Unmistakable signs of an economic slowdown in the Gulf have started causing concern in our own country. After decades of carefree spending and burgeoning development cutbacks and laydowns have transmitted tremor waves signalling unprecedented threats. It may be premature to reach the conclusion that the boom has turned to bust but apprehensions about mutually beneficial shared future are not unjustified.

A quick look at the map reminds us how close UAE is. It is bordered by Saudi Arab to the West, Iran, Qatar and opens out to the Persian. It is buffeted by the power struggle between Iran and Saudi Arab and can't remain unaffected by the long-raging strife in the middle east-Iraq and Syria. What has eroded the wealth and self-confidence of the Sheikhs is a steady fall in oil and gas prices. When even Saudi Arabia is feeling the painful pinch the UAE can’t remain in denial. The era of tax-free incomes is over. Cuts in government spending have resulted in a sharp fall in real estate prices and rentals. Expensive and expansive plans for ambitious pursuit of grandeur are no longer on the anvil.

It is estimated that over 90 per cent of the population of UAE is immigrants most of them South Asians. Remittances from those working ‘overseas’ in the Gulf have in recent years contributed significantly to our foreign exchange reserves and also have had a very significant effect on living standards in villages in states like Kerala and Tamil Nadu that have been major beneficiaries of the economic boom

Though Indians have traded with Arabs for millennia- much before the advent of Islam- very few Indians recognise the seven sultanates that comprise the United Arab Emirates as neighbours. What is quite ironical as ‘Duty-Free’ Dubai and Affluent Laid Back Abu Dhabi are among the most popular destinations for well healed Indian tourists and immigrants in search of lucrative jobs.&nbsp;

Doctors, engineers, managers, journalists and accountants along with skilled and unskilled workers have found a semi-permanent home away from home in the Gulf. The looming economic crisis has resulted in their dreams suddenly turning into a nightmare.&nbsp;

Till the mid-1960s these sultanates were British Protectorate and known as the Trucial States. Since then their transformation has been dramatic. From backward colonial dependencies in a desert wasteland, the Federation of Gulf states has emerged as a bustling hub of financial activity and a region of geopolitical significance. Indians, Nepali, Bangladeshi not to forget Pakistani have flocked to the Eldorado in the Gulf.

One Day Cricket, the popularity of Bollywood films have forged a strong bilateral relationship. But for those living in the Hindi Heartland, the UAE in recent past has registered as a blip on the mental radar where the dreaded gangster Dawood Ibrahim was holed up beyond the reach of Indian law enforcement agencies. It is difficult to understand the lack of awareness and interest in what for all practical purposes is a proximate neighbourhood of economic and strategic significance.&nbsp;

Perceptions need to change and fast. 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Unmistakable signs of an economic slowdown in the Gulf have started causing concern in our own country. After decades of carefree spending and burgeoning development cutbacks and laydowns have transmitted tremor waves signalling unprecedented threats.

Unmistakable signs of an economic slowdown in the Gulf have started causing concern in our own country. After decades of carefree spending and burgeoning development cutbacks and laydowns have transmitted tremor waves signalling unprecedented threats. It may be premature to reach the conclusion that the boom has turned to bust but apprehensions about mutually beneficial shared future are not unjustified. A quick look at the map reminds us how close UAE is. It is bordered by Saudi Arab to the West, Iran, Qatar and opens out to the Persian. It is buffeted by the power struggle between Iran and Saudi Arab and can't remain unaffected by the long-raging strife in the middle east-Iraq and Syria. What has eroded the wealth and self-confidence of the Sheikhs is a steady fall in oil and gas prices. When even Saudi Arabia is feeling the painful pinch the UAE can’t remain in denial. The era of tax-free incomes is over. Cuts in government spending have resulted in a sharp fall in real estate prices and rentals. Expensive and expansive plans for ambitious pursuit of grandeur are no longer on the anvil. It is estimated that over 90 per cent of the population of UAE is immigrants most of them South Asians. Remittances from those working ‘overseas’ in the Gulf have in recent years contributed significantly to our foreign exchange reserves and also have had a very significant effect on living standards in villages in states like Kerala and Tamil Nadu that have been major beneficiaries of the economic boom Though Indians have traded with Arabs for millennia- much before the advent of Islam- very few Indians recognise the seven sultanates that comprise the United Arab Emirates as neighbours. What is quite ironical as ‘Duty-Free’ Dubai and Affluent Laid Back Abu Dhabi are among the most popular destinations for well healed Indian tourists and immigrants in search of lucrative jobs. Doctors, engineers, managers, journalists and accountants along with skilled and unskilled workers have found a semi-permanent home away from home in the Gulf. The looming economic crisis has resulted in their dreams suddenly turning into a nightmare. Till the mid-1960s these sultanates were British Protectorate and known as the Trucial States. Since then their transformation has been dramatic. From backward colonial dependencies in a desert wasteland, the Federation of Gulf states has emerged as a bustling hub of financial activity and a region of geopolitical significance. Indians, Nepali, Bangladeshi not to forget Pakistani have flocked to the Eldorado in the Gulf. One Day Cricket, the popularity of Bollywood films have forged a strong bilateral relationship. But for those living in the Hindi Heartland, the UAE in recent past has registered as a blip on the mental radar where the dreaded gangster Dawood Ibrahim was holed up beyond the reach of Indian law enforcement agencies. It is difficult to understand the lack of awareness and interest in what for all practical purposes is a proximate neighbourhood of economic and strategic significance. Perceptions need to change and fast. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Assessing the impact of economic slowdown in Gulf on India

<a href="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/uae-to-deposit-3-billion-in-pakistan-central-bank-185664&amp;sa=U&amp;ved=0ahUKEwj9tajHiIPgAhVIbn0KHY3VCLMQFggLMAI&amp;client=internal-uds-cse&amp;cx=006054055338965708568:09spwrlibei&amp;usg=AOvVaw3UsF9OAaAk0Q1gZDuno97Q">Pakistan and the United Arab Emirates (UAE)</a> on Tuesday signed a $3 billion bailout package, as part of Abu Dhabi's support to boost the cash-strapped country's dwindling dollar reserves. 
&nbsp; 
<a href="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/uaes-us-62-billion-bail-out-package-for-pakistan-188460&amp;sa=U&amp;ved=0ahUKEwj9tajHiIPgAhVIbn0KHY3VCLMQFggIMAE&amp;client=internal-uds-cse&amp;cx=006054055338965708568:09spwrlibei&amp;usg=AOvVaw2OI50rM-3WQ1PPSaS3cSlz">The UAE </a>in December last year had announced to provide $3 billion financial assistance to Pakistan after Saudi Arabia made a similar commitment to help Islamabad successfully overcome international payment crisis and to avoid a stringent International Monetary Fund (IMF) deal.

Tuesday's agreement was signed between State Bank of Pakistan (SBP) chief Tariq Bajwa and Abu Dhabi Fund for Development (ADFD) Director General Mohammed Saif Al Suwaidi.

"UAE has formalized $3 billion deposit in the State Bank of Pakistan. DG ADFD &amp; the Governor SBP inked the agreement at #ADFD Headquarters in Abu Dhabi," Foreign Office spokesman Mohammad Faisal tweeted.

He said the agreement will help Pakistan achieve financial stability and overcome economic challenges and noted ADFD's support over the years to stimulate Pakistan's economic growth and sustainable development.&nbsp;

Speaking on the occasion, Suwaidi said, "The directive to deposit USD 3 billion with the State Bank of Pakistan aligns with the UAE leadership's keenness to bolster Pakistan's economy, help its government achieve financial stability and overcome economic challenges, and drive comprehensive development in the country."

He added, "ADFD and the Government of Pakistan have enjoyed strong and long-standing ties dating back to 1981. The Fund's efforts have significantly contributed to improving socio-economic conditions in the country, boosting strategic growth and achieving the development priorities of the Pakistani government.

To date, ADFD has provided AED 1.5 billion to fund sustainable development projects in Pakistan spanning diverse sectors, including transport, water and agriculture, healthcare, and education, according to a press release.

The UAE had committed the financial assistance during Prime Minister Imran Khan's visit to Qatar last month to seek investment and provision of LNG on deferred payments.&nbsp;

Pakistan has a 15-year contract with Qatar for the supply of LNG.

The Saudi and the UAE governments have played a major role in helping Pakistan to meet around $12 billion shortfall in balance of payments in 2018-19 fiscal year, government officials said.

Pakistan and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) on Tuesday signed a $3 billion bailout package, as part of Abu Dhabi's support to boost the cash-strapped country's dwindling dollar reserves.

Pakistan and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) on Tuesday signed a $3 billion bailout package, as part of Abu Dhabi's support to boost the cash-strapped country's dwindling dollar reserves. The UAE in December last year had announced to provide $3 billion financial assistance to Pakistan after Saudi Arabia made a similar commitment to help Islamabad successfully overcome international payment crisis and to avoid a stringent International Monetary Fund (IMF) deal. Tuesday's agreement was signed between State Bank of Pakistan (SBP) chief Tariq Bajwa and Abu Dhabi Fund for Development (ADFD) Director General Mohammed Saif Al Suwaidi. "UAE has formalized $3 billion deposit in the State Bank of Pakistan. DG ADFD & the Governor SBP inked the agreement at #ADFD Headquarters in Abu Dhabi," Foreign Office spokesman Mohammad Faisal tweeted. He said the agreement will help Pakistan achieve financial stability and overcome economic challenges and noted ADFD's support over the years to stimulate Pakistan's economic growth and sustainable development. Speaking on the occasion, Suwaidi said, "The directive to deposit USD 3 billion with the State Bank of Pakistan aligns with the UAE leadership's keenness to bolster Pakistan's economy, help its government achieve financial stability and overcome economic challenges, and drive comprehensive development in the country." He added, "ADFD and the Government of Pakistan have enjoyed strong and long-standing ties dating back to 1981. The Fund's efforts have significantly contributed to improving socio-economic conditions in the country, boosting strategic growth and achieving the development priorities of the Pakistani government. To date, ADFD has provided AED 1.5 billion to fund sustainable development projects in Pakistan spanning diverse sectors, including transport, water and agriculture, healthcare, and education, according to a press release. The UAE had committed the financial assistance during Prime Minister Imran Khan's visit to Qatar last month to seek investment and provision of LNG on deferred payments. Pakistan has a 15-year contract with Qatar for the supply of LNG. The Saudi and the UAE governments have played a major role in helping Pakistan to meet around $12 billion shortfall in balance of payments in 2018-19 fiscal year, government officials said.

Pakistan, UAE sign $3 billion bailout package

The Euphrates emerges where the Karasu and Murat rivers merge in northeastern Turkey and flows to join the Tigris near Basra in Iraq.&nbsp;

Historically, Mesopotamia the region lying between the Euphrates and Tigris, was the heartland of the Babylonian and Assyrian empires. It is today the territory of modern-day Turkey, Syria and Iraq and the centre of a conflict that has engulfed the Middle East.&nbsp;

Where it crosses Syria, a state torn in the conflict between President Assad and a plethora of anti-regime groups, the Euphrates today marks the rough dividing line between forces backed by Iran and the United States.&nbsp;

The area to the river’s east is controlled by the Kurdish Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) backed by the United States, while pro-regime forces backed by Iran control the western banks.&nbsp;

This unstated yet clearly demarcated balance was disturbed when President Donald Trump tweeted on December 19 about the immediate and unconditional US retreat from the area east of the Euphrates river.&nbsp;

This was not significant in terms of the numbers of troops that will be withdrawn, but of the deterrence that the US provided through air power and its commitment as the global superpower.&nbsp;

Should this deterrence be removed, the SDF whose backbone is the Kurdish Peoples’ Protection Units (YPG), would feel the pressure from multiple actors in the region, including Russia, Turkey and Iran as well as the Syrian regime that is increasingly gaining ground.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan (in an opinion piece on January 7 in the New York Times) reacted to the planned withdrawal by positing Turkey as the regional alternative who could ‘get the job done’.&nbsp;

Proposing a comprehensive strategy to eliminate the root causes of extremism, President Erdogan has called for a stabilisation force featuring fighters from all parts of Syria (except those with links to terrorist organisations), adequate representation of all communities in popularly elected councils and most importantly, a willingness to shoulder the responsibility of transition to stable governance.&nbsp;

Implicit in the offer is the stipulation for the liquidation of the YPG, which is the chief US ally in Syria, but which Ankara identifies as a terrorist affiliate of the banned Turkish group, the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), and the establishment of Turkish control in the east of Euphrates, a region covering about 27 per cent of Syrian territory.&nbsp;

This is not the first time Turkey has suggested a ‘zone of influence’ as a surrogate buffer zone. Similar offers of a ‘buffer zone’, signalling its initial intentions of a serious involvement, had been made by Turkey earlier as a measure to protect refugees fleeing the conflict in Syria. What is significant this time is President Trump’s tweet giving Turkey the green signal for actually setting up a 20-mile-wide buffer zone within Syria.

