<p>President Donald Trump on Saturday complained that the US is "subsidizing" the military of Middle East ally Saudi Arabia, as well as Japan and South Korea.</p>

<p>The comment, at a West Virginia rally for local candidates of his Republican Party, follows similar jibes at European members of the NATO alliance.</p>

<p>"When you have wealthy countries like Saudi Arabia, like Japan, like South Korea, why are we subsidizing their military?" asked Trump, who pushes an aggressive "America First" policy on trade.</p>

<p>"They'll pay us. The problem is nobody ever asks."</p>

<p>He added that he had spoken to Saudi Arabia's King Salman on Saturday to make the same point.</p>

<p>Saudi Arabia and Japan are major buyers of US-made weaponry, and the US provides intelligence and aerial refueling support to a Saudi-led coalition fighting rebels in Yemen.</p>

<p>Japan and South Korea host tens of thousands of American troops.</p>

<p>Trump said the United States pays "about 60 per cent" of South Korea's military.</p>

<p>Last year he suggested Seoul should pay for the $1.0-billion THAAD anti-missile system that the US has deployed on South Korean territory.</p>

<p>Trump has long complained that European members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization do not pay enough for their own defense, singling out Germany for particular criticism.</p>


President Donald Trump on Saturday complained that the US is "subsidizing" the military of Middle East ally Saudi Arabia, as well as Japan and South Korea. The comment, at a West Virginia rally for local candidates of his Republican Party, follows similar jibes at European members of the NATO alliance.

President Donald Trump on Saturday complained that the US is "subsidizing" the military of Middle East ally Saudi Arabia, as well as Japan and South Korea. The comment, at a West Virginia rally for local candidates of his Republican Party, follows similar jibes at European members of the NATO alliance. "When you have wealthy countries like Saudi Arabia, like Japan, like South Korea, why are we subsidizing their military?" asked Trump, who pushes an aggressive "America First" policy on trade. "They'll pay us. The problem is nobody ever asks." He added that he had spoken to Saudi Arabia's King Salman on Saturday to make the same point. Saudi Arabia and Japan are major buyers of US-made weaponry, and the US provides intelligence and aerial refueling support to a Saudi-led coalition fighting rebels in Yemen. Japan and South Korea host tens of thousands of American troops. Trump said the United States pays "about 60 per cent" of South Korea's military. Last year he suggested Seoul should pay for the $1.0-billion THAAD anti-missile system that the US has deployed on South Korean territory. Trump has long complained that European members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization do not pay enough for their own defense, singling out Germany for particular criticism.

US 'subsidizing' Saudi Arabia, Asia militaries: President Donald Trump

<p><strong>By Saloni Kapur</strong></p>

<p>Pakistan’s prime minister Imran Khan called in September for a meeting between the Pakistani and Indian foreign ministers at the 73rd session of the UN General Assembly. The Indian foreign ministry initially confirmed that the two ministers would meet in New York. But, the following day, India cancelled over the killing of police officers in Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir and the July 2018 release of Pakistani stamps depicting Kashmiri separatist fighters.</p>

<p>The cancellation of the meeting highlights the tense diplomatic relationship between Pakistan and India, which has long marred the prospects for regional cooperation in the broader South Asian region. However, as I argue in my forthcoming book, Pakistan after Trump: International Society’s Role in Counterterrorism Cooperation, despite the antagonism that has characterised relations in the Pakistan-India-Afghanistan triangle, all three states have consistently turned to the institutions of international society to resolve conflicts.</p>

<p>This was most recently exemplified by Khan’s diplomatic outreach towards India, and indicates that there are strong institutional foundations on which policymakers could build more cooperative relationships based on a recognition of shared values and interests. This challenges the assumption that the roots of conflict in the region are too deep to be dislodged.</p>

<p><strong>The institutions of regional society</strong><br />
<br />
Pakistan and India have fought three wars over the contested province of Jammu and Kashmir. While it may seem counter-intuitive to suggest that war is an institution of international society, its established rules make it an effective way of resolving interstate conflicts, maintaining a regional balance of power, bringing about shifts in international law, demarcating the borders between states, and enhancing justice in international society. This is not to suggest that war is “good,” but that it fulfils certain functions in international relations.</p>

<p>The first war, in 1947-48, transferred control over part of Jammu and Kashmir to Pakistan. A balance of power is a precondition of a regional society of states wherein countries cooperate in the functioning of shared institutions to realise common interests. In South Asia, where India is the predominant power, the 1947-48 war gave Pakistan control over the strategically important territory of Gilgit-Baltistan, which shares borders with Afghanistan and China and through which the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor now passes. Moreover, in the face of the failure of UN resolutions adopted from 1948 to 1951 to enforce the conduct of a plebiscite in the Muslim-majority province, the war brought about a transfer of territory that signified progress towards a settlement of the issue.</p>

<p>Pakistan regularly issues calls for the plebiscite to be held, while a retired Indian diplomat I interviewed in November 2016 told me that the only reason for the referendum not taking place was Pakistan’s failure to withdraw its troops from the province as per the terms of the UN resolutions. This suggests that both countries acknowledge the UN-mandated plebiscite, which represents the application of international law and democracy to resolve the conflict.</p>

<p>Also significant are the Karachi and Simla agreements. The Karachi Agreement of 1949 brought about the demarcation of a ceasefire line in Jammu and Kashmir. The Simla Agreement of 1972 introduced the Line of Control, which remains the de-facto border in Jammu and Kashmir. It also declared that India and Pakistan would peacefully resolve their differences through negotiations or other means. These agreements again show efforts to use international law to sort out the Kashmir conflict.</p>

<p>Human rights are an emergent norm in international society. Pakistan has repeatedly drawn attention to human rights violations in Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir. The rape and murder of a Muslim child in Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir also triggered widespread protests in mainland India in 2018 after provincial ministers defended the suspects. This marks a shift in the public narrative on human rights in Jammu and Kashmir within India. It highlights the potential for civil society to pressure both governments into negotiating a resolution of the conflict in a way that respects the rights of local people.</p>

<p>On transnational terrorism, the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation’s (SAARC) Convention on Suppression of Terrorism and its additional protocols represent legal efforts to forge regional counter-terrorism cooperation by SAARC’s member states, which include India, Pakistan and Afghanistan. Diplomatic counter-terrorism initiatives by South Asian states have included the India-Pakistan Joint Anti-Terror Mechanism of 2006 and the SAARC Terrorist Offences Monitoring Desk of 1990.</p>

<p><strong>Reason for hope</strong></p>

<p>In 2016, India and Pakistan attempted to share information and collaboratively investigate a militant attack in the Indian city of Pathankot. Continued diplomatic engagement between the civilian administrations of both countries, even when attacks take place, would help to counter a longstanding pattern of terrorist attacks disrupting attempts to resume the peace process. It would also sideline the forces that benefit from the ongoing conflict.</p>

<p>International efforts, including the US, China and Russia, to negotiate with the Afghan Taliban are also evidence of a broad attempt to bring stability to Afghanistan. Willingness on the part of Afghanistan, Pakistan and India to participate in these diplomatic overtures underscores all three states’ efforts to engage with the institutions of diplomacy and great power management in order to stabilise the wider region.</p>

<p>Thus, Pakistan, India and Afghanistan have repeatedly turned to the shared rules, norms and institutions of international society to work out their problems. There is sufficient shared ground on which to build mutual understandings on contentious issues. Regional cooperation is in the interest of all three states and would weaken the actors who benefit from conflict.</p>

<p>India’s and Pakistan’s admission to, and Afghanistan’s observer status in, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation – an Asian security cooperation organisation led by China and Russia – are cause for hope. The rising clout of China and Russia in the international order may provide the necessary pressure for all three South Asian states to engage more constructively in regional security cooperation in the medium to long term.</p>

<p><em><strong>(Saloni Kapur is PhD Candidate in International Relations, Lancaster University)</strong></em><br />
&nbsp;</p>

<p>(<em>This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article)</em></p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)</em></p>


By Saloni Kapur Pakistan’s prime minister Imran Khan called in September for a meeting between the Pakistani and Indian foreign ministers at the 73rd session of the UN General Assembly.

By Saloni Kapur Pakistan’s prime minister Imran Khan called in September for a meeting between the Pakistani and Indian foreign ministers at the 73rd session of the UN General Assembly. The Indian foreign ministry initially confirmed that the two ministers would meet in New York. But, the following day, India cancelled over the killing of police officers in Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir and the July 2018 release of Pakistani stamps depicting Kashmiri separatist fighters. The cancellation of the meeting highlights the tense diplomatic relationship between Pakistan and India, which has long marred the prospects for regional cooperation in the broader South Asian region. However, as I argue in my forthcoming book, Pakistan after Trump: International Society’s Role in Counterterrorism Cooperation, despite the antagonism that has characterised relations in the Pakistan-India-Afghanistan triangle, all three states have consistently turned to the institutions of international society to resolve conflicts. This was most recently exemplified by Khan’s diplomatic outreach towards India, and indicates that there are strong institutional foundations on which policymakers could build more cooperative relationships based on a recognition of shared values and interests. This challenges the assumption that the roots of conflict in the region are too deep to be dislodged. The institutions of regional society Pakistan and India have fought three wars over the contested province of Jammu and Kashmir. While it may seem counter-intuitive to suggest that war is an institution of international society, its established rules make it an effective way of resolving interstate conflicts, maintaining a regional balance of power, bringing about shifts in international law, demarcating the borders between states, and enhancing justice in international society. This is not to suggest that war is “good,” but that it fulfils certain functions in international relations. The first war, in 1947-48, transferred control over part of Jammu and Kashmir to Pakistan. A balance of power is a precondition of a regional society of states wherein countries cooperate in the functioning of shared institutions to realise common interests. In South Asia, where India is the predominant power, the 1947-48 war gave Pakistan control over the strategically important territory of Gilgit-Baltistan, which shares borders with Afghanistan and China and through which the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor now passes. Moreover, in the face of the failure of UN resolutions adopted from 1948 to 1951 to enforce the conduct of a plebiscite in the Muslim-majority province, the war brought about a transfer of territory that signified progress towards a settlement of the issue. Pakistan regularly issues calls for the plebiscite to be held, while a retired Indian diplomat I interviewed in November 2016 told me that the only reason for the referendum not taking place was Pakistan’s failure to withdraw its troops from the province as per the terms of the UN resolutions. This suggests that both countries acknowledge the UN-mandated plebiscite, which represents the application of international law and democracy to resolve the conflict. Also significant are the Karachi and Simla agreements. The Karachi Agreement of 1949 brought about the demarcation of a ceasefire line in Jammu and Kashmir. The Simla Agreement of 1972 introduced the Line of Control, which remains the de-facto border in Jammu and Kashmir. It also declared that India and Pakistan would peacefully resolve their differences through negotiations or other means. These agreements again show efforts to use international law to sort out the Kashmir conflict. Human rights are an emergent norm in international society. Pakistan has repeatedly drawn attention to human rights violations in Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir. The rape and murder of a Muslim child in Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir also triggered widespread protests in mainland India in 2018 after provincial ministers defended the suspects. This marks a shift in the public narrative on human rights in Jammu and Kashmir within India. It highlights the potential for civil society to pressure both governments into negotiating a resolution of the conflict in a way that respects the rights of local people. On transnational terrorism, the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation’s (SAARC) Convention on Suppression of Terrorism and its additional protocols represent legal efforts to forge regional counter-terrorism cooperation by SAARC’s member states, which include India, Pakistan and Afghanistan. Diplomatic counter-terrorism initiatives by South Asian states have included the India-Pakistan Joint Anti-Terror Mechanism of 2006 and the SAARC Terrorist Offences Monitoring Desk of 1990. Reason for hope In 2016, India and Pakistan attempted to share information and collaboratively investigate a militant attack in the Indian city of Pathankot. Continued diplomatic engagement between the civilian administrations of both countries, even when attacks take place, would help to counter a longstanding pattern of terrorist attacks disrupting attempts to resume the peace process. It would also sideline the forces that benefit from the ongoing conflict. International efforts, including the US, China and Russia, to negotiate with the Afghan Taliban are also evidence of a broad attempt to bring stability to Afghanistan. Willingness on the part of Afghanistan, Pakistan and India to participate in these diplomatic overtures underscores all three states’ efforts to engage with the institutions of diplomacy and great power management in order to stabilise the wider region. Thus, Pakistan, India and Afghanistan have repeatedly turned to the shared rules, norms and institutions of international society to work out their problems. There is sufficient shared ground on which to build mutual understandings on contentious issues. Regional cooperation is in the interest of all three states and would weaken the actors who benefit from conflict. India’s and Pakistan’s admission to, and Afghanistan’s observer status in, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation – an Asian security cooperation organisation led by China and Russia – are cause for hope. The rising clout of China and Russia in the international order may provide the necessary pressure for all three South Asian states to engage more constructively in regional security cooperation in the medium to long term. (Saloni Kapur is PhD Candidate in International Relations, Lancaster University) (This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Regional cooperation could bring stability to South Asia

<p>Torrential rains and windstorm killed at least 11 people and left 14 others injured today in Pakistan's northwestern tribal region, officials said.</p>

<p>As many as six persons were killed and 16 others injured when the roof of a religious seminary collapsed in the country's northwestern Bajaur agency.</p>

<p>Two persons were killed in Mamond area in rain-related incidents. In Khyber agency, two persons were killed. Several vehicles were swept away in flood.</p>

<p>Officials said that a total of 11 people have been killed and 14 others injured in rain-related incidents.</p>

<p>Authorities and security forces have launched relief and rescue operations.</p>


Authorities and security forces have launched relief and rescue operations

Torrential rains and windstorm killed at least 11 people and left 14 others injured today in Pakistan's northwestern tribal region, officials said. As many as six persons were killed and 16 others injured when the roof of a religious seminary collapsed in the country's northwestern Bajaur agency. Two persons were killed in Mamond area in rain-related incidents. In Khyber agency, two persons were killed. Several vehicles were swept away in flood. Officials said that a total of 11 people have been killed and 14 others injured in rain-related incidents. Authorities and security forces have launched relief and rescue operations.

Torrential rains kill 11 people in Pakistan

<p>Firefighters in Myanmar scrambled to put out a fire in a massive garbage dump on the edge of its largest city, Yangon, as foul-smelling smoke from the burning trash that injured dozens extended into its second week on Saturday.</p>

<p>The fire has generated a haze blanketing parts of Myanmar's commercial hub and raised concerns about public health. It has spread across nearly a third of the 300-acre landfill in Yangon's northern township of Hlaing Thar Yar.</p>

<p>Some 600 firefighters and members of security forces have been fighting the blaze since April 21. Authorities have imported fire suppression bio-foam from neighbouring Thailand and tried to create artificial rain to contain the spread of the flames in the peak of the hot season.</p>

<p>While authorities have brought the fire under control, deputy director of Myanmar Fire Service Department Win Naing told Reuters it was difficult to estimate when it would be extinguished. The cause of the fire had yet to be determined, Win Naing said.</p>

<p>Twenty-six people have been hospitalised, many suffering smoke inhalation. Myanmar has sought medical help from the World Health Organization and other aid agencies, state-run newspaper Global New Light of Myanmar reported on Saturday.</p>

<p>Myanmar media have criticised the government's slow response in tackling what Yangon Region Chief Minister Phyo Min Thein called a "national problem".</p>

<p>It also highlights the growing waste problem in Yangon, a city of more than five million people without a long-term waste management solution. The 17-year-old landfill takes about half of the city's daily trash of more than 2,500 tons.</p>

<p>"We have been throwing trash for ages that way. Old trash produces methane and it causes fires," Phyo Min Thein told reporters.</p>

<p>Firefighters described challenges battling the flames and smoke under scorching heat without adequate protective equipment.</p>

<p>"We can't even see each other due to the smoke," said Zaw Naing Myint, a fire station leader who was hospitalised for smoke inhalation. Zaw Naing Myint broke down in tears as he described climbing trash "piled up like mountains".</p>

<p>Among the worst affected were residents of Hlaing Thar Yar, one of Yangon's poorest neighbourhoods. Tens of thousands of people live in shanty towns there built from bamboo and plastic sheets and lack access to electricity, running water and drainage systems.</p>

<p>"I feel terrible because I can't breathe and my feet were swollen and still swelling a bit," said 65-year-old Tin Ohn, a Hlaing Thar Yar resident who suffers diabetes and was also hospitalised for smoke inhalation.</p>


Twenty-six people have been hospitalised, many suffering smoke inhalation

Firefighters in Myanmar scrambled to put out a fire in a massive garbage dump on the edge of its largest city, Yangon, as foul-smelling smoke from the burning trash that injured dozens extended into its second week on Saturday. The fire has generated a haze blanketing parts of Myanmar's commercial hub and raised concerns about public health. It has spread across nearly a third of the 300-acre landfill in Yangon's northern township of Hlaing Thar Yar. Some 600 firefighters and members of security forces have been fighting the blaze since April 21. Authorities have imported fire suppression bio-foam from neighbouring Thailand and tried to create artificial rain to contain the spread of the flames in the peak of the hot season. While authorities have brought the fire under control, deputy director of Myanmar Fire Service Department Win Naing told Reuters it was difficult to estimate when it would be extinguished. The cause of the fire had yet to be determined, Win Naing said. Twenty-six people have been hospitalised, many suffering smoke inhalation. Myanmar has sought medical help from the World Health Organization and other aid agencies, state-run newspaper Global New Light of Myanmar reported on Saturday. Myanmar media have criticised the government's slow response in tackling what Yangon Region Chief Minister Phyo Min Thein called a "national problem". It also highlights the growing waste problem in Yangon, a city of more than five million people without a long-term waste management solution. The 17-year-old landfill takes about half of the city's daily trash of more than 2,500 tons. "We have been throwing trash for ages that way. Old trash produces methane and it causes fires," Phyo Min Thein told reporters. Firefighters described challenges battling the flames and smoke under scorching heat without adequate protective equipment. "We can't even see each other due to the smoke," said Zaw Naing Myint, a fire station leader who was hospitalised for smoke inhalation. Zaw Naing Myint broke down in tears as he described climbing trash "piled up like mountains". Among the worst affected were residents of Hlaing Thar Yar, one of Yangon's poorest neighbourhoods. Tens of thousands of people live in shanty towns there built from bamboo and plastic sheets and lack access to electricity, running water and drainage systems. "I feel terrible because I can't breathe and my feet were swollen and still swelling a bit," said 65-year-old Tin Ohn, a Hlaing Thar Yar resident who suffers diabetes and was also hospitalised for smoke inhalation.

Dozens hospitalised as Myanmar battles week-long landfill fire

<p>China's recent decision to provide Pakistan with the military version of Beidou, its hi-tech ballistic missile tracking and monitoring system, has once again certified a well known strategic view that Beijing uses Islamabad as the first choice exporting nation for testing its weaponry under supervision.</p>

<p>According to an opinion piece published on a website called Strategypage, China and Pakistan have little in common historically or culturally and Beijing sees Islamabad more as a "client state.dependent enough on Chinese goodwill to provide the latter with security."</p>

<p>The opinion piece on the website says, "Pakistan needs China and never the other way around. After all, democratic Pakistan is run by its military and intelligence services, which use Islamic terrorists to attack its neighbours.</p>

<p>China has employed such tactics in the past, but has since moved on to more sophisticated methods."It further goes on to say that China is okay Pakistan's military backing its homegrown and dangerous Islamic terror groups so long as Beijing's huge investments and Chinese personnel in Pakistan are not affected by their brand of coercive violence."</p>

<p>The military lets their pet Islamic terrorists understand that this risk (of Islamic terrorism) is well understood by the generals and that any "protected" Islamic terror group that decides to forget that will be eliminated and the survivors constantly hunted," says the article".</p>

<p>China (has) told the Pakistanis that any Islamic terrorist violence against these projects or the Chinese personnel in Pakistan to ensure everything was built on time and according to spec would result in Pakistan losing the support of China.</p>

<p>Pakistan could not afford that. China was not only the major supplier of weapons to Pakistan but also the only major power ally Pakistan had.</p>

<p>In short, Pakistan needed China more than the other way around,&nbsp;it adds. The testing of the Chinese GPS (Beidou) in Pakistan is not the first instance of the two countries collaborating at the defence level.</p>

<p>Pakistan was the first foreign customer for Chinese stealth aircraft. Pakistan is often the first customer approached by China for testing and purchase of new types of warships.</p>

<p>"If there are any problems with these ships, and that is normal, China will quietly fix things and the Pakistanis will ensure their media does not make an issue of the problem," the article reads.</p>

<p>Pakistan is willing to do all this because (of) the patronage China gives Pakistan without looking to establish control politically over the latter.</p>

<p>The article says, "There is little danger of China seeking to take control of Pakistan because that is not how China operates. China does not like trying to rule and absorb large alien populations. It has enough problems with less than ten million Turkic Uighurs and would not want to deal with over 160,000 more Moslems..".</p>

<p>China, however, possesses the "economic clout to demand certain things from Pakistan and Pakistan find providing that level of security to Chinese investments and personnel (is) a useful exercise in counter-terrorism. This also makes Pakistan one of the few South Asian nations that take comfort in rising Chinese military and economic power in the region," the opinion piece concludes.</p>


The opinion piece on the website says, 'Pakistan needs China and never the other way around'

China's recent decision to provide Pakistan with the military version of Beidou, its hi-tech ballistic missile tracking and monitoring system, has once again certified a well known strategic view that Beijing uses Islamabad as the first choice exporting nation for testing its weaponry under supervision. According to an opinion piece published on a website called Strategypage, China and Pakistan have little in common historically or culturally and Beijing sees Islamabad more as a "client state.dependent enough on Chinese goodwill to provide the latter with security." The opinion piece on the website says, "Pakistan needs China and never the other way around. After all, democratic Pakistan is run by its military and intelligence services, which use Islamic terrorists to attack its neighbours. China has employed such tactics in the past, but has since moved on to more sophisticated methods."It further goes on to say that China is okay Pakistan's military backing its homegrown and dangerous Islamic terror groups so long as Beijing's huge investments and Chinese personnel in Pakistan are not affected by their brand of coercive violence." The military lets their pet Islamic terrorists understand that this risk (of Islamic terrorism) is well understood by the generals and that any "protected" Islamic terror group that decides to forget that will be eliminated and the survivors constantly hunted," says the article". China (has) told the Pakistanis that any Islamic terrorist violence against these projects or the Chinese personnel in Pakistan to ensure everything was built on time and according to spec would result in Pakistan losing the support of China. Pakistan could not afford that. China was not only the major supplier of weapons to Pakistan but also the only major power ally Pakistan had. In short, Pakistan needed China more than the other way around, it adds. The testing of the Chinese GPS (Beidou) in Pakistan is not the first instance of the two countries collaborating at the defence level. Pakistan was the first foreign customer for Chinese stealth aircraft. Pakistan is often the first customer approached by China for testing and purchase of new types of warships. "If there are any problems with these ships, and that is normal, China will quietly fix things and the Pakistanis will ensure their media does not make an issue of the problem," the article reads. Pakistan is willing to do all this because (of) the patronage China gives Pakistan without looking to establish control politically over the latter. The article says, "There is little danger of China seeking to take control of Pakistan because that is not how China operates. China does not like trying to rule and absorb large alien populations. It has enough problems with less than ten million Turkic Uighurs and would not want to deal with over 160,000 more Moslems..". China, however, possesses the "economic clout to demand certain things from Pakistan and Pakistan find providing that level of security to Chinese investments and personnel (is) a useful exercise in counter-terrorism. This also makes Pakistan one of the few South Asian nations that take comfort in rising Chinese military and economic power in the region," the opinion piece concludes.

