is dominated by China and Russia, recently disappointed India by not including language on terrorism in the wake of the Pahalgam attack, during a ministerial meeting. India has also been diversifying defence suppliers away from Russia, buying its fighter jets from France and drones from the US and Israel, for instance. India's defence purchase dependence on Russia is already waning. Except for the current downturn, the India-US strategic partnership has been growing In the post-9/11 world, India and the US extended their cooperation in defence with arrangements and pacts like BECA and COMCASA. The two nations continue intelligence sharing, counterterrorism operations, and have advanced technology cooperation, like in the iCET initiative. In spite of the Trump-led tensions, the US is India’s largest export market, worth over $130 billion. The current levels of India-US cooperation in investment, technology, education and people-to-people cooperation cannot immediately be replaced by Russia or China. Suddenly aligning against the US could jeopardise India's critical economic sectors and affect its national development. No meaningful economic convergence between India, China and Russia India and China are regional economic competitors, not partners. India has a major trade deficit with China. The Chinese infrastructure project, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) was seen by India as a geopolitical threat. Except for energy and defence deals, there's not much that Russia’s economy can offer India. An issue of values and political systems: Democratic India vs autocratic Russia and China India is a vibrant democracy with civil liberties, electoral institutions, and a free press, while China is a single-party authoritarian regime, and Russia has become increasingly autocratic with one ruler, Vladimir Putin, at the helm for decades now. Thus, India is a natural ally of liberal democracies in the West rather than with authoritarian regimes. An alliance with Russia and China could damage India’s credibility as a leader of the democratic world. Can India, China and Russia have a military or strategic alliance? It's tough as the ingredients for such an alliance are missing: a shared threat perception, mutual trust, and operational compatibility. India does not trust China, and Russia lacks the capacity or neutrality to bridge this gap. There is no institutional structure or commitment, or military planning to coordinate the three nations in case of a joint external threat. China is really the big brother among the three With Russia boxed in by years of sanctions and economic apartheid from the West, China is really the big brother among the three, both in military and money. China’s GDP is nearly 10 times that of India. In spite of Western rhetoric, China still has more than 30 per cent of global manufacturing, while India is only 3 per cent. Russia's economic dependency on China is making it a junior partner in the arrangement. India could be marginalised or relegated to a junior role in a China-dominated alliance. US would retaliate against any strategic alliance between India, Russia and China US retaliation to any strategic, defence or economic alliance between India, Russia and China could be severe. Already, Trump has threatened BRICS - a grouping of the three nations that also includes South Africa and Brazil. He has slapped tariffs on India, China and Brazil. Any alignment by India with China and Russia might draw New Delhi into foreign conflicts it has nothing to do with, particularly Ukraine and Taiwan. Furthermore, it would be a contradiction of India’s non-alignment policy. A huge risk for India's international standing Any alignment with Russia and China would dent India's aspirations to play a global role. India's participation in groupings and fora like G7, G20, BRICS, Quad, IPEF will be affected. India's continuing aspiration for a permanent seat at the UN Security Council could take a hit. India’s image as a responsible, independent, democratic actor in the international system would be damaged if it aligns with Russia and China, and undermines India’s leadership of the Global South. Don't buy into the RIC narrative Therefore, next time you see that YouTube video with a thumbnail that screams ‘India, China, Russia to take on Trump’, please take these factors into account. RIC is neither feasible nor beneficial for India. It would be unstable and counterproductive. India’s current strategy is the best: multiple alignments, balancing relations with the West while having open lines with Russia and regional powers. Keeping its strategic autonomy intact is the way forward for India. Attempting to join an authoritarian bloc to counter the US - and probably only as long as Trump is in power - would undermine India’s global aspirations, harm its economy, alienate vital partners, and trap it in alliances that serve others’ interests more than its own.

<p>Next time you see that YouTube video with a thumbnail that screams ‘India, China, Russia to take on Trump’, please take these factors into account. RIC is neither feasible nor beneficial for India. Here is why:</p>

Those touting India, Russia, China alliance, HOLD YOUR HORSES and read this. It's not...