The proposed buffer zone under Turkish control has been rejected by the Syrian Kurds, who have called for the deployment of UN forces along the line separating Kurdish fighters from Turkish troops.&nbsp;

Identifying Turkey as one of the parties to the ongoing dispute, senior political leader Aldar Khalil has argued that as one of the players involved, Turkey cannot guarantee stability.&nbsp;

Complicated ethnic overlaps mean that the Kurdish population in the region now live across Turkey, Syria, Iran and Iraq with varying levels of autonomy.&nbsp;

While Turkey has accepted northern Iraq’s autonomous status over time, the dilemma is about the future of the Syrian Kurdish areas, adjoining southeastern Turkey, and the precedence that the autonomous status of the Kurds would create for the Kurdish population in Syria and Turkey.&nbsp;

Turkey has battled domestic Kurdish insurgency for decades and has only recently begun negotiations for conciliation. It, therefore, fears the domestic consequences of the creation of a contiguous area under Kurdish control in northern Syria.&nbsp;

When the Syrian crisis started in March 2011, Syria’s Kurds adopted an ambivalent position. However, in July 2012 they took control of several cities in the north where Kurds are in a majority.&nbsp;

The Kurdish Democratic Union Party (PYD), which governs this region bordering Turkey, is affiliated to the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) and has clearly expressed its interest to form an autonomous zone in Syria comparable to Iraqi Kurdistan, a move Ankara opposes.&nbsp;

Turkey’s Syrian policy, in which President Erdogan had sought President Assad’s overthrow, therefore became counterproductive when it contributed to bringing Syrian Kurds into the fray.

The grandiose Turkish rhetoric faces challenges on a number of fronts. The Turkish plan outlined in the New York Times piece would test Turkish military, administrative and financial capabilities unless supported by US military commitments.&nbsp;

In that case, it would face opposition from Russia, which supports the return of the Kurdish-held regions to the Assad regime and the Astana process of which it is a part.&nbsp;

It would also affect its position in western Syria where it has made inroads into Idlib with Russian support. Syrian Kurds are reportedly in favour of allowing the Assad regime jurisdiction over their areas, rather than surrender control to the Turkish. And most significantly, the January 16 attack on a US military convoy in the northern city of Manbij has raised questions about the practicality of the withdrawal of American ground presence in Syria.&nbsp;

This was the sixth major attack by the Islamic State in less than a month and has raised questions about rhetoric centered around the ‘defeat of the Islamic State’ and reconstruction in a post-Islamic State era. Experiences in Iraq and Afghanistan show that any such premature assumptions should be avoided.&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-middle-east-s-melting-pot-2710965">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

The Euphrates emerges where the Karasu and Murat rivers merge in northeastern Turkey and flows to join the Tigris near Basra in Iraq. Historically, Mesopotamia the region lying between the Euphrates and Tigris, was the heartland of the Babylonian and Assyrian empires.

The Euphrates emerges where the Karasu and Murat rivers merge in northeastern Turkey and flows to join the Tigris near Basra in Iraq. Historically, Mesopotamia the region lying between the Euphrates and Tigris, was the heartland of the Babylonian and Assyrian empires. It is today the territory of modern-day Turkey, Syria and Iraq and the centre of a conflict that has engulfed the Middle East. Where it crosses Syria, a state torn in the conflict between President Assad and a plethora of anti-regime groups, the Euphrates today marks the rough dividing line between forces backed by Iran and the United States. The area to the river’s east is controlled by the Kurdish Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) backed by the United States, while pro-regime forces backed by Iran control the western banks. This unstated yet clearly demarcated balance was disturbed when President Donald Trump tweeted on December 19 about the immediate and unconditional US retreat from the area east of the Euphrates river. This was not significant in terms of the numbers of troops that will be withdrawn, but of the deterrence that the US provided through air power and its commitment as the global superpower. Should this deterrence be removed, the SDF whose backbone is the Kurdish Peoples’ Protection Units (YPG), would feel the pressure from multiple actors in the region, including Russia, Turkey and Iran as well as the Syrian regime that is increasingly gaining ground. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan (in an opinion piece on January 7 in the New York Times) reacted to the planned withdrawal by positing Turkey as the regional alternative who could ‘get the job done’. Proposing a comprehensive strategy to eliminate the root causes of extremism, President Erdogan has called for a stabilisation force featuring fighters from all parts of Syria (except those with links to terrorist organisations), adequate representation of all communities in popularly elected councils and most importantly, a willingness to shoulder the responsibility of transition to stable governance. Implicit in the offer is the stipulation for the liquidation of the YPG, which is the chief US ally in Syria, but which Ankara identifies as a terrorist affiliate of the banned Turkish group, the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), and the establishment of Turkish control in the east of Euphrates, a region covering about 27 per cent of Syrian territory. This is not the first time Turkey has suggested a ‘zone of influence’ as a surrogate buffer zone. Similar offers of a ‘buffer zone’, signalling its initial intentions of a serious involvement, had been made by Turkey earlier as a measure to protect refugees fleeing the conflict in Syria. What is significant this time is President Trump’s tweet giving Turkey the green signal for actually setting up a 20-mile-wide buffer zone within Syria. The proposed buffer zone under Turkish control has been rejected by the Syrian Kurds, who have called for the deployment of UN forces along the line separating Kurdish fighters from Turkish troops. Identifying Turkey as one of the parties to the ongoing dispute, senior political leader Aldar Khalil has argued that as one of the players involved, Turkey cannot guarantee stability. Complicated ethnic overlaps mean that the Kurdish population in the region now live across Turkey, Syria, Iran and Iraq with varying levels of autonomy. While Turkey has accepted northern Iraq’s autonomous status over time, the dilemma is about the future of the Syrian Kurdish areas, adjoining southeastern Turkey, and the precedence that the autonomous status of the Kurds would create for the Kurdish population in Syria and Turkey. Turkey has battled domestic Kurdish insurgency for decades and has only recently begun negotiations for conciliation. It, therefore, fears the domestic consequences of the creation of a contiguous area under Kurdish control in northern Syria. When the Syrian crisis started in March 2011, Syria’s Kurds adopted an ambivalent position. However, in July 2012 they took control of several cities in the north where Kurds are in a majority. The Kurdish Democratic Union Party (PYD), which governs this region bordering Turkey, is affiliated to the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) and has clearly expressed its interest to form an autonomous zone in Syria comparable to Iraqi Kurdistan, a move Ankara opposes. Turkey’s Syrian policy, in which President Erdogan had sought President Assad’s overthrow, therefore became counterproductive when it contributed to bringing Syrian Kurds into the fray. The grandiose Turkish rhetoric faces challenges on a number of fronts. The Turkish plan outlined in the New York Times piece would test Turkish military, administrative and financial capabilities unless supported by US military commitments. In that case, it would face opposition from Russia, which supports the return of the Kurdish-held regions to the Assad regime and the Astana process of which it is a part. It would also affect its position in western Syria where it has made inroads into Idlib with Russian support. Syrian Kurds are reportedly in favour of allowing the Assad regime jurisdiction over their areas, rather than surrender control to the Turkish. And most significantly, the January 16 attack on a US military convoy in the northern city of Manbij has raised questions about the practicality of the withdrawal of American ground presence in Syria. This was the sixth major attack by the Islamic State in less than a month and has raised questions about rhetoric centered around the ‘defeat of the Islamic State’ and reconstruction in a post-Islamic State era. Experiences in Iraq and Afghanistan show that any such premature assumptions should be avoided. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Middle East’s melting pot

A Saudi-led coalition launched several air strikes on the Houthi-held capital Sanaa overnight, stoking tensions among Yemen's warring parties as the United Nations struggles to implement a peace deal reached last month.

Saudi-owned Al Arabiya television said coalition warplanes attacked several military targets, including al-Dulaimi Air Base, a drones operations network and military training camps.

Houthi-run al-Masirah TV said on Sunday that the Western-backed coalition had conducted 24 air strikes on Sanaa since Saturday evening, including four on the air base. It said non-military targets such as a plastics factory were hit.

There were no immediate reports of damage or casualties.

The escalation in fighting, which follows a deadly Houthi drone attack last week on a Yemeni government military parade, raises doubts about holding a second round of U.N.-sponsored talks this month aimed at ending the nearly four-year war that has killed tens of thousands of people.

The war pits the Iranian-aligned Houthi movement against the Saudi-backed government of Abd-Rabu Mansour Hadi, which was ousted from Sanaa in 2014, prompting the Sunni Muslim coalition led by Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates to intervene.

The United Nations is trying to implement a ceasefire and troop withdrawal agreement in the main port city of Hodeidah, a lifeline for millions of Yemenis facing severe hunger.

The deal was reached at U.N.-sponsored talks in Sweden last month, the first significant breakthrough in peace efforts in five years, to avert a full-scale assault on the port, the main entry point for the bulk of Yemen's commercial imports and aid.

The truce has largely held in Hodeidah, controlled by the Houthis with thousands of coalition-backed forces massed on the outskirts. But the withdrawal of forces by both sides has stalled over disagreement on who would control the Red Sea city.

Western nations, including some which supply the coalition with arms and intelligence, have pressed Riyadh and Abu Dhabi to end the conflict that has pushed Yemen to the brink of famine.

Rights groups have criticised the coalition for air strikes that have killed thousands of civilians at hospitals, schools and markets since 2015. They also criticise the Houthis for missile attacks on Saudi cities, including the capital Riyadh.

The conflict is largely seen in the region as a proxy war between Saudi Arabia and Shi'ite Muslim Iran. The Houthis deny receiving any help from Iran and say their revolution is against corruption.

Saudi-owned Al Arabiya television said coalition warplanes attacked several military targets, including al-Dulaimi Air Base, a drones operations network and military training camps.

A Saudi-led coalition launched several air strikes on the Houthi-held capital Sanaa overnight, stoking tensions among Yemen's warring parties as the United Nations struggles to implement a peace deal reached last month. Saudi-owned Al Arabiya television said coalition warplanes attacked several military targets, including al-Dulaimi Air Base, a drones operations network and military training camps. Houthi-run al-Masirah TV said on Sunday that the Western-backed coalition had conducted 24 air strikes on Sanaa since Saturday evening, including four on the air base. It said non-military targets such as a plastics factory were hit. There were no immediate reports of damage or casualties. The escalation in fighting, which follows a deadly Houthi drone attack last week on a Yemeni government military parade, raises doubts about holding a second round of U.N.-sponsored talks this month aimed at ending the nearly four-year war that has killed tens of thousands of people. The war pits the Iranian-aligned Houthi movement against the Saudi-backed government of Abd-Rabu Mansour Hadi, which was ousted from Sanaa in 2014, prompting the Sunni Muslim coalition led by Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates to intervene. The United Nations is trying to implement a ceasefire and troop withdrawal agreement in the main port city of Hodeidah, a lifeline for millions of Yemenis facing severe hunger. The deal was reached at U.N.-sponsored talks in Sweden last month, the first significant breakthrough in peace efforts in five years, to avert a full-scale assault on the port, the main entry point for the bulk of Yemen's commercial imports and aid. The truce has largely held in Hodeidah, controlled by the Houthis with thousands of coalition-backed forces massed on the outskirts. But the withdrawal of forces by both sides has stalled over disagreement on who would control the Red Sea city. Western nations, including some which supply the coalition with arms and intelligence, have pressed Riyadh and Abu Dhabi to end the conflict that has pushed Yemen to the brink of famine. Rights groups have criticised the coalition for air strikes that have killed thousands of civilians at hospitals, schools and markets since 2015. They also criticise the Houthis for missile attacks on Saudi cities, including the capital Riyadh. The conflict is largely seen in the region as a proxy war between Saudi Arabia and Shi'ite Muslim Iran. The Houthis deny receiving any help from Iran and say their revolution is against corruption.

Saudi-led coalition launches air strikes on Yemen capital

United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Friday said that the world body has not received requests from other countries to initiate a criminal investigation into the murder of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi.

Guterres said that he himself does not have the power to launch any criminal probe unless the Security Council provides a mandate that recognises a matter could be a threat to world peace and security.

Khashoggi, a critic of the Saudi regime, went missing on October 2 last year after he stepped into Saudi Arabia`s consulate in Istanbul to collect paperwork that would allow him to get married to his Turkish fiancee Hatice Cengiz, who later said that he never appeared from the building.

"I don"t have the right to launch any investigation, there is huge confusion about what the Secretary-General can and can't do. I do not have the right to launch a criminal investigation myself and no formal criminal investigation was requested to me by any member state," he was quoted by Anadolu News Agency as saying while briefing reporters at the UN headquarters in New York.

The UN chief underlined that the Human Rights Council has the power to investigate Khashoggi`s killing.

"The Human Rights Council has the possibility to take decisions in relation to launching different forms of interaction. There are many instruments the Human Rights Council can use, requested by member states, and I am not in a position to encourage member states. I`m saying these instruments are available," Guterres added.

After presenting several contradictory theories, Saudi Arabia acknowledged that Khashoggi was killed in the consulate premises in what the country`s then Foreign Minister Adel al-Jubeir had described as a "rogue operation" led by two officials - the Deputy Intelligence Chief Ahmad al-Assiri and the Royal Court Adviser Saud al-Qahtani - who have since been sacked.

Last December, UN Human Rights Chief Michele Bachelet said that the murder of the Saudi scribe does require an international investigation.

Earlier this month, Saudi Arabia held the initial hearing in the Khashoggi murder case, wherein the public prosecutor sought the death penalty for five of the 11 accused for their alleged direct involvement in the murder.

Investigations into Khashoggi`s killing are still going on in both Turkey and Saudi Arabia.

Furthermore, a Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) report inferred the Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman to be behind the scribe`s death - the allegations of which have been repeatedly and strongly refuted by Riyadh.&nbsp;

United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Friday said that the world body has not received requests from other countries to initiate a criminal investigation into the murder of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi.