Pakistan is China's 'client state': US report

<p>Congress-led opposition parties today met Vice President and Rajya Sabha chairman M Venkaiah Naidu seeing impeachment of Chief Justice of India Dipak Misra.</p>

<p>Nearly 71 lawmakers have signed the petition that alleges the Chief Justice of misconduct and misbehaviour. The motion will be examined by the Vice President.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The request for Misra's impeachment has sparked a political outcry in the country with the BJP lashing out at the Congress for trying to "demean, degrade and denigrate" the judiciary.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Finance Minister Arun Jaitley on Friday accused the Congress party of trivialising the power of impeachment and using it as a political tool.</p>

<p>The impeachment notice comes a day after the Supreme Court rejected a bunch of petitions seeking an independent probe into the death of Judge B H Loya, who was hearing the Sohrabuddin Sheikh encounter case.</p>

<p>An impeachment motion in the Rajya Sabha has to be supported by at least 50 MPs of the Upper House, while the number of MPs supporting such a motion in the Lok Sabha is 100.</p>

<p>Once the notice of impeachment is submitted to the Rajya Sabha chairman, he&nbsp;will ascertain whether there is merit or ground for moving such a motion.</p>

<p>In case he finds merit a committee can be formed to look into the matter, else the motion can be simply rejected.</p>

<p>While the final word on CJI Misra's impeachment is yet to be pronounced, here is a quick look at the incidents of impeaching Chief Justices in some of the neighbouring South Asian countries.</p>

<p><strong>Bangladesh</strong></p>

<p>The Supreme Court, in a landmark verdict last year, declared void a 2014 constitutional amendment that empowered its parliament to impeach apex court judges.&nbsp;</p>

<p><strong>Sri Lanka</strong></p>

<p>The ruling coalition in the year 2012 moved a resolution to impeach the country’s chief justice, Shirani Bandaranayake.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Early in the year 2013, the Sri Lankan parliament debated the impeachment motion against Bandaranayake removing her from office on 13 January 2013.&nbsp;</p>

<p>She was reinstated into her office by President Maithripala Sirisena.&nbsp;</p>

<p><strong>Nepal</strong></p>

<p>On 30 April, two ruling parties of Nepal -- the Nepali Congress and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre) -- moved an impeachment motion alleging that the Chief Justice had encroached on the prerogatives of the executive branch.&nbsp;</p>

<p>UN rights chief called the impeachment motion "an assault on human rights". “I urge the Nepal authorities to respect the independence of the judiciary, to withdraw what appears to be a politically motivated impeachment motion and to commit to the processes of transitional justice and accountability,” said the top UN human rights official.&nbsp;</p>

<p>If the impeachment motion against Misra is moved it will be the first time ever in the country's history.&nbsp;</p>


While the final word on CJI Misra's impeachment is yet to be pronounced, here is a quick look at the incidents and the protocol of impeaching Chief Justices in some of the neighbouring South Asian countries

Congress-led opposition parties today met Vice President and Rajya Sabha chairman M Venkaiah Naidu seeing impeachment of Chief Justice of India Dipak Misra. Nearly 71 lawmakers have signed the petition that alleges the Chief Justice of misconduct and misbehaviour. The motion will be examined by the Vice President. The request for Misra's impeachment has sparked a political outcry in the country with the BJP lashing out at the Congress for trying to "demean, degrade and denigrate" the judiciary. Finance Minister Arun Jaitley on Friday accused the Congress party of trivialising the power of impeachment and using it as a political tool. The impeachment notice comes a day after the Supreme Court rejected a bunch of petitions seeking an independent probe into the death of Judge B H Loya, who was hearing the Sohrabuddin Sheikh encounter case. An impeachment motion in the Rajya Sabha has to be supported by at least 50 MPs of the Upper House, while the number of MPs supporting such a motion in the Lok Sabha is 100. Once the notice of impeachment is submitted to the Rajya Sabha chairman, he will ascertain whether there is merit or ground for moving such a motion. In case he finds merit a committee can be formed to look into the matter, else the motion can be simply rejected. While the final word on CJI Misra's impeachment is yet to be pronounced, here is a quick look at the incidents of impeaching Chief Justices in some of the neighbouring South Asian countries. Bangladesh The Supreme Court, in a landmark verdict last year, declared void a 2014 constitutional amendment that empowered its parliament to impeach apex court judges. Sri Lanka The ruling coalition in the year 2012 moved a resolution to impeach the country’s chief justice, Shirani Bandaranayake. Early in the year 2013, the Sri Lankan parliament debated the impeachment motion against Bandaranayake removing her from office on 13 January 2013. She was reinstated into her office by President Maithripala Sirisena. Nepal On 30 April, two ruling parties of Nepal -- the Nepali Congress and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre) -- moved an impeachment motion alleging that the Chief Justice had encroached on the prerogatives of the executive branch. UN rights chief called the impeachment motion "an assault on human rights". “I urge the Nepal authorities to respect the independence of the judiciary, to withdraw what appears to be a politically motivated impeachment motion and to commit to the processes of transitional justice and accountability,” said the top UN human rights official. If the impeachment motion against Misra is moved it will be the first time ever in the country's history.

Incidents of impeachment: A quick look at some South Asian nations

<p>At least four Taliban militants have been killed in a night raid conducted by the Special Operations Forces of the Afghan Intelligence, National Directorate of Security (NDS), in Afghanistan's Nangarhar province.</p>

<p>A local commander of the Taliban group identified as Abdullah alias Mazlumyar was among those killed, reported Khaama Press, citing provincial government media office, as saying, in a statement.</p>

<p>According to the report, a large number of weapons, ammunition, and explosives belonging to the Taliban militants have also been destroyed during the operation.</p>

<p>No comments have been received on the report from the anti-government armed militant groups including Taliban militants in connection with the report.</p>

<p>The raids are in tandem with the counter-terrorism ground operations which are being conducted by the Afghan security forces against the IS, Taliban and other militant groups in Nangarhar province.</p>


A local commander of the Taliban group identified as Abdullah alias Mazlumyar was among those killed

At least four Taliban militants have been killed in a night raid conducted by the Special Operations Forces of the Afghan Intelligence, National Directorate of Security (NDS), in Afghanistan's Nangarhar province. A local commander of the Taliban group identified as Abdullah alias Mazlumyar was among those killed, reported Khaama Press, citing provincial government media office, as saying, in a statement. According to the report, a large number of weapons, ammunition, and explosives belonging to the Taliban militants have also been destroyed during the operation. No comments have been received on the report from the anti-government armed militant groups including Taliban militants in connection with the report. The raids are in tandem with the counter-terrorism ground operations which are being conducted by the Afghan security forces against the IS, Taliban and other militant groups in Nangarhar province.

4 Taliban militants killed in Afghanistan

<p>At least five people were killed in Sri Lanka on Thursday when a worker at a rubber factory fell into a tank of ammonia and a colleague and local residents died trying to save him, police said.</p>

<p>Residents told media the rescuers were overcome by fumes as they tried to help the worker and they too fell into the tank, which contained liquid ammonia.</p>

<p>Hospital officials said 18 people had been admitted, of whom five had died.</p>

<p>"It may be due to some toxic gases," Thamara Kalubowila, the director at Horana hospital, told local TV channel Derana. "So far five have died and 13 people are admitted for treatment and one is under intensive care."</p>

<p>The incident happened in the town of Horana, 50 km (30 miles) from the capital, Colombo.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Television showed rescue officers wearing breathing apparatus taking the injured out of the factory and searching the ammonia tank for any other casualties.</p>

<p>The rescuers who died were three local residents and another factory worker.</p>

<p>Police spokesman Ruwan Gunasekara said the factory manager was arrested on suspicion of negligence.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Police were deployed near the factory after people living nearby protested against the suspected unsafe handling of chemicals, local media reported. Some residents demanded the closure of the factory.</p>


Hospital officials said 18 people had been admitted, of whom five had died.

At least five people were killed in Sri Lanka on Thursday when a worker at a rubber factory fell into a tank of ammonia and a colleague and local residents died trying to save him, police said. Residents told media the rescuers were overcome by fumes as they tried to help the worker and they too fell into the tank, which contained liquid ammonia. Hospital officials said 18 people had been admitted, of whom five had died. "It may be due to some toxic gases," Thamara Kalubowila, the director at Horana hospital, told local TV channel Derana. "So far five have died and 13 people are admitted for treatment and one is under intensive care." The incident happened in the town of Horana, 50 km (30 miles) from the capital, Colombo. Television showed rescue officers wearing breathing apparatus taking the injured out of the factory and searching the ammonia tank for any other casualties. The rescuers who died were three local residents and another factory worker. Police spokesman Ruwan Gunasekara said the factory manager was arrested on suspicion of negligence. Police were deployed near the factory after people living nearby protested against the suspected unsafe handling of chemicals, local media reported. Some residents demanded the closure of the factory.

Five killed in ammonia tank accident in Sri Lanka rubber factory

<p>Two Pakistani soldiers were killed in cross-border fire from Afghanistan while working on a fence intended to cover nearly all of the disputed 2,500km border separating the countries, the Pakistani military said on Sunday.</p>

<p>Though security has improved in Pakistan's remote areas bordering Afghanistan, sectarian militant attacks, primarily targeting Shi'ite Muslims, still occur.&nbsp;</p>

<p>"Pakistani troops are exercising maximum restraint so as to avoid any Afghan civilian casualties," the Pakistan Army's public relations department said, adding that five soldiers were wounded in the attack.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Afghan officials said that Pakistani troops crossed on to Afghan soil, prompting a response by border forces and the local tribal force.&nbsp;</p>

<p>"Two tribesmen were killed and the exchange of fire is ongoing," said Mohmud Zazai, a senior army commander in the area.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Pakistan has blamed Pakistani Taliban militants it says are based on Afghan soil for attacks that have taken place in the region over the past two years, urging Kabul to eradicate "sanctuaries" for militants.</p>

<p>Afghanistan, in turn, accuses Islamabad of sheltering the leadership of the Afghan Taliban militants who are battling the Western-backed government in Kabul.</p>

<p>A local political official, who asked not to be identified, said that Pakistani security forces had responded on Sunday by opening fire along the border.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Mosques in Pakistan's Kurram Agency region, where the attack took place, made announcements urging locals to assist the armed forces, prompting throngs of armed civilians to arrive at the border after the attack.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Kurram has been plagued by militancy over the past decade and was the location of many US&nbsp;drone strikes targeting commanders from al Qaeda and other militant groups.</p>

<p>Twin blasts in Kurram's most populous town, Parachinar, killed more than 75 people in June.&nbsp;</p>

<p>In a separate incident on Sunday in Pakistan's North Waziristan district, which also borders Afghanistan, a security forces vehicle was struck by an improvised explosive device 15km from district capital Miranshah, a military official said.&nbsp;</p>

<p>A curfew has been imposed in the area, with security officials carrying out a search operation.&nbsp;</p>

<p>North Waziristan was a Taliban stronghold until 2014, when Pakistan's military launched a major offensive against the group and pushed many of its fighters across the border into Afghanistan.<br />
&nbsp;</p>


A curfew has been imposed in the area, with security officials carrying out a search operation

Two Pakistani soldiers were killed in cross-border fire from Afghanistan while working on a fence intended to cover nearly all of the disputed 2,500km border separating the countries, the Pakistani military said on Sunday. Though security has improved in Pakistan's remote areas bordering Afghanistan, sectarian militant attacks, primarily targeting Shi'ite Muslims, still occur. "Pakistani troops are exercising maximum restraint so as to avoid any Afghan civilian casualties," the Pakistan Army's public relations department said, adding that five soldiers were wounded in the attack. Afghan officials said that Pakistani troops crossed on to Afghan soil, prompting a response by border forces and the local tribal force. "Two tribesmen were killed and the exchange of fire is ongoing," said Mohmud Zazai, a senior army commander in the area. Pakistan has blamed Pakistani Taliban militants it says are based on Afghan soil for attacks that have taken place in the region over the past two years, urging Kabul to eradicate "sanctuaries" for militants. Afghanistan, in turn, accuses Islamabad of sheltering the leadership of the Afghan Taliban militants who are battling the Western-backed government in Kabul. A local political official, who asked not to be identified, said that Pakistani security forces had responded on Sunday by opening fire along the border. Mosques in Pakistan's Kurram Agency region, where the attack took place, made announcements urging locals to assist the armed forces, prompting throngs of armed civilians to arrive at the border after the attack. Kurram has been plagued by militancy over the past decade and was the location of many US drone strikes targeting commanders from al Qaeda and other militant groups. Twin blasts in Kurram's most populous town, Parachinar, killed more than 75 people in June. In a separate incident on Sunday in Pakistan's North Waziristan district, which also borders Afghanistan, a security forces vehicle was struck by an improvised explosive device 15km from district capital Miranshah, a military official said. A curfew has been imposed in the area, with security officials carrying out a search operation. North Waziristan was a Taliban stronghold until 2014, when Pakistan's military launched a major offensive against the group and pushed many of its fighters across the border into Afghanistan.

2 Pakistani soldiers killed in cross-border fire from Afghanistan: Pak military

<p>An international conference held in Kathmandu has urged all South Asian countries to review national security and counter-terrorism laws to ensure they do not infringe on fundamental rights.</p>

<p>Representatives from India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Bangladesh among others participated the conference themed "Addressing Impunity and Realising Human Rights in South Asia" which concluded yesterday.</p>

<p>The conference unanimously adopted the Kathmandu Declaration which stresses on the need for collaboration between NHRIs, as well as their collaboration with civil society, in addressing issues related to conflict.</p>

<p>It also urged all states in the South Asia to review national security and counter-terrorism laws and policies so that they are in compliance with constitutional and international norms and standards, ensure that they do not infringe on fundamental rights.</p>

<p>It also called non-state actors to be accountable for gross human rights abuses, even if they are approved and backed by civilian stakeholder communities, keeping in mind that the state response must always be proportionate and respect human rights, a statement said.</p>

<p>The conference stressed on the right of freedom of movement, including migration in search of employment.</p>

<p>It recognised the economic benefits of migrant labour to destination and origin countries alike and encouraged cooperation between origin and destination countries to ensure that the rights of migrants, particularly women, are realised.</p>

<p>It has also underlined the need for promoting active cooperation between NHRIs of the South Asia region in order to support each other through exchange of information on a regular basis to share challenges.</p>


Representatives from India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Bangladesh among others participated the conference themed "Addressing Impunity and Realising Human Rights in South Asia" which concluded Friday

An international conference held in Kathmandu has urged all South Asian countries to review national security and counter-terrorism laws to ensure they do not infringe on fundamental rights. Representatives from India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Bangladesh among others participated the conference themed "Addressing Impunity and Realising Human Rights in South Asia" which concluded yesterday. The conference unanimously adopted the Kathmandu Declaration which stresses on the need for collaboration between NHRIs, as well as their collaboration with civil society, in addressing issues related to conflict. It also urged all states in the South Asia to review national security and counter-terrorism laws and policies so that they are in compliance with constitutional and international norms and standards, ensure that they do not infringe on fundamental rights. It also called non-state actors to be accountable for gross human rights abuses, even if they are approved and backed by civilian stakeholder communities, keeping in mind that the state response must always be proportionate and respect human rights, a statement said. The conference stressed on the right of freedom of movement, including migration in search of employment. It recognised the economic benefits of migrant labour to destination and origin countries alike and encouraged cooperation between origin and destination countries to ensure that the rights of migrants, particularly women, are realised. It has also underlined the need for promoting active cooperation between NHRIs of the South Asia region in order to support each other through exchange of information on a regular basis to share challenges.

South Asian countries urged to review security laws

<p>Telangana Tourism Department welcomed four women bikers who successfully completed 'Road to Mekong', a 16,992-km long road trip covering six Southeast Asian countries starting from Hyderabad.</p>

<p>The team, led by Jai Bharathi, included Shilpa Balakrishnan, ASD Shanti and Piya Bahadur. They started their journey on February 11 and covered Myanmar, Thailand, Laos, Vietnam and Cambodia successfully.</p>

<p>Their first international border crossing was on February 25 as they entered Myanmar after crossing Manipur. In India, the women bikers journeyed through Andhra Pradesh, Odisha, West Bengal, Assam, Nagaland and Manipur.</p>

<p>During the trip, the women held media conferences in each of the cities they halted at to speak about Telangana tourism.</p>

<p>The team focused on explaining Buddhist history of Telangana as they travelled across South Asian countries where the religion was popular.</p>

<p>The women were supported by the Telangana State Tourism Development Corporation (TSTDC) and Government of India in this initiative.</p>

<p>TSTDC Managing Director D. Manohar, while talking to ANI, congratulated the rider on their success and said during their journey the riders met people from various sections of society and explained them about Telangana tourism and incredible India.</p>

<p>"The rider`s team was also accompanied by four member`s production crew to document the entire expedition, Telangana tourism provided a mini couch with two drivers and ample Telangana tourism publicity material and 2 more members as supported," Manohar said.</p>

<p>"I am very happy that the women for this unique thing which no other state have done yet. The Telangana tourism with support others also coming up with such ideas," he added.</p>

<p>The rider first covered 15 states in India then entered Myanmar from Manipur, 13 days after starting the journey.</p>


They started their journey on February 11 and covered Myanmar, Thailand, Laos, Vietnam and Cambodia successfully

Telangana Tourism Department welcomed four women bikers who successfully completed 'Road to Mekong', a 16,992-km long road trip covering six Southeast Asian countries starting from Hyderabad. The team, led by Jai Bharathi, included Shilpa Balakrishnan, ASD Shanti and Piya Bahadur. They started their journey on February 11 and covered Myanmar, Thailand, Laos, Vietnam and Cambodia successfully. Their first international border crossing was on February 25 as they entered Myanmar after crossing Manipur. In India, the women bikers journeyed through Andhra Pradesh, Odisha, West Bengal, Assam, Nagaland and Manipur. During the trip, the women held media conferences in each of the cities they halted at to speak about Telangana tourism. The team focused on explaining Buddhist history of Telangana as they travelled across South Asian countries where the religion was popular. The women were supported by the Telangana State Tourism Development Corporation (TSTDC) and Government of India in this initiative. TSTDC Managing Director D. Manohar, while talking to ANI, congratulated the rider on their success and said during their journey the riders met people from various sections of society and explained them about Telangana tourism and incredible India. "The rider`s team was also accompanied by four member`s production crew to document the entire expedition, Telangana tourism provided a mini couch with two drivers and ample Telangana tourism publicity material and 2 more members as supported," Manohar said. "I am very happy that the women for this unique thing which no other state have done yet. The Telangana tourism with support others also coming up with such ideas," he added. The rider first covered 15 states in India then entered Myanmar from Manipur, 13 days after starting the journey.

Women bikers complete 17,000km journey promoting Telangana culture in South Asia

<p>A blast in Dera Ismail Khan, northwest Pakistan has claimed three lives. The victims were all police personnel. Two people have been injured in the incident that took place on Friday evening.&nbsp</p>

<p>According to reports, a police vehicle was hit by an improvised explosive device (IED) in northwest Pakistan yesterday when the officials were on a routine patrolling duty.&nbsp</p>

<p>The injured were rushed to the nearest hospital. District Police Officer, Zahidullah remained unhurt in the blast.</p>

<p>The incident occurred on Kolachi road in Dera Ismael Khan district of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province, bordering South Waziristan Agency when the squad of District Police Officer (DPO) was on a routine evening duty.</p>

<p><em>(With inputs from PTI)&nbsp</em></p>


According to reports, a police vehicle was hit by an improvised explosive device (IED) in northwest Pakistan yesterday

A blast in Dera Ismail Khan, northwest Pakistan has claimed three lives. The victims were all police personnel. Two people have been injured in the incident that took place on Friday evening. According to reports, a police vehicle was hit by an improvised explosive device (IED) in northwest Pakistan yesterday when the officials were on a routine patrolling duty. The injured were rushed to the nearest hospital. District Police Officer, Zahidullah remained unhurt in the blast. The incident occurred on Kolachi road in Dera Ismael Khan district of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province, bordering South Waziristan Agency when the squad of District Police Officer (DPO) was on a routine evening duty. (With inputs from PTI)

Pakistan: 3 policemen killed, 2 injured in IED blast

<p>A Myanmar official in Rakhine state said today that Rohingya refugees who return will not be held in newly-built camps &quot;forever,&quot; as concerns mount over a vexed repatriation process and efforts to reshape communities in the crisis-hit state.</p>

<p>Ye Htut, the administrator of Maungdaw district, was speaking to reporters on a government-chaperoned trip to northern Rakhine, the site of a military crackdown last August that has emptied the region of some 700,000 Rohingya Muslims.</p>

<p>Myanmar has been trumpeting its readiness to take back refugees, who are massed across the border in Bangladesh, and built reception centres and transit camps for returnees.</p>

<p>But not a single Rohingya has crossed the border, with the United Nations sounding the alarm that Myanmar must do far more to ensure the safety of a minority that was targeted in an army-led campaign the UN branded &quot;ethnic cleansing&quot;.</p>

<p>Rights groups have also raised concerns about how Buddhist-majority Myanmar is reconstructing Rakhine in the Rohingyas&#39; absence, with authorities bulldozing over their burned villages and building new settlements and security posts.</p>

<p>An AFP reporter witnessed a flurry of construction in the region on Saturday, with work crews erecting prefabricated houses along a road leading to Maungdaw town.</p>

<p>Speaking to reporters from his office, Ye Htut insisted that any Rohingya returnees would eventually be resettled close to their original villages after staying in transit camps.</p>

<p>&quot;I can&#39;t ask them to live (at the camps) forever...We don&#39;t have any vision or intention to keep them long,&quot; he said.</p>

<p>The government &quot;will return them back to their native villages or close by,&quot; he added.</p>

<p>But a visit to one of the resettlement sites intended for Rohingya, whom a government official referred to only as Muslims, showed slow progress.</p>

<p>Only three squat houses with concrete and brick foundations had been built in a field covered in churned up dirt and tread marks from heavy machinery.</p>

<p>The site, which lies two hours north of Maungdaw town by car, was chosen for its proximity to the original village, which lay in charred ruins within view.</p>

<p>Myint Khaing, Maungdaw township administrator, said about 100 families were supposed to live in the new site and that it would be completed in two months.</p>

<p>Asked why its construction was not as far along as a settlement 30 minutes away intended for an internally displaced ethnic minority called the Mro, he suggested priority was given to communities that had not fled to Bangladesh.</p>

<p>&quot;They didn&#39;t run away,&quot; he said.</p>

<p>Myanmar has vehemently denied accusations that is trying to erase the Rohingya&#39;s ties to Rakhine, insisting the army crackdown was a targeted assault on Muslim militants.</p>

<p>But the UN and rights groups have pointed to the country&#39;s long history of marginalising and persecuting the Muslim minority, who are denied citizenship and loathed by the Buddhist majority.</p>

<p>More than 100,000 are still languishing in a squalid refugee camp in southern Rakhine state after being displaced by communal violence in 2012.</p>

<p>Yesterday the head of the UN&#39;s refugee agency, Filippo Grandi, said the conditions for the Rohingyas&#39; safe return were not yet in place and that discussions with Myanmar on repatriation &quot;have been pretty basic, not very frequent (and) not very advanced&quot;.</p>

<p>Myanmar and Bangladesh signed a deal that was supposed to see repatriation begin in January.</p>

<p>But Myanmar has so far agreed to accept only 374 of 8,000 refugees whose names have been put forward by Dhaka for the initial batch of returnees.</p>


Myanmar has been trumpeting its readiness to take back refugees, who are massed across the border in Bangladesh

A Myanmar official in Rakhine state said today that Rohingya refugees who return will not be held in newly-built camps "forever," as concerns mount over a vexed repatriation process and efforts to reshape communities in the crisis-hit state. Ye Htut, the administrator of Maungdaw district, was speaking to reporters on a government-chaperoned trip to northern Rakhine, the site of a military crackdown last August that has emptied the region of some 700,000 Rohingya Muslims. Myanmar has been trumpeting its readiness to take back refugees, who are massed across the border in Bangladesh, and built reception centres and transit camps for returnees. But not a single Rohingya has crossed the border, with the United Nations sounding the alarm that Myanmar must do far more to ensure the safety of a minority that was targeted in an army-led campaign the UN branded "ethnic cleansing". Rights groups have also raised concerns about how Buddhist-majority Myanmar is reconstructing Rakhine in the Rohingyas' absence, with authorities bulldozing over their burned villages and building new settlements and security posts. An AFP reporter witnessed a flurry of construction in the region on Saturday, with work crews erecting prefabricated houses along a road leading to Maungdaw town. Speaking to reporters from his office, Ye Htut insisted that any Rohingya returnees would eventually be resettled close to their original villages after staying in transit camps. "I can't ask them to live (at the camps) forever...We don't have any vision or intention to keep them long," he said. The government "will return them back to their native villages or close by," he added. But a visit to one of the resettlement sites intended for Rohingya, whom a government official referred to only as Muslims, showed slow progress. Only three squat houses with concrete and brick foundations had been built in a field covered in churned up dirt and tread marks from heavy machinery. The site, which lies two hours north of Maungdaw town by car, was chosen for its proximity to the original village, which lay in charred ruins within view. Myint Khaing, Maungdaw township administrator, said about 100 families were supposed to live in the new site and that it would be completed in two months. Asked why its construction was not as far along as a settlement 30 minutes away intended for an internally displaced ethnic minority called the Mro, he suggested priority was given to communities that had not fled to Bangladesh. "They didn't run away," he said. Myanmar has vehemently denied accusations that is trying to erase the Rohingya's ties to Rakhine, insisting the army crackdown was a targeted assault on Muslim militants. But the UN and rights groups have pointed to the country's long history of marginalising and persecuting the Muslim minority, who are denied citizenship and loathed by the Buddhist majority. More than 100,000 are still languishing in a squalid refugee camp in southern Rakhine state after being displaced by communal violence in 2012. Yesterday the head of the UN's refugee agency, Filippo Grandi, said the conditions for the Rohingyas' safe return were not yet in place and that discussions with Myanmar on repatriation "have been pretty basic, not very frequent (and) not very advanced". Myanmar and Bangladesh signed a deal that was supposed to see repatriation begin in January. But Myanmar has so far agreed to accept only 374 of 8,000 refugees whose names have been put forward by Dhaka for the initial batch of returnees.