<p>US President Donald Trump on Wednesday (Aug 6) imposed additional 25 per cent tariffs on Indian imports on top of 25 per cent duties imposed earlier, marking an escalation in the trade tensions. According to the executive order signed by Trump, the move has been taken in response to India’s continued purchase of oil from Russia. This comes weeks ahead of trade talks scheduled on August 25, raising questions about whether the recent decision taken by the US president is a bid to pressure India.</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>“I find that the Government of India is currently directly or indirectly importing Russian Federation oil,” the executive order reads. “Accordingly, and as consistent with applicable law, articles of India imported into the customs territory of the United States shall be subject to an additional ad valorem rate of duty of 25 percent.”</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>Trump also threatened any retaliation against the US in the order, saying that, “Should a foreign country retaliate against the United States in response to this action, I may modify this order to ensure the efficacy of the actions herein ordered.”</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>A similar warning to Russia was stated in the order: “Should the Government of the Russian Federation or a foreign country impacted by this order take significant steps to address the national emergency described in section 1 of this order and align sufficiently with the United States on national security, foreign policy, and economic matters, I may further modify this order.”</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>The recent announcement by the White House came two days after India called the tariffs “unjustified and unreasonable”. On Monday (Aug 4), National Security Adviser Ajit Doval said that “India will take all necessary measures to safeguard its national interests and economic security.”</p><p>&nbsp;</p><h2><strong>US-India trade talks</strong></h2><p>&nbsp;</p><p>News agency PTI reported on July 29 that a new round of trade negotiations between India and the US will take place between August 25-29. The upcoming meetings will mark the sixth round of talks between the two nations after they failed to secure a deal before the August 1 deadline imposed by Trump</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>Last month, the US president announced 25 per cent tariffs on India and several other nations, which are set to take effect from August 7, as per a statement by the White House.</p><p>&nbsp;</p><h2><strong>Why did the previous round of talks fail?</strong></h2><p>&nbsp;</p><p>According to a Reuters report citing government officials from India and the US, the previous rounds of negotiations failed due to “a mix of political misjudgment, missed signals and bitterness.” The talks faltered despite technical agreements on most issues, the report added.</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>“Trump saw the issue differently and wanted more concessions,” the report said. It further cited a White House official as saying that the US did not get “a deal that we were looking for.”</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>The report also added that an Indian official acknowledged that New Delhi wasn’t ready to match what others offered.</p>

The recent announcement by the White House came two days after India called the tariffs “unjustified and unreasonable”.

US President Donald Trump on Wednesday (Aug 6) imposed additional 25 per cent tariffs on Indian imports on top of 25 per cent duties imposed earlier, marking an escalation in the trade tensions. According to the executive order signed by Trump, the move has been taken in response to India’s continued purchase of oil from Russia. This comes weeks ahead of trade talks scheduled on August 25, raising questions about whether the recent decision taken by the US president is a bid to pressure India. “I find that the Government of India is currently directly or indirectly importing Russian Federation oil,” the executive order reads. “Accordingly, and as consistent with applicable law, articles of India imported into the customs territory of the United States shall be subject to an additional ad valorem rate of duty of 25 percent.” Trump also threatened any retaliation against the US in the order, saying that, “Should a foreign country retaliate against the United States in response to this action, I may modify this order to ensure the efficacy of the actions herein ordered.” A similar warning to Russia was stated in the order: “Should the Government of the Russian Federation or a foreign country impacted by this order take significant steps to address the national emergency described in section 1 of this order and align sufficiently with the United States on national security, foreign policy, and economic matters, I may further modify this order.” The recent announcement by the White House came two days after India called the tariffs “unjustified and unreasonable”. On Monday (Aug 4), National Security Adviser Ajit Doval said that “India will take all necessary measures to safeguard its national interests and economic security.” US-India trade talks News agency PTI reported on July 29 that a new round of trade negotiations between India and the US will take place between August 25-29. The upcoming meetings will mark the sixth round of talks between the two nations after they failed to secure a deal before the August 1 deadline imposed by Trump Last month, the US president announced 25 per cent tariffs on India and several other nations, which are set to take effect from August 7, as per a statement by the White House. Why did the previous round of talks fail? According to a Reuters report citing government officials from India and the US, the previous rounds of negotiations failed due to “a mix of political misjudgment, missed signals and bitterness.” The talks faltered despite technical agreements on most issues, the report added. “Trump saw the issue differently and wanted more concessions,” the report said. It further cited a White House official as saying that the US did not get “a deal that we were looking for.” The report also added that an Indian official acknowledged that New Delhi wasn’t ready to match what others offered.