United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Friday said that the world body has not received requests from other countries to initiate a criminal investigation into the murder of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi. Guterres said that he himself does not have the power to launch any criminal probe unless the Security Council provides a mandate that recognises a matter could be a threat to world peace and security. Khashoggi, a critic of the Saudi regime, went missing on October 2 last year after he stepped into Saudi Arabia`s consulate in Istanbul to collect paperwork that would allow him to get married to his Turkish fiancee Hatice Cengiz, who later said that he never appeared from the building. "I don"t have the right to launch any investigation, there is huge confusion about what the Secretary-General can and can't do. I do not have the right to launch a criminal investigation myself and no formal criminal investigation was requested to me by any member state," he was quoted by Anadolu News Agency as saying while briefing reporters at the UN headquarters in New York. The UN chief underlined that the Human Rights Council has the power to investigate Khashoggi`s killing. "The Human Rights Council has the possibility to take decisions in relation to launching different forms of interaction. There are many instruments the Human Rights Council can use, requested by member states, and I am not in a position to encourage member states. I`m saying these instruments are available," Guterres added. After presenting several contradictory theories, Saudi Arabia acknowledged that Khashoggi was killed in the consulate premises in what the country`s then Foreign Minister Adel al-Jubeir had described as a "rogue operation" led by two officials - the Deputy Intelligence Chief Ahmad al-Assiri and the Royal Court Adviser Saud al-Qahtani - who have since been sacked. Last December, UN Human Rights Chief Michele Bachelet said that the murder of the Saudi scribe does require an international investigation. Earlier this month, Saudi Arabia held the initial hearing in the Khashoggi murder case, wherein the public prosecutor sought the death penalty for five of the 11 accused for their alleged direct involvement in the murder. Investigations into Khashoggi`s killing are still going on in both Turkey and Saudi Arabia. Furthermore, a Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) report inferred the Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman to be behind the scribe`s death - the allegations of which have been repeatedly and strongly refuted by Riyadh.

Haven't received requests to launch criminal probe into Khashoggi's murder: United Nations

The <a href="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://www.wionews.com/india-news/5-pakistanis-killed-in-retaliatory-fire-across-loc-in-last-few-days-indian-army-190995&amp;sa=U&amp;ved=0ahUKEwjn9vag4fTfAhWYZt4KHXqMByQQFggFMAA&amp;client=internal-uds-cse&amp;cx=006054055338965708568:09spwrlibei&amp;usg=AOvVaw3Ep70_KxuhC-bsOK3ZS7Qo">Pakistan </a>International Airlines has banned in-flight entertainment for pilgrims travelling to Jeddah and Madina and will only play Quranic verses and naats for them, an official of the national carrier said Thursday.

The decision was taken "in light of the peoples' sentiments," PIA spokesman Mashhood Tajawar told PTI.

Cash-strapped PIA has been running into huge financial losses. Its current liabilities stand at Rs 431 billion.

For years, the <a href="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/lose-weight-or-face-the-axe-pakistan-international-airline-tells-obese-cabin-crew-188548&amp;sa=U&amp;ved=0ahUKEwiAjre84fTfAhUWEnIKHSi6C-wQFggFMAA&amp;client=internal-uds-cse&amp;cx=006054055338965708568:09spwrlibei&amp;usg=AOvVaw1w7uJwib6aXuR08RNRPb1s">airline</a> with 18,000 plus employee and a fleet of 32 aeroplanes have only been adding billions to its loss sheets.

"The decision to play Quranic verses and naats (recitation of poetry praising the Prophet) during taxing and landing for flights to Jeddah and Madina has been taken in light of the peoples' sentiments," Tajawar said.

No other music will be available in the in-flight entertainment system, he said, adding that the impression that the PIA has banned music on all routes is incorrect.

"This is only for Jeddah and Madina as the people go there on a holy journey. Therefore playing music/songs on these routes is not appropriate," Tajwar said, adding passengers of other flights will have access to the in-flight entertainment system available on the aircraft.

The PIA has also decided to welcome passengers on board with the Qaseeda Burda Sharif (Islamic hymn) playing in the background instead of soft music.

"A rendition of the Qaseeda Burda Sharif, a popular Islamic hymn, will be played while passengers board PIA aeroplanes for all domestic and international flights," Tajwar said.&nbsp;

The Pakistan International Airlines has banned in-flight entertainment for pilgrims travelling to Jeddah and Madina and will only play Quranic verses and naats for them, an official of the national carrier said Thursday.

The Pakistan International Airlines has banned in-flight entertainment for pilgrims travelling to Jeddah and Madina and will only play Quranic verses and naats for them, an official of the national carrier said Thursday. The decision was taken "in light of the peoples' sentiments," PIA spokesman Mashhood Tajawar told PTI. Cash-strapped PIA has been running into huge financial losses. Its current liabilities stand at Rs 431 billion. For years, the airline with 18,000 plus employee and a fleet of 32 aeroplanes have only been adding billions to its loss sheets. "The decision to play Quranic verses and naats (recitation of poetry praising the Prophet) during taxing and landing for flights to Jeddah and Madina has been taken in light of the peoples' sentiments," Tajawar said. No other music will be available in the in-flight entertainment system, he said, adding that the impression that the PIA has banned music on all routes is incorrect. "This is only for Jeddah and Madina as the people go there on a holy journey. Therefore playing music/songs on these routes is not appropriate," Tajwar said, adding passengers of other flights will have access to the in-flight entertainment system available on the aircraft. The PIA has also decided to welcome passengers on board with the Qaseeda Burda Sharif (Islamic hymn) playing in the background instead of soft music. "A rendition of the Qaseeda Burda Sharif, a popular Islamic hymn, will be played while passengers board PIA aeroplanes for all domestic and international flights," Tajwar said.

Pak national carrier PIA bans entertainment on flights to Saudi Arabia

By Gary Grappo

Nearly a year after his predecessor embarked on a similar mission, on January 15 US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo concluded a tour of the Middle East that included stops in Jordan, Iraq, Egypt, the UAE, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and Oman. A planned stop in Kuwait was cancelled. The ostensible reason for Pompeo’s hastily scheduled tour was to explain his boss’ sudden and unexpected announcement of the US troop withdrawal from Syria.

President Donald Trump’s December decision to leave the fight in Syria shocked America’s Middle East allies. His most senior officials, including former Secretary of Defence James Mattis and others, were also caught off guard. Mattis, after subsequently failing to persuade Trump to reconsider, resigned. The president’s special envoy to the coalition fighting the Islamic State, Brett McGurk, also resigned.

Left questioning whether this was Trump’s first step toward Middle East disengagement — he also later announced that Iran can do what it wants in Syria — Arab states were once again whipsawed by an unpredictable administration. Could they no longer count on American security support, diplomatic power and considerable economic clout to maintain regional order, especially in the face of the Iranian challenge, continuing extremist activity from the likes of ISIS and al-Qaeda, and economic uncertainty? For many, the announcement might portend a period of great power competition in the region, increased Iranian adventurism and consequent instability, all of which the US had resisted since it first became embroiled in the region after World War 2. 
 
No fear: Pompea to the rescue

Enter Mike Pompeo. America’s friends needed reassurances and a way forward on the region’s many challenges. At last, America would speak from the pulpit on its broad strategy for the region, heretofore missing since Donald Trump assumed office two years ago.

On what was his biggest stage at the American University of Cairo, Pompeo delivered what may now be called the clearest statement yet of US policy in the Middle East. In essence, however, it boiled down to continuing resistance to extremism, blunting Iranian influence and not being the policy of Trump’s predecessor, Barak Obama. In 2009, President Obama had attempted to deliver his own version of an American reset of US policy, specifically as it related to Islam and Muslims, and seemingly apologised for the US role in the troubled region’s problems.

In a not-so-veiled criticism of Obama’s decision to withdraw US forces from Iraq in 2011, Pompeo declared that the Trump administration has learned much from its predecessor’s naiveté and miscues: “We learned that when America retreats, chaos often follows. When we neglect our friends, resentment builds. And when we partner with enemies, they advance.” On its face, that would appear a fair and accurate statement for any administration. Against the backdrop of Trump’s announcement proclaiming the war against ISIS effectively won and the consequent US troop withdrawal, it’s downright mystifyingly contradictory.

Indeed, ISIS has been set on its back foot, having lost more that 95 per cent of the “caliphate” it once ruled between Syria and Iraq. But US intelligence experts still assert the presence of some 2,000-3,000 ISIS fighters in the two countries and another 25,000-30,000 elsewhere around the world. One of the ostensible reasons for Mattis’ resignation was that in the career marine general’s judgment, the war against ISIS and other extremists had most definitely not yet been won.

Moreover, America’s friends, such as Jordan, Lebanon, Iraq and Saudi Arabia, not to mention the Syrian Kurds, who have been fighting valiantly beside the American forces for years now, must have been flummoxed to hear Pompeo’s statement on the US having been “absent too much” and his reference to “neglect (of) our friends.” How else to describe Trump’s Syria withdrawal without as much as an advance notice or pre-announcement consultation with those most affected?

Not a message for everyone

Arabs in the region would have found little to address what is most on their minds today. Pompeo neglected to state where the US stood against the alarming increasing harshness of government rule, especially in Egypt and Saudi Arabia. Nor did he attempt to address the dearth of respect for fundamental human rights, as Obama at least attempted to do 10 years before. The US secretary seemed to lay all the ills of the Middle East at the feet of the Iranians, who certainly deserve a share of the blame for ongoing instability in Iraq, Bahrain, Yemen and Syria.

But Iran is only taking advantage of existing circumstances of depressed economies and lack of economic opportunity, declining rule of law, absence of governmental accountability, government repression and insecurity. Would Pompeo address those underlying challenges for which Arab governments seem to have no answers?

In effect, Pompeo seemed to say to governments — as opposed to the people — that if you keep up the fight against the extremists and back the US in resisting Iran, then there is a basis for a relationship with this administration. That only reinforces the hopelessness that plagues the psyches of many in the region, especially young people, and offers encouragement for terrorism, Iranian troublemaking and instability.

In Saudi Arabia, Pompeo reasserted America’s position that “all those involved in the murder of [Jamal] Khashoggi will be held accountable.” Yet, he had extended meetings with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, known as MBS, the official deemed by the CIA, his State Department and the US Senate to have ordered the execution of the Saudi journalist last October in Istanbul. He even seemed to have gone out of his way to excuse the crime, asserting that Saudi Arabia’s “leaders are going to act in their country’s interests.”

To the average person on the street, that must have sounded like a blank check for governments to behave as they wish to preserve themselves, regardless of consequences for their citizens. America is ostensibly out of the business of erecting human rights guardrails for autocrats, except when it doesn’t like them, like in the case of Iran.

More contradictions

Also mysteriously missing from Pompeo’s sojourn was much of an effort to patch up the Gulf Cooperation Council, which Saudi Arabia and MBS set asunder over a year and a half ago in a misguided effort to get neighbouring Qatar to bend to Saudi will. Forced to address it in Qatar without much effect, it doesn’t seem to have figured too prominently when the secretary met with the engineer of the boycott, MBS. The GCC had been the most effective multinational organisation in the Middle East for dealing with the region’s many challenges and a key security partner for the US. Yet the Trump administration, never one to embrace multilateralism, appears little motivated to bring the key Gulf partners together.

Aside from the Sturm und Drang against ISIS, Iran and the Obama policies, there was hardly a mention, if at all, of America’s vision for the Middle East, its approach to ongoing civil wars and humanitarian crises in Syria and Yemen, or its prescriptions for the underlying economic and human problems still afflicting the Arab world. It still has no answer for the infectious ideologies of extremism, however odious Pompeo wants Arabs to find them. Nor does the US have a plan for taming Iran’s adventurism other than using sanctions, which few others seem to want, and the threat of regime change, which no one believes practical, much less possible.

Secretary Pompeo may claim some success for his limited agenda for the trip. Middle East autocrats may also claim success, the Trump administration having again blessed them. But for the people of the Middle East who ultimately bear the region’s many difficulties, Pompeo offered nothing. 
&nbsp;

(This article was originally published on The Fair Observer. Read the <a href="https://www.fairobserver.com/region/middle_east_north_africa/mike-pompeo-middle-east-trip-gulf-iran-politics-news-18272/">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

By Gary Grappo Nearly a year after his predecessor embarked on a similar mission, on January 15 US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo concluded a tour of the Middle East that included stops in Jordan, Iraq, Egypt, the UAE, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and Oman.