Rohingya returnees won't be kept in camps 'forever': Myanmar official

<p>As the airstair on Pakistan One slowly unraveled at Palam Airport in New Delhi on the 26th of May 2014, many naively hoped that this was the dawn of a new chapter in the historically tense Indo-Pak relationship. Pakistan One was carrying the Prime Minister Mian Nawaz Sharif as he landed in Delhi to attend his counterpart&rsquo;s inauguration. The coveted handshake was beamed all over the world as those with a keen eye on South Asian affairs hoped that this BJP Prime Minister would bring the same vivacity to Indo-Pak relations that Atal Behari Vajpayee did. Understandably, Modi enjoyed a tainted reputation in Pakistan but if Sharif was willing to overlook it so were many others.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The presence of the other South Asian leaders was dwarfed by the Nawaz-Modi dynamic but as long as their union meant prosperity for their region, they did not mind. Fast forward four years and Indo-Pak relations are at their lowest ebb in perhaps a decade with cross-border attacks, the Jadhav case and lack of progress on terror cases causing discontent on both sides.</p>

<p>What many don&rsquo;t realise are the spillover effects of the enmity between the two warring neighbours. Due to the friction between Pakistan and India, all of South Asia has to suffer. Despite being home to a whopping 1.7 billion (almost one-fourth of the global population) and with an average economic growth per annum of 7 per cent, South Asia is perhaps the least socio-economically integrated region in the world. This fact is alarming in light of the fact that the region enjoys shared history, culture and geography and political systems.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The World Bank reports that Intra-regional trade accounts for only 5 per cent of South Asia&rsquo;s total trade, compared to 25 per cent in ASEAN republics and intra-regional investment is smaller than 1 per cent of overall investment. An interesting tidbit on the situation is the fact that it costs India 20 per cent less to trade with Brazil over 9000 miles away than it does with to trade with Pakistan just next door due to red tape. The South Asian region has one of the highest working-age populations and a fertile environment for entrepreneurship.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Despite this array of possible opportunities, this potential remains untapped. Due to this hitherto untapped potential the region is home to 40 per cent of the world&rsquo;s poor with high poverty and abysmal statistics for school enrolment and access to healthcare and sanitation.&nbsp;</p>

<p>All of these problems can be undone with greater regional integration but this seems a mammoth task due to a number of reasons. Chief amongst these are the historical political tensions, security issues and cross-border conflict as well as the relative asymmetry in the size of South Asian countries. Another hindrance is the high trade costs, regulatory impediments and lack of infrastructure.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Past experiences of efforts to foster regional cooperation have been met with hostility from skeptics (often right-wing) and those who oppose it due to sheer misinformation.&nbsp; Though risky, efforts at regional integration can pay high dividends and prove exceptionally rewarding. There are a number of reasons for doing so.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Let us look at the US-Mexico model for inspiration. Despite the underlying animosity, much of which came to the fore during President Trump&rsquo;s run for office both countries are major trading partners with the total money value of all commodities traded coming up to $580 billion dollars. This gives both countries a stake in the other and keeps a healthy relationship going despite any figurative or actual walls that might be built.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Similarly, despite being arch-rivals, the United States and China enjoy a total two-way trade of up to $578 billion. Even in the Middle East, despite a total diplomatic boycott, the Emirates still get 45 per cent of its energy needs from the state of Qatar. There is certainly a leaf to be taken out of the books of these countries as far as South Asian countries are concerned.&nbsp;</p>

<p>For the two largest economies in the region, Pakistan and India, economic ties are virtually non-existent. This vacuum gives way for extremist narratives to dominate mainstream discourse; the establishment on the Pakistani side and the socio-political right wing in India. For a stable peer dynamic, it is essential to rise above the extremist rhetoric and give each other a stake in each other&rsquo;s economy.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Not only will this greater communion make Indo-Pak tensions harder to come by but will also open doors for other South Asian countries, such as Afghanistan, Nepal and Bangladesh. Again, as the World Bank reports, trade between India and Pakistan can rise up to $20 billion and Bangladesh can increase trade with India by up to 300 per cent.&nbsp; And one hopes this synergy will lead to greater constructive discourse on forums such as SAARC and also give us a fruitful implementation of treaties such as the SAFTA.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The implementation of greater regional cooperation requires a two-fold approach. Firstly, there needs to be a narrative built around this cooperation with greater people-to-people contacts. Secondly, there is the technical aspect of doing away with regulatory impediments and doing away with needless red tape and building the required infrastructure. Policymakers on both sides need to have an informed policy dialogue with an aim of realising the inimitable benefits of increased regional cooperation. Greater prosperity for the region awaits, all we need to do is look past petty biases.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)</em></p>


Learning from the examples of US-Mexico and US-China, policymakers in India and Pakistan should rise above the extremist narrative to foster economic relation.

As the airstair on Pakistan One slowly unraveled at Palam Airport in New Delhi on the 26th of May 2014, many naively hoped that this was the dawn of a new chapter in the historically tense Indo-Pak relationship. Pakistan One was carrying the Prime Minister Mian Nawaz Sharif as he landed in Delhi to attend his counterpart’s inauguration. The coveted handshake was beamed all over the world as those with a keen eye on South Asian affairs hoped that this BJP Prime Minister would bring the same vivacity to Indo-Pak relations that Atal Behari Vajpayee did. Understandably, Modi enjoyed a tainted reputation in Pakistan but if Sharif was willing to overlook it so were many others. The presence of the other South Asian leaders was dwarfed by the Nawaz-Modi dynamic but as long as their union meant prosperity for their region, they did not mind. Fast forward four years and Indo-Pak relations are at their lowest ebb in perhaps a decade with cross-border attacks, the Jadhav case and lack of progress on terror cases causing discontent on both sides. What many don’t realise are the spillover effects of the enmity between the two warring neighbours. Due to the friction between Pakistan and India, all of South Asia has to suffer. Despite being home to a whopping 1.7 billion (almost one-fourth of the global population) and with an average economic growth per annum of 7 per cent, South Asia is perhaps the least socio-economically integrated region in the world. This fact is alarming in light of the fact that the region enjoys shared history, culture and geography and political systems. The World Bank reports that Intra-regional trade accounts for only 5 per cent of South Asia’s total trade, compared to 25 per cent in ASEAN republics and intra-regional investment is smaller than 1 per cent of overall investment. An interesting tidbit on the situation is the fact that it costs India 20 per cent less to trade with Brazil over 9000 miles away than it does with to trade with Pakistan just next door due to red tape. The South Asian region has one of the highest working-age populations and a fertile environment for entrepreneurship. Despite this array of possible opportunities, this potential remains untapped. Due to this hitherto untapped potential the region is home to 40 per cent of the world’s poor with high poverty and abysmal statistics for school enrolment and access to healthcare and sanitation. All of these problems can be undone with greater regional integration but this seems a mammoth task due to a number of reasons. Chief amongst these are the historical political tensions, security issues and cross-border conflict as well as the relative asymmetry in the size of South Asian countries. Another hindrance is the high trade costs, regulatory impediments and lack of infrastructure. Past experiences of efforts to foster regional cooperation have been met with hostility from skeptics (often right-wing) and those who oppose it due to sheer misinformation. Though risky, efforts at regional integration can pay high dividends and prove exceptionally rewarding. There are a number of reasons for doing so. Let us look at the US-Mexico model for inspiration. Despite the underlying animosity, much of which came to the fore during President Trump’s run for office both countries are major trading partners with the total money value of all commodities traded coming up to $580 billion dollars. This gives both countries a stake in the other and keeps a healthy relationship going despite any figurative or actual walls that might be built. Similarly, despite being arch-rivals, the United States and China enjoy a total two-way trade of up to $578 billion. Even in the Middle East, despite a total diplomatic boycott, the Emirates still get 45 per cent of its energy needs from the state of Qatar. There is certainly a leaf to be taken out of the books of these countries as far as South Asian countries are concerned. For the two largest economies in the region, Pakistan and India, economic ties are virtually non-existent. This vacuum gives way for extremist narratives to dominate mainstream discourse; the establishment on the Pakistani side and the socio-political right wing in India. For a stable peer dynamic, it is essential to rise above the extremist rhetoric and give each other a stake in each other’s economy. Not only will this greater communion make Indo-Pak tensions harder to come by but will also open doors for other South Asian countries, such as Afghanistan, Nepal and Bangladesh. Again, as the World Bank reports, trade between India and Pakistan can rise up to $20 billion and Bangladesh can increase trade with India by up to 300 per cent. And one hopes this synergy will lead to greater constructive discourse on forums such as SAARC and also give us a fruitful implementation of treaties such as the SAFTA. The implementation of greater regional cooperation requires a two-fold approach. Firstly, there needs to be a narrative built around this cooperation with greater people-to-people contacts. Secondly, there is the technical aspect of doing away with regulatory impediments and doing away with needless red tape and building the required infrastructure. Policymakers on both sides need to have an informed policy dialogue with an aim of realising the inimitable benefits of increased regional cooperation. Greater prosperity for the region awaits, all we need to do is look past petty biases. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: India and Pakistan can bond over economic issues to bypass enmity

<p>Hundreds of people marched through Myanmar&#39;s largest city Yangon to oppose amendments to a protest law. Activists fear new law would limit free speech.</p>

<p>Amendments to the 2011 Peaceful Assembly and Peaceful Procession law proposes maximum three-year prison term for those hold protests and demonstrations that challenge the security and rule of the land.</p>

<p>As per the amendment, organisers of the protests will be required to provide details of the budget and source of their funds in order to be able to stage any protest or demonstration.</p>

<p>The changes to the law are being backed by Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi&#39;s ruling party, National League for Democracy.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&ldquo;If they are trying to make it difficult to protest, the authorities that rule the country - the parliament, judiciary and government - cannot hear the true opinions of the people,&rdquo; said Zaw Yan, a farmers&#39; rights activist.</p>

<p>Nearly 190 Myanmar civil society groups have signed a petition against the amendment.</p>

<p><em>(With inputs from Reuters)&nbsp;</em></p>


Activists fear new law would limit free speech

Hundreds of people marched through Myanmar's largest city Yangon to oppose amendments to a protest law. Activists fear new law would limit free speech. Amendments to the 2011 Peaceful Assembly and Peaceful Procession law proposes maximum three-year prison term for those hold protests and demonstrations that challenge the security and rule of the land. As per the amendment, organisers of the protests will be required to provide details of the budget and source of their funds in order to be able to stage any protest or demonstration. The changes to the law are being backed by Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi's ruling party, National League for Democracy. “If they are trying to make it difficult to protest, the authorities that rule the country - the parliament, judiciary and government - cannot hear the true opinions of the people,” said Zaw Yan, a farmers' rights activist. Nearly 190 Myanmar civil society groups have signed a petition against the amendment. (With inputs from Reuters)

Myanmar: Locals stage protests as parliament debates new curbs on demonstrations

<p>According to the HR consultancy Aon Hewitt, the average salary hike of Indian employees this year is likely to be around 9.4%. As companies increase focus on performance and on hiring specialists, key talents may achieve as much as 15.4% increase in salary.</p>

<p>&ldquo;With critical skills shortage highlighted as a key concern, companies are becoming more cautious while recognising and remunerating their key talent,&rdquo; Anandorup Ghose, Partner at Aon India Consulting told reporters.</p>

<p><iframe allow="autoplay; encrypted-media" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/--YiKW-OX2Q" width="560"></iframe></p>

<p>Aon Hewitt&#39;s annual &#39;Salary Increase Survey&#39; studied more than 1,000 companies from over 20 industries and estimates the average pay hike in the country to remain between 9.4-9.6%.&nbsp;</p>

<p>According to the survey, Indian employees received an average hike of 9.3% during 2017 -- a departure from the double-digit increments that were registered when the study was still in its nascency.&nbsp;</p>

<p>A look at salary-hike trends across the Asian Pacific region puts India at the top as the best paymaster in the region. China is expected to give out an average raise of 6.7% to its employees followed by the Philippines at 5.8%, Malaysia 5.1%, Singapore 4%, Australia 3.2% and Japan at a meagre 2.5%.</p>

<p>Professional services, consumer internet companies, life sciences, automotive and consumer products are the sectors projected to dole out double-digit salary hike in 2018.</p>

<p>Meanwhile, the attrition rate in India continues to see a downward trend, now standing at 15.9% from an average of 20% registered in the previous decade.</p>


Aon Hewitt's annual 'Salary Increase Survey' studied more than 1,000 companies from over 20 industries

According to the HR consultancy Aon Hewitt, the average salary hike of Indian employees this year is likely to be around 9.4%. As companies increase focus on performance and on hiring specialists, key talents may achieve as much as 15.4% increase in salary. “With critical skills shortage highlighted as a key concern, companies are becoming more cautious while recognising and remunerating their key talent,” Anandorup Ghose, Partner at Aon India Consulting told reporters. Aon Hewitt's annual 'Salary Increase Survey' studied more than 1,000 companies from over 20 industries and estimates the average pay hike in the country to remain between 9.4-9.6%. According to the survey, Indian employees received an average hike of 9.3% during 2017 -- a departure from the double-digit increments that were registered when the study was still in its nascency. A look at salary-hike trends across the Asian Pacific region puts India at the top as the best paymaster in the region. China is expected to give out an average raise of 6.7% to its employees followed by the Philippines at 5.8%, Malaysia 5.1%, Singapore 4%, Australia 3.2% and Japan at a meagre 2.5%. Professional services, consumer internet companies, life sciences, automotive and consumer products are the sectors projected to dole out double-digit salary hike in 2018. Meanwhile, the attrition rate in India continues to see a downward trend, now standing at 15.9% from an average of 20% registered in the previous decade.

India is the best paymaster in Asia Pacific ahead of Japan, Australia: Survey

<p>After years of tension and exclusion, it seems Pakistan&rsquo;s Pashtuns &ndash; the country&rsquo;s second-largest ethnic group &ndash; have had enough. In January, a large crowd began protesting after 27-year-old shopkeeper Naqibullah Mehsud was shot dead by a police officer in Karachi.</p>

<p>The protesters marched from Khyber Patunkhwa province to Islamabad, where they staged a sit-in protest in front of the National Press Club. Although the sit-in has ended, protests have erupted elsewhere in Pakistan, and the movement has variously become known as the Pashtun Long March and the Pashtun Spring.</p>

<p>The protesters are demanding the arrest and punishment of Rao Anwar, the police officer who killed Naqibullah. They are further demanding an end to what they call state-imposed terrorism and militarism justified by War on Terror rhetoric. Other demands include the clearing of landmines in the tribal areas, and the return of missing people who have been taken into custody by Pakistani security forces.</p>

<p>These demands are expressed in the language of human rights, and have received the support of leading Pakistani politicians, including opposition leader Bilawal Bhutto.</p>

<p>Pakistani authorities claimed that Naqibullah was a member of the Pakistani Taliban. The claim was later dropped. According to Human Rights Watch, extrajudicial killings by Pakistani police are widespread, especially among marginalised groups. These include Pashtuns, more than 1m of whom are Afghan refugees.</p>

<p><strong>Across the border</strong></p>

<p>Pakistan&rsquo;s prime minister, Shahid Khaqan Abbasi, has reportedly promised to use all available means to secure Rao Anwar&rsquo;s arrest. He also vowed to build a college to be named after Naqibullah Mehsud, and clear South Waziristan of landmines.</p>

<p>The size and public visibility of the protest is unprecedented, but calls for Pashtun rights are not new. One protest leader, Manzoor Ahmad Pashteen from South Waziristan, is a co-founder of the Mehsud Tahafuz Movement (Mehsud Protection Movement). This movement has fought for the rights of the Pashtun Mehsud tribe in South Waziristan since 2013.</p>

<p>Around 25m Pashtuns live in Pakistan and around 11m in Afghanistan. In 1893, British India imposed the Durand Line, a 2,640km border between Afghanistan and today&rsquo;s Pakistan. The line bolstered British territorial control on its side of the line, which divides historical Pashtun areas. Afghanistan has never officially acknowledged this border.</p>

<p>Whereas Pashtuns are the largest ethnic group in Afghanistan, they are economically and politically marginalised in Pakistan. The tribal area they inhabit there borders Afghanistan to the west, and it has become a major front in the War on Terror. Pakistan routinely associates Pashtuns and Afghan refugees with the Taliban and Islamist terrorism.</p>

<p><strong>Us and them</strong></p>

<p>The protests have come along just as Pakistan and Afghanistan&rsquo;s relationship is deteriorating. In 2016, chafing at Afghanistan&rsquo;s deepening relationship with India, Pakistan deported more than 500,000 Afghans. Conversely, when Afghan officials discuss the Pashtun protest, they often resort to nationalist language.</p>

<p>Ahmad Shah Katawazai, defence liaison at the Afghan embassy in the US, has called for Pakistani Pashtun areas to be incorporated wholesale into Afghanistan. As he writes in American newspaper The Hill:</p>

<p>The government and people of Afghanistan have consistently asked for the territory to be re-incorporated into Afghanistan. People who live along the Durand Line don&rsquo;t consider it to be a border.</p>

<p>Both Pakistan and Afghanistan have tried to frame their respective approaches to the protest as beneficial for the War on Terror. Afghanistan&rsquo;s president, Ashraf Ghani, has supported the protest as a citizen struggle against terrorism and fundamentalism.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The protesters have a tough road ahead. They have to navigate between human rights demands, Afghanistan-Pakistan relations, and the politics of the War on Terror. Yet it is undeniable that the protests are in themselves a victory of sorts for this marginalised group. As the columnist Raza Rumi writes in Pakistan&rsquo;s Daily Times:</p>

<p>The Pashtun long march and its ten-day long protest in Pakistan&rsquo;s capital Islamabad testifies to how the marginalised are negotiating the contradictions of today&rsquo;s Pakistan. The people of [Federally Administered Tribal Areas] continue to be treated as second-class citizens and all talk of &lsquo;reform&rsquo; founders at expediency of the civil-military elites. Youngsters from tribal areas are less willing to engage with the state structures as their elders have done in the past. Ethnicity-based politics will remain a reality and it needs to be accepted by powers-that-be. Democratisation, howsoever flawed it might be, enables reconciliation of multiple political and social identities.</p>

<p>It seems that for Pakistan&rsquo;s Pashtuns, the odds of change for the better could finally be shifting in their favour.</p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)</em></p>


Pakistans's Pashtun protesters are the largest ethnic group in Afghanistan. Yet they have to navigate between human rights demands, Afghanistan-Pakistan relations, and the politics of the War on Terror

After years of tension and exclusion, it seems Pakistan’s Pashtuns – the country’s second-largest ethnic group – have had enough. In January, a large crowd began protesting after 27-year-old shopkeeper Naqibullah Mehsud was shot dead by a police officer in Karachi. The protesters marched from Khyber Patunkhwa province to Islamabad, where they staged a sit-in protest in front of the National Press Club. Although the sit-in has ended, protests have erupted elsewhere in Pakistan, and the movement has variously become known as the Pashtun Long March and the Pashtun Spring. The protesters are demanding the arrest and punishment of Rao Anwar, the police officer who killed Naqibullah. They are further demanding an end to what they call state-imposed terrorism and militarism justified by War on Terror rhetoric. Other demands include the clearing of landmines in the tribal areas, and the return of missing people who have been taken into custody by Pakistani security forces. These demands are expressed in the language of human rights, and have received the support of leading Pakistani politicians, including opposition leader Bilawal Bhutto. Pakistani authorities claimed that Naqibullah was a member of the Pakistani Taliban. The claim was later dropped. According to Human Rights Watch, extrajudicial killings by Pakistani police are widespread, especially among marginalised groups. These include Pashtuns, more than 1m of whom are Afghan refugees. Across the border Pakistan’s prime minister, Shahid Khaqan Abbasi, has reportedly promised to use all available means to secure Rao Anwar’s arrest. He also vowed to build a college to be named after Naqibullah Mehsud, and clear South Waziristan of landmines. The size and public visibility of the protest is unprecedented, but calls for Pashtun rights are not new. One protest leader, Manzoor Ahmad Pashteen from South Waziristan, is a co-founder of the Mehsud Tahafuz Movement (Mehsud Protection Movement). This movement has fought for the rights of the Pashtun Mehsud tribe in South Waziristan since 2013. Around 25m Pashtuns live in Pakistan and around 11m in Afghanistan. In 1893, British India imposed the Durand Line, a 2,640km border between Afghanistan and today’s Pakistan. The line bolstered British territorial control on its side of the line, which divides historical Pashtun areas. Afghanistan has never officially acknowledged this border. Whereas Pashtuns are the largest ethnic group in Afghanistan, they are economically and politically marginalised in Pakistan. The tribal area they inhabit there borders Afghanistan to the west, and it has become a major front in the War on Terror. Pakistan routinely associates Pashtuns and Afghan refugees with the Taliban and Islamist terrorism. Us and them The protests have come along just as Pakistan and Afghanistan’s relationship is deteriorating. In 2016, chafing at Afghanistan’s deepening relationship with India, Pakistan deported more than 500,000 Afghans. Conversely, when Afghan officials discuss the Pashtun protest, they often resort to nationalist language. Ahmad Shah Katawazai, defence liaison at the Afghan embassy in the US, has called for Pakistani Pashtun areas to be incorporated wholesale into Afghanistan. As he writes in American newspaper The Hill: The government and people of Afghanistan have consistently asked for the territory to be re-incorporated into Afghanistan. People who live along the Durand Line don’t consider it to be a border. Both Pakistan and Afghanistan have tried to frame their respective approaches to the protest as beneficial for the War on Terror. Afghanistan’s president, Ashraf Ghani, has supported the protest as a citizen struggle against terrorism and fundamentalism. The protesters have a tough road ahead. They have to navigate between human rights demands, Afghanistan-Pakistan relations, and the politics of the War on Terror. Yet it is undeniable that the protests are in themselves a victory of sorts for this marginalised group. As the columnist Raza Rumi writes in Pakistan’s Daily Times: The Pashtun long march and its ten-day long protest in Pakistan’s capital Islamabad testifies to how the marginalised are negotiating the contradictions of today’s Pakistan. The people of [Federally Administered Tribal Areas] continue to be treated as second-class citizens and all talk of ‘reform’ founders at expediency of the civil-military elites. Youngsters from tribal areas are less willing to engage with the state structures as their elders have done in the past. Ethnicity-based politics will remain a reality and it needs to be accepted by powers-that-be. Democratisation, howsoever flawed it might be, enables reconciliation of multiple political and social identities. It seems that for Pakistan’s Pashtuns, the odds of change for the better could finally be shifting in their favour. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: Pakistan's Pashtuns protest oppression in the name of 'War on Terror'

<p>Ahead of the India-ASEAN Summit leaders of the various Southeast Asian countries arrived in India on Wednesday.</p>

<p>Vietnamese Prime Minister Nguyen Xuan Phuc, Myanmar&#39;s State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi,&nbsp;Singaporean Premier Lee Hsien Loong,&nbsp;Sultan of Brunei Hassanal Bolkiah,&nbsp;Prime Minister of Thailand Prayut Chan-o-cha,&nbsp;Prime Minister of Malaysia Najib Razak along with his wife and President of Philippines Rodrigo Duterte were the leaders to arrive in India Wednesday.&nbsp;&nbsp;</p>

<p>The two-day Summit is organised to mark the 25 years of Indo-ASEAN relations.</p>

<p>The event will start with a leaders&#39; retreat on January&nbsp;25&nbsp;involving their &quot;free and frank&quot; discussion.</p>

<p>The theme of the retreat session is &#39;maritime cooperation and security&#39;.</p>

<p>Following the retreat, a plenary session will be held on the same day.</p>

<p>To be held at the backdrop of increasing Chinese economic and military presence in the region,&nbsp;the meet is expected to boost&nbsp;India- ASEAN cooperation in key areas of counter-terrorism, security and connectivity.</p>

<p>India can utilise the meet as an opportunity to&nbsp;present itself as a powerful ally to these countries in the strategic areas of trade and connectivity.</p>

<p>The leaders from the South East Asian countries will also be guest to India&#39;s Republic Day celebrations on Friday.&nbsp;</p>

<p>This will be the first time when ten leaders from different countries will witness the Republic Day celebration as guest.&nbsp;</p>