<p>The recent announcement by the White House came two days after India called the tariffs “unjustified and unreasonable”.</p>

Is Trump using pressure tactic on India? US doubles tariffs to 50% ahead of trade talks on August 25

<p>Donald Trump is bashing India daily with tariff threats over energy and defence trade with Russia and the inconclusive trade talks, but did you know that the US president's real estate empire, the Trump Organization, has the largest investments outside his country in India? Even as Trump called India a ‘dead economy’, those projects are minting millions of dollars, that too with practically no direct cash investment from him. Wonder how? read on:</p>

<h2>India is Trump Organization's top global playground</h2><p>With 13 projects across six cities, India is where Trump’s real estate brand is shining the brightest outside America, with more projects than any other nation. Yet, Trump doesn’t actually invest big bucks in India. His firm is mostly licensing out his name and cashing in on the brand hype: no huge capital risk, just fat royalty checks.</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p><a href="https://www.wionews.com/videos/trump-team-highlights-indias-high-tariffs-8916254/embed">https://www.wionews.com/videos/trump-team-highlights-indias-high-tariffs-8916254/embed</a></p><h2>Snapshot of Trump Organization’s India projects, its biggest overseas market</h2><p>There are 13 Trump-branded projects in India in different stages of completion, way more than any other foreign country. Here is how it works: Indian developers build the towers, offices, and golf courses named after Trump. Trump Organization slaps his name on them and gets paid a cut in the form of licensing fees and sales royalties.&nbsp;</p><h2>Trump Towers and more: Size, value and bling in India</h2><p>There are four Trump Towers in India: in Mumbai, Pune, Gurgaon and Kolkata, covering about 3 million sqare feet. Some 8 million sq ft are under development in Noida, Hyderabad, Bengaluru, among others, bringing the total to a staggering 11 million sq ft.&nbsp;</p><p>And the price tag? Existing towers are estimated to be worth around ₹7,500 crore ($900 million). Upcoming projects are valued at around ₹15,000 crore ($1.8 billion). The total, thus, adds up to a whopping ₹22,500 crore ($2.7 billion).</p><h2>Brand Trump sells at a premium in India&nbsp;</h2><p>According to reports in Indian and American media, Trump-branded projects in India come with premium price tags, selling at an eye-popping 35 per cent above local rivals.</p><p>They include a 75-storey luxury tower in Mumbai that boasts of Trump Card exclusives. The Trump commercial project in Pune has office towers and retail space, with investments (by the local partners of course) estimated at ₹1,700 crore.<br>In the northern Gurgaon city, the twin luxury towers and an office tower called Trump Residences sold out on day one, raking in ₹3,250 crore.<br>In Kolkata, which saw Trump’s eastern India debut, a luxury residential project is underway. And coming soon are golf courses, villas, and mega-projects in Noida, Hyderabad, Bengaluru, Gurgaon and Pune.</p><h2>How Trump real estate makes money in India</h2><p>If reports in Indian media are to go by, there's zero direct investment from Trump Organization. He just licenses his brand. The licensing and development fees alone was $12 million in 2024, claimed the reports. But it's not all rosy for Trump real estate biz in India. Trump’s deals with politically connected Indian developers have in the past raised conflict-of-interest alarms in the US. The Pune project was hit with a land acquisition probe.</p><h2>So, who's Trump fooling with ‘dead economy jibe’ at India?</h2><p>Trump’s attack on India, calling it a “dead economy” rings hollow given the aggressive Indian expansion spree of the real estate firm that bears his name.</p><p>India’s Trump-branded properties are being lapped up, and growing fast, making the nation Trump’s biggest global playground. Trump Organization’s brand power is selling luxury homes and offices at a premium, raking in billions, without him shelling out any serious dole. So, next time Trump bashes the Indian economy, take it with a pinch of salt.</p><p>&nbsp;</p>

India’s Trump-branded properties are being lapped up, and growing fast, making the nation Trump’s biggest global playground outside the US. Trump Organization’s brand power is selling luxury homes and offices at a premium, raking in billions

Donald Trump is bashing India daily with tariff threats over energy and defence trade with Russia and the inconclusive trade talks, but did you know that the US president's real estate empire, the Trump Organization, has the largest investments outside his country in India? Even as Trump called India a ‘dead economy’, those projects are minting millions of dollars, that too with practically no direct cash investment from him. Wonder how? read on:

<p>India’s Trump-branded properties are being lapped up, and growing fast, making the nation Trump’s biggest global playground outside the US. Trump Organization’s brand power is selling luxury homes and offices at a premium, raking in billions</p>

Who is he fooling? 13 projects, zero cash investment, Trump’s biggest real estate empire outside US is in India, the country he bashes daily

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Who is he fooling? Trump’s biggest real estate empire outside US is in India