By Gary Grappo Nearly a year after his predecessor embarked on a similar mission, on January 15 US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo concluded a tour of the Middle East that included stops in Jordan, Iraq, Egypt, the UAE, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and Oman. A planned stop in Kuwait was cancelled. The ostensible reason for Pompeo’s hastily scheduled tour was to explain his boss’ sudden and unexpected announcement of the US troop withdrawal from Syria. President Donald Trump’s December decision to leave the fight in Syria shocked America’s Middle East allies. His most senior officials, including former Secretary of Defence James Mattis and others, were also caught off guard. Mattis, after subsequently failing to persuade Trump to reconsider, resigned. The president’s special envoy to the coalition fighting the Islamic State, Brett McGurk, also resigned. Left questioning whether this was Trump’s first step toward Middle East disengagement — he also later announced that Iran can do what it wants in Syria — Arab states were once again whipsawed by an unpredictable administration. Could they no longer count on American security support, diplomatic power and considerable economic clout to maintain regional order, especially in the face of the Iranian challenge, continuing extremist activity from the likes of ISIS and al-Qaeda, and economic uncertainty? For many, the announcement might portend a period of great power competition in the region, increased Iranian adventurism and consequent instability, all of which the US had resisted since it first became embroiled in the region after World War 2. No fear: Pompea to the rescue Enter Mike Pompeo. America’s friends needed reassurances and a way forward on the region’s many challenges. At last, America would speak from the pulpit on its broad strategy for the region, heretofore missing since Donald Trump assumed office two years ago. On what was his biggest stage at the American University of Cairo, Pompeo delivered what may now be called the clearest statement yet of US policy in the Middle East. In essence, however, it boiled down to continuing resistance to extremism, blunting Iranian influence and not being the policy of Trump’s predecessor, Barak Obama. In 2009, President Obama had attempted to deliver his own version of an American reset of US policy, specifically as it related to Islam and Muslims, and seemingly apologised for the US role in the troubled region’s problems. In a not-so-veiled criticism of Obama’s decision to withdraw US forces from Iraq in 2011, Pompeo declared that the Trump administration has learned much from its predecessor’s naiveté and miscues: “We learned that when America retreats, chaos often follows. When we neglect our friends, resentment builds. And when we partner with enemies, they advance.” On its face, that would appear a fair and accurate statement for any administration. Against the backdrop of Trump’s announcement proclaiming the war against ISIS effectively won and the consequent US troop withdrawal, it’s downright mystifyingly contradictory. Indeed, ISIS has been set on its back foot, having lost more that 95 per cent of the “caliphate” it once ruled between Syria and Iraq. But US intelligence experts still assert the presence of some 2,000-3,000 ISIS fighters in the two countries and another 25,000-30,000 elsewhere around the world. One of the ostensible reasons for Mattis’ resignation was that in the career marine general’s judgment, the war against ISIS and other extremists had most definitely not yet been won. Moreover, America’s friends, such as Jordan, Lebanon, Iraq and Saudi Arabia, not to mention the Syrian Kurds, who have been fighting valiantly beside the American forces for years now, must have been flummoxed to hear Pompeo’s statement on the US having been “absent too much” and his reference to “neglect (of) our friends.” How else to describe Trump’s Syria withdrawal without as much as an advance notice or pre-announcement consultation with those most affected? Not a message for everyone Arabs in the region would have found little to address what is most on their minds today. Pompeo neglected to state where the US stood against the alarming increasing harshness of government rule, especially in Egypt and Saudi Arabia. Nor did he attempt to address the dearth of respect for fundamental human rights, as Obama at least attempted to do 10 years before. The US secretary seemed to lay all the ills of the Middle East at the feet of the Iranians, who certainly deserve a share of the blame for ongoing instability in Iraq, Bahrain, Yemen and Syria. But Iran is only taking advantage of existing circumstances of depressed economies and lack of economic opportunity, declining rule of law, absence of governmental accountability, government repression and insecurity. Would Pompeo address those underlying challenges for which Arab governments seem to have no answers? In effect, Pompeo seemed to say to governments — as opposed to the people — that if you keep up the fight against the extremists and back the US in resisting Iran, then there is a basis for a relationship with this administration. That only reinforces the hopelessness that plagues the psyches of many in the region, especially young people, and offers encouragement for terrorism, Iranian troublemaking and instability. In Saudi Arabia, Pompeo reasserted America’s position that “all those involved in the murder of [Jamal] Khashoggi will be held accountable.” Yet, he had extended meetings with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, known as MBS, the official deemed by the CIA, his State Department and the US Senate to have ordered the execution of the Saudi journalist last October in Istanbul. He even seemed to have gone out of his way to excuse the crime, asserting that Saudi Arabia’s “leaders are going to act in their country’s interests.” To the average person on the street, that must have sounded like a blank check for governments to behave as they wish to preserve themselves, regardless of consequences for their citizens. America is ostensibly out of the business of erecting human rights guardrails for autocrats, except when it doesn’t like them, like in the case of Iran. More contradictions Also mysteriously missing from Pompeo’s sojourn was much of an effort to patch up the Gulf Cooperation Council, which Saudi Arabia and MBS set asunder over a year and a half ago in a misguided effort to get neighbouring Qatar to bend to Saudi will. Forced to address it in Qatar without much effect, it doesn’t seem to have figured too prominently when the secretary met with the engineer of the boycott, MBS. The GCC had been the most effective multinational organisation in the Middle East for dealing with the region’s many challenges and a key security partner for the US. Yet the Trump administration, never one to embrace multilateralism, appears little motivated to bring the key Gulf partners together. Aside from the Sturm und Drang against ISIS, Iran and the Obama policies, there was hardly a mention, if at all, of America’s vision for the Middle East, its approach to ongoing civil wars and humanitarian crises in Syria and Yemen, or its prescriptions for the underlying economic and human problems still afflicting the Arab world. It still has no answer for the infectious ideologies of extremism, however odious Pompeo wants Arabs to find them. Nor does the US have a plan for taming Iran’s adventurism other than using sanctions, which few others seem to want, and the threat of regime change, which no one believes practical, much less possible. Secretary Pompeo may claim some success for his limited agenda for the trip. Middle East autocrats may also claim success, the Trump administration having again blessed them. But for the people of the Middle East who ultimately bear the region’s many difficulties, Pompeo offered nothing. (This article was originally published on The Fair Observer. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Mike Pompeo attempts US reset in the Middle East

US President Donald J Trump’s threat to devastate Turkey’s economy if Turkish troops attack Syrian Kurds, allied with the United States in the wake of the announced withdrawal of American forces, potentially serves his broader goal of letting regional forces fight for common goals like countering Iranian influence in Syria.

Trump’s threat coupled with a call on Turkey to create a 26-kilometre buffer zone to protect Turkey from a perceived Kurdish threat was designed to pre-empt a Turkish strike against the People’s Protection Units (YPG) that Ankara asserts is part of the outlawed Kurdish Workers Party (PKK), a Turkish group that has waged a low-intensity war in predominantly Kurdish south-eastern Turkey for more than three decades.

Like Turkey, the United States and Europe have designated the PKK as a terrorist organisation.

Turkey has been marshalling forces for an attack on the YPG since Trump’s announced withdrawal of US forces. It would be the third offensive against Syrian Kurds in recent years.

In a sign of strained relations with Saudi Arabia, Turkish media has been reporting, long before the October 2 killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul, that Saudi Arabia is funding the YPG. There is no independent confirmation of the Turkish allegations.

Yeni Safak reported in 2017, days after the Gulf crisis erupted pitting a Saudi-UAE-Egyptian alliance against Qatar (supported by Turkey), that US, Saudi, Emirati and Egyptian officials had met with the PKK as well as the Democratic Union Party (PYD), which Turkey says is the Syrian political wing of the PKK, to discuss the future of Syrian oil once the Islamic State had been defeated.

Turkey’s semi-official Anadolu Agency reported last May that Saudi and YPG officials had met to discuss cooperation. Saudi Arabia promised to pay Kurdish fighters that joined an Arab-backed force $200 a month, Anadolu said. Saudi Arabia allegedly sent aid to the YPG on trucks that travelled through Iraq to enter Syria.

In August last year, Saudi Arabia announced that it had transferred $100 million to the United States that was earmarked for agriculture, education, roadworks, rubble removal and water service in areas of north-eastern Syria that are controlled by the US-backed Syrian Democratic Forces of which the YPG is a significant part.

Saudi Arabia said the payment, announced on the day that US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo arrived in the kingdom, was intended to fund stabilization of areas liberated from control by the Islamic State.

Turkish media, however, insisted that the funds would flow to the YPG.

“The delivery of $100 million is considered as the latest move by Saudi Arabia in support of the partnership between the US and YPG. Using the fight against Daesh as a pretext, the US has been cooperating with the YPG in Syria and providing arms support to the group. After Daesh was cleared from the region with the help of the US, the YPG tightened its grip on Syrian soil taking advantage of the power vacuum in the war-torn country,” Daily Sabah said referring to the Islamic State by one of its Arabic acronyms.

Saudi Arabia has refrained from including the YPG and the PKK on its extensive list of terrorist organisations even though then foreign minister Adel al-Jubeir described in 2017 the Turkish organisation as a “terror group.”

Trump's threat and his earlier vow to stand by the Kurds despite the troop withdrawal give Saudi Arabia and other Arab states such as the United Arab Emirates and Egypt, political cover to support the Kurds as a force against Iran’s presence in Syria.

It also allows the kingdom and the UAE to attempt to thwart Turkish attempts to increase its regional influence. Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Egypt have insisted that Turkey must withdraw its troops from Qatar as one of the conditions for the lifting of the 18-month old diplomatic and economic boycott of the Gulf state.

The UAE, determined to squash any expression of political Islam, has long led the autocratic Arab charge against Turkey because of its opposition to the 2013 military coup in Egypt that toppled Mohammed Morsi, a Muslim Brother and the country’s first and only democratically elected president; Turkey’s close relations with Iran and Turkish support for Qatar and Islamist forces in Libya.

Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Egypt support General Khalifa Haftar, who commands anti-Islamist forces in eastern Libya while Turkey alongside Qatar and Sudan supports the Islamists.

Libyan and Saudi media reported that authorities had repeatedly intercepted Turkish arms shipments destined for Islamists, including one this month and another last month. Turkey has denied the allegations.

“Simply put, as Qatar has become the go-to financier of the Muslim Brotherhood and its more radical offshoot groups around the globe, Turkey has become their armourer,” said Turkey scholar Michael Rubin.

Ironically, the fact that various Arab states, including the UAE and Bahrain, recently reopened their embassies in Damascus with tacit Saudi approval after having supported forces aligned against Syrian President Bashar al-Assad for much of the civil war, like Trump’s threat to devastate the Turkish economy, makes Gulf support for the Kurds more feasible.

Seemingly left in the cold by the US president’s announced withdrawal of American forces, the YPG has sought to forge relations with the Assad regime. In response, Syria has massed troops near the town of Manbij, expected to be the flashpoint of a Turkish offensive.

Commenting on last year’s two-month-long Turkish campaign that removed Kurdish forces from the Syrian town of Afrin and Turkish efforts since to stabilise the region, Gulf scholar Giorgio Cafiero noted that “for the UAE, Afrin represents a frontline in the struggle against Turkish expansionism with respect to the Arab world.”

The same could be said from a Saudi and UAE perspective for Manbij not only with regard to Turkey but also Iran’s presence in Syria. Frontlines and tactics may be shifting, US and Gulf geopolitical goals have not. 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

US President Donald J Trump’s threat to devastate Turkey’s economy if Turkish troops attack Syrian Kurds, allied with the United States in the wake of the announced withdrawal of American forces, potentially serves his broader goal of letting regional forces fight for common goals like countering Iranian influence in Syria.