<p>ASEAN constitutes Thailand, Vietnam, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Myanmar (Burma), Cambodia, Laos and Brunei.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="en"><a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Myanmar?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Myanmar</a> State Counsellor <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/AungSanSuuKyi?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#AungSanSuuKyi</a> arrives in Delhi for <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/ASEANIndia?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#ASEANIndia</a> meet <a href="https://t.co/QP9adTZsJo">pic.twitter.com/QP9adTZsJo</a></p>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/956136826720346112?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">January 24, 2018</a></blockquote>
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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">President of India Ramnath Kovind meets Prime Minister of Vietnam Nguyen Xuan Phuc. <a href="https://t.co/Vwu0yc6Vfu">pic.twitter.com/Vwu0yc6Vfu</a></p>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/956140260638928897?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">January 24, 2018</a></blockquote>
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<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">Delhi: Sultan of Brunei Hassanal Bolkiah arrive for ASEAN-India Commemorative Summit to be held on January 25 &amp; 26. <a href="https://t.co/NawHitEyeT">pic.twitter.com/NawHitEyeT</a></p>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/956146599717085184?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">January 24, 2018</a></blockquote>
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<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">Delhi: Prime Minister of Thailand Prayut Chan-o-cha arrive for ASEAN-India Commemorative Summit to be held on January 25 &amp; 26. <a href="https://t.co/vFDy3ov4Wy">pic.twitter.com/vFDy3ov4Wy</a></p>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/956158321798426624?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">January 24, 2018</a></blockquote>
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<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="en"><a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Delhi?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Delhi</a>: Prime Minister Narendra Modi with Myanmar State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi. The two leaders are holding a bilateral meeting. <a href="https://t.co/JZfmflCMfX">pic.twitter.com/JZfmflCMfX</a></p>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/956168490343264256?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">January 24, 2018</a></blockquote>
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<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="und">Prime Minister Narendra Modi met Prime Minister of Vietnam Nguyen Xuan Phuc. <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Delhi?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Delhi</a> <a href="https://t.co/EfnUCDxxKJ">pic.twitter.com/EfnUCDxxKJ</a></p>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/956177237971165191?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">January 24, 2018</a></blockquote>
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<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">Delhi: Prime Minister of Malaysia Najib Razak and his wife Rosmah Mansor arrive for ASEAN-India Commemorative Summit. The Summit will be held on January 25 &amp; 26. <a href="https://t.co/FpUzZre6MP">pic.twitter.com/FpUzZre6MP</a></p>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/956179646017499137?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">January 24, 2018</a></blockquote>
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<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">MoUs exchanged between India and Vietnam in <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Delhi?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Delhi</a> <a href="https://t.co/8rD6iBGIXT">pic.twitter.com/8rD6iBGIXT</a></p>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/956187923124125697?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">January 24, 2018</a></blockquote>
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<p dir="ltr" lang="en">Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Prime Minister of Vietnam Nguyen Xuan Phuc and other dignitaries after the exchange of MoUs between the two countries in <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Delhi?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Delhi</a> <a href="https://t.co/MIT4HippRy">pic.twitter.com/MIT4HippRy</a></p>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/956188699141828609?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">January 24, 2018</a></blockquote>
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<p dir="ltr" lang="en"><a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Delhi?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Delhi</a>: Prime Minister Narendra Modi met President of Philippines Rodrigo Duterte <a href="https://t.co/HubY3OAffK">pic.twitter.com/HubY3OAffK</a></p>
&mdash; ANI (@ANI) <a href="https://twitter.com/ANI/status/956192958688083968?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">January 24, 2018</a></blockquote>
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<p><em>(With inputs from PTI, ANI)</em></p>


The two-day Summit is organised to mark the 25 years of Indo-ASEAN relations

Ahead of the India-ASEAN Summit leaders of the various Southeast Asian countries arrived in India on Wednesday. Vietnamese Prime Minister Nguyen Xuan Phuc, Myanmar's State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, Singaporean Premier Lee Hsien Loong, Sultan of Brunei Hassanal Bolkiah, Prime Minister of Thailand Prayut Chan-o-cha, Prime Minister of Malaysia Najib Razak along with his wife and President of Philippines Rodrigo Duterte were the leaders to arrive in India Wednesday. The two-day Summit is organised to mark the 25 years of Indo-ASEAN relations. The event will start with a leaders' retreat on January 25 involving their "free and frank" discussion. The theme of the retreat session is 'maritime cooperation and security'. Following the retreat, a plenary session will be held on the same day. To be held at the backdrop of increasing Chinese economic and military presence in the region, the meet is expected to boost India- ASEAN cooperation in key areas of counter-terrorism, security and connectivity. India can utilise the meet as an opportunity to present itself as a powerful ally to these countries in the strategic areas of trade and connectivity. The leaders from the South East Asian countries will also be guest to India's Republic Day celebrations on Friday. This will be the first time when ten leaders from different countries will witness the Republic Day celebration as guest. ASEAN constitutes Thailand, Vietnam, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Myanmar (Burma), Cambodia, Laos and Brunei. #Myanmar State Counsellor #AungSanSuuKyi arrives in Delhi for #ASEANIndia meet pic.twitter.com/QP9adTZsJo — ANI (@ANI) January 24, 2018 × President of India Ramnath Kovind meets Prime Minister of Vietnam Nguyen Xuan Phuc. pic.twitter.com/Vwu0yc6Vfu — ANI (@ANI) January 24, 2018 × Delhi: Sultan of Brunei Hassanal Bolkiah arrive for ASEAN-India Commemorative Summit to be held on January 25 & 26. pic.twitter.com/NawHitEyeT — ANI (@ANI) January 24, 2018 × Delhi: Prime Minister of Thailand Prayut Chan-o-cha arrive for ASEAN-India Commemorative Summit to be held on January 25 & 26. pic.twitter.com/vFDy3ov4Wy — ANI (@ANI) January 24, 2018 × #Delhi: Prime Minister Narendra Modi with Myanmar State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi. The two leaders are holding a bilateral meeting. pic.twitter.com/JZfmflCMfX — ANI (@ANI) January 24, 2018 × Prime Minister Narendra Modi met Prime Minister of Vietnam Nguyen Xuan Phuc. #Delhi pic.twitter.com/EfnUCDxxKJ — ANI (@ANI) January 24, 2018 × Delhi: Prime Minister of Malaysia Najib Razak and his wife Rosmah Mansor arrive for ASEAN-India Commemorative Summit. The Summit will be held on January 25 & 26. pic.twitter.com/FpUzZre6MP — ANI (@ANI) January 24, 2018 × MoUs exchanged between India and Vietnam in #Delhi pic.twitter.com/8rD6iBGIXT — ANI (@ANI) January 24, 2018 × Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Prime Minister of Vietnam Nguyen Xuan Phuc and other dignitaries after the exchange of MoUs between the two countries in #Delhi pic.twitter.com/MIT4HippRy — ANI (@ANI) January 24, 2018 × #Delhi: Prime Minister Narendra Modi met President of Philippines Rodrigo Duterte pic.twitter.com/HubY3OAffK — ANI (@ANI) January 24, 2018 × (With inputs from PTI, ANI)

South Asian leaders arrive in India for Indo-ASEAN Summit

<p>A Bangladesh judge convicted opposition leader Khaleda Zia of corruption and sentenced her to five years in jail on Thursday as police clashed with thousands of her supporters outside the court.</p>

<p>The court found the two-time former premier guilty of embezzling money meant for an orphanage, a charge she had consistently dismissed as politically motivated.</p>

<p>Zia, leader of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), is expected to appeal against the verdict, but it may affect her ability to stand in a general election slated for December.</p>

<p>She was immediately taken to a special jail in the old part of the city where she would have to remain until her lawyers file an appeal.</p>

<p>&quot;This is a false and staged case. No way we will accept this verdict,&quot; BNP secretary general Fakhrul Islam Alamgir told AFP after the hearing.</p>

<p>Zia&#39;s lawyer Khandkar Mahbub Hossain said the ruling was &quot;political vengeance&quot; and would be overturned by a higher court.</p>

<p>Violence erupted in major cities across Bangladesh at news of the guilty verdict, with BNP supporters clashing with police and activists from the ruling party.</p>

<p>Police fired rubber bullets at demonstrators in the northeastern city of Sylhet, spokesman Abdul Wahab told AFP. At least four people have been injured in the clashes, he added.</p>

<p>Police said they arrested at least seven BNP officials in the port city of Chittagong, including the local head of the party, after opposition supporters scuffled with police.</p>

<p>Ahead of the hearing in Dhaka police fired tear gas at thousands of opposition activists who defied heavy security to escort the car taking Zia to the magistrate&#39;s court.</p>

<p>The private television station Somoy said at least five police officers had been injured and two motorcycles torched during the clashes that broke out several kilometres (miles) from the court premises.</p>

<p>Authorities have for days been on high alert for protests in the tense city, where political demonstrations by Zia&#39;s centre-right BNP and its Islamist allies in 2014 and 2015 left nearly 200 people dead.</p>

<p>Around 3,500 opposition activists and officials were arrested in a sweep by security forces ahead of the verdict according to BNP spokesman Rizvi Ahmed.</p>

<p>A senior officer told AFP more than 5,000 police had been deployed in Dhaka.</p>

<p><strong>Arbitrary arrests</strong></p>

<p>Zia, 72, is a former ally turned arch-foe of Bangladesh&#39;s Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina.</p>

<p>Her party boycotted 2014 polls in which Hasina was re-elected but is expected to contest the upcoming general election.</p>

<p>Zia, who entered politics in the mid-1980s after her military dictator husband was assassinated in an abortive coup, also faces dozens of separate charges related to violence and corruption.</p>

<p>She has repeatedly said the charges against her are aimed at excluding her and her family from politics.</p>

<p>Her son Rahman lives in exile in London and was convicted of money-laundering in 2016.</p>

<p>Last month prosecutors sought the death penalty over his alleged role in a deadly 2004 grenade attack that injured Hasina.</p>

<p>Zia and her son were detained by an army-backed government in 2007 and spent a year and a half in detention pending trials for alleged corruption.</p>

<p>&quot;This is an attempt to use the court against me, in an effort to sideline me from politics and elections and to isolate me from the people,&quot; she told a packed news conference on Wednesday.</p>

<p>Human Rights Watch on Thursday urged the government to stop what it called &quot;arbitrary arrests and detentions&quot;.</p>

<p>&quot;The Bangladesh government&#39;s claims to be open and democratic ring hollow as it cracks down on political dissent,&quot; said the group&#39;s Asia director Brad Adams.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&quot;The government has a responsibility to prevent and minimise violence, but it needs to do so in a way that respects basic rights, not flouts them.&quot;</p>

<p>Many private schools declared a holiday on Thursday in anticipation of the verdict, while several ride-hailing services announced a day-long suspension of their operations.</p>

<p>Police set up check-posts at key entry points of the city in an effort to prevent thousands of rural supporters of BNP and its Islamist allies from marching to the capital.</p>

<p>&quot;Dhaka is effectively cut off, people in panic,&quot; read the front-page headline of the Bengali-language newspaper Prothom Alo.&nbsp;</p>


Violence erupted in major cities across Bangladesh at news of the guilty verdict

A Bangladesh judge convicted opposition leader Khaleda Zia of corruption and sentenced her to five years in jail on Thursday as police clashed with thousands of her supporters outside the court. The court found the two-time former premier guilty of embezzling money meant for an orphanage, a charge she had consistently dismissed as politically motivated. Zia, leader of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), is expected to appeal against the verdict, but it may affect her ability to stand in a general election slated for December. She was immediately taken to a special jail in the old part of the city where she would have to remain until her lawyers file an appeal. "This is a false and staged case. No way we will accept this verdict," BNP secretary general Fakhrul Islam Alamgir told AFP after the hearing. Zia's lawyer Khandkar Mahbub Hossain said the ruling was "political vengeance" and would be overturned by a higher court. Violence erupted in major cities across Bangladesh at news of the guilty verdict, with BNP supporters clashing with police and activists from the ruling party. Police fired rubber bullets at demonstrators in the northeastern city of Sylhet, spokesman Abdul Wahab told AFP. At least four people have been injured in the clashes, he added. Police said they arrested at least seven BNP officials in the port city of Chittagong, including the local head of the party, after opposition supporters scuffled with police. Ahead of the hearing in Dhaka police fired tear gas at thousands of opposition activists who defied heavy security to escort the car taking Zia to the magistrate's court. The private television station Somoy said at least five police officers had been injured and two motorcycles torched during the clashes that broke out several kilometres (miles) from the court premises. Authorities have for days been on high alert for protests in the tense city, where political demonstrations by Zia's centre-right BNP and its Islamist allies in 2014 and 2015 left nearly 200 people dead. Around 3,500 opposition activists and officials were arrested in a sweep by security forces ahead of the verdict according to BNP spokesman Rizvi Ahmed. A senior officer told AFP more than 5,000 police had been deployed in Dhaka. Arbitrary arrests Zia, 72, is a former ally turned arch-foe of Bangladesh's Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. Her party boycotted 2014 polls in which Hasina was re-elected but is expected to contest the upcoming general election. Zia, who entered politics in the mid-1980s after her military dictator husband was assassinated in an abortive coup, also faces dozens of separate charges related to violence and corruption. She has repeatedly said the charges against her are aimed at excluding her and her family from politics. Her son Rahman lives in exile in London and was convicted of money-laundering in 2016. Last month prosecutors sought the death penalty over his alleged role in a deadly 2004 grenade attack that injured Hasina. Zia and her son were detained by an army-backed government in 2007 and spent a year and a half in detention pending trials for alleged corruption. "This is an attempt to use the court against me, in an effort to sideline me from politics and elections and to isolate me from the people," she told a packed news conference on Wednesday. Human Rights Watch on Thursday urged the government to stop what it called "arbitrary arrests and detentions". "The Bangladesh government's claims to be open and democratic ring hollow as it cracks down on political dissent," said the group's Asia director Brad Adams. "The government has a responsibility to prevent and minimise violence, but it needs to do so in a way that respects basic rights, not flouts them." Many private schools declared a holiday on Thursday in anticipation of the verdict, while several ride-hailing services announced a day-long suspension of their operations. Police set up check-posts at key entry points of the city in an effort to prevent thousands of rural supporters of BNP and its Islamist allies from marching to the capital. "Dhaka is effectively cut off, people in panic," read the front-page headline of the Bengali-language newspaper Prothom Alo.

Clashes as Bangladesh court jails opposition leader Zia

<p>The Lancang-Mekong Co-operation Forum was held in Kunming, the capital city of Yunnan province during 23-25 November 2017. It went without attracting much policy or media attention in India. But the quiet conclusion of the Dian Chi Forum, as it was called, is a significant development in terms of the economic interactions between Yunnan and the rest of Asian region.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;In Yunnan, the Dian Chi Forum kindled academic as well as debates about the possibilities it offers for the economic development of the province. For many local scholars and officials, the Dian Chi Forum hold forth great potential. They believe, it can transform Yunnan from a backward province to a gateway to China&rsquo;s Asian neighbours.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;Mekong river has been an important international river network for Asian integration. Mekong river originates in the mountains of Qinghai Province and known as Lancang in China. It flows Southward and enters into Yunnan, crossing eight prefectures and municipalities, mainly Nujiang, Lijiang, Dali, Baoshan, Linchang, Simao and Xishuangbanna. After it leaves China, the river flows down to five Southeast Asian countries; Myanmar, Laos, Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Lancang changes its name into the Mekong when it enters southeast Asia. Although the drainage area of the river in Southeast Asian countries is four times larger than that of China, Yunnan accounts for more than 50% drainage area in China. Historically, this geographical region formed by Mekong River was an important trade corridor. There are pieces of evidences of commercial navigation and movement of goods and commodities through this network between China and Southeast Asia.&nbsp; &nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Yunnan is one of the important border provinces of China which had historical trade connections with India. The ancient Southern Silk Road connected India and Yunnan through Myanmar. In fact, long before China&rsquo;s other provinces began opening up to the outside world, Yunnan had more open trade relations with her Asian neighbours. There is evidence of flourishing tea trade and other commodities between India and China through this route.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>However, Yunnan lagged behind in economic development compared to the coastal regions of China, largely, owing to her geographical location in the landlocked hinterland. Over the years, the provincial government formulated preferential policies for Yunnan&rsquo;s agricultural products, such as flowers, vegetables, fruits and tobacco. The government has also protected the local mineral products and energy bases. To a large extent, these interventions have helped in creating a market for its products within China.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;In recent years, the volume of trade between Yunnan and Southeast Asian countries have increased to USD 14.3 billion in 2014, accounting for 48% of Yunnan&rsquo;s external trade. Yunnan has also become a transit route for finished goods coming from the coastal provinces of China, such Guangdong which are exported through Yunnan to Southeast economies.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>However, the border trade between Yunnan and these countries are decreasing due to change in preferential policies of the central government. To promote cross-border exchange, Yunnan provincial government have further speeded up the establishment of Border-Economic zones in many parts of Yunnan. Besides trade, the construction of international passageways from China to the Indian Ocean as well as the Oil and Gas Pipeline between China and Myanmar have been projected. All these help to bolster Yunnan as an important international passageway for transportation, gas, energy, trade and information.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Yunnan is the home to nearly twenty-five ethnic minorities in China. Since the late 1990s, the province has opened this area to domestic tourist and visitors. The rich cultural repositories of the minority nationalities, including their music, costumes, and dance are exhibited to the wider public. Kunming has been transformed into yet another important city of China as some of the important mega-events like Kunming Horticultural Expo, Annual China-South Asia and China-Southeast Asia Think-Tank Forum, South Asia Trade and Commodities fare are hosted by the city.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;Besides, the number of infrastructure connectivity projects like highways, railways, aviation and waterways have been completed which not only connects the main Kunming urban region to remote border mountainous areas but also make the flow of trade in terms of goods and services possible between Yunnan and neighbouring regions in South Asia and Southeast Asia.&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;</p>

<p>However, there are lingering questions as to what extent these large-scale development projects and market integration of the province with Southeast Asia have benefited local communities. The government-funded transnational linkages like Economic Corridors, Regional co-operation and Cross-Border economic zones are strong incentives to the growth of the provincial economy. But whether they brought prosperity to the local population living in border regions are remained a mute point.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;Most of these border economies are home to several ethnic minorities and trade and tourism have not only uprooted them from their natural habitats but also created more vulnerabilities in catching up this new drive to achieve higher economic growth</p>


Ethnic minorities have not only got uprooted from their natural habitats but have been made vulnerable in the pursuit for higher economic growth.

The Lancang-Mekong Co-operation Forum was held in Kunming, the capital city of Yunnan province during 23-25 November 2017. It went without attracting much policy or media attention in India. But the quiet conclusion of the Dian Chi Forum, as it was called, is a significant development in terms of the economic interactions between Yunnan and the rest of Asian region. In Yunnan, the Dian Chi Forum kindled academic as well as debates about the possibilities it offers for the economic development of the province. For many local scholars and officials, the Dian Chi Forum hold forth great potential. They believe, it can transform Yunnan from a backward province to a gateway to China’s Asian neighbours. Mekong river has been an important international river network for Asian integration. Mekong river originates in the mountains of Qinghai Province and known as Lancang in China. It flows Southward and enters into Yunnan, crossing eight prefectures and municipalities, mainly Nujiang, Lijiang, Dali, Baoshan, Linchang, Simao and Xishuangbanna. After it leaves China, the river flows down to five Southeast Asian countries; Myanmar, Laos, Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam. Lancang changes its name into the Mekong when it enters southeast Asia. Although the drainage area of the river in Southeast Asian countries is four times larger than that of China, Yunnan accounts for more than 50% drainage area in China. Historically, this geographical region formed by Mekong River was an important trade corridor. There are pieces of evidences of commercial navigation and movement of goods and commodities through this network between China and Southeast Asia. Yunnan is one of the important border provinces of China which had historical trade connections with India. The ancient Southern Silk Road connected India and Yunnan through Myanmar. In fact, long before China’s other provinces began opening up to the outside world, Yunnan had more open trade relations with her Asian neighbours. There is evidence of flourishing tea trade and other commodities between India and China through this route. However, Yunnan lagged behind in economic development compared to the coastal regions of China, largely, owing to her geographical location in the landlocked hinterland. Over the years, the provincial government formulated preferential policies for Yunnan’s agricultural products, such as flowers, vegetables, fruits and tobacco. The government has also protected the local mineral products and energy bases. To a large extent, these interventions have helped in creating a market for its products within China. In recent years, the volume of trade between Yunnan and Southeast Asian countries have increased to USD 14.3 billion in 2014, accounting for 48% of Yunnan’s external trade. Yunnan has also become a transit route for finished goods coming from the coastal provinces of China, such Guangdong which are exported through Yunnan to Southeast economies. However, the border trade between Yunnan and these countries are decreasing due to change in preferential policies of the central government. To promote cross-border exchange, Yunnan provincial government have further speeded up the establishment of Border-Economic zones in many parts of Yunnan. Besides trade, the construction of international passageways from China to the Indian Ocean as well as the Oil and Gas Pipeline between China and Myanmar have been projected. All these help to bolster Yunnan as an important international passageway for transportation, gas, energy, trade and information. Yunnan is the home to nearly twenty-five ethnic minorities in China. Since the late 1990s, the province has opened this area to domestic tourist and visitors. The rich cultural repositories of the minority nationalities, including their music, costumes, and dance are exhibited to the wider public. Kunming has been transformed into yet another important city of China as some of the important mega-events like Kunming Horticultural Expo, Annual China-South Asia and China-Southeast Asia Think-Tank Forum, South Asia Trade and Commodities fare are hosted by the city. Besides, the number of infrastructure connectivity projects like highways, railways, aviation and waterways have been completed which not only connects the main Kunming urban region to remote border mountainous areas but also make the flow of trade in terms of goods and services possible between Yunnan and neighbouring regions in South Asia and Southeast Asia. However, there are lingering questions as to what extent these large-scale development projects and market integration of the province with Southeast Asia have benefited local communities. The government-funded transnational linkages like Economic Corridors, Regional co-operation and Cross-Border economic zones are strong incentives to the growth of the provincial economy. But whether they brought prosperity to the local population living in border regions are remained a mute point. Most of these border economies are home to several ethnic minorities and trade and tourism have not only uprooted them from their natural habitats but also created more vulnerabilities in catching up this new drive to achieve higher economic growth

Opinion: Will South Asia benefit from development of Mekong valley

<p>U.S. Defence Secretary Jim Mattis on Monday met Pakistan`s civilian and military leaders and urged them &quot;redouble&quot; their efforts to rein in militants accused of using the country as a base to carry out attacks in neighbouring Afghanistan.</p>

<p>Mattis, on a one-day visit to Pakistan, said the South Asian nation had made progress in the fight against militancy inside its borders but needed to make more.</p>

<p>More than 100 days since President Donald Trump announced a South Asia strategy that calls for a firmer line towards Islamabad, U.S. officials and analysts say there has been only limited success and it is not clear how progress will be made.</p>

<p>U.S. officials have long been frustrated by what they see as Pakistan&rsquo;s reluctance to act against groups such as the Afghan Taliban and the Haqqani network that they believe exploit safe haven on Pakistani soil to launch attacks in Afghanistan.</p>

<p>&quot;The Secretary reiterated that Pakistan must redouble its efforts to confront militants and terrorists operating within the country,&quot; the Pentagon said in a statement.</p>

<p>Mattis, who visited Pakistan for the first time as defence secretary, said before the trip that the goal for his meetings with Pakistani officials would be to find &quot;common ground&quot;.</p>

<p>In his discussion with Mattis, Pakistani Prime Minister Shahid Khaqan Abbasi said the two allies shared objectives.</p>

<p>&quot;We`re committed (to) the war against terror,&quot; he said. &quot;Nobody wants peace in Afghanistan more than Pakistan.&quot;</p>

<p>Mattis also met with high-ranking officials from Pakistan`s powerful military, including army chief General Qamar Javed Bajwa and Lieutenant-General Naveed Mukhtar, the head of the Inter-Services Intelligence spy agency that U.S. officials say has links with Haqqani and Taliban militants.</p>

<p>In August, Trump outlined a new strategy for the war in Afghanistan, chastising Pakistan over its alleged support for Afghan militants. But beyond that, the Trump administration has done little to articulate its strategy, experts say.&nbsp;</p>

<p>U.S. officials say they have not seen a change in Pakistan`s support for militants, despite visits by senior U.S. officials, including Secretary of State Rex Tillerson. &quot;We have been very direct and very clear with the Pakistanis ... we have not seen those changes implemented yet,&quot; General John Nicholson, the top U.S. general in Afghanistan, said this week. Pakistani officials have pushed back on the U.S. accusations and say they have done a great deal to help the United States in tracking down militants.</p>

<p><strong>Limited leverage</strong></p>

<p>U.S. official expressed hope relations could improve after a U.S.-Canadian couple kidnapped in Afghanistan were freed in Pakistan in October with their three children.</p>

<p>However, while the Trump administration has used tougher words with Pakistan, it is has yet to change Islamabad`s calculus. Some experts say the United States loses clout in Pakistan when it is seen as bullying.</p>

<p>While Mattis travelled to the region earlier this year, he did not stop in Pakistan, but visited its arch rival, India, a relationship that has grown under the Trump administration.</p>

<p>&quot;There is not an effective stick anymore because Pakistan doesn`t really care about U.S aid, it has been dwindling anyway and it is getting the money it needs elsewhere ... treat it with respect and actually reward it when it does do something good,&quot; said Madiha Afzal, with the Brookings Institution.</p>

<p>Mattis`s brief visit to Islamabad comes a week after a hardline Pakistani Islamist group called off nationwide protests after the government met its demand that a minister accused of blasphemy resign.</p>

<p>Separately, a Pakistani Islamist accused of masterminding a bloody 2008 assault in the Indian city of Mumbai was freed from house arrest. The White House said the release could have repercussions for U.S.-Pakistan relations.</p>

<p>&quot;I think for Pakistan, the timing is very bad. There is talk about progress being made against extremists and here you have a situation where religious hardliners have basically been handed everything they wanted on a silver platter,&quot; said Michael Kugelman, with the Woodrow Wilson think-tank in Washington.</p>


Mattis, on a one-day visit to Pakistan, said the South Asian nation had made progress in the fight against militancy inside its borders but needed to make more

U.S. Defence Secretary Jim Mattis on Monday met Pakistan`s civilian and military leaders and urged them "redouble" their efforts to rein in militants accused of using the country as a base to carry out attacks in neighbouring Afghanistan. Mattis, on a one-day visit to Pakistan, said the South Asian nation had made progress in the fight against militancy inside its borders but needed to make more. More than 100 days since President Donald Trump announced a South Asia strategy that calls for a firmer line towards Islamabad, U.S. officials and analysts say there has been only limited success and it is not clear how progress will be made. U.S. officials have long been frustrated by what they see as Pakistan’s reluctance to act against groups such as the Afghan Taliban and the Haqqani network that they believe exploit safe haven on Pakistani soil to launch attacks in Afghanistan. "The Secretary reiterated that Pakistan must redouble its efforts to confront militants and terrorists operating within the country," the Pentagon said in a statement. Mattis, who visited Pakistan for the first time as defence secretary, said before the trip that the goal for his meetings with Pakistani officials would be to find "common ground". In his discussion with Mattis, Pakistani Prime Minister Shahid Khaqan Abbasi said the two allies shared objectives. "We`re committed (to) the war against terror," he said. "Nobody wants peace in Afghanistan more than Pakistan." Mattis also met with high-ranking officials from Pakistan`s powerful military, including army chief General Qamar Javed Bajwa and Lieutenant-General Naveed Mukhtar, the head of the Inter-Services Intelligence spy agency that U.S. officials say has links with Haqqani and Taliban militants. In August, Trump outlined a new strategy for the war in Afghanistan, chastising Pakistan over its alleged support for Afghan militants. But beyond that, the Trump administration has done little to articulate its strategy, experts say. U.S. officials say they have not seen a change in Pakistan`s support for militants, despite visits by senior U.S. officials, including Secretary of State Rex Tillerson. "We have been very direct and very clear with the Pakistanis ... we have not seen those changes implemented yet," General John Nicholson, the top U.S. general in Afghanistan, said this week. Pakistani officials have pushed back on the U.S. accusations and say they have done a great deal to help the United States in tracking down militants. Limited leverage U.S. official expressed hope relations could improve after a U.S.-Canadian couple kidnapped in Afghanistan were freed in Pakistan in October with their three children. However, while the Trump administration has used tougher words with Pakistan, it is has yet to change Islamabad`s calculus. Some experts say the United States loses clout in Pakistan when it is seen as bullying. While Mattis travelled to the region earlier this year, he did not stop in Pakistan, but visited its arch rival, India, a relationship that has grown under the Trump administration. "There is not an effective stick anymore because Pakistan doesn`t really care about U.S aid, it has been dwindling anyway and it is getting the money it needs elsewhere ... treat it with respect and actually reward it when it does do something good," said Madiha Afzal, with the Brookings Institution. Mattis`s brief visit to Islamabad comes a week after a hardline Pakistani Islamist group called off nationwide protests after the government met its demand that a minister accused of blasphemy resign. Separately, a Pakistani Islamist accused of masterminding a bloody 2008 assault in the Indian city of Mumbai was freed from house arrest. The White House said the release could have repercussions for U.S.-Pakistan relations. "I think for Pakistan, the timing is very bad. There is talk about progress being made against extremists and here you have a situation where religious hardliners have basically been handed everything they wanted on a silver platter," said Michael Kugelman, with the Woodrow Wilson think-tank in Washington.