US President Donald J Trump’s threat to devastate Turkey’s economy if Turkish troops attack Syrian Kurds, allied with the United States in the wake of the announced withdrawal of American forces, potentially serves his broader goal of letting regional forces fight for common goals like countering Iranian influence in Syria. Trump’s threat coupled with a call on Turkey to create a 26-kilometre buffer zone to protect Turkey from a perceived Kurdish threat was designed to pre-empt a Turkish strike against the People’s Protection Units (YPG) that Ankara asserts is part of the outlawed Kurdish Workers Party (PKK), a Turkish group that has waged a low-intensity war in predominantly Kurdish south-eastern Turkey for more than three decades. Like Turkey, the United States and Europe have designated the PKK as a terrorist organisation. Turkey has been marshalling forces for an attack on the YPG since Trump’s announced withdrawal of US forces. It would be the third offensive against Syrian Kurds in recent years. In a sign of strained relations with Saudi Arabia, Turkish media has been reporting, long before the October 2 killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul, that Saudi Arabia is funding the YPG. There is no independent confirmation of the Turkish allegations. Yeni Safak reported in 2017, days after the Gulf crisis erupted pitting a Saudi-UAE-Egyptian alliance against Qatar (supported by Turkey), that US, Saudi, Emirati and Egyptian officials had met with the PKK as well as the Democratic Union Party (PYD), which Turkey says is the Syrian political wing of the PKK, to discuss the future of Syrian oil once the Islamic State had been defeated. Turkey’s semi-official Anadolu Agency reported last May that Saudi and YPG officials had met to discuss cooperation. Saudi Arabia promised to pay Kurdish fighters that joined an Arab-backed force $200 a month, Anadolu said. Saudi Arabia allegedly sent aid to the YPG on trucks that travelled through Iraq to enter Syria. In August last year, Saudi Arabia announced that it had transferred $100 million to the United States that was earmarked for agriculture, education, roadworks, rubble removal and water service in areas of north-eastern Syria that are controlled by the US-backed Syrian Democratic Forces of which the YPG is a significant part. Saudi Arabia said the payment, announced on the day that US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo arrived in the kingdom, was intended to fund stabilization of areas liberated from control by the Islamic State. Turkish media, however, insisted that the funds would flow to the YPG. “The delivery of $100 million is considered as the latest move by Saudi Arabia in support of the partnership between the US and YPG. Using the fight against Daesh as a pretext, the US has been cooperating with the YPG in Syria and providing arms support to the group. After Daesh was cleared from the region with the help of the US, the YPG tightened its grip on Syrian soil taking advantage of the power vacuum in the war-torn country,” Daily Sabah said referring to the Islamic State by one of its Arabic acronyms. Saudi Arabia has refrained from including the YPG and the PKK on its extensive list of terrorist organisations even though then foreign minister Adel al-Jubeir described in 2017 the Turkish organisation as a “terror group.” Trump's threat and his earlier vow to stand by the Kurds despite the troop withdrawal give Saudi Arabia and other Arab states such as the United Arab Emirates and Egypt, political cover to support the Kurds as a force against Iran’s presence in Syria. It also allows the kingdom and the UAE to attempt to thwart Turkish attempts to increase its regional influence. Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Egypt have insisted that Turkey must withdraw its troops from Qatar as one of the conditions for the lifting of the 18-month old diplomatic and economic boycott of the Gulf state. The UAE, determined to squash any expression of political Islam, has long led the autocratic Arab charge against Turkey because of its opposition to the 2013 military coup in Egypt that toppled Mohammed Morsi, a Muslim Brother and the country’s first and only democratically elected president; Turkey’s close relations with Iran and Turkish support for Qatar and Islamist forces in Libya. Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Egypt support General Khalifa Haftar, who commands anti-Islamist forces in eastern Libya while Turkey alongside Qatar and Sudan supports the Islamists. Libyan and Saudi media reported that authorities had repeatedly intercepted Turkish arms shipments destined for Islamists, including one this month and another last month. Turkey has denied the allegations. “Simply put, as Qatar has become the go-to financier of the Muslim Brotherhood and its more radical offshoot groups around the globe, Turkey has become their armourer,” said Turkey scholar Michael Rubin. Ironically, the fact that various Arab states, including the UAE and Bahrain, recently reopened their embassies in Damascus with tacit Saudi approval after having supported forces aligned against Syrian President Bashar al-Assad for much of the civil war, like Trump’s threat to devastate the Turkish economy, makes Gulf support for the Kurds more feasible. Seemingly left in the cold by the US president’s announced withdrawal of American forces, the YPG has sought to forge relations with the Assad regime. In response, Syria has massed troops near the town of Manbij, expected to be the flashpoint of a Turkish offensive. Commenting on last year’s two-month-long Turkish campaign that removed Kurdish forces from the Syrian town of Afrin and Turkish efforts since to stabilise the region, Gulf scholar Giorgio Cafiero noted that “for the UAE, Afrin represents a frontline in the struggle against Turkish expansionism with respect to the Arab world.” The same could be said from a Saudi and UAE perspective for Manbij not only with regard to Turkey but also Iran’s presence in Syria. Frontlines and tactics may be shifting, US and Gulf geopolitical goals have not. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Syrian Kurds: The new frontline in confronting Iran and Turkey

Watch: WION Dispatch, 14th January 2019

Dispatch: Saudi Arabia to fund 10 billion dollar oil refinery in Pakistan

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/pompeo-hopes-for-imminent-end-to-us-government-shutdown-190082">US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo</a> faced a tough balancing act Monday as he pressed Saudi Arabia's crown prince <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/saudi-arabia-must-hold-khashoggis-killers-accountable-uss-pompeo-190073">over critic Jamal Khashoggi's murder</a> while seeking to shore up strategic ties with Riyadh.

The top US diplomat, on an extensive Middle East tour, held talks with King Salman and his son Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, who faces international opprobrium over the journalist's murder inside the Saudi consulate in Istanbul.

Pompeo walked a diplomatic tightrope on his second politically sensitive visit to Saudi Arabia since the grisly killing, amid pressure from American lawmakers for a tough response.

The king and crown prince "both acknowledge that this accountability needs to take place", Pompeo said in Riyadh following talks with the two men.

"They reiterated their commitment," he added.

Khashoggi, a Washington Post contributor, was murdered on October 2 in what Saudi Arabia called a "rogue" operation, tipping the kingdom into one of its worst diplomatic crises and subsequently straining ties between Riyadh and Washington.

Pompeo was pushing for Saudi Arabia to "ascertain facts, assess information, and hold those responsible accountable" for the murder, the State Department said Sunday.

US President Donald Trump has brushed aside international outrage — and calls for an independent probe — to stand by Prince Mohammed over the murder of Khashoggi, whose corpse was dismembered at the consulate.

His support has come despite the US Central Intelligence Agency's reported conclusion that Prince Mohammed very likely ordered the murder. A bipartisan resolution approved by the US Senate last month also held the crown prince responsible for the killing.

Riyadh prosecutors have announced indictments against 11 people and are seeking the death penalty against five of them. But they have exonerated Prince Mohammed, whose right-hand aides were allegedly involved in the murder.

Yemen truce&nbsp;

Khashoggi's murder has cast a renewed spotlight on Saudi Arabia's US-backed military campaign against Huthi rebels in Yemen, gripped by what the UN calls the world's worst humanitarian crisis.

Backing the Saudi position, Pompeo accused the rebels of failing to comply with a truce agreement for the lifeline port city of Hodeida reached last month at UN-sponsored talks in Sweden.

"The work that was done in Sweden on Yemen was good, but both sides (need) to honour those commitments," Pompeo said.

"Today, the Iranian-backed Huthis have chosen not to do that."

On a previous visit to Riyadh at the height of the Khashoggi affair, Pompeo's broad smiles with the crown prince outraged some Americans.

However, Trump has said Washington wants to preserve the alliance with the oil-rich kingdom, which he sees as a bulwark against common foe Iran and a lucrative buyer of US arms.

Rights groups called on Pompeo to also press Prince Mohammed over the jailing of women activists in the kingdom, amid claims that some of them faced sexual harassment and torture during interrogation.

"I am struck by what is not included in Pompeo's itinerary: the brave women activists of Saudi Arabia, who are being held in the kingdom's prisons for seeking rights and dignity," Alia al-Hathloul wrote in The New York Times Sunday.

Hathloul's sister, Loujain, is among more than a dozen activists arrested last May — just before the historic lifting of Saudi Arabia's decades-long ban on women drivers.

Pompeo on Monday said that he discussed human rights issues with the Saudis, including the plight of women activists, without giving any details.

Gulf crisis&nbsp;

Pompeo was in Riyadh as part of an extensive week-long trip to the Middle East, which included stops in Amman, Baghdad, Cairo, Manama, Abu Dhabi, and Doha.

He was earlier scheduled to end his tour with a stopover in Kuwait. But he will be cutting short his tour and returning home early to attend a family funeral after he visits Muscat later Monday, the State Department said.

Pompeo met Qatar's Emir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani Sunday during his visit to Doha, where he refused to comment on reports Washington had recently considered military action against Tehran.

He also called on Qatar and other Gulf Arab countries to end their worst political rift in years, which has seen Doha diplomatically and economically isolated by neighbouring former allies for the past 19 months.

Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Egypt — all US allies— cut ties with Qatar in June 2017, accusing it of supporting terrorist groups and seeking closer ties to Saudi arch-rival Iran.

Qatar — also a US ally — denies the allegations and accuses the countries of seeking regime change.

"As for the GCC... we are all more powerful when we're working together when we have common challenges in the region and around the world," Pompeo said, referring to the six member nations of the Gulf Cooperation Council.

He added that "President Trump and I both believe the ongoing dispute in the region has gone on too long".

Mediation efforts by the United States, which at first appeared to back the boycott of Qatar, have stalled, as highlighted by the recent resignation of US envoy Anthony Zinni.

For Washington, turning the page on the crisis is essential for the successful launch of the Strategic Alliance of the Middle East (MESA), a NATO-style security pact that includes Gulf countries as well as Egypt and Jordan.

The top US diplomat, on an extensive Middle East tour, held talks with King Salman and his son Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, who faces international opprobrium over the journalist's murder inside the Saudi consulate in Istanbul.

US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo faced a tough balancing act Monday as he pressed Saudi Arabia's crown prince over critic Jamal Khashoggi's murder while seeking to shore up strategic ties with Riyadh. The top US diplomat, on an extensive Middle East tour, held talks with King Salman and his son Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, who faces international opprobrium over the journalist's murder inside the Saudi consulate in Istanbul. Pompeo walked a diplomatic tightrope on his second politically sensitive visit to Saudi Arabia since the grisly killing, amid pressure from American lawmakers for a tough response. The king and crown prince "both acknowledge that this accountability needs to take place", Pompeo said in Riyadh following talks with the two men. "They reiterated their commitment," he added. Khashoggi, a Washington Post contributor, was murdered on October 2 in what Saudi Arabia called a "rogue" operation, tipping the kingdom into one of its worst diplomatic crises and subsequently straining ties between Riyadh and Washington. Pompeo was pushing for Saudi Arabia to "ascertain facts, assess information, and hold those responsible accountable" for the murder, the State Department said Sunday. US President Donald Trump has brushed aside international outrage — and calls for an independent probe — to stand by Prince Mohammed over the murder of Khashoggi, whose corpse was dismembered at the consulate. His support has come despite the US Central Intelligence Agency's reported conclusion that Prince Mohammed very likely ordered the murder. A bipartisan resolution approved by the US Senate last month also held the crown prince responsible for the killing. Riyadh prosecutors have announced indictments against 11 people and are seeking the death penalty against five of them. But they have exonerated Prince Mohammed, whose right-hand aides were allegedly involved in the murder. Yemen truce Khashoggi's murder has cast a renewed spotlight on Saudi Arabia's US-backed military campaign against Huthi rebels in Yemen, gripped by what the UN calls the world's worst humanitarian crisis. Backing the Saudi position, Pompeo accused the rebels of failing to comply with a truce agreement for the lifeline port city of Hodeida reached last month at UN-sponsored talks in Sweden. "The work that was done in Sweden on Yemen was good, but both sides (need) to honour those commitments," Pompeo said. "Today, the Iranian-backed Huthis have chosen not to do that." On a previous visit to Riyadh at the height of the Khashoggi affair, Pompeo's broad smiles with the crown prince outraged some Americans. However, Trump has said Washington wants to preserve the alliance with the oil-rich kingdom, which he sees as a bulwark against common foe Iran and a lucrative buyer of US arms. Rights groups called on Pompeo to also press Prince Mohammed over the jailing of women activists in the kingdom, amid claims that some of them faced sexual harassment and torture during interrogation. "I am struck by what is not included in Pompeo's itinerary: the brave women activists of Saudi Arabia, who are being held in the kingdom's prisons for seeking rights and dignity," Alia al-Hathloul wrote in The New York Times Sunday. Hathloul's sister, Loujain, is among more than a dozen activists arrested last May — just before the historic lifting of Saudi Arabia's decades-long ban on women drivers. Pompeo on Monday said that he discussed human rights issues with the Saudis, including the plight of women activists, without giving any details. Gulf crisis Pompeo was in Riyadh as part of an extensive week-long trip to the Middle East, which included stops in Amman, Baghdad, Cairo, Manama, Abu Dhabi, and Doha. He was earlier scheduled to end his tour with a stopover in Kuwait. But he will be cutting short his tour and returning home early to attend a family funeral after he visits Muscat later Monday, the State Department said. Pompeo met Qatar's Emir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani Sunday during his visit to Doha, where he refused to comment on reports Washington had recently considered military action against Tehran. He also called on Qatar and other Gulf Arab countries to end their worst political rift in years, which has seen Doha diplomatically and economically isolated by neighbouring former allies for the past 19 months. Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Egypt — all US allies— cut ties with Qatar in June 2017, accusing it of supporting terrorist groups and seeking closer ties to Saudi arch-rival Iran. Qatar — also a US ally — denies the allegations and accuses the countries of seeking regime change. "As for the GCC... we are all more powerful when we're working together when we have common challenges in the region and around the world," Pompeo said, referring to the six member nations of the Gulf Cooperation Council. He added that "President Trump and I both believe the ongoing dispute in the region has gone on too long". Mediation efforts by the United States, which at first appeared to back the boycott of Qatar, have stalled, as highlighted by the recent resignation of US envoy Anthony Zinni. For Washington, turning the page on the crisis is essential for the successful launch of the Strategic Alliance of the Middle East (MESA), a NATO-style security pact that includes Gulf countries as well as Egypt and Jordan.

Mike Pompeo on diplomatic tightrope in Saudi talks over Khashoggi murder

Saudi Arabia is planning to set up a $10 billion oil refinery in Pakistan's deepwater port of Gwadar, the Saudi energy minister said on Saturday.

"Saudi Arabia wants to make Pakistan's economic development stable through establishing an oil refinery and partnership with Pakistan in the China Pakistan Economic Corridor," Saudi Energy Minister Khalid al-Falih told reporters in Gwadar.

Responding to Saudi Arabia's aid, Pakistan's Petroleum Minister Ghulam Sarwar Khan said, "With setting up of an oil refinery in Gwadar, Saudi Arabia will become an important partner in CPEC".

Pakistan which is suffering from a <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/pakistan-trying-to-deflect-attention-from-financial-crisis-by-mainstreaming-terrorists-india-189631">major financial crisis</a> has been making efforts to attract investment and other financial support.

Since the government of Prime Minister Imran Khan came to power in August, Pakistan has secured economic assistance packages from Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and China.