U.S. defence chief urges Pakistan to redouble efforts against militants

<p>China today said President Xi Jinping and his US counterpart Donald Trump have reached a consensus on fighting terrorism and upholding peace and stability in South Asia, amid America ramping up pressure on Pakistan to dismantle terror safe havens.</p>

<p>During their talks, Xi and Trump discussed Afghanistan and committed to working toward a peaceful future for the terrorist haven.</p>

<p>&quot;This morning, the two presidents talked and held joint press meeting. I am not aware of the details of the talks. What I know is that the two sides also discussed anti- terrorism issues and upholding peace and stability in South Asia,&quot; Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Hua Chunying told a media briefing.</p>

<p>&quot;They reached consensus in this respect,&quot; she said without elaborating or mentioning whether India&#39;s concerns over terrorism emanating from Pakistan figured in the talks.</p>

<p>To counter terrorism, China and the US as well as other countries share the common interests and the two countries stand ready to work with other parties for stronger anti- terrorism cooperation, she said.</p>

<p>South Asia and Afghanistan figured prominently in today&#39;s talks as both the leaders mentioned it in their briefings.</p>

<p>After the talks, Trump said terrorists are a threat to humanity and that he and Xi will &quot;stop radical Islamic terrorism.&quot;</p>

<p>&quot;In order to create more secure future for all and protect our citizens from extremism and terrorism, President Xi and I also committed to working together for a peaceful future for Afghanistan,&quot; Trump said.</p>

<p>&quot;Terrorists are a threat to all of humanity and we will stop radical Islamic terrorism,&quot; he said.</p>

<p>Trump&#39;s remarks assume significance after he unveiled his new South Asia policy under which the US has warned Pakistan against providing safe harbour to terrorist organisations.</p>

<p>Trump&#39;s South Asia policy giving importance to India and inviting New Delhi to play a bigger role in reconstruction of Afghanistan has also raised eyebrows in Beijing and Islamabad.</p>

<p>Elaborating on the Trump-Xi talks on Afghanistan, Hua said the two sides believe that maintaining the stable and constructive relations between Afghanistan and its neighbouring countries is of great significance to the peace and reconstruction process in Afghanistan.</p>

<p>&quot;They support an Afghan-led and Afghan-owned peace and reconstruction process, call on relevant parties in Afghanistan to achieve extensive and inclusive national reconciliation through political negotiation at an early date and stand ready to play a positive role through such mechanisms as the Quadrilateral Coordination Group of Afghanistan, China, Pakistan and the US,&quot; Hua said in a written response to news agency PTI.</p>

<p>Ahead of Trump&#39;s visit, China conducted an anti-terrorism trilateral meeting with Pakistan and Afghanistan.</p>

<p>Chinese Assistant Foreign Minister Li Hulai conducted the trilateral meeting on November 7 which was attended by top officials of Pakistan and Afghanistan.</p>

<p>China has been trying to bring about peace between Islamabad and Kabul amid scathing criticism from Afghanistan leaders over Pakistan&#39;s support to Taliban by sheltering them.</p>

<p>Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi has made separate visits to the two countries recently and met Pakistan and Afghanistan?s officials after the talks.</p>

<p>Pakistan?s Special Secretary Tasnim Aslam and Afghan Deputy Foreign Minister Hekmat Karzai who took part in the talks called on Wang.</p>

<p>In the meeting, Wang thanked Pakistan and Afghanistan for their support for China in fighting the East Turkistan Islamic Movement (ETIM) and their contribution to the fight against international counter terrorism especially in South Asian region, Hua said.</p>

<p>ETIM is active in the Muslim Uygur majority province of Xinjiang which shared borders with Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (PoK) and Afghanistan.</p>

<p>Xinjiang had been restive for several years over increasing settlements of majority Hans from other provinces of China.</p>

<p>&quot;China stands ready to work with two parties to strengthen our counter-terrorism cooperation to uphold the regional peace and stability,&quot; she said, adding that Pakistan and Afghanistan stated that they stand ready to strengthen cooperation with China in this regard.</p>


During their talks, Xi and Trump discussed Afghanistan and committed to working toward a peaceful future for the terrorist haven.

China today said President Xi Jinping and his US counterpart Donald Trump have reached a consensus on fighting terrorism and upholding peace and stability in South Asia, amid America ramping up pressure on Pakistan to dismantle terror safe havens. During their talks, Xi and Trump discussed Afghanistan and committed to working toward a peaceful future for the terrorist haven. "This morning, the two presidents talked and held joint press meeting. I am not aware of the details of the talks. What I know is that the two sides also discussed anti- terrorism issues and upholding peace and stability in South Asia," Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Hua Chunying told a media briefing. "They reached consensus in this respect," she said without elaborating or mentioning whether India's concerns over terrorism emanating from Pakistan figured in the talks. To counter terrorism, China and the US as well as other countries share the common interests and the two countries stand ready to work with other parties for stronger anti- terrorism cooperation, she said. South Asia and Afghanistan figured prominently in today's talks as both the leaders mentioned it in their briefings. After the talks, Trump said terrorists are a threat to humanity and that he and Xi will "stop radical Islamic terrorism." "In order to create more secure future for all and protect our citizens from extremism and terrorism, President Xi and I also committed to working together for a peaceful future for Afghanistan," Trump said. "Terrorists are a threat to all of humanity and we will stop radical Islamic terrorism," he said. Trump's remarks assume significance after he unveiled his new South Asia policy under which the US has warned Pakistan against providing safe harbour to terrorist organisations. Trump's South Asia policy giving importance to India and inviting New Delhi to play a bigger role in reconstruction of Afghanistan has also raised eyebrows in Beijing and Islamabad. Elaborating on the Trump-Xi talks on Afghanistan, Hua said the two sides believe that maintaining the stable and constructive relations between Afghanistan and its neighbouring countries is of great significance to the peace and reconstruction process in Afghanistan. "They support an Afghan-led and Afghan-owned peace and reconstruction process, call on relevant parties in Afghanistan to achieve extensive and inclusive national reconciliation through political negotiation at an early date and stand ready to play a positive role through such mechanisms as the Quadrilateral Coordination Group of Afghanistan, China, Pakistan and the US," Hua said in a written response to news agency PTI. Ahead of Trump's visit, China conducted an anti-terrorism trilateral meeting with Pakistan and Afghanistan. Chinese Assistant Foreign Minister Li Hulai conducted the trilateral meeting on November 7 which was attended by top officials of Pakistan and Afghanistan. China has been trying to bring about peace between Islamabad and Kabul amid scathing criticism from Afghanistan leaders over Pakistan's support to Taliban by sheltering them. Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi has made separate visits to the two countries recently and met Pakistan and Afghanistan?s officials after the talks. Pakistan?s Special Secretary Tasnim Aslam and Afghan Deputy Foreign Minister Hekmat Karzai who took part in the talks called on Wang. In the meeting, Wang thanked Pakistan and Afghanistan for their support for China in fighting the East Turkistan Islamic Movement (ETIM) and their contribution to the fight against international counter terrorism especially in South Asian region, Hua said. ETIM is active in the Muslim Uygur majority province of Xinjiang which shared borders with Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (PoK) and Afghanistan. Xinjiang had been restive for several years over increasing settlements of majority Hans from other provinces of China. "China stands ready to work with two parties to strengthen our counter-terrorism cooperation to uphold the regional peace and stability," she said, adding that Pakistan and Afghanistan stated that they stand ready to strengthen cooperation with China in this regard.

Trump, Xi reach consensus to curb terrorism in South Asia: China

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<p><strong>Solving parenting problems with technology: The<a href="http://www.socialweaver.co"> Social Weaver Story</a></strong></p>

<p>Sumedha Khoche was a marketing professional who was busy building multi-billion dollar brands for P&amp;G, when her life changed forever in 2012. With the arrival of her first child, followed by the second one a few years later, time acquired a whole new meaning. What also changed was&nbsp;how&nbsp;she spent her time.</p>

<p>Spending hours looking through multiple sites to find information became a process that was frustrating and very time-consuming. From basic, everyday things like where to buy a stroller or a birthday cake for her son, to bigger decisions like which paediatrician or pre-school to choose for her daughter, she found that there just wasn&rsquo;t a one-stop solution to getting this information online. &ldquo;When I was trying to organise my daughter&rsquo;s first birthday celebration, the experience was frustrating; I spent days trying to figure out a caterer and couldn&rsquo;t compare any options. The time, effort and cost were just not what my uber-generation is used to!&rdquo; she says.</p>

<p>What she needed, she realised, was a reliable resource that combined information relevant to her with local community knowledge. As she began talking to other parents, starting with her childhood friend Kaivalya Gundu - a tech professional with years of experience in product management and business analysis - she realised that it was not a problem she faced alone; this seemed to be a common problem for many parents in Singapore and it soon emerged that it was a viable business opportunity for South East Asia as well.</p>

<p>As avid travellers, both Khoche and Gundu had always loved the value and simplicity of sites like Tripadvisor, which made travel planning such a breeze. And this was what they needed: a &lsquo;tripadvisor for parents&rsquo;, that could make local parenting decisions as simple and straightforward. When they test-drove the idea of creating such a platform, the response was resoundingly positive. It was an a-ha moment.</p>

<p>Finally, in 2017, along with Kaivalya Gundu, Khoche decided to take the plunge and launch Social Weaver.</p>

<p><strong>What is Social Weaver?</strong></p>

<p>Named after the Social Weaverbird, which builds spectacular community nests, this platform aims at being an online &lsquo;nest&rsquo; of parenting wisdom. It is a one-stop, reliable content-community-commerce platform that allows you to discover and book local services, write in queries and review products or services through any web or mobile device. It has a curated database of 4000 recommended service providers in Singapore, spread across a hundred categories, so the answers to your parenting queries from pregnancy to pre-school and beyond are only a click away.</p>

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<p>&ldquo;Social Weaver as an idea is very relatable. Being the parent of a 6-year-old myself, I could completely relate to the problem that we were trying to solve by building a one-stop solution for all parenting needs,&rdquo; says Gundu, who is the CPO.</p>

<p>The site also aims to be the go-to marketplace for service providers to connect with parents, making their own associated marketing and administration processes much more efficient and effective. &ldquo;Ultimately, our mission is to help parents spend more time with their kids and less time researching online. We want to make the discovery and booking of great services instant and fuss-free, so we simplify the process for both parents and service providers,&rdquo; adds CEO Khoche.</p>

<p>For time-starved and stressed young parents today, having access to relevant information, local community knowledge and the experiences and practical tips for other parents is invaluable. As nuclear families grow, young mums and dads are feeling the pressure of having to tackle parenting without support and wisdom of an older generation. But Social Weaver is here to fill that gap.</p>

<p><strong>Friends in business, making it work</strong></p>

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<p>25 years ago, when two little girls living next door to each other decided to start a business - a lending library for kids - it didn&#39;t quite go as planned. &ldquo;Most of the books didn&rsquo;t come back. But that&rsquo;s because we didn&rsquo;t have defined processes and roles at the time, so we couldn&rsquo;t work it out effectively,&rdquo; laughs Khoche. This time around, however, these two friends have set the ground rules for their business from the start.</p>

<p>That, they say, is very important when working in a team.</p>

<p>While they are both co-founders, each of them is solving her own unique problem, but with the same goal in mind. For Khoche, as CEO, resource allocation and getting the right processes in place is key. She drives the vision for the company, while as CPO, Gundu defines and manages the end-to-end functionality of the product and works directly with the tech team. Both work together to develop the roadmap for the business based on market needs. &ldquo;We are both interested in the best product that we can build, to help parents save time. So we are on the same page and we do this by keeping the lines of communication open. We respect each other&rsquo;s opinions,&rdquo; says Khoche. &nbsp;</p>

<p>But starting a business with a close friend can be a tricky thing. Did either of them any reservations?</p>

<p>Having been involved with the idea right from its inception - by being Khoche&rsquo;s voice of reason through the process of setting up the company and participating in all the initial surveys - quitting her own corporate job to join Social Weaver as a co-founder and CPO was a very natural step for Gundu. &ldquo;It helps that she (Khoche) is very professional and transparent. And the trust was there from the start. She really does her homework and doesn&rsquo;t do anything she is not passionate about, so I know that whatever she does is with the aim of adding value. For me, the standard fears one would normally have when joining a start-up were not there,&rdquo; Gundu says.</p>

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<p>Gundu has always been Khoche&rsquo;s sounding board and because they have known each other for so many years and been through a lot together, they recognise each other&rsquo;s strengths. So the mutual trust that you might not have with a normal business partner was already there.</p>

<p>Although they have their fair share of arguments - which they feel is also healthy - they are both committed to driving Social Weaver in the same direction, working not as two individuals but as one. &ldquo;Kaivalya knows the processes because she has a tech background; she knows both the business side and the tech side. She knows how to spot bugs early, is a fantastic software tester and is very good at customising user cases,&rdquo; says Khoche, &ldquo;and this is core to our business when we are trying to build something scalable. She&rsquo;s very detail orientated, whereas I tend to be more macro in my approach. We have different temperaments, but we are similar in the way we work.&rdquo;</p>

<p><strong>Lessons from corporate life</strong></p>

<p>The life of an entrepreneur has not been without its challenges. But both these women at the helm of Social Weaver feel that the experiences and skills they gained from working for bigger companies have given them a huge advantage in dealing with these situations.</p>

<p>Khoche says that, during her time at P&amp;G and Pepsico, she learnt end-to-end marketing, from making sales calls &amp; helping distributors with their ROI, to understanding consumer insights, brand launches, TV commercials and digital marketing. But more than that, she learnt to put people first. &ldquo;In the last 10 years, I have met thousands of parents across Asia - literally lived their lives and walked in their shoes and it&rsquo;s been such a humbling experience. For one, you stop seeing only numbers on a spreadsheet but see people, their joys and their challenges and get inspired to make their life better in a small yet meaningful way. Even when we designed Social Weaver, the starting point was in-depth research with parents across South-East Asia so we could create something that put their needs first.&rdquo;</p>

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<h5>The most critical and lasting lesson they have learnt from corporate life, however, has been the respect for people and the focus on doing the right thing.</h5>
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<p>Working in Indian start-ups as well as with financial giants such as Wells Fargo and Bank of America, Gundu, on the other hand, was often challenged by engineers who couldn&#39;t see why she &ndash; without a background in engineering &ndash; was managing them. &ldquo;I learnt to read the code, even though I couldn&rsquo;t write it,&rdquo; she says. She also had to deal with slow decision-making processes and lot of uncertainty, which she now says helps her face start-up issues with ease.</p>

<p>The most critical and lasting lesson they have learnt from corporate life, however, has been the respect for people and the focus on doing the right thing. &ldquo;We are starting Social Weaver on the foundation of these values and will percolate in all aspects of our operations,&rdquo; affirms Khoche. Gundu adds they have also learnt not to be apologetic about what they are doing. &ldquo;We are here because we are trying to achieve something. We wanted to be part of something that was going to bring about a change, so we are very confident in what we are doing and are not fazed by put-downs,&rdquo; she says. &nbsp;</p>

<p><strong>Challenging the future</strong></p>

<p>While there have been issues like technical snags, bugs in the system and delays in timelines &ndash; issues that every start-up faces - the growing team at Social Weaver is enthusiastic about the future. &ldquo;I am lucky to have my childhood friend as a partner with me on this journey. I&rsquo;m proud of the team and what they&rsquo;ve accomplished in such a short span of time. We have also been fortunate to have a great set of angel investors who also bring a lot of experience and knowledge to the table,&rdquo; says Khoche.</p>

<p>So far, the beta learnings have proved to be invaluable; the site has had more than 19,000 page views so far and over 5,000 parents are following them on social media, even before their launch. There are many exciting developments, such as a mobile app, cool new CRM features and chatbots in the pipeline for the future.</p>


Social Weaver is unique because it combines a large data bank with local community knowledge and relevant content to help parents make decisions

Solving parenting problems with technology: The Social Weaver Story Sumedha Khoche was a marketing professional who was busy building multi-billion dollar brands for P&G, when her life changed forever in 2012. With the arrival of her first child, followed by the second one a few years later, time acquired a whole new meaning. What also changed was how she spent her time. Spending hours looking through multiple sites to find information became a process that was frustrating and very time-consuming. From basic, everyday things like where to buy a stroller or a birthday cake for her son, to bigger decisions like which paediatrician or pre-school to choose for her daughter, she found that there just wasn’t a one-stop solution to getting this information online. “When I was trying to organise my daughter’s first birthday celebration, the experience was frustrating; I spent days trying to figure out a caterer and couldn’t compare any options. The time, effort and cost were just not what my uber-generation is used to!” she says. What she needed, she realised, was a reliable resource that combined information relevant to her with local community knowledge. As she began talking to other parents, starting with her childhood friend Kaivalya Gundu - a tech professional with years of experience in product management and business analysis - she realised that it was not a problem she faced alone; this seemed to be a common problem for many parents in Singapore and it soon emerged that it was a viable business opportunity for South East Asia as well. As avid travellers, both Khoche and Gundu had always loved the value and simplicity of sites like Tripadvisor, which made travel planning such a breeze. And this was what they needed: a ‘tripadvisor for parents’, that could make local parenting decisions as simple and straightforward. When they test-drove the idea of creating such a platform, the response was resoundingly positive. It was an a-ha moment. Finally, in 2017, along with Kaivalya Gundu, Khoche decided to take the plunge and launch Social Weaver. What is Social Weaver? Named after the Social Weaverbird, which builds spectacular community nests, this platform aims at being an online ‘nest’ of parenting wisdom. It is a one-stop, reliable content-community-commerce platform that allows you to discover and book local services, write in queries and review products or services through any web or mobile device. It has a curated database of 4000 recommended service providers in Singapore, spread across a hundred categories, so the answers to your parenting queries from pregnancy to pre-school and beyond are only a click away. The site also aims to be the go-to marketplace for service providers to connect with parents, making their own associated marketing and administration processes much more efficient and effective. × “Social Weaver as an idea is very relatable. Being the parent of a 6-year-old myself, I could completely relate to the problem that we were trying to solve by building a one-stop solution for all parenting needs,” says Gundu, who is the CPO. The site also aims to be the go-to marketplace for service providers to connect with parents, making their own associated marketing and administration processes much more efficient and effective. “Ultimately, our mission is to help parents spend more time with their kids and less time researching online. We want to make the discovery and booking of great services instant and fuss-free, so we simplify the process for both parents and service providers,” adds CEO Khoche. For time-starved and stressed young parents today, having access to relevant information, local community knowledge and the experiences and practical tips for other parents is invaluable. As nuclear families grow, young mums and dads are feeling the pressure of having to tackle parenting without support and wisdom of an older generation. But Social Weaver is here to fill that gap. Friends in business, making it work Starting a business with a close friend can be a tricky thing. × 25 years ago, when two little girls living next door to each other decided to start a business - a lending library for kids - it didn't quite go as planned. “Most of the books didn’t come back. But that’s because we didn’t have defined processes and roles at the time, so we couldn’t work it out effectively,” laughs Khoche. This time around, however, these two friends have set the ground rules for their business from the start. That, they say, is very important when working in a team. While they are both co-founders, each of them is solving her own unique problem, but with the same goal in mind. For Khoche, as CEO, resource allocation and getting the right processes in place is key. She drives the vision for the company, while as CPO, Gundu defines and manages the end-to-end functionality of the product and works directly with the tech team. Both work together to develop the roadmap for the business based on market needs. “We are both interested in the best product that we can build, to help parents save time. So we are on the same page and we do this by keeping the lines of communication open. We respect each other’s opinions,” says Khoche. But starting a business with a close friend can be a tricky thing. Did either of them any reservations? Having been involved with the idea right from its inception - by being Khoche’s voice of reason through the process of setting up the company and participating in all the initial surveys - quitting her own corporate job to join Social Weaver as a co-founder and CPO was a very natural step for Gundu. “It helps that she (Khoche) is very professional and transparent. And the trust was there from the start. She really does her homework and doesn’t do anything she is not passionate about, so I know that whatever she does is with the aim of adding value. For me, the standard fears one would normally have when joining a start-up were not there,” Gundu says. The experiences and skills they gained from working for bigger companies have given them a huge advantage in dealing with these situations. × Gundu has always been Khoche’s sounding board and because they have known each other for so many years and been through a lot together, they recognise each other’s strengths. So the mutual trust that you might not have with a normal business partner was already there. Although they have their fair share of arguments - which they feel is also healthy - they are both committed to driving Social Weaver in the same direction, working not as two individuals but as one. “Kaivalya knows the processes because she has a tech background; she knows both the business side and the tech side. She knows how to spot bugs early, is a fantastic software tester and is very good at customising user cases,” says Khoche, “and this is core to our business when we are trying to build something scalable. She’s very detail orientated, whereas I tend to be more macro in my approach. We have different temperaments, but we are similar in the way we work.” Lessons from corporate life The life of an entrepreneur has not been without its challenges. But both these women at the helm of Social Weaver feel that the experiences and skills they gained from working for bigger companies have given them a huge advantage in dealing with these situations. Khoche says that, during her time at P&G and Pepsico, she learnt end-to-end marketing, from making sales calls & helping distributors with their ROI, to understanding consumer insights, brand launches, TV commercials and digital marketing. But more than that, she learnt to put people first. “In the last 10 years, I have met thousands of parents across Asia - literally lived their lives and walked in their shoes and it’s been such a humbling experience. For one, you stop seeing only numbers on a spreadsheet but see people, their joys and their challenges and get inspired to make their life better in a small yet meaningful way. Even when we designed Social Weaver, the starting point was in-depth research with parents across South-East Asia so we could create something that put their needs first.” The most critical and lasting lesson they have learnt from corporate life, however, has been the respect for people and the focus on doing the right thing. × Working in Indian start-ups as well as with financial giants such as Wells Fargo and Bank of America, Gundu, on the other hand, was often challenged by engineers who couldn't see why she – without a background in engineering – was managing them. “I learnt to read the code, even though I couldn’t write it,” she says. She also had to deal with slow decision-making processes and lot of uncertainty, which she now says helps her face start-up issues with ease. The most critical and lasting lesson they have learnt from corporate life, however, has been the respect for people and the focus on doing the right thing. “We are starting Social Weaver on the foundation of these values and will percolate in all aspects of our operations,” affirms Khoche. Gundu adds they have also learnt not to be apologetic about what they are doing. “We are here because we are trying to achieve something. We wanted to be part of something that was going to bring about a change, so we are very confident in what we are doing and are not fazed by put-downs,” she says. Challenging the future While there have been issues like technical snags, bugs in the system and delays in timelines – issues that every start-up faces - the growing team at Social Weaver is enthusiastic about the future. “I am lucky to have my childhood friend as a partner with me on this journey. I’m proud of the team and what they’ve accomplished in such a short span of time. We have also been fortunate to have a great set of angel investors who also bring a lot of experience and knowledge to the table,” says Khoche. So far, the beta learnings have proved to be invaluable; the site has had more than 19,000 page views so far and over 5,000 parents are following them on social media, even before their launch. There are many exciting developments, such as a mobile app, cool new CRM features and chatbots in the pipeline for the future.

How an online platform is making parenting easy

<p>In a reaffirmation of their bilateral ties, India and Nepal yesterday inked eight agreements on issues that ranged from countering drug trafficking in the region, assistance from the Indian side in the post-earthquake reconstruction activities&nbsp;to flood management, irrigation projects, as well as enhanced cooperation in the development of infrastructure in Nepal. In addition to the agreements made under the MoUs, the two sides also laid great emphasis on bolstering defence ties and enhancing mutual assistance in the domain of security, with Nepal reassuring India that it wouldn&rsquo;t allow anti-India activities from its territory. It is also noteworthy that the two sides discussed issues relating to regional and subregional cooperation under the ambit of BIMSTEC and BBIN initiatives: two flagship multilateral projects initiated by India.&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>The announcement of bilateral agreements between India and China comes at a time when India is facing a sharp recession of influence in its immediate neighbourhood.</h5>
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<p>The visit of the Nepalese Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba, and the subsequent announcement of bilateral agreements between the two countries comes at a time when India is facing a sharp recession of influence in its immediate neighbourhood. While&nbsp;the diminishing influence is an outcome of India&rsquo;s own hegemonic tendencies in South Asia, the situation has been exacerbated by the growth of Chinese dominance in the region. With the announcement of its flagship Border and Road Initiative (BRI), China has been able to successfully use its economic clout to gain a strategic foothold in India&rsquo;s immediate neighbourhood. So much so that in trying to find a middle ground between the two countries, and to balance the threat emanating from two overtly powerful neighbours, most of India&rsquo;s neighbours appear to have drifted too close to the Chinese side.</p>

<p>For the smaller nations, India appears to be a far greater geopolitical threat than China does. The prevailing mistrust between India and its neighbours stem from the unresolved territorial disputes, a legacy of the colonial era, but their resolution has found little political will on the Indian side. The resolution process, instead, has only witnessed incremental changes, something that has worked to dent India&rsquo;s credibility in its neighbourhood. Besides, India&rsquo;s continued meddling in the domestic affairs of smaller countries like Nepal, Bhutan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh has generated concerns over the issue of political sovereignty in these countries.</p>

<p>The drift to the Chinese side made itself evident on two occasions; when India was isolated on its stand against the BRI as well as on the current impasse at the Doklam tri-junction. The country has found very little support forthcoming from its immediate neighbours on critical issues relating to its territorial sovereignty and integrity. The most telling of these was Nepal&rsquo;s decision to take part in the OBOR, despite India&rsquo;s misgivings, as well as its decision to not take any sides in the current standoff.</p>

<p>China has made substantial inroads into Nepal, with the country only very recently gaining the status of the highest FDI contributor, accounting for over 60 per cent of the total FDI commitment in the country. Besides, it has also undertaken some very important infrastructure related development initiatives and is looking to flood the Nepalese markets with Chinese products, outclassing and outsmarting India&rsquo;s investments in the country.&nbsp;</p>

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<p>The bilateral relations between India and Nepal, on the other hand, have been plagued with a deep mistrust, with the Nepalese side accusing India of micro-meddling in its political affairs. India&rsquo;s increased interference in the political situation of Nepal and its staunch support to the Madhesis has created a scenario, wherein the chaos in Nepal&rsquo;s domestic policy has had a very negative impact on its ties with India.</p>

<p>India&rsquo;s reluctant acknowledgement of Nepal&rsquo;s new constitution and its failure to reign in the Madhesi parties to help streamline the process of political transformation in Nepal post-2006 stems from the country&rsquo;s domestic imperatives. Owing to the cultural proximity of Nepali Madhesis and natives of UP and Bihar, a lot of India&rsquo;s policies towards Nepal have been guided by the concerns emanating from its bordering states.</p>

<p>The 2015 economic blockade imposed on Nepal to coerce it into accepting the Madhesi demands boomeranged in India&rsquo;s face when the then PM KP Oli decided to look for an alternative and reduce its strategic dependence on India. This was the precise moment when China was allowed a foot-in-the-door in Nepal&rsquo;s polity and the support to its beleaguered neighbour is what constituted a watershed moment in the evolution of India-Nepal ties.</p>

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<p>Significantly, the recently announced bilateral agreements between the two nations which have conspicuously left out any offer of assistance in constitutional reforms or political transformation signal how India might have actually picked up a few foreign policy lessons along the way. PM Modi&rsquo;s expression of confidence in the ability of Nepalese leaders to implement the constitution in its true spirit is also indicative of a change in tactic by India, which will do best to step further away from Nepal&rsquo;s domestic politics. Any meddling in its internal policy will push Nepal further into the ambit of Chinese sphere of influence.</p>

<p>PM Deuba&rsquo;s visit provides India with an opportunity to recalibrate its approach towards its smaller neighbours; this would include an expression of confidence in their political leadership, respecting their political sovereignty and an increased assurance of economic and political support in case of any eventuality. India cannot pick a fight for sovereignty related concerns with China while meting out the exact same treatment to its neighbours in South Asia. The incrementalism in its bilateral ties with its immediate neighbours must be replaced with recalibrate-and-reboot strategy. Specifically, to ally Nepal&rsquo;s concerns, India must come up with a more consistent Nepal policy, along with the lines of greater people to people contact, enhanced economic assistance and keeping its domestic politics at an arms&#39; length.&nbsp;</p>

<p>As structural outcomes of its economic rise, China is bound to exercise a more muscular policy in its neighbourhood, something that made itself evident in the Doklam standoff. However, to win this battle over narratives in South Asia, India will have to correct its historical faux pas and take on the role of a more benevolent hegemon.</p>


The bilateral agreements between India and Nepal suggest that India doesn't want to repeat the mistake of meddling in the domestic affairs of its neighbours.

In a reaffirmation of their bilateral ties, India and Nepal yesterday inked eight agreements on issues that ranged from countering drug trafficking in the region, assistance from the Indian side in the post-earthquake reconstruction activities to flood management, irrigation projects, as well as enhanced cooperation in the development of infrastructure in Nepal. In addition to the agreements made under the MoUs, the two sides also laid great emphasis on bolstering defence ties and enhancing mutual assistance in the domain of security, with Nepal reassuring India that it wouldn’t allow anti-India activities from its territory. It is also noteworthy that the two sides discussed issues relating to regional and subregional cooperation under the ambit of BIMSTEC and BBIN initiatives: two flagship multilateral projects initiated by India. The announcement of bilateral agreements between India and China comes at a time when India is facing a sharp recession of influence in its immediate neighbourhood. × The visit of the Nepalese Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba, and the subsequent announcement of bilateral agreements between the two countries comes at a time when India is facing a sharp recession of influence in its immediate neighbourhood. While the diminishing influence is an outcome of India’s own hegemonic tendencies in South Asia, the situation has been exacerbated by the growth of Chinese dominance in the region. With the announcement of its flagship Border and Road Initiative (BRI), China has been able to successfully use its economic clout to gain a strategic foothold in India’s immediate neighbourhood. So much so that in trying to find a middle ground between the two countries, and to balance the threat emanating from two overtly powerful neighbours, most of India’s neighbours appear to have drifted too close to the Chinese side. For the smaller nations, India appears to be a far greater geopolitical threat than China does. The prevailing mistrust between India and its neighbours stem from the unresolved territorial disputes, a legacy of the colonial era, but their resolution has found little political will on the Indian side. The resolution process, instead, has only witnessed incremental changes, something that has worked to dent India’s credibility in its neighbourhood. Besides, India’s continued meddling in the domestic affairs of smaller countries like Nepal, Bhutan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh has generated concerns over the issue of political sovereignty in these countries. The drift to the Chinese side made itself evident on two occasions; when India was isolated on its stand against the BRI as well as on the current impasse at the Doklam tri-junction. The country has found very little support forthcoming from its immediate neighbours on critical issues relating to its territorial sovereignty and integrity. The most telling of these was Nepal’s decision to take part in the OBOR, despite India’s misgivings, as well as its decision to not take any sides in the current standoff. China has made substantial inroads into Nepal, with the country only very recently gaining the status of the highest FDI contributor, accounting for over 60 per cent of the total FDI commitment in the country. Besides, it has also undertaken some very important infrastructure related development initiatives and is looking to flood the Nepalese markets with Chinese products, outclassing and outsmarting India’s investments in the country. For the smaller nations, India appears to be a far greater geopolitical threat than China does. × The bilateral relations between India and Nepal, on the other hand, have been plagued with a deep mistrust, with the Nepalese side accusing India of micro-meddling in its political affairs. India’s increased interference in the political situation of Nepal and its staunch support to the Madhesis has created a scenario, wherein the chaos in Nepal’s domestic policy has had a very negative impact on its ties with India. India’s reluctant acknowledgement of Nepal’s new constitution and its failure to reign in the Madhesi parties to help streamline the process of political transformation in Nepal post-2006 stems from the country’s domestic imperatives. Owing to the cultural proximity of Nepali Madhesis and natives of UP and Bihar, a lot of India’s policies towards Nepal have been guided by the concerns emanating from its bordering states. The 2015 economic blockade imposed on Nepal to coerce it into accepting the Madhesi demands boomeranged in India’s face when the then PM KP Oli decided to look for an alternative and reduce its strategic dependence on India. This was the precise moment when China was allowed a foot-in-the-door in Nepal’s polity and the support to its beleaguered neighbour is what constituted a watershed moment in the evolution of India-Nepal ties. India cannot pick a fight for sovereignty related concerns with China while meting out the exact same treatment to its neighbours in South Asia. × Significantly, the recently announced bilateral agreements between the two nations which have conspicuously left out any offer of assistance in constitutional reforms or political transformation signal how India might have actually picked up a few foreign policy lessons along the way. PM Modi’s expression of confidence in the ability of Nepalese leaders to implement the constitution in its true spirit is also indicative of a change in tactic by India, which will do best to step further away from Nepal’s domestic politics. Any meddling in its internal policy will push Nepal further into the ambit of Chinese sphere of influence. PM Deuba’s visit provides India with an opportunity to recalibrate its approach towards its smaller neighbours; this would include an expression of confidence in their political leadership, respecting their political sovereignty and an increased assurance of economic and political support in case of any eventuality. India cannot pick a fight for sovereignty related concerns with China while meting out the exact same treatment to its neighbours in South Asia. The incrementalism in its bilateral ties with its immediate neighbours must be replaced with recalibrate-and-reboot strategy. Specifically, to ally Nepal’s concerns, India must come up with a more consistent Nepal policy, along with the lines of greater people to people contact, enhanced economic assistance and keeping its domestic politics at an arms' length. As structural outcomes of its economic rise, China is bound to exercise a more muscular policy in its neighbourhood, something that made itself evident in the Doklam standoff. However, to win this battle over narratives in South Asia, India will have to correct its historical faux pas and take on the role of a more benevolent hegemon.

Is India's big brother attitude bringing Nepal closer to China?

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Environmentalists have long been worried about melting glaciers in the Himalayas. Studies and articles on the matter often border on the extreme. Some seek to reassure people that it is not a big deal, while others paint doomsday scenarios. But while global warming is a reality, available facts and figures are not enough to ascertain exactly how frozen surfaces in the region are melting or what its impact is on the environment, vegetation or animal life.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The Himalayan range and its extension in the northwest are home to more than 50,000 glaciers. Only the polar circles have more. Approximately 60,000 square kilometres of ice are stored along the Hindu Kush-Karakoram-Himalaya mountain ranges. But despite the huge dimensions, these frozen masses do not last for ever and have retreated in the last few decades. Glaciers are fragile. After all, they consist of nothing but ice.</p>

<p>Global warming has led to the Himalayan range witnessing less snowfall, more rains and hotter summers. Glaciers erode and become shorter and thinner every year, a loss that is impossible to recover as long as the mercury continues to rise.</p>

<p>Fieldwork is a major problem here. Many of the glaciers are located in isolated high mountain areas and reaching these places with necessary equipment involves a lot of time and money. In some areas of Afghanistan, it is also a matter of safety. Data are fragmented and it is impossible to have a precise overall picture.</p>

<p>Some glaciers have visibly receded, like the Gangotri, in India, where the Ganges has its headwaters. From 2000 onwards, it has been receding to the tune of 12 metres every year. It has already lost nearly 200 metres of its length.</p>

<p>But not all South Asian glaciers are melting though. The process seems to have been reversed in the Karakoram range, along the border between Pakistan, India and China. The monsoon reaches this region in winter and the precipitation freezes thanks to severe temperatures.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>When it comes to South Asian glaciers, one of the chief factors contributing towards their melting is dust. A part of it comes from forest fires, cooking fires, agricultural and industrial burn wastes.</h5>
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<p>It is not good news though and it does not balance the loss. &quot;It is more of a unique phenomenon. There are very few other places in the world where this is happening,&quot; says Sarah Kapnick, a physical scientist at Princeton University who studies the area closely. &quot;We can create a hypothesis that may be valid for the next hundred years. It is impossible to know what could happen after that. And this does not mean that it is not getting warmer up there. It sounds counterintuitive. But more snow means more precipitation which is another effect of rising temperatures,&quot; the scientist tells WION.</p>

<p>It is almost unanimously recognised that global warming is a human-induced phenomenon, mostly caused by increasing concentrations of greenhouse gases. But when it comes to South Asian glaciers, one of the chief factors contributing towards their melting is dust. A part of it comes from forest fires, cooking fires, agricultural and industrial burn wastes. Particles get deposited on the frozen surface, absorb the sun light, warm up and create holes, pretty much what happens when a firebrand is placed on an ice cube. Through these holes, solar heat gets the chance to penetrate deep in. The melting gathers speed.</p>

<p>It is a classic domino effect example, a chain reaction. More dust means more heat, more heat more holes, more holes more heat.</p>

<p>Most of this dust has natural origins: it comes from the Asian Brown Cloud (ABC), a recurring layer of pollution partially covering South Asian skies.</p>

<p>&quot;Poor quality petrol combustion also contributes to this cloud but it is mainly composed of natural dust coming from Rajasthan and other dry places in India and Pakistan which gets blown by the wind,&quot; says Dipak Gyawali, director of Nepal Water Conservation Foundation (NWCF) and a former Nepalese minister for water resources. &quot;There is not much that we can do about the natural part of it. We can surely work on cutting down on the use of poor quality petrol and coal to reduce the damage,&quot; he adds.</p>

<p>Glaciers are, above all, storage systems. They thicken with winter snowfalls and release water when the summer comes. &quot;Most of the high altitude settlements rely on spring sources for their water. This is true for Nepal. The shrinking of glaciers will not cause them problems. It will mostly affect low altitude areas, reducing the flow of rivers during dry seasons,&quot; the director of NWCF puts the elements into perspective.</p>

<p>Monsoons remain the principal source of fresh water in South Asia but the flows of some of the biggest rivers in the region depend on ice melt. The Indus in Pakistan, for example, relies on glaciers for up to forty per cent of its flow. But a dense network of minor rivers and major ones across the Indo-Gangetic plain mitigates the reduction in ice melt. The network continues to support agriculture and ensures the survival of hundreds of millions of lives.</p>

<p>Rice is the main agricultural product of the region and it is a water-intensive crop. According to the International Rice Research Institute (IRRI), paddy grows on 60 million hectares of land in South Asia. Accounting for more than a quarter of the global production, Bangladesh and India take the lead. Any change in the rivers&rsquo; flows will have a severe impact.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<p>Sifting through the jungle of articles, videos and infographics on the matter, one encounters contradictory figures. One moment, it seems that South Asian glaciers will disappear in two decades and there will be huge floods followed by terrible droughts. The next moment, one encounters data that points to their good health. This is confusing and undermines the credibility of the scientific community.</p>

<p>&quot;See, glaciers are a hot topic. There is too much hype. For instance, you say that if glaciers melt, Bangladesh will be completely flooded. You immediately grab eyeballs. But it is scientific nonsense. You are saying a wrong thing. Floods occur because of massive monsoon rains and the problem is that no one can ever predict the right amount of precipitation. Water warming is a much bigger problem and nobody is talking about it,&quot; comments Dipak Gyawali.</p>

<p>&quot;It is always difficult to speak about environmental problems with a non-specialist. It is also challenging because what will happen in the future is pretty much uncertain. Climatic conditions change in decades and some of these are natural. As scientists, we are not always good at explaining this to common people,&quot; opines Sarak Kapnick.</p>

<p>A balanced narrative will improve general awareness about the negative effects of global warming. Water, in all its forms, is a basic need of any ecosystem and its preservation is a priority. It is the common interest of the world.</p>

<p>South Asian rivers are also an important source of clean energy. Some countries base their energy provision on hydropower. It powers more than sixty per cent households in Bhutan.</p>

<p>A decline in river flow leads to a decrease of potential energy. In a developing region like South Asia, this may also have political ramifications. It may force countries to further tighten their borders. A run for energy in such a scenario will affect peaceful and constructive coexistence.</p>

<p>But global warming also presents a unique opportunity for South Asian governments to come together to battle the problem. They can coordinate their actions and benefit from each other&rsquo;s respective strengths. Rivers and glaciers are often shared between neighbouring countries and change in one place will affect people in another. Any negative changing will affect all their populations. Pakistan, for instance, can face water and hydropower shortage if Indian glaciers melt too fast. The necessity of a common strategy to preserve water sources may become a way to mend poor diplomatic relations between some South Asian countries. In case they succeed, the region can gain a global leadership role in environmental protection. It is a chance not to be underestimated and a cause not worth neglecting.</p>


The impact of global warming presents South Asian countries with a unique chance to unite

Environmentalists have long been worried about melting glaciers in the Himalayas. Studies and articles on the matter often border on the extreme. Some seek to reassure people that it is not a big deal, while others paint doomsday scenarios. But while global warming is a reality, available facts and figures are not enough to ascertain exactly how frozen surfaces in the region are melting or what its impact is on the environment, vegetation or animal life. The Himalayan range and its extension in the northwest are home to more than 50,000 glaciers. Only the polar circles have more. Approximately 60,000 square kilometres of ice are stored along the Hindu Kush-Karakoram-Himalaya mountain ranges. But despite the huge dimensions, these frozen masses do not last for ever and have retreated in the last few decades. Glaciers are fragile. After all, they consist of nothing but ice. Global warming has led to the Himalayan range witnessing less snowfall, more rains and hotter summers. Glaciers erode and become shorter and thinner every year, a loss that is impossible to recover as long as the mercury continues to rise. Fieldwork is a major problem here. Many of the glaciers are located in isolated high mountain areas and reaching these places with necessary equipment involves a lot of time and money. In some areas of Afghanistan, it is also a matter of safety. Data are fragmented and it is impossible to have a precise overall picture. Some glaciers have visibly receded, like the Gangotri, in India, where the Ganges has its headwaters. From 2000 onwards, it has been receding to the tune of 12 metres every year. It has already lost nearly 200 metres of its length. But not all South Asian glaciers are melting though. The process seems to have been reversed in the Karakoram range, along the border between Pakistan, India and China. The monsoon reaches this region in winter and the precipitation freezes thanks to severe temperatures. When it comes to South Asian glaciers, one of the chief factors contributing towards their melting is dust. A part of it comes from forest fires, cooking fires, agricultural and industrial burn wastes. × It is not good news though and it does not balance the loss. "It is more of a unique phenomenon. There are very few other places in the world where this is happening," says Sarah Kapnick, a physical scientist at Princeton University who studies the area closely. "We can create a hypothesis that may be valid for the next hundred years. It is impossible to know what could happen after that. And this does not mean that it is not getting warmer up there. It sounds counterintuitive. But more snow means more precipitation which is another effect of rising temperatures," the scientist tells WION. It is almost unanimously recognised that global warming is a human-induced phenomenon, mostly caused by increasing concentrations of greenhouse gases. But when it comes to South Asian glaciers, one of the chief factors contributing towards their melting is dust. A part of it comes from forest fires, cooking fires, agricultural and industrial burn wastes. Particles get deposited on the frozen surface, absorb the sun light, warm up and create holes, pretty much what happens when a firebrand is placed on an ice cube. Through these holes, solar heat gets the chance to penetrate deep in. The melting gathers speed. It is a classic domino effect example, a chain reaction. More dust means more heat, more heat more holes, more holes more heat. Most of this dust has natural origins: it comes from the Asian Brown Cloud (ABC), a recurring layer of pollution partially covering South Asian skies. "Poor quality petrol combustion also contributes to this cloud but it is mainly composed of natural dust coming from Rajasthan and other dry places in India and Pakistan which gets blown by the wind," says Dipak Gyawali, director of Nepal Water Conservation Foundation (NWCF) and a former Nepalese minister for water resources. "There is not much that we can do about the natural part of it. We can surely work on cutting down on the use of poor quality petrol and coal to reduce the damage," he adds. Glaciers are, above all, storage systems. They thicken with winter snowfalls and release water when the summer comes. "Most of the high altitude settlements rely on spring sources for their water. This is true for Nepal. The shrinking of glaciers will not cause them problems. It will mostly affect low altitude areas, reducing the flow of rivers during dry seasons," the director of NWCF puts the elements into perspective. Monsoons remain the principal source of fresh water in South Asia but the flows of some of the biggest rivers in the region depend on ice melt. The Indus in Pakistan, for example, relies on glaciers for up to forty per cent of its flow. But a dense network of minor rivers and major ones across the Indo-Gangetic plain mitigates the reduction in ice melt. The network continues to support agriculture and ensures the survival of hundreds of millions of lives. Rice is the main agricultural product of the region and it is a water-intensive crop. According to the International Rice Research Institute (IRRI), paddy grows on 60 million hectares of land in South Asia. Accounting for more than a quarter of the global production, Bangladesh and India take the lead. Any change in the rivers’ flows will have a severe impact. Glaciers are a hot topic. There is too much hype. For instance, you say that if glaciers melt, Bangladesh will be completely flooded. You immediately grab eyeballs. But it is scientific nonsense. × Sifting through the jungle of articles, videos and infographics on the matter, one encounters contradictory figures. One moment, it seems that South Asian glaciers will disappear in two decades and there will be huge floods followed by terrible droughts. The next moment, one encounters data that points to their good health. This is confusing and undermines the credibility of the scientific community. "See, glaciers are a hot topic. There is too much hype. For instance, you say that if glaciers melt, Bangladesh will be completely flooded. You immediately grab eyeballs. But it is scientific nonsense. You are saying a wrong thing. Floods occur because of massive monsoon rains and the problem is that no one can ever predict the right amount of precipitation. Water warming is a much bigger problem and nobody is talking about it," comments Dipak Gyawali. "It is always difficult to speak about environmental problems with a non-specialist. It is also challenging because what will happen in the future is pretty much uncertain. Climatic conditions change in decades and some of these are natural. As scientists, we are not always good at explaining this to common people," opines Sarak Kapnick. A balanced narrative will improve general awareness about the negative effects of global warming. Water, in all its forms, is a basic need of any ecosystem and its preservation is a priority. It is the common interest of the world. South Asian rivers are also an important source of clean energy. Some countries base their energy provision on hydropower. It powers more than sixty per cent households in Bhutan. A decline in river flow leads to a decrease of potential energy. In a developing region like South Asia, this may also have political ramifications. It may force countries to further tighten their borders. A run for energy in such a scenario will affect peaceful and constructive coexistence. But global warming also presents a unique opportunity for South Asian governments to come together to battle the problem. They can coordinate their actions and benefit from each other’s respective strengths. Rivers and glaciers are often shared between neighbouring countries and change in one place will affect people in another. Any negative changing will affect all their populations. Pakistan, for instance, can face water and hydropower shortage if Indian glaciers melt too fast. The necessity of a common strategy to preserve water sources may become a way to mend poor diplomatic relations between some South Asian countries. In case they succeed, the region can gain a global leadership role in environmental protection. It is a chance not to be underestimated and a cause not worth neglecting.