In November, <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/pakistan-not-approaching-imf-for-new-bailout-programme-considers-alternative-options-finance-minister-189892">Pakistan extended talks with the International Monetary Fund</a> as it seeks its 13th bailout since the late 1980s to deal with a looming balance of payments crisis.

Saudi Arabia had earlier offered a $6 billion package to Pakistan including aid to finance crude imports.

Khalid al-Falih&nbsp;also said that Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman would visit Pakistan in February to sign the agreement adding that Saudi Arabia would also invest in other sectors.

Besides Saudi Arabia, <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/how-china-is-stepping-up-investments-in-west-asia-189455">China</a>&nbsp;extended $60 billion as part of the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) that involves building power stations, major highways, new and upgraded railways and higher capacity ports.

Beijing's support would help Pakistan to emerge as a major overland route linking western China to the world.

Last month, the UAE said it will soon give $3 billion to Islamabad.

(With inputs from Reuters)

Saudi Arabia is planning to set up a $10 billion oil refinery in Pakistan's deepwater port of Gwadar, the Saudi energy minister said on Saturday. "Saudi Arabia wants to make Pakistan's economic development stable through establishing an oil refinery and partnership with Pakistan in the China Pakistan Economic Corridor," Saudi Energy Minister Khalid al-Falih told reporters in Gwadar.

Saudi Arabia is planning to set up a $10 billion oil refinery in Pakistan's deepwater port of Gwadar, the Saudi energy minister said on Saturday. "Saudi Arabia wants to make Pakistan's economic development stable through establishing an oil refinery and partnership with Pakistan in the China Pakistan Economic Corridor," Saudi Energy Minister Khalid al-Falih told reporters in Gwadar. Responding to Saudi Arabia's aid, Pakistan's Petroleum Minister Ghulam Sarwar Khan said, "With setting up of an oil refinery in Gwadar, Saudi Arabia will become an important partner in CPEC". Pakistan which is suffering from a major financial crisis has been making efforts to attract investment and other financial support. Since the government of Prime Minister Imran Khan came to power in August, Pakistan has secured economic assistance packages from Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and China. In November, Pakistan extended talks with the International Monetary Fund as it seeks its 13th bailout since the late 1980s to deal with a looming balance of payments crisis. Saudi Arabia had earlier offered a $6 billion package to Pakistan including aid to finance crude imports. Khalid al-Falih also said that Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman would visit Pakistan in February to sign the agreement adding that Saudi Arabia would also invest in other sectors. Besides Saudi Arabia, China extended $60 billion as part of the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) that involves building power stations, major highways, new and upgraded railways and higher capacity ports. Beijing's support would help Pakistan to emerge as a major overland route linking western China to the world. Last month, the UAE said it will soon give $3 billion to Islamabad. (With inputs from Reuters)

Saudi Arabia to set up $10 billion oil refinery in Pakistan

A young <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/saudi-asylum-seeker-who-fled-her-family-arrives-in-canada-to-official-welcome-189901">Saudi woman's</a> flight from her family and country has stirred debate in Saudi Arabia about its requirement that women get permission from a male guardian to travel or marry, according to a Dow Jones Newswires report made available to EFE on Saturday.

Canada said Friday it would grant refugee status to 18-year-old Rahaf Alqunun, after a weeklong asylum bid that spurred some Saudis to question whether the male-guardianship system still has a place in a kingdom where social mores are quickly changing.

Saudi women can now drive, attend soccer matches with men and work in any field, but they can't travel freely without a guardian. Saudi women are treated as minors in many legal matters, including marriage and being released from prison, requiring authorisation from a male guardian - father, husband or even a son.&nbsp;

Legally nonbinding social customs often force women to demonstrate their guardian's consent to work, get health care and conduct transactions such as renting an apartment, according to a 2016 Human Rights Watch report.

"No one of sound mind can rationalise the idea of the guardianship system," said a Saudi named Bandar, in a video posted this week on Twitter. "It's what's making girls wishful to leave their country and live somewhere else from the country they were raised in."&nbsp;

The post was among thousands with hashtags related to Alqunun or the guardianship system that have trended on Twitter in Saudi Arabia since her case exploded into public view this week.

Alqunun fled on Saturday during a family trip to Kuwait, where she was able to board a flight to Thailand without a guardian's permission.

She was stopped by Thai authorities, but refused efforts to send her back to Saudi Arabia, saying she had renounced Islam and feared her family would harm her.

Alqunun said she had a visa for Australia and planned to seek asylum there, but on Friday, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau said Canada had granted her refugee status.

A Saudi diplomatic official in Thailand told Saudi television that Alqunun's father said she wasn't a victim of violence.

Saudi guardianship laws are generally unpopular in more cosmopolitan Saudi cities such as Riyadh and the Red Sea port of Jeddah.&nbsp;

But they remain an important part of life in more conservative areas, and the government would face intense opposition if it moved to undo the guardianship system.&nbsp;

While some other Muslim countries have male-guardianship traditions, Saudi Arabia goes the furthest in enshrining these customs in law and carrying them out in practice, drawing on its ultraconservative interpretation of Islam.

"This change would overturn social life in the entire kingdom," said Cinzia Bianco, senior analyst in London for Gulf State Analytics, a geopolitical risk consulting firm.

Many people have come out in defense of the guardianship system this week, arguing that it promotes conservative morals and traditional Saudi values.

"If the guardianship is dropped, what more will happen? Go out and see the loose women on the streets with their loud voices," said Abdulhamid Alodeilh in a Twitter post.

Faisal J. Abbas, the editor in chief of the pro-government Saudi newspaper, Arab News, wrote in an op-ed on Thursday that there was little room for guardianship laws amid the social change sweeping Saudi Arabia.

"Male guardianship over women in Saudi Arabia - or anywhere in the world - is wrong and discriminatory, and all forms of this outdated practice should be abolished," he wrote in the essay, which got widespread attention.&nbsp;

He also said Alqunun shouldn't become a poster child for ending guardianship laws, citing her young age.

Until this week, the debate over the Saudi guardianship system had been muted, in part because the government has jailed a host of prominent womens-rights activists, Dow Jones added in a report made available to EFE.

Among the detained is Aziza al-Yousef, a retired professor and a vocal advocate for scrapping male permissions for travel and other matters.

The arrests are part of a broad crackdown on Saudi civil society by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, who has also targeted business leaders and clerics in his bid to consolidate power and stifle dissent over his disruptive policies.

Without well-connected activists advocating for abolishing guardianship laws, it isn't clear how this week's calls for change could be sustained, said Kristin Diwan, a senior resident scholar at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington. "That clearly affects the room for an open debate," she said.

The Saudi government has accused the activists of terrorism and working with hostile foreign governments. No charges have been publicly leveled against them.

Some guardianship opponents had looked with hope to King Salman and his son, Prince Mohammed, when they came to power in 2015.

A movement called "I Am My Own Guardian" sprang up in 2016. Hundreds of women sent telegrams to King Salman that year, asking him to change guardianship laws.

In April 2017, the king made a gesture that was seen as a positive signal, clarifying that government agencies shouldn't require a guardian's permission unless specifically required to do so under the law.&nbsp;

Prince Mohammed, the 33-year-old in line to succeed his father, spearheaded lifting of the ban on women driving and has pushed other popular reforms, such as disempowering a religious police force that often harassed and even jailed women for how they dressed.&nbsp;

But he has been noncommittal about ending guardianship laws, saying it was for Islamic scholars to study.

"Changing guardianship is harder than the driving ban," said Karen E. Young, resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute.

Some Saudis this week said the kingdom's laws weren't the real impediment to change, but that the rules come from biases against women ingrained deep in society.&nbsp;

Writing with a hashtag about lifting the "travel ban," a Twitter user named Nahawnd said Prince Mohammed would eventually overcome "this backward society and prevailing mind-set."

A young Saudi woman's flight from her family and country has stirred debate in Saudi Arabia about its requirement that women get permission from a male guardian to travel or marry, according to a Dow Jones Newswires report made available to EFE on Saturday.

A young Saudi woman's flight from her family and country has stirred debate in Saudi Arabia about its requirement that women get permission from a male guardian to travel or marry, according to a Dow Jones Newswires report made available to EFE on Saturday. Canada said Friday it would grant refugee status to 18-year-old Rahaf Alqunun, after a weeklong asylum bid that spurred some Saudis to question whether the male-guardianship system still has a place in a kingdom where social mores are quickly changing. Saudi women can now drive, attend soccer matches with men and work in any field, but they can't travel freely without a guardian. Saudi women are treated as minors in many legal matters, including marriage and being released from prison, requiring authorisation from a male guardian - father, husband or even a son. Legally nonbinding social customs often force women to demonstrate their guardian's consent to work, get health care and conduct transactions such as renting an apartment, according to a 2016 Human Rights Watch report. "No one of sound mind can rationalise the idea of the guardianship system," said a Saudi named Bandar, in a video posted this week on Twitter. "It's what's making girls wishful to leave their country and live somewhere else from the country they were raised in." The post was among thousands with hashtags related to Alqunun or the guardianship system that have trended on Twitter in Saudi Arabia since her case exploded into public view this week. Alqunun fled on Saturday during a family trip to Kuwait, where she was able to board a flight to Thailand without a guardian's permission. She was stopped by Thai authorities, but refused efforts to send her back to Saudi Arabia, saying she had renounced Islam and feared her family would harm her. Alqunun said she had a visa for Australia and planned to seek asylum there, but on Friday, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau said Canada had granted her refugee status. A Saudi diplomatic official in Thailand told Saudi television that Alqunun's father said she wasn't a victim of violence. Saudi guardianship laws are generally unpopular in more cosmopolitan Saudi cities such as Riyadh and the Red Sea port of Jeddah. But they remain an important part of life in more conservative areas, and the government would face intense opposition if it moved to undo the guardianship system. While some other Muslim countries have male-guardianship traditions, Saudi Arabia goes the furthest in enshrining these customs in law and carrying them out in practice, drawing on its ultraconservative interpretation of Islam. "This change would overturn social life in the entire kingdom," said Cinzia Bianco, senior analyst in London for Gulf State Analytics, a geopolitical risk consulting firm. Many people have come out in defense of the guardianship system this week, arguing that it promotes conservative morals and traditional Saudi values. "If the guardianship is dropped, what more will happen? Go out and see the loose women on the streets with their loud voices," said Abdulhamid Alodeilh in a Twitter post. Faisal J. Abbas, the editor in chief of the pro-government Saudi newspaper, Arab News, wrote in an op-ed on Thursday that there was little room for guardianship laws amid the social change sweeping Saudi Arabia. "Male guardianship over women in Saudi Arabia - or anywhere in the world - is wrong and discriminatory, and all forms of this outdated practice should be abolished," he wrote in the essay, which got widespread attention. He also said Alqunun shouldn't become a poster child for ending guardianship laws, citing her young age. Until this week, the debate over the Saudi guardianship system had been muted, in part because the government has jailed a host of prominent womens-rights activists, Dow Jones added in a report made available to EFE. Among the detained is Aziza al-Yousef, a retired professor and a vocal advocate for scrapping male permissions for travel and other matters. The arrests are part of a broad crackdown on Saudi civil society by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, who has also targeted business leaders and clerics in his bid to consolidate power and stifle dissent over his disruptive policies. Without well-connected activists advocating for abolishing guardianship laws, it isn't clear how this week's calls for change could be sustained, said Kristin Diwan, a senior resident scholar at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington. "That clearly affects the room for an open debate," she said. The Saudi government has accused the activists of terrorism and working with hostile foreign governments. No charges have been publicly leveled against them. Some guardianship opponents had looked with hope to King Salman and his son, Prince Mohammed, when they came to power in 2015. A movement called "I Am My Own Guardian" sprang up in 2016. Hundreds of women sent telegrams to King Salman that year, asking him to change guardianship laws. In April 2017, the king made a gesture that was seen as a positive signal, clarifying that government agencies shouldn't require a guardian's permission unless specifically required to do so under the law. Prince Mohammed, the 33-year-old in line to succeed his father, spearheaded lifting of the ban on women driving and has pushed other popular reforms, such as disempowering a religious police force that often harassed and even jailed women for how they dressed. But he has been noncommittal about ending guardianship laws, saying it was for Islamic scholars to study. "Changing guardianship is harder than the driving ban," said Karen E. Young, resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute. Some Saudis this week said the kingdom's laws weren't the real impediment to change, but that the rules come from biases against women ingrained deep in society. Writing with a hashtag about lifting the "travel ban," a Twitter user named Nahawnd said Prince Mohammed would eventually overcome "this backward society and prevailing mind-set."

Runaway teen's bid for asylum in Canada stirs women's rights debate in Saudi Arabia

US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said on Sunday he will <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/leading-us-senator-blames-saudi-prince-salman-for-khashoggi-death-172688">ask Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman to ensure the killers of journalist Jamal Khashoggi are held accountable</a> for their crime.

The top US diplomat, on an extensive Middle East tour, spoke ahead of a politically sensitive visit to Saudi Arabia, which has faced intense international scrutiny over Khashoggi's murder inside its Istanbul consulate.

"We will continue to have a conversation with the crown prince and the Saudis about ensuring the accountability is full and complete with respect to the unacceptable murder of Jamal Khashoggi," Pompeo told a news conference in Qatar.

"So, we'll continue to talk about that and make sure we have all the facts so that they are held accountable, certainly by the Saudis but by the United States as well."

Pompeo is due to travel to Saudi Arabia later on Sunday as part of an eight-day trip to Amman, Cairo, Manama, Abu Dhabi, Doha, Riyadh, Muscat, and finally Kuwait City.

He was speaking in Doha after meeting his Qatari counterpart, Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman al-Thani.

He will meet the Qatari emir, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani, before heading to Saudi Arabia.

Smiles with MBS 
Khashoggi was killed on October 2 in a case which stunned the world and threatened a serious rift between Riyadh and Washington.

The journalist was murdered and his corpse dismembered inside the kingdom's Istanbul consulate.

Evidence subsequently emerged that the killing was done by a team of Saudis sent from Riyadh and closely linked to the crown prince. Washington subsequently demanded a transparent investigation.

Riyadh prosecutors have announced indictments against 11 people, and are seeking the death penalty against five of them.

But Prince Mohammed, whose right-hand aides were allegedly involved in the murder, was exonerated by prosecutors despite US intelligence reportedly having evidence he was behind it.

On a previous visit to Riyadh at the height of the Khashoggi affair, Pompeo's broad smiles with the crown prince outraged some Americans.

However, US President Donald President Trump has said Washington wants to preserve the alliance with the kingdom, although the US Senate has clearly blamed Prince Mohammed for the murder.

Washington is eager for regional unity to gain widespread support its fight against Iran.

Pompeo refused on Sunday to comment on reports Washington had recently considered military action against Tehran.

- Gulf crisis - 
He also called on Qatar and other Gulf countries to end the worst political rift in the region for years, which has seen Doha diplomatically and economically isolated by neighbouring former allies for the past 19 months.

Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Egypt -- all US allies -- cut ties with Qatar in June 2017, accusing it of supporting terrorist groups and seeking closer ties to Saudi arch-rival Iran.

Qatar -- also a US ally -- denies the allegations and accuses the countries of seeking regime change.

"As for the GCC... we are all more powerful when we're working together when we have common challenges in the region and around the world," Pompeo said, referring to the six member nations of the Gulf Cooperation Council.

"Disputes between countries that have a shared objective are never helpful."

He added that "President Trump and I both believe the ongoing dispute in the region has gone on too long".

However, Pompeo later admitted in a Q&amp;A session with US embassy staff in Doha that no progress was made on resolving the issue.

"(It's) not at all clear that the rift is any closer to being resolved today than it was yesterday," he said. "And I regret that."

He said he raised the standoff at length with his counterparts in Qatar, Egypt, the UAE and Bahrain.

The United States, which at first appeared to back the boycott of Qatar, has so far been unsuccessful in trying to end the dispute.

Attempts at mediation have stalled, as highlighted by the recent resignation of US envoy Anthony Zinni.

"It was time for change and he made his decision to move on but America's commitment remains unchanged," said Pompeo of Zinni.

For Washington, turning the page on the crisis is essential for the successful launch of the Strategic Alliance of the Middle East (MESA), which is a NATO-style security pact that includes Gulf countries as well as Egypt and Jordan.

The US and Qatar held the second "strategic dialogue" between the two countries on Sunday, and signed agreements on defence, education and culture.

"This reflects the good and historical relationship between the two countries," said the Qatari foreign minister.

US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said on Sunday he will ask Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman to ensure the killers of journalist Jamal Khashoggi are held accountable for their crime.

US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said on Sunday he will ask Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman to ensure the killers of journalist Jamal Khashoggi are held accountable for their crime. The top US diplomat, on an extensive Middle East tour, spoke ahead of a politically sensitive visit to Saudi Arabia, which has faced intense international scrutiny over Khashoggi's murder inside its Istanbul consulate. "We will continue to have a conversation with the crown prince and the Saudis about ensuring the accountability is full and complete with respect to the unacceptable murder of Jamal Khashoggi," Pompeo told a news conference in Qatar. "So, we'll continue to talk about that and make sure we have all the facts so that they are held accountable, certainly by the Saudis but by the United States as well." Pompeo is due to travel to Saudi Arabia later on Sunday as part of an eight-day trip to Amman, Cairo, Manama, Abu Dhabi, Doha, Riyadh, Muscat, and finally Kuwait City. He was speaking in Doha after meeting his Qatari counterpart, Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman al-Thani. He will meet the Qatari emir, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani, before heading to Saudi Arabia. Smiles with MBS Khashoggi was killed on October 2 in a case which stunned the world and threatened a serious rift between Riyadh and Washington. The journalist was murdered and his corpse dismembered inside the kingdom's Istanbul consulate. Evidence subsequently emerged that the killing was done by a team of Saudis sent from Riyadh and closely linked to the crown prince. Washington subsequently demanded a transparent investigation. Riyadh prosecutors have announced indictments against 11 people, and are seeking the death penalty against five of them. But Prince Mohammed, whose right-hand aides were allegedly involved in the murder, was exonerated by prosecutors despite US intelligence reportedly having evidence he was behind it. On a previous visit to Riyadh at the height of the Khashoggi affair, Pompeo's broad smiles with the crown prince outraged some Americans. However, US President Donald President Trump has said Washington wants to preserve the alliance with the kingdom, although the US Senate has clearly blamed Prince Mohammed for the murder. Washington is eager for regional unity to gain widespread support its fight against Iran. Pompeo refused on Sunday to comment on reports Washington had recently considered military action against Tehran. - Gulf crisis - He also called on Qatar and other Gulf countries to end the worst political rift in the region for years, which has seen Doha diplomatically and economically isolated by neighbouring former allies for the past 19 months. Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Egypt -- all US allies -- cut ties with Qatar in June 2017, accusing it of supporting terrorist groups and seeking closer ties to Saudi arch-rival Iran. Qatar -- also a US ally -- denies the allegations and accuses the countries of seeking regime change. "As for the GCC... we are all more powerful when we're working together when we have common challenges in the region and around the world," Pompeo said, referring to the six member nations of the Gulf Cooperation Council. "Disputes between countries that have a shared objective are never helpful." He added that "President Trump and I both believe the ongoing dispute in the region has gone on too long". However, Pompeo later admitted in a Q&A session with US embassy staff in Doha that no progress was made on resolving the issue. "(It's) not at all clear that the rift is any closer to being resolved today than it was yesterday," he said. "And I regret that." He said he raised the standoff at length with his counterparts in Qatar, Egypt, the UAE and Bahrain. The United States, which at first appeared to back the boycott of Qatar, has so far been unsuccessful in trying to end the dispute. Attempts at mediation have stalled, as highlighted by the recent resignation of US envoy Anthony Zinni. "It was time for change and he made his decision to move on but America's commitment remains unchanged," said Pompeo of Zinni. For Washington, turning the page on the crisis is essential for the successful launch of the Strategic Alliance of the Middle East (MESA), which is a NATO-style security pact that includes Gulf countries as well as Egypt and Jordan. The US and Qatar held the second "strategic dialogue" between the two countries on Sunday, and signed agreements on defence, education and culture. "This reflects the good and historical relationship between the two countries," said the Qatari foreign minister.

Saudi Arabia must hold Khashoggi's killers 'accountable': US's Pompeo

Saudi Arabia's national soccer team&nbsp;qualified for the 2019 AFC Asian Cup knockout stage, having earned a 2-0 victory over Lebanon in their Group E second-round match at Al Maktoum Stadium in the United Arab Emirates city of Dubai.&nbsp; 
 
Forward Fahad Al Muwallad and midfielder Hussain Almoqahwi scored for Saudi Arabia, leading the three-time AFC champion to the Asian Cup round of 16 for the seventh time in history. 
 
Al Muwallad opened the scoring for Saudi Arabia just 12 minutes into the game with a right-footed shot from the right side of the box, sending the ball to the high center of the goal. 
 
After the break, Almoqahwi doubled the Saudi lead seven minutes after the hour-mark with a close-range right-footed shot, seizing on a cross by teammate Hatan Bahbri. 
 
Iran and Iraq have secured their last-16 round places as well, after defeating Vietnam (2-0) and Yemen (3-0) in Group D contests earlier in the day.

Saudi Arabia's national soccer team qualified for the 2019 AFC Asian Cup knockout stage, having earned a 2-0 victory over Lebanon in their Group E second-round match at Al Maktoum Stadium in the United Arab Emirates city of Dubai.

Saudi Arabia's national soccer team qualified for the 2019 AFC Asian Cup knockout stage, having earned a 2-0 victory over Lebanon in their Group E second-round match at Al Maktoum Stadium in the United Arab Emirates city of Dubai. Forward Fahad Al Muwallad and midfielder Hussain Almoqahwi scored for Saudi Arabia, leading the three-time AFC champion to the Asian Cup round of 16 for the seventh time in history. Al Muwallad opened the scoring for Saudi Arabia just 12 minutes into the game with a right-footed shot from the right side of the box, sending the ball to the high center of the goal. After the break, Almoqahwi doubled the Saudi lead seven minutes after the hour-mark with a close-range right-footed shot, seizing on a cross by teammate Hatan Bahbri. Iran and Iraq have secured their last-16 round places as well, after defeating Vietnam (2-0) and Yemen (3-0) in Group D contests earlier in the day.

Saudi Arabia defeat Lebanon 2-0, qualify for Asian Cup last-16

Pakistan is traversing minefields as it concludes agreements on investment, the balance of payments support and delayed payment oil deliveries with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates worth $13 billion that is likely to fawn growing distrust in its relations with neighbouring Iran.

Pakistani prime minister Imran Khan expects to next month sign a memorandum of understanding with Saudi Arabia on a framework for $ 10 billion in Saudi investments, primarily in oil refining, petrochemicals, renewable energy and mining. The signing would take place during a planned visit to Pakistan by Saudi crown prince Mohammed bin Salman.

The memorandum follows the kingdom’s rewarding of Khan for his attendance of a foreign investors summit in Riyadh in October that was shunned by numerous CEOs of Western financial institutions, tech entrepreneurs and media moguls as well as senior Western government officials because of the killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul.

Khan walked away from the summit with a $3 billion deposit in Pakistan’s central bank as the balance of payments support and a promise to defer up to $3 billion in payments for oil imports for a year.

The United Arab Emirates is expected to conclude similar agreements with Pakistan in the coming weeks.

Perhaps the most sensitive investment is likely to be a plan by Saudi national oil company Aramco to build a refinery in the Chinese-backed Baloch port of Gwadar close to both Pakistan’s border with Iran and the Indian-backed Iranian 486-hectare port of Chabahar. Both Pakistan and Saudi Arabia are monitoring progress in Chabahar with Argus' eyes.

A potential Saudi investment in troubled Balochistan’s Reko Diq copper and gold mine would further enhance the kingdom’s foothold in the strategic province.

As always, the devil could be in the details of the Pakistani-Saudi investment agreement. Haroon Sharif, the chairman of Pakistan’s Board of Investment, cautioned that foreign investment would require a “better law and order situation and ease-of-doing-business opportunities.”

Pakistan’s security situation has somewhat improved in the last year, but the country continues to risk blacklisting by the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), an international anti-money laundering and terrorism finance watchdog because of the Pakistani military’s selective support of militants and close ties between militants and political parties, including Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI).

Adding an additional layer of complexity is the fact that funds from the kingdom have been flowing into the coffers of ultra-conservative anti-Shiite, anti-Iranian Sunni Muslim madrassahs or religious seminars in Balochistan. It was unclear whether the funds originated with the Saudi government or Saudi nationals of Baloch descent and members of the two million-strong Pakistani Diaspora in the kingdom.&nbsp;

Saudi Arabia sees the Pakistani region as a launching pad of a potential effort by the kingdom and/or the United States to destabilize the Islamic republic by stirring unrest among its ethnic minorities, including the Baluch. While Saudi Arabia has put the building blocks in place for possible covert action, it has to date given no indication that it intends to act on proposals to support irredentist action.

The flow of funds coincided with the publication in November 2017 of a study by the International Institute for Iranian Studies, formerly known as the Arabian Gulf Centre for Iranian Studies, a Saudi government-backed think tank, that argued that Chabahar posed “a direct threat to the Arab Gulf states” that called for “immediate counter measures.”

Iran’s Revolutionary Guards were the target of a rare suicide bombing in December in the port city that killed two people and wounded 40 others.

Iranian officials, including Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif and Revolutionary Guards spokesman Brigadier General Ramadan Sharif suggested without providing evidence that Saudi Arabia was complicit in the attack.

The attack “underscores the anti-regime sentiment boiling under the surface in provinces such as Sistan and Baluchestan and Khuzestan, as well as security vulnerabilities in Chabahar and beyond,” said Brian M. Perkins, a risk management consultant and former US Navy signals intelligence analyst.

Khuzestan is Iran’s impoverished, oil-rich province that is home to the country’s ethnic Arab community while Chabahar is located in the Iranian province of Sistan and Baluchistan that boasts the country’s highest unemployment rate.

Saudi thinking about stoking unrest strokes with that of President Donald J. Trump’s national security advisor John Bolton, who before assuming office, publicly advocated destabilization of Iran.

Bolton, in a policy speech in Cairo, asserted this week that the United States had “joined the Iranian people in calling for freedom and accountability… America’s economic sanctions against the (Iranian) regime are the strongest in history, and will keep getting tougher until Iran starts behaving like a normal country.”

Bolton was referring to harsh US sanctions imposed after Trump last year withdrew the United States from a 2015 international agreement that curbed Iran’s nuclear program.

Desperately in need of financial support and investment, Pakistan’s agreements with Saudi Arabia and the UAE come at a moment that “Pakistan-Iran relations are at a crossroads, according to Muhammad Akbar Notezai, Dawn newspaper’s plugged in Balochistan correspondent.

A far cry from four years ago when the Pakistani parliament refused a Saudi request that Pakistani troops join the kingdom’s ill-fated military intervention in Yemen, Iran now sees Pakistan as a Saudi ally in the kingdom’s rivalry with Iran.

Similarly, Pakistan fears that Chabahar will allow India to bypass Pakistan in forging closer economic and political ties with Iran as well as Afghanistan and Central Asian nations. Pakistani analysts expect an estimated US$ 5 billion in Afghan trade to flow through Chabahar after India last month started handling the port’s operations.

Pakistan is further concerned that Iran, in response to the Saudi funding that it sees as part of an anti-Iranian US-Saudi plot, could step up support for Baloch nationalists in a bid to raise the stakes for the South Asian nation.

Pakistan is also worried that deteriorating Pakistani-Iranian relations offers India an opportunity to subvert the $45 billion plus China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a crown jewel of the People’s Republic’s Belt and Road initiative.

In November, the nationalist Baloch Liberation Army claimed responsibility for an attack on the Chinese consulate in Karachi, Pakistan’s commercial and industrial heartland.

Writing in the Pakistan Security Report 2018, published by the Islamabad-based Pak Institute for Peace Studies (PIPS), Notezai noted that “to many in Pakistan, such concerns were materialized with the arrest of Kulbushan Jadhav, an Indian spy in Balochistan who had come through Iran. Ever since, Pakistani intelligence agencies have been on extra-alert on its border with Iran.”

The journalist warned that “the more Pakistan slips into the Saudi orbit, the more its relations with Iran will worsen… If their borders remain troubled, anyone can fish in the troubled water. This is what is (already) happening in the border region.”

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Pakistan is traversing minefields as it concludes agreements on investment, the balance of payments support and delayed payment oil deliveries with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates worth $13 billion that is likely to fawn growing distrust in its relations with neighbouring Iran.

Pakistan is traversing minefields as it concludes agreements on investment, the balance of payments support and delayed payment oil deliveries with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates worth $13 billion that is likely to fawn growing distrust in its relations with neighbouring Iran. Pakistani prime minister Imran Khan expects to next month sign a memorandum of understanding with Saudi Arabia on a framework for $ 10 billion in Saudi investments, primarily in oil refining, petrochemicals, renewable energy and mining. The signing would take place during a planned visit to Pakistan by Saudi crown prince Mohammed bin Salman. The memorandum follows the kingdom’s rewarding of Khan for his attendance of a foreign investors summit in Riyadh in October that was shunned by numerous CEOs of Western financial institutions, tech entrepreneurs and media moguls as well as senior Western government officials because of the killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul. Khan walked away from the summit with a $3 billion deposit in Pakistan’s central bank as the balance of payments support and a promise to defer up to $3 billion in payments for oil imports for a year. The United Arab Emirates is expected to conclude similar agreements with Pakistan in the coming weeks. Perhaps the most sensitive investment is likely to be a plan by Saudi national oil company Aramco to build a refinery in the Chinese-backed Baloch port of Gwadar close to both Pakistan’s border with Iran and the Indian-backed Iranian 486-hectare port of Chabahar. Both Pakistan and Saudi Arabia are monitoring progress in Chabahar with Argus' eyes. A potential Saudi investment in troubled Balochistan’s Reko Diq copper and gold mine would further enhance the kingdom’s foothold in the strategic province. As always, the devil could be in the details of the Pakistani-Saudi investment agreement. Haroon Sharif, the chairman of Pakistan’s Board of Investment, cautioned that foreign investment would require a “better law and order situation and ease-of-doing-business opportunities.” Pakistan’s security situation has somewhat improved in the last year, but the country continues to risk blacklisting by the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), an international anti-money laundering and terrorism finance watchdog because of the Pakistani military’s selective support of militants and close ties between militants and political parties, including Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI). Adding an additional layer of complexity is the fact that funds from the kingdom have been flowing into the coffers of ultra-conservative anti-Shiite, anti-Iranian Sunni Muslim madrassahs or religious seminars in Balochistan. It was unclear whether the funds originated with the Saudi government or Saudi nationals of Baloch descent and members of the two million-strong Pakistani Diaspora in the kingdom. Saudi Arabia sees the Pakistani region as a launching pad of a potential effort by the kingdom and/or the United States to destabilize the Islamic republic by stirring unrest among its ethnic minorities, including the Baluch. While Saudi Arabia has put the building blocks in place for possible covert action, it has to date given no indication that it intends to act on proposals to support irredentist action. The flow of funds coincided with the publication in November 2017 of a study by the International Institute for Iranian Studies, formerly known as the Arabian Gulf Centre for Iranian Studies, a Saudi government-backed think tank, that argued that Chabahar posed “a direct threat to the Arab Gulf states” that called for “immediate counter measures.” Iran’s Revolutionary Guards were the target of a rare suicide bombing in December in the port city that killed two people and wounded 40 others. Iranian officials, including Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif and Revolutionary Guards spokesman Brigadier General Ramadan Sharif suggested without providing evidence that Saudi Arabia was complicit in the attack. The attack “underscores the anti-regime sentiment boiling under the surface in provinces such as Sistan and Baluchestan and Khuzestan, as well as security vulnerabilities in Chabahar and beyond,” said Brian M. Perkins, a risk management consultant and former US Navy signals intelligence analyst. Khuzestan is Iran’s impoverished, oil-rich province that is home to the country’s ethnic Arab community while Chabahar is located in the Iranian province of Sistan and Baluchistan that boasts the country’s highest unemployment rate. Saudi thinking about stoking unrest strokes with that of President Donald J. Trump’s national security advisor John Bolton, who before assuming office, publicly advocated destabilization of Iran. Bolton, in a policy speech in Cairo, asserted this week that the United States had “joined the Iranian people in calling for freedom and accountability… America’s economic sanctions against the (Iranian) regime are the strongest in history, and will keep getting tougher until Iran starts behaving like a normal country.” Bolton was referring to harsh US sanctions imposed after Trump last year withdrew the United States from a 2015 international agreement that curbed Iran’s nuclear program. Desperately in need of financial support and investment, Pakistan’s agreements with Saudi Arabia and the UAE come at a moment that “Pakistan-Iran relations are at a crossroads, according to Muhammad Akbar Notezai, Dawn newspaper’s plugged in Balochistan correspondent. A far cry from four years ago when the Pakistani parliament refused a Saudi request that Pakistani troops join the kingdom’s ill-fated military intervention in Yemen, Iran now sees Pakistan as a Saudi ally in the kingdom’s rivalry with Iran. Similarly, Pakistan fears that Chabahar will allow India to bypass Pakistan in forging closer economic and political ties with Iran as well as Afghanistan and Central Asian nations. Pakistani analysts expect an estimated US$ 5 billion in Afghan trade to flow through Chabahar after India last month started handling the port’s operations. Pakistan is further concerned that Iran, in response to the Saudi funding that it sees as part of an anti-Iranian US-Saudi plot, could step up support for Baloch nationalists in a bid to raise the stakes for the South Asian nation. Pakistan is also worried that deteriorating Pakistani-Iranian relations offers India an opportunity to subvert the $45 billion plus China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a crown jewel of the People’s Republic’s Belt and Road initiative. In November, the nationalist Baloch Liberation Army claimed responsibility for an attack on the Chinese consulate in Karachi, Pakistan’s commercial and industrial heartland. Writing in the Pakistan Security Report 2018, published by the Islamabad-based Pak Institute for Peace Studies (PIPS), Notezai noted that “to many in Pakistan, such concerns were materialized with the arrest of Kulbushan Jadhav, an Indian spy in Balochistan who had come through Iran. Ever since, Pakistani intelligence agencies have been on extra-alert on its border with Iran.” The journalist warned that “the more Pakistan slips into the Saudi orbit, the more its relations with Iran will worsen… If their borders remain troubled, anyone can fish in the troubled water. This is what is (already) happening in the border region.” (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Saudi aid puts Pakistan-Iran relations on the spot

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/talks-on-yemens-economy-could-take-place-in-amman-huthi-rebels-188750">Clashes erupted between Huthi rebels</a> and government forces in <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/un-envoy-arrives-in-yemen-to-push-hodeida-truce-188462">Yemen's flashpoint port city of Hodeida</a> on Saturday, dealing a new blow to a fragile truce, an AFP correspondent reported.

Artillery and machine-gun exchanges rocked the southern part of Hodeida in the early morning before tapering off later in the day, the correspondent said.

The rebel-held port city, which is a lifeline for the delivery of desperately needed humanitarian aid, was for months the main front line in the Yemeni conflict after government forces supported by Saudi Arabia and its allies launched an offensive to capture it in June.

But last month the warring parties agreed on a ceasefire for Hodeida during UN-sponsored talks in Sweden.

The United Nations has said the truce has largely held since it came into force on December 18 but there have been delays in the agreed pullback of rebel and government forces.

The Huthis control most of Hodeida while government forces are deployed on its southern and eastern outskirts.

Since the Saudi-led military coalition intervened in support of the government in March 2015, the conflict has killed nearly 10,000 people and unleashed the world's worst humanitarian crisis, according to the United Nations.

UN aid officials say 80 per cent of the population -- 24 million people -- are in need of aid and nearly 10 million are just one step away from famine.

UN aid coordinator Lise Grande visited Hodeida on Friday and met local officials, the head of Yemen's National Authority for the Administration and Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, Jaber al-Razahi, said.

"The reason for the visit of UN humanitarian coordinator Lisa Grande to Hodeida is to see the humanitarian situation... and ensure the arrival of aid through the port," Eazahi said.

Artillery and machine-gun exchanges rocked the southern part of Hodeida in the early morning before tapering off later in the day, an AFP correspondent reported.

Clashes erupted between Huthi rebels and government forces in Yemen's flashpoint port city of Hodeida on Saturday, dealing a new blow to a fragile truce, an AFP correspondent reported. Artillery and machine-gun exchanges rocked the southern part of Hodeida in the early morning before tapering off later in the day, the correspondent said. The rebel-held port city, which is a lifeline for the delivery of desperately needed humanitarian aid, was for months the main front line in the Yemeni conflict after government forces supported by Saudi Arabia and its allies launched an offensive to capture it in June. But last month the warring parties agreed on a ceasefire for Hodeida during UN-sponsored talks in Sweden. The United Nations has said the truce has largely held since it came into force on December 18 but there have been delays in the agreed pullback of rebel and government forces. The Huthis control most of Hodeida while government forces are deployed on its southern and eastern outskirts. Since the Saudi-led military coalition intervened in support of the government in March 2015, the conflict has killed nearly 10,000 people and unleashed the world's worst humanitarian crisis, according to the United Nations. UN aid officials say 80 per cent of the population -- 24 million people -- are in need of aid and nearly 10 million are just one step away from famine. UN aid coordinator Lise Grande visited Hodeida on Friday and met local officials, the head of Yemen's National Authority for the Administration and Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, Jaber al-Razahi, said. "The reason for the visit of UN humanitarian coordinator Lisa Grande to Hodeida is to see the humanitarian situation... and ensure the arrival of aid through the port," Eazahi said.

Clashes erupt in Yemen's Hodeida despite truce

Australia gave its strongest hint yet on Wednesday that an 18-year-old Saudi woman in Bangkok would be granted humanitarian asylum, despite efforts by Riyadh and her family to force her return home.

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/saudi-woman-has-left-bangkok-airport-under-care-of-un-agency-thai-official-188859">Rahaf Mohammed al-Qunun</a> has documented her bid to flee her allegedly abusive family with minute-by-minute social media updates, intensifying the global spotlight on Saudi Arabia's rights record.

As public pressure heightened, an<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/australia-to-carefully-consider-saudi-womans-asylum-plea-188996"> Australian minister</a> appeared to go beyond Canberra's initial bureaucratic promise to consider her case if and when UN experts judge her fear of mistreatment justified.

"If she is found to be a refugee, then we will give very, very, very serious consideration to a humanitarian visa," health minister Greg Hunt told public broadcaster ABC.

Hunt said he had spoken to immigration minister David Coleman about Qunun's case late on Tuesday.

The young woman has said she was fleeing from Saudi Arabia to Australia but was stopped en route by Thai and Saudi officials.

Her plight shot to public attention when she barricaded herself in a Bangkok airport hotel room to avoid deportation and shared dozens of fearful but defiant messages online insisting on her right to asylum.

Thai authorities initially said Qunun would be sent back, but they abruptly changed course as the story pinballed across social media.

Even Australia's hardline home affairs minister, a former policeman and staunch supporter of anti-immigration policies, expressed sympathy.

"There is&nbsp;no special treatment in this case," Peter Dutton said Wednesday.

But, he added, "nobody&nbsp;wants to see a young girl in&nbsp;distress and she has obviously now found a safe haven in Thailand".

Video footage posted on Twitter by a Saudi human rights activist appeared to show a Saudi official complaining that Thai authorities should have confiscated Qunun's smartphone.

"When she arrived, she opened a new (Twitter) account and her followers grew to 45,000 in one day," he said in Arabic.&nbsp;

"It would have been better if they had confiscated her mobile instead of her passport."

AFP was unable to contact Saudi authorities