Is it bad news for the Himalayan glaciers?

<p>By:&nbsp;Miranda Davies-Tuck,&nbsp;Euan Wallace and&nbsp;Mary-Ann Davey</p>

<p>Australian women born in South Asia are more likely to have a stillbirth than other women, perhaps due to a rapidly ageing placenta that cannot support the pregnancy, new research suggests.</p>

<p>Our study looked at 700,000 births in Victoria over more than a decade. We found women born in India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Afghanistan and Bangladesh had a 1.5 increased chance of a stillbirth at the end of their pregnancy (known as a &ldquo;term stillbirth&rdquo;) compared with women born in Australia or New Zealand.</p>

<p>That&rsquo;s equivalent to 2.6 term stillbirths per 1,000 births for South Asian-born women compared with 1.5 per 1,000 births to women born in Australia and New Zealand.</p>

<p>This is an increased risk equivalent to smoking, advanced maternal age or obesity.</p>

<p>The risk of a term stillbirth increased earlier in pregnancy and rose more rapidly in women born in South Asia. Alarmingly, for South Asian-born women, the rate of stillbirths at 39 weeks&rsquo; gestation was almost equivalent to the rate in Australian- and New Zealand-born women at 41 weeks (when the chance of stillbirth would be higher than earlier in the pregnancy).</p>

<p>While other research has found the mother&rsquo;s ethnicity places a role in the risk of a stillbirth, this has largely been put down to factors related to migration and social disadvantage. What our research shows is women born in South Asia and giving birth in Australia are at increased risk even when other factors are taken into account.</p>

<p>This means we need to rethink how we monitor and manage the pregnancies of women born in South Asia, including redefining when some babies reach &ldquo;term&rdquo;.</p>

<p><strong>Why this matters</strong></p>

<p>About seven per 1,000 babies born each year in Australia are stillborn &ndash; when the fetus dies at or after 20 weeks&rsquo; gestation &ndash; a figure that has remained unchanged over the past two decades.</p>

<p>Advanced maternal age, maternal infections, non-communicable diseases (like pre-existing diabetes and high blood pressure), obesity and a prolonged pregnancy are known risk factors for stillbirth globally.</p>

<p>Not only can a woman&rsquo;s country of birth now be added to the list, our research suggests how we look after pregnant women of South Asian origin needs to change.</p>

<p>In another recent study, we found that at 41 weeks&rsquo; pregnancy, South Asian-born women experienced rates of fetal distress at almost four times the rate of Australian- and New Zealand-born mothers.</p>

<p>Current national and international guidelines recommend additional fetal monitoring and/or induction of labour for pregnancies that progress beyond 41 weeks due to the increased risks of stillbirth.</p>

<p>But for South Asian-born women this may be too late.</p>

<p><strong>Why might this be happening?</strong></p>

<p>There is growing evidence to suggest a mother&rsquo;s ethnicity influences how fast her placenta ages as her pregnancy progresses.</p>

<p>For some women, they can go into spontaneous labour sooner. In our study, we found South Asian-born women went into labour a median one week earlier than Australian- or New Zealand-born women.</p>

<p>However, for others, an ageing placenta cannot meet the fetus&rsquo; increasing metabolic needs at term and beyond. And this increases the risk of stillbirth.</p>

<p>We still don&rsquo;t know which individual woman will go down which path.</p>

<p><strong>Can we spot ageing placentas?</strong></p>

<p>Biological markers &ndash; caps on the ends of chromosomes or &ldquo;telomeres&rdquo; &ndash; can help us assess ageing. Each time a cell replicates, the caps on the chromosomes get shorter. So shorter telomeres are a sign of more rapid cellular ageing.</p>

<p>And the length of telomeres in placentas from pregnancies ending in stillbirth is two times shorter than those from live births. In other words, the placental cells had aged faster.</p>

<p>Some researchers have also studied ethnic differences in placental telomere length.</p>

<p>In an American study, placental telomeres from pregnancies in black women were significantly shorter than from pregnancies in white women (the ethnic backgrounds of the women were not further defined in the study).</p>

<p>Whether telomeres are shorter in placentas from pregnancies in South Asian-born women is unknown.</p>

<p><strong>Does this matter?</strong></p>

<p>We don&rsquo;t know the cause for up to one-quarter of all stillbirths in Australia. So, better understanding the role of placental ageing may help.</p>

<p>Our research is also relevant as migration from South Asian countries to Australia is growing. Almost one-third of people migrating to Australia are from South Asian countries. So, the number of women giving birth in Australia from these countries is also increasing. Now, Indian mothers make up almost 4% (roughly 12,000) of all women giving birth in Australia a year.</p>

<p><img alt="The Conversation" height="1" src="https://counter.theconversation.edu.au/content/80074/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" width="1" />It&rsquo;s time this was reflected in how we manage the pregnancies of women born in South Asia, particularly at the end of their pregnancies. We may have to more closely monitor their pregnancies and, if needed, recommend their labour be induced sooner than other women to reduce their chance of a stillbirth.</p>

<p><span>Miranda Davies-Tuck, Perinatal Epidemiologist and NHMRC Early Career Research Fellow, <em>Hudson Institute</em>; Euan Wallace, Chair Professor, <em>Hudson Institute</em>, and Mary-Ann Davey, Senior Research Fellow, Obstetrics &amp; Gynaecology, <em>Monash University</em></span></p>

<p>This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/being-south-asian-is-as-great-a-risk-factor-for-stillbirth-as-smoking-80074">original article</a>.</p>


Mothers' ethnicity plays an important role in the birth of a healthy child

By: Miranda Davies-Tuck, Euan Wallace and Mary-Ann Davey Australian women born in South Asia are more likely to have a stillbirth than other women, perhaps due to a rapidly ageing placenta that cannot support the pregnancy, new research suggests. Our study looked at 700,000 births in Victoria over more than a decade. We found women born in India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Afghanistan and Bangladesh had a 1.5 increased chance of a stillbirth at the end of their pregnancy (known as a “term stillbirth”) compared with women born in Australia or New Zealand. That’s equivalent to 2.6 term stillbirths per 1,000 births for South Asian-born women compared with 1.5 per 1,000 births to women born in Australia and New Zealand. This is an increased risk equivalent to smoking, advanced maternal age or obesity. The risk of a term stillbirth increased earlier in pregnancy and rose more rapidly in women born in South Asia. Alarmingly, for South Asian-born women, the rate of stillbirths at 39 weeks’ gestation was almost equivalent to the rate in Australian- and New Zealand-born women at 41 weeks (when the chance of stillbirth would be higher than earlier in the pregnancy). While other research has found the mother’s ethnicity places a role in the risk of a stillbirth, this has largely been put down to factors related to migration and social disadvantage. What our research shows is women born in South Asia and giving birth in Australia are at increased risk even when other factors are taken into account. This means we need to rethink how we monitor and manage the pregnancies of women born in South Asia, including redefining when some babies reach “term”. Why this matters About seven per 1,000 babies born each year in Australia are stillborn – when the fetus dies at or after 20 weeks’ gestation – a figure that has remained unchanged over the past two decades. Advanced maternal age, maternal infections, non-communicable diseases (like pre-existing diabetes and high blood pressure), obesity and a prolonged pregnancy are known risk factors for stillbirth globally. Not only can a woman’s country of birth now be added to the list, our research suggests how we look after pregnant women of South Asian origin needs to change. In another recent study, we found that at 41 weeks’ pregnancy, South Asian-born women experienced rates of fetal distress at almost four times the rate of Australian- and New Zealand-born mothers. Current national and international guidelines recommend additional fetal monitoring and/or induction of labour for pregnancies that progress beyond 41 weeks due to the increased risks of stillbirth. But for South Asian-born women this may be too late. Why might this be happening? There is growing evidence to suggest a mother’s ethnicity influences how fast her placenta ages as her pregnancy progresses. For some women, they can go into spontaneous labour sooner. In our study, we found South Asian-born women went into labour a median one week earlier than Australian- or New Zealand-born women. However, for others, an ageing placenta cannot meet the fetus’ increasing metabolic needs at term and beyond. And this increases the risk of stillbirth. We still don’t know which individual woman will go down which path. Can we spot ageing placentas? Biological markers – caps on the ends of chromosomes or “telomeres” – can help us assess ageing. Each time a cell replicates, the caps on the chromosomes get shorter. So shorter telomeres are a sign of more rapid cellular ageing. And the length of telomeres in placentas from pregnancies ending in stillbirth is two times shorter than those from live births. In other words, the placental cells had aged faster. Some researchers have also studied ethnic differences in placental telomere length. In an American study, placental telomeres from pregnancies in black women were significantly shorter than from pregnancies in white women (the ethnic backgrounds of the women were not further defined in the study). Whether telomeres are shorter in placentas from pregnancies in South Asian-born women is unknown. Does this matter? We don’t know the cause for up to one-quarter of all stillbirths in Australia. So, better understanding the role of placental ageing may help. Our research is also relevant as migration from South Asian countries to Australia is growing. Almost one-third of people migrating to Australia are from South Asian countries. So, the number of women giving birth in Australia from these countries is also increasing. Now, Indian mothers make up almost 4% (roughly 12,000) of all women giving birth in Australia a year. It’s time this was reflected in how we manage the pregnancies of women born in South Asia, particularly at the end of their pregnancies. We may have to more closely monitor their pregnancies and, if needed, recommend their labour be induced sooner than other women to reduce their chance of a stillbirth. Miranda Davies-Tuck, Perinatal Epidemiologist and NHMRC Early Career Research Fellow, Hudson Institute; Euan Wallace, Chair Professor, Hudson Institute, and Mary-Ann Davey, Senior Research Fellow, Obstetrics & Gynaecology, Monash University This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

South Asian women are at a higher risk of giving birth to stillborn babies

<p>This year I have fallen in love with Pakistani grapes. They are bigger, brighter and seem seductive than the other grapes found in the market. I follow the &lsquo;when you want something you want the best&rsquo; policy. So I forget what Bangladeshis had with Pakistan once upon a time and am loving their grapes.</p>

<p>Back in 2013, one sunny day, my US professor expressed his concern about Bangladesh. He heard the news that Bangladesh was slowly drowning because of climate change.</p>

<p>I smiled. That&rsquo;s what the image of Bangladesh is to foreigners. Nothing new. To them, our country is poor, overpopulated and prone to floods.</p>

<p>But those days are gone, gone with the wind. Now that, over the past years, Bangladesh made frequent headlines in the world media. Consecutive killings of bloggers, non-Muslim individuals, and the recent terrorist attack in Gulshan have given Bangladesh a fresh identity.</p>

<p>These days, in the eyes of western citizens, Bangladesh has earned the fame as about-to-be an Islamic fundamentalist nation.</p>

<p>On that sunny day in 2013, I did what any Bangladeshis would have done in my place. I tried to tell my professor about the positive things about Bangladesh. I told him about Nobel Laureate Rabindranath Tagore and Muhammad Yunus, and also proudly added that Amartya Sen was born in Bangladesh.</p>

<p>Later that year I was overjoyed when I met an Australian who&rsquo;d done his PhD on Yunus&rsquo; microcredit theory. Though, I wouldn&rsquo;t reveal him that Bangladeshis have mixed feelings about Yunus. I remember one of my relatives, a devout Muslim, had whined about Yunus&rsquo; Nobel Prize. He said the Jews and non-Muslim westerners had no sense that was why they picked a usurer for this Prize.</p>

<p>In April this year, some Islamic groups in the country protested the Bengali New Year&rsquo;s festivities, terming it un-Islamic and Hindu culture. In 1965, when Bangladesh was East Pakistan, the then government banned Tagore songs from Radio and Television. Two years after, Chayanat, a cultural organisation, started to celebrate Bengali New Year in the capital&rsquo;s Ramna Park to stimulate the Bengali spirit to resist Pakistani rule. It helped. Eventually, the historic mass upsurge took place in 1969.</p>

<p>A few months back, at a park in Dhaka, a school was having its annual school sports function. I heard a Hindi song play at top volume. Chaar Bottle Vodka, which means four bottle vodkas, was the refrain in the song.</p>

<p>The invasion of Hindi movie songs in Bangladesh is overwhelming. So are Indian TV channels. A greater number of households spend their evenings watching Indian TV serials. For the Bangladeshi TV channels lack quality entertainment programs. Typically all they like to broadcast is Talk Shows and news.</p>

<p>Albeit the rising violence against the Hindus in the country, India seems to be the obvious choice for us. According to an Indian government report published recently, one in three foreign patients in India is from Bangladesh.</p>

<p>When it comes to traveling, for most Bangladeshis the taste of first foreign land is India. Last year, tourists from Bangladesh topped the Indian chart; much more Bangladeshis visited Indian than they did the US.</p>

<p>Being Bangladeshi is being surrounded by India, and that is the reality. Naming our culture Hindu culture is ridiculous. It is no less ridiculous to ignore Rabindranath Tagore just because he is a non-Muslim. Tagore, in fact, is not a mere name, he is a culture himself. To deny Tagore means denying our own Bengali culture.</p>

<p>Necessity has no religion. During my stay in Ohio, USA, the first Bengali I met was a man from Kolkata. There was a lot more of Muslim students from Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and even from India. But coming across a Bengali guy made all the difference, to whom I could speak Bengali, discuss Bengali literature and culture and, of course, enjoy Bengali food.</p>

<p>That day was a revelation for me as I found the answer to a most plaguing question: Which is more important, language or religion? The answer that came naturally to me is language. Because it&rsquo;s the necessity. I share an intimacy with language which I find lacking in religion. For me language is the present, religion is the future. We live in present, not in future.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>


Albeit the rising violence against the Hindus in the country, India seems to be the obvious choice for Bangladeshis

This year I have fallen in love with Pakistani grapes. They are bigger, brighter and seem seductive than the other grapes found in the market. I follow the ‘when you want something you want the best’ policy. So I forget what Bangladeshis had with Pakistan once upon a time and am loving their grapes. Back in 2013, one sunny day, my US professor expressed his concern about Bangladesh. He heard the news that Bangladesh was slowly drowning because of climate change. I smiled. That’s what the image of Bangladesh is to foreigners. Nothing new. To them, our country is poor, overpopulated and prone to floods. But those days are gone, gone with the wind. Now that, over the past years, Bangladesh made frequent headlines in the world media. Consecutive killings of bloggers, non-Muslim individuals, and the recent terrorist attack in Gulshan have given Bangladesh a fresh identity. These days, in the eyes of western citizens, Bangladesh has earned the fame as about-to-be an Islamic fundamentalist nation. On that sunny day in 2013, I did what any Bangladeshis would have done in my place. I tried to tell my professor about the positive things about Bangladesh. I told him about Nobel Laureate Rabindranath Tagore and Muhammad Yunus, and also proudly added that Amartya Sen was born in Bangladesh. Later that year I was overjoyed when I met an Australian who’d done his PhD on Yunus’ microcredit theory. Though, I wouldn’t reveal him that Bangladeshis have mixed feelings about Yunus. I remember one of my relatives, a devout Muslim, had whined about Yunus’ Nobel Prize. He said the Jews and non-Muslim westerners had no sense that was why they picked a usurer for this Prize. In April this year, some Islamic groups in the country protested the Bengali New Year’s festivities, terming it un-Islamic and Hindu culture. In 1965, when Bangladesh was East Pakistan, the then government banned Tagore songs from Radio and Television. Two years after, Chayanat, a cultural organisation, started to celebrate Bengali New Year in the capital’s Ramna Park to stimulate the Bengali spirit to resist Pakistani rule. It helped. Eventually, the historic mass upsurge took place in 1969. A few months back, at a park in Dhaka, a school was having its annual school sports function. I heard a Hindi song play at top volume. Chaar Bottle Vodka, which means four bottle vodkas, was the refrain in the song. The invasion of Hindi movie songs in Bangladesh is overwhelming. So are Indian TV channels. A greater number of households spend their evenings watching Indian TV serials. For the Bangladeshi TV channels lack quality entertainment programs. Typically all they like to broadcast is Talk Shows and news. Albeit the rising violence against the Hindus in the country, India seems to be the obvious choice for us. According to an Indian government report published recently, one in three foreign patients in India is from Bangladesh. When it comes to traveling, for most Bangladeshis the taste of first foreign land is India. Last year, tourists from Bangladesh topped the Indian chart; much more Bangladeshis visited Indian than they did the US. Being Bangladeshi is being surrounded by India, and that is the reality. Naming our culture Hindu culture is ridiculous. It is no less ridiculous to ignore Rabindranath Tagore just because he is a non-Muslim. Tagore, in fact, is not a mere name, he is a culture himself. To deny Tagore means denying our own Bengali culture. Necessity has no religion. During my stay in Ohio, USA, the first Bengali I met was a man from Kolkata. There was a lot more of Muslim students from Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and even from India. But coming across a Bengali guy made all the difference, to whom I could speak Bengali, discuss Bengali literature and culture and, of course, enjoy Bengali food. That day was a revelation for me as I found the answer to a most plaguing question: Which is more important, language or religion? The answer that came naturally to me is language. Because it’s the necessity. I share an intimacy with language which I find lacking in religion. For me language is the present, religion is the future. We live in present, not in future.

My love for Bangladesh makes me a Bengali, not necessarily a Muslim

<p>Kings XI Punjab beat Royal Challengers Bangalore by 19 runs to stay afloat in the Indian Premier League, in Bengaluru on Friday.</p>

<p>Put into bat, Kings XI Punjab scored 138 for 7 in their IPL match against Royal Challengers Bangalore.</p>

<p>Axar Patel top-scored for Kings XI with a 17-ball 38 not out.</p>

<p>For RCB, Aniket Choudhary and Yuzvendra Chahal got the most wickets with two scalps each.</p>

<p>In reply, RCB were all-out for 119 in 19 overs with Madeep Singh scoring 46 off 40 balls.</p>

<p>Sandeep Sharma (3/22 in 4 overs) removed Chris Gayle, skipper Virat Kohli and AB de Villiers to set up the match for KXIP. Axar (3/11 in 3 overs) also got his share of scalps.</p>

<p>Skipper Glenn Maxwell and Mohit Sharma got couple of wickets each.</p>

<p>KXIP now has 10 points from 10 games while RCB stay put at last position with 5 points from 11 games.</p>

<p>(PTI)</p>


Justin Bieber landed in India in the wee hours of the morning as part of the Indian leg of his ?Purpose? tour

Kings XI Punjab beat Royal Challengers Bangalore by 19 runs to stay afloat in the Indian Premier League, in Bengaluru on Friday. Put into bat, Kings XI Punjab scored 138 for 7 in their IPL match against Royal Challengers Bangalore. Axar Patel top-scored for Kings XI with a 17-ball 38 not out. For RCB, Aniket Choudhary and Yuzvendra Chahal got the most wickets with two scalps each. In reply, RCB were all-out for 119 in 19 overs with Madeep Singh scoring 46 off 40 balls. Sandeep Sharma (3/22 in 4 overs) removed Chris Gayle, skipper Virat Kohli and AB de Villiers to set up the match for KXIP. Axar (3/11 in 3 overs) also got his share of scalps. Skipper Glenn Maxwell and Mohit Sharma got couple of wickets each. KXIP now has 10 points from 10 games while RCB stay put at last position with 5 points from 11 games. (PTI)

Twitter frenzy: Justin Bieber's India concert today

<p>Afghans were dealt a blast from the past one morning late last week: Newspapers front paged a photograph of President Ashraf Ghani and his Chief Executive Abdullah Abdullah flanking the man widely reviled as the Butcher of Kabul, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar. Also in the picture was former president Hamid Karzai.&nbsp;<br />
&nbsp;<br />
Hekmatyar&#39;s return to Kabul after 20 years of exile could be described as nothing less than triumphant. He rolled into the city in a convoy of vehicles with his armed Hezb-I-Islami fighters in tow. Apparently, his murderous shelling of Kabul in the 1990s civil war was no longer an issue, which suggests that the Afghan pot is churning again with uncertain consequences for India. But more on that later. Let&#39;s look at some other developments.&nbsp;</p>

<p>This week the Pentagon will shoot off a set of recommendations on Afghanistan to President Trump: The buzz in the US media is about the military proposing to send at least 5000 more troops to that country to add to the 8,400 already there. The troops will be largely &quot;trainers&quot; for the Afghan military. &nbsp;</p>

<p>It doesn&#39;t take a genius to figure out that when the US was not able to sort out the Taliban with 100,000 troops, it cannot do so with 13,500. At the same time, Trump apparently has given his &nbsp;military brass full freedom on Afghanistan. The only caveat is the US should not end up looking defeated.&nbsp;</p>

<p>This comment from Gen. Raymond Thomas of the US Special Operations Command provides insights into the army&#39;s thinking. &nbsp;He said the critical factor in Afghanistan was the US commitment to &ldquo;a sound enduring state&rdquo; which he said, was &ldquo;not described effectively&rdquo; in the past. &ldquo;I think our new strategy is going to establish that definition.&rdquo; &nbsp;</p>

<p>Sameer Lalwani and Travis Wheeler of the Stimson Center, who write&nbsp;in the online magazine The Wire, said the US is hoping to achieve &quot;strategic effects&quot; in Afghanistan, meaning, &quot;the US could use force not simply to reverse battlefield gains by the Taliban but instead could pursue a lasting political settlement.&quot;&nbsp;</p>

<p>That point had been underscored by Richard Olson, former US Special Representative for AfPak, in an op-ed piece in the New York Times where he suggested that a political settlement might be possible allowing (and this is important) for reconciliation and Taliban entrance into the Afghan state!&nbsp;</p>

<p>Finally we have it: The US maybe preparing to do what was until now considered unthinkable, shake hands with the Taliban. &nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<p>The pundits would say Washington is rather belatedly waking up to &nbsp;the realities of its 17 year Afghan adventure. The Special Inspector General for Afghan Reconstruction recently reported to the US Congress, that Taliban shadow governments now operate in virtually every province and control some of them, like Helmand. Government centres throughout the country are under constant pressure from Taliban insurgents. &nbsp;Violence throughout 2016 and in the first quarter of this year, have reached their highest level since 2007. &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;</p>

<p>Afghanistan&#39;s neighbours appear to have woken up to this much earlier. Russia and China have been talking to the Taliban, apparently seeing them as less of a threat than the Islamic State. This is happening when the Islamic State&#39;s presence in eastern Afghanistan is at a nascent stage, there is no great territory it controls and its rank and file appear to be disgruntled elements from other insurgent factions including the Taliban. &nbsp;&nbsp;</p>

<p>Even Shia Iran appears to have come on board to support the Sunni Taliban. There are reports of Taliban leaders being sighted in Kerman, Yazd and Mashad in Iran. Also that the Taliban shura has been allowed to operate since 2012 from Zahedan in south-east Iran bordering Afghanistan. The Afghan government says Taliban leaders cross over into Iran with valid visas on their passports. Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, incidentally, is reported to have been living in Iran for the last seven years despite his anti-Shia proclivites. &nbsp;&nbsp;</p>

<p>South Asia writer Ramtanu Maitra of the Executive Intelligence Review, underscores a crucial point, that Saudi financial largesse for the Taliban maybe drying up, the money now shifting to support the Islamic State. &nbsp;Reports of IS cadres seeking to expand their influence in the Afghan provinces of Zabul, Wardak and Ghazni have been persistent. Maitra points to Russian reports that the IS is infiltrating into Helmand with an eye on controlling the heroin trafficking network there. &nbsp;&nbsp;</p>

<p>Afghanistan&#39;s neighbours, it seems, see the Taliban as the lesser of the two evils: Although Islamist and conservative, it is an Afghan movement. The Taliban in turn, may find it convenient to moderate its policies in order to draw the support of neighbours as it seeks to ward off the challenge of the Islamic State.&nbsp;<br />
&nbsp;</p>

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<p>Where does this leave India? Publicly, India&#39;s policy is no truck with the Taliban. The group is seen in India as Pakistan&#39;s child, an Islamist &nbsp;terror outfit bent on fomenting discord and violence across the region. But does that imply no contact at all with the group? &nbsp;Indian diplomats have indicated privately in the past that the Taliban was not known to target India funded development projects. In 2010 Taliban spokesman Zabiullah Mujahid said the movement was not in direct conflict with India and wanted normal relations. &nbsp;This even while claiming responsibility for the attack on a Kabul hotel in Feb 2010 in which seven Indians were killed. &nbsp;</p>

<p>In 2013, the former Taliban ambassador to Pakistan Abdul Salam Zaeef was in Goa to attend the litfest. Reports at that time said Indian intelligence agencies insisted that he get a visa. Zaeef was picked up by the Pakistanis as the US moved into Afghanistan in the wake of 9/11. He spent time in Guantanamo Bay and the book he wrote after his release is scathing in its references to Islamabad. India is hardly mentioned. Ambassador Zaeef told me in an interview in Kabul some years ago that India did wrong by backing the Soviet occupation of his country and supporting the late President Najibullah. But he also acknowledged India never sent troops to Afghanistan. &nbsp;&nbsp;</p>

<p>Lalwani and Wheeler make the point that an Afghan settlement involving the Taliban could in the long term help India. Currently, Washington&#39;s South Asia focus is driven largely by AfPak with Islamabad exercising considerable leverage in the relationship. &nbsp;</p>

<p>This stems partly from Washington&#39;s reliance on Pakistan to ensure smooth flow of supplies to its forces in Afghanistan. Also partly because the Pakistan-US partnership is an old one, dating back to the 1950s; in the &nbsp;Pentagon and State Department there are &quot;Pakistan hands&quot;; there are individual and institutional relationships; most important the Pakistani military and its intelligence agencies provide valuable support to the US even today. &nbsp;Such ties provide the balance when the outcry against Pakistani involvement and connivance with terror groups gets louder.&nbsp;</p>

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<p>Lalwani and Wheeler believe this interdependence will diminish considerably after an Afghan settlement no longer requires the presence of US forces. The US may then be more inclined to crack down on Pakistan-backed terror groups, including those directed against India.&nbsp;</p>

<p>There is also the point that with its military capacities being significantly augmented, India may have little to fear from the Taliban. If the group does provide sanctuaries and safe haven to terror groups, India can easily target them. Which brings me back to Gulbuddin Hekmatyar and the churning of the Afghan pot. His anti-India inclinations are well known but sitting in Kabul with a stake in the power structure could transform old attitudes. &nbsp;&nbsp;</p>

<p>The Taliban, for all its faults, remains an Afghan movement. It is also, going by various reports, splintered and therefore difficult for Pakistan to control. It probably explains Pakistan&#39;s support for other groups, including the Haqqani network, Al-Qaeda (apparently Pakistan is hiding its chief Ayman Zawahiri in Karachi), besides covertly encouraging the rise of the Islamic State in Afghanistan. India needs to play its cards deftly in this new phase of the Afghan Great Game. &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<br />
&nbsp;</p>

<p>(WION)</p>


With the return of Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, the Afghan pot is churning again with uncertain consequences for India.

Afghans were dealt a blast from the past one morning late last week: Newspapers front paged a photograph of President Ashraf Ghani and his Chief Executive Abdullah Abdullah flanking the man widely reviled as the Butcher of Kabul, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar. Also in the picture was former president Hamid Karzai. Hekmatyar's return to Kabul after 20 years of exile could be described as nothing less than triumphant. He rolled into the city in a convoy of vehicles with his armed Hezb-I-Islami fighters in tow. Apparently, his murderous shelling of Kabul in the 1990s civil war was no longer an issue, which suggests that the Afghan pot is churning again with uncertain consequences for India. But more on that later. Let's look at some other developments. This week the Pentagon will shoot off a set of recommendations on Afghanistan to President Trump: The buzz in the US media is about the military proposing to send at least 5000 more troops to that country to add to the 8,400 already there. The troops will be largely "trainers" for the Afghan military. It doesn't take a genius to figure out that when the US was not able to sort out the Taliban with 100,000 troops, it cannot do so with 13,500. At the same time, Trump apparently has given his military brass full freedom on Afghanistan. The only caveat is the US should not end up looking defeated. This comment from Gen. Raymond Thomas of the US Special Operations Command provides insights into the army's thinking. He said the critical factor in Afghanistan was the US commitment to “a sound enduring state” which he said, was “not described effectively” in the past. “I think our new strategy is going to establish that definition.” Sameer Lalwani and Travis Wheeler of the Stimson Center, who write in the online magazine The Wire, said the US is hoping to achieve "strategic effects" in Afghanistan, meaning, "the US could use force not simply to reverse battlefield gains by the Taliban but instead could pursue a lasting political settlement." That point had been underscored by Richard Olson, former US Special Representative for AfPak, in an op-ed piece in the New York Times where he suggested that a political settlement might be possible allowing (and this is important) for reconciliation and Taliban entrance into the Afghan state! Finally we have it: The US maybe preparing to do what was until now considered unthinkable, shake hands with the Taliban. The US maybe preparing to do what was until now considered unthinkable, shake hands with the Taliban. × The pundits would say Washington is rather belatedly waking up to the realities of its 17 year Afghan adventure. The Special Inspector General for Afghan Reconstruction recently reported to the US Congress, that Taliban shadow governments now operate in virtually every province and control some of them, like Helmand. Government centres throughout the country are under constant pressure from Taliban insurgents. Violence throughout 2016 and in the first quarter of this year, have reached their highest level since 2007. Afghanistan's neighbours appear to have woken up to this much earlier. Russia and China have been talking to the Taliban, apparently seeing them as less of a threat than the Islamic State. This is happening when the Islamic State's presence in eastern Afghanistan is at a nascent stage, there is no great territory it controls and its rank and file appear to be disgruntled elements from other insurgent factions including the Taliban. Even Shia Iran appears to have come on board to support the Sunni Taliban. There are reports of Taliban leaders being sighted in Kerman, Yazd and Mashad in Iran. Also that the Taliban shura has been allowed to operate since 2012 from Zahedan in south-east Iran bordering Afghanistan. The Afghan government says Taliban leaders cross over into Iran with valid visas on their passports. Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, incidentally, is reported to have been living in Iran for the last seven years despite his anti-Shia proclivites. South Asia writer Ramtanu Maitra of the Executive Intelligence Review, underscores a crucial point, that Saudi financial largesse for the Taliban maybe drying up, the money now shifting to support the Islamic State. Reports of IS cadres seeking to expand their influence in the Afghan provinces of Zabul, Wardak and Ghazni have been persistent. Maitra points to Russian reports that the IS is infiltrating into Helmand with an eye on controlling the heroin trafficking network there. Afghanistan's neighbours, it seems, see the Taliban as the lesser of the two evils: Although Islamist and conservative, it is an Afghan movement. The Taliban in turn, may find it convenient to moderate its policies in order to draw the support of neighbours as it seeks to ward off the challenge of the Islamic State. The Taliban in turn, may find it convenient to moderate its policies in order to draw the support of neighbours as it seeks to ward off the challenge of the Islamic State. × Where does this leave India? Publicly, India's policy is no truck with the Taliban. The group is seen in India as Pakistan's child, an Islamist terror outfit bent on fomenting discord and violence across the region. But does that imply no contact at all with the group? Indian diplomats have indicated privately in the past that the Taliban was not known to target India funded development projects. In 2010 Taliban spokesman Zabiullah Mujahid said the movement was not in direct conflict with India and wanted normal relations. This even while claiming responsibility for the attack on a Kabul hotel in Feb 2010 in which seven Indians were killed. In 2013, the former Taliban ambassador to Pakistan Abdul Salam Zaeef was in Goa to attend the litfest. Reports at that time said Indian intelligence agencies insisted that he get a visa. Zaeef was picked up by the Pakistanis as the US moved into Afghanistan in the wake of 9/11. He spent time in Guantanamo Bay and the book he wrote after his release is scathing in its references to Islamabad. India is hardly mentioned. Ambassador Zaeef told me in an interview in Kabul some years ago that India did wrong by backing the Soviet occupation of his country and supporting the late President Najibullah. But he also acknowledged India never sent troops to Afghanistan. Lalwani and Wheeler make the point that an Afghan settlement involving the Taliban could in the long term help India. Currently, Washington's South Asia focus is driven largely by AfPak with Islamabad exercising considerable leverage in the relationship. This stems partly from Washington's reliance on Pakistan to ensure smooth flow of supplies to its forces in Afghanistan. Also partly because the Pakistan-US partnership is an old one, dating back to the 1950s; in the Pentagon and State Department there are "Pakistan hands"; there are individual and institutional relationships; most important the Pakistani military and its intelligence agencies provide valuable support to the US even today. Such ties provide the balance when the outcry against Pakistani involvement and connivance with terror groups gets louder. Ambassador Zaeef told me in an interview in Kabul some years ago that India did wrong by backing the Soviet occupation of his country and supporting the late President Najibullah. × Lalwani and Wheeler believe this interdependence will diminish considerably after an Afghan settlement no longer requires the presence of US forces. The US may then be more inclined to crack down on Pakistan-backed terror groups, including those directed against India. There is also the point that with its military capacities being significantly augmented, India may have little to fear from the Taliban. If the group does provide sanctuaries and safe haven to terror groups, India can easily target them. Which brings me back to Gulbuddin Hekmatyar and the churning of the Afghan pot. His anti-India inclinations are well known but sitting in Kabul with a stake in the power structure could transform old attitudes. The Taliban, for all its faults, remains an Afghan movement. It is also, going by various reports, splintered and therefore difficult for Pakistan to control. It probably explains Pakistan's support for other groups, including the Haqqani network, Al-Qaeda (apparently Pakistan is hiding its chief Ayman Zawahiri in Karachi), besides covertly encouraging the rise of the Islamic State in Afghanistan. India needs to play its cards deftly in this new phase of the Afghan Great Game. (WION)

Afghan Great Game changes with the return of 'Butcher of Kabul'

<p>The sane people in Bangladesh do not think that Bangladesh and India are enemies although since 1975, right wing political forces have tried to paint such a picture. Even today, some fringe elements in the Bangladeshi intelligentsia keep peddling such a narrative to an audience that thrives on this.</p>

<p>However, over the past several years, the sensible quarters of the civil society and media have been able to reassert, by and large, the objective narrative of mutual trust and the benefits of Bangladesh-India cooperation and the need for strengthening it. India didn&rsquo;t do anything in the last 46 years that shows New Delhi&#39;s intent to gobble up Bangladesh. Nor it is possible. False fear mongering and small neighbour mentality are out.</p>

<p>There are big economic and political changes taking place in the region and beyond. It is an ongoing geopolitical game and all the interested parties are trying to get the most out of it through conventional non-violent means i.e. strategic posturing, economic cooperation, diplomacy, etc.</p>

<p>Unlike in the past, today, bigger domestic constituencies of leading developing countries are getting increasingly interested in their nations&#39; regional and global standings. Therefore, alongside international politics and security, other factors such as economic benefits, regional or international stature and even domestic politics have become important determinants of bilateral and multilateral relationship between countries.</p>

<p>Since the Narendra Modi-led Hindu nationalist BJP government came to power in India in 2014, riding on the development plank, India-Bangladesh relationship needed a reboot. The secular Awami League under Sheikh Hasina, with a history of good relations with the secular Indian National Congress, continued to be in power in Dhaka for a second term.</p>

<p>Both the governments realised that inter-state relations come ahead of inter-party relations across the border and thus developed a good working relationship. Moreover, Bangladesh and India have a shared history and commonalities of culture, not to mention the huge volume of bilateral trade and other interactions.</p>

<p>However, Bangladesh is an aspirational country and it is already the world&rsquo;s 31st largest economy in terms of purchasing power parity. It has a big population with a large number of young people who want jobs and a good life. Therefore, when it comes to economy, Bangladesh, like other Least Developed Countries (LDCs), needs more FDI in infrastructure, manufacturing, processing industries and other fields. As the western, Japanese and West Asian finances are drying out, China is fast stepping into that vacuum. It has overtaken India as the largest trading partner of Bangladesh. Bangladesh&#39;s military is also dependent on Chinese supply of military hardware as those are of reasonable standards and are affordable.</p>

<p>Bangladesh&rsquo;s cosiness with China seems to have puzzled India, Beijing&#39;s geopolitical competitor. It is a different matter that India is currently utilising China&rsquo;s economic rise and has replaced Pakistan as China&#39;s largest trade partner in South Asia.</p>

<p>To nullify the Bangladesh-China intimacy, India has proposed a long-term defence cooperation pact with Bangladesh which&nbsp;&nbsp;involves purchasing Indian military armaments, various military-to-military cooperation measures like training, capacity building, joint exercises, etc.</p>

<p>Much has not been disclosed but there is a sense that India would also seek a deeper military strategic alliance. This would serve the Modi government very well as the overall security and geopolitical rise of India are key promises made by Modi. If successful, this defence agreement with Bangladesh would help Modi in his 2019 re-election bid. He can then claim that he has been successful in &lsquo;isolating Pakistan in South Asia&rsquo; and &lsquo;resisting China in this part of South Asia&rsquo;.</p>

<p>What does this mean for Bangladesh and the Awami League government?</p>

<p>Bangladesh doesn&rsquo;t need Indian armaments which are not known for their quality although Dhaka may wish to reduce its dependence on Chinese armaments, owing to China&rsquo;s proximity to Myanmar. But for that, Dhaka would do better to look at Russia or Eastern Europe.</p>

<p>The Awami League government of Bangladesh, unlike the BJP in India, will be significantly embarrassed in the domestic political sphere if this agreement goes through. Its detractors have long accused it as a pro-India party.&nbsp;&nbsp;Moreover, Bangladesh still has important unresolved issues with India like water sharing of the Teesta and other rivers.</p>

<p>India also did not support Bangladesh on the humanitarian Rohingya issue, considering its own geostrategic interest in Myanmar. Most importantly, a comprehensive India-Bangladesh defence pact would inevitably raise the obvious question as to who the pact is against. It will send China, Bangladesh&rsquo;s strategic economic partner, a wrong signal. Beijing has just committed to invest a whopping $27 billion in Bangladesh while indicating that it could invest another $13 billion in the private sector. Bangladesh, therefore, will do well to keep out of the India-China geopolitical competition and engage in economic ties with both.</p>

<p>The Modi government made the lingering Land Boundary Agreement a reality and allowed more Bangladeshi products to reach the Indian markets without tariff. Bangladesh actively and consistently went after hideouts of northeast Indian insurgents along its border. Bangladesh will probably reciprocate by allowing India&rsquo;s landlocked northeast region to use its seaports for a reasonable fee.</p>

<p>Bangladesh doesn&rsquo;t consider India as an enemy but it is surrounded by the country on three sides. The adjacent northeastern region of India is a highly militarised zone and keeps Bangladesh wary at all times. It is also difficult for Bangladesh to gauge the direction of India&#39;s domestic politics in the light of anti-Bangladesh rhetoric, specially on immigrants, used in previous general elections. India&rsquo;s record of politico-military involvement in Sri Lanka also doesn&#39;t help.</p>

<p>Many Bangladeshis are worried about the state of Muslims in India as news of discrimination and persecution by Hindutva activists keep making news. On the other hand, Bangladesh&rsquo;s current relationship with Pakistan is moving from bad to worse. Currently, Bangladesh&rsquo;s relationship with the rest of the Islamic world is less cosy than in the past for obvious reasons. Even though India and Bangladesh share a warm relationship at present, Bangladesh doesn&rsquo;t want to put all its eggs in the same basket by aligning too closely with the saffron dispensation in New Delhi.</p>

<p>Therefore, neither Bangladesh wants acrimony with India nor does it need any defence cooperation. It&rsquo;s better that Bangladesh&rsquo;s defence remains independent of India. Rather, a memorandum of understanding (MoU) on friendly coexistence and cooperation in countering terrorism and extremism would be a fair shot for both the countries. Hopefully, the Indian government would understand Bangladesh&rsquo;s conundrum and would settle for something sustainable for both the sides.</p>


Dhaka and New Delhi should instead agree on friendly coexistence and cooperation in countering terrorism

The sane people in Bangladesh do not think that Bangladesh and India are enemies although since 1975, right wing political forces have tried to paint such a picture. Even today, some fringe elements in the Bangladeshi intelligentsia keep peddling such a narrative to an audience that thrives on this. However, over the past several years, the sensible quarters of the civil society and media have been able to reassert, by and large, the objective narrative of mutual trust and the benefits of Bangladesh-India cooperation and the need for strengthening it. India didn’t do anything in the last 46 years that shows New Delhi's intent to gobble up Bangladesh. Nor it is possible. False fear mongering and small neighbour mentality are out. There are big economic and political changes taking place in the region and beyond. It is an ongoing geopolitical game and all the interested parties are trying to get the most out of it through conventional non-violent means i.e. strategic posturing, economic cooperation, diplomacy, etc. Unlike in the past, today, bigger domestic constituencies of leading developing countries are getting increasingly interested in their nations' regional and global standings. Therefore, alongside international politics and security, other factors such as economic benefits, regional or international stature and even domestic politics have become important determinants of bilateral and multilateral relationship between countries. Since the Narendra Modi-led Hindu nationalist BJP government came to power in India in 2014, riding on the development plank, India-Bangladesh relationship needed a reboot. The secular Awami League under Sheikh Hasina, with a history of good relations with the secular Indian National Congress, continued to be in power in Dhaka for a second term. Both the governments realised that inter-state relations come ahead of inter-party relations across the border and thus developed a good working relationship. Moreover, Bangladesh and India have a shared history and commonalities of culture, not to mention the huge volume of bilateral trade and other interactions. However, Bangladesh is an aspirational country and it is already the world’s 31st largest economy in terms of purchasing power parity. It has a big population with a large number of young people who want jobs and a good life. Therefore, when it comes to economy, Bangladesh, like other Least Developed Countries (LDCs), needs more FDI in infrastructure, manufacturing, processing industries and other fields. As the western, Japanese and West Asian finances are drying out, China is fast stepping into that vacuum. It has overtaken India as the largest trading partner of Bangladesh. Bangladesh's military is also dependent on Chinese supply of military hardware as those are of reasonable standards and are affordable. Bangladesh’s cosiness with China seems to have puzzled India, Beijing's geopolitical competitor. It is a different matter that India is currently utilising China’s economic rise and has replaced Pakistan as China's largest trade partner in South Asia. To nullify the Bangladesh-China intimacy, India has proposed a long-term defence cooperation pact with Bangladesh which involves purchasing Indian military armaments, various military-to-military cooperation measures like training, capacity building, joint exercises, etc. Much has not been disclosed but there is a sense that India would also seek a deeper military strategic alliance. This would serve the Modi government very well as the overall security and geopolitical rise of India are key promises made by Modi. If successful, this defence agreement with Bangladesh would help Modi in his 2019 re-election bid. He can then claim that he has been successful in ‘isolating Pakistan in South Asia’ and ‘resisting China in this part of South Asia’. What does this mean for Bangladesh and the Awami League government? Bangladesh doesn’t need Indian armaments which are not known for their quality although Dhaka may wish to reduce its dependence on Chinese armaments, owing to China’s proximity to Myanmar. But for that, Dhaka would do better to look at Russia or Eastern Europe. The Awami League government of Bangladesh, unlike the BJP in India, will be significantly embarrassed in the domestic political sphere if this agreement goes through. Its detractors have long accused it as a pro-India party. Moreover, Bangladesh still has important unresolved issues with India like water sharing of the Teesta and other rivers. India also did not support Bangladesh on the humanitarian Rohingya issue, considering its own geostrategic interest in Myanmar. Most importantly, a comprehensive India-Bangladesh defence pact would inevitably raise the obvious question as to who the pact is against. It will send China, Bangladesh’s strategic economic partner, a wrong signal. Beijing has just committed to invest a whopping $27 billion in Bangladesh while indicating that it could invest another $13 billion in the private sector. Bangladesh, therefore, will do well to keep out of the India-China geopolitical competition and engage in economic ties with both. The Modi government made the lingering Land Boundary Agreement a reality and allowed more Bangladeshi products to reach the Indian markets without tariff. Bangladesh actively and consistently went after hideouts of northeast Indian insurgents along its border. Bangladesh will probably reciprocate by allowing India’s landlocked northeast region to use its seaports for a reasonable fee. Bangladesh doesn’t consider India as an enemy but it is surrounded by the country on three sides. The adjacent northeastern region of India is a highly militarised zone and keeps Bangladesh wary at all times. It is also difficult for Bangladesh to gauge the direction of India's domestic politics in the light of anti-Bangladesh rhetoric, specially on immigrants, used in previous general elections. India’s record of politico-military involvement in Sri Lanka also doesn't help. Many Bangladeshis are worried about the state of Muslims in India as news of discrimination and persecution by Hindutva activists keep making news. On the other hand, Bangladesh’s current relationship with Pakistan is moving from bad to worse. Currently, Bangladesh’s relationship with the rest of the Islamic world is less cosy than in the past for obvious reasons. Even though India and Bangladesh share a warm relationship at present, Bangladesh doesn’t want to put all its eggs in the same basket by aligning too closely with the saffron dispensation in New Delhi. Therefore, neither Bangladesh wants acrimony with India nor does it need any defence cooperation. It’s better that Bangladesh’s defence remains independent of India. Rather, a memorandum of understanding (MoU) on friendly coexistence and cooperation in countering terrorism and extremism would be a fair shot for both the countries. Hopefully, the Indian government would understand Bangladesh’s conundrum and would settle for something sustainable for both the sides.

Why a long-term defence pact with India is not in Bangladesh?s interest

<p>Goods transportation is a male-dominated industry. In fact, even in the West, there are only a handful of women who can be seen driving trucks. Given that, one would scarcely expect a woman&nbsp;behind the wheel of a truck, ferrying goods in a conservative nation like Pakistan.</p>

<p>But that&rsquo;s exactly what <strong>Shamim Akhtar</strong><strong> </strong>has been doing. She is Pakistan&#39;s first woman truck driver and she loves her job. The 53-year-old began working as a driver to support her five children after her husband&rsquo;s death. What started as a simple job for her, has now become an act that is breaking gender stereotypes and challenging the traditional perceptions of women in South Asia.</p>
<twitterwidget class="twitter-tweet twitter-tweet-rendered" data-tweet-id="707130492244471808" id="twitter-widget-0" style="position: static; visibility: visible; display: block; transform: rotate(0deg); max-width: 100%; width: 500px; min-width: 220px; margin-top: 10px; margin-bottom: 10px;"></twitterwidget><script async src="//platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script>

<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en">
<p dir="ltr" lang="en">&quot;Nothing is too difficult.&quot; - Shamim Akhtar, Pakistan&#39;s 1st female truck driver.<a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/InternationalWomensDay?src=hash">#InternationalWomensDay</a> <a href="https://t.co/wIuK8a0GjE">pic.twitter.com/wIuK8a0GjE</a></p>
&mdash; US Consulate Karachi (@usconsulatekhi) <a href="https://twitter.com/usconsulatekhi/status/707130492244471808">March 8, 2016</a></blockquote>

<p><script async src="//platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script></p>

<p>After her husband&rsquo;s death, Shamim started&nbsp;taking lessons to drive heavy vehicles. An inspiration for many, she was issued a public service vehicle license, a first for a Pakistani woman, allowing her to pull trailers, drive trucks and tractors.</p>

<p><iframe allowfullscreen="true" allowtransparency="true" frameborder="0" height="315" scrolling="no" src="https://www.facebook.com/plugins/video.php?href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2FNowThisNews%2Fvideos%2F1185621838194605%2F&amp;show_text=0&amp;width=560" style="border:none;overflow:hidden" width="560"></iframe></p>

<p>Akhtar not only drives in cities, but also ventures out on lengthy journeys, covering distances as far as 200 kilometres to transport goods. She says that she is proud to be challenging traditional mind-sets wherever she goes. Never the one to accept defeat, she carries with herself an enterprising attitude. While she drives, the truck and the road, all belong to her.&nbsp;</p>

<p>She hopes her story inspires many like her and that they follow their heart.&nbsp;</p>

<p>(Contributed by: Zeba Khan)</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>


Breaking gender stereotypes, Shamim Akhtar took to the wheel to support her family

Goods transportation is a male-dominated industry. In fact, even in the West, there are only a handful of women who can be seen driving trucks. Given that, one would scarcely expect a woman behind the wheel of a truck, ferrying goods in a conservative nation like Pakistan. But that’s exactly what Shamim Akhtar has been doing. She is Pakistan's first woman truck driver and she loves her job. The 53-year-old began working as a driver to support her five children after her husband’s death. What started as a simple job for her, has now become an act that is breaking gender stereotypes and challenging the traditional perceptions of women in South Asia. "Nothing is too difficult." - Shamim Akhtar, Pakistan's 1st female truck driver.#InternationalWomensDay pic.twitter.com/wIuK8a0GjE — US Consulate Karachi (@usconsulatekhi) March 8, 2016 After her husband’s death, Shamim started taking lessons to drive heavy vehicles. An inspiration for many, she was issued a public service vehicle license, a first for a Pakistani woman, allowing her to pull trailers, drive trucks and tractors. Akhtar not only drives in cities, but also ventures out on lengthy journeys, covering distances as far as 200 kilometres to transport goods. She says that she is proud to be challenging traditional mind-sets wherever she goes. Never the one to accept defeat, she carries with herself an enterprising attitude. While she drives, the truck and the road, all belong to her. She hopes her story inspires many like her and that they follow their heart. (Contributed by: Zeba Khan)

#BeTheChange: The woman who drives a truck in Pakistan, like a boss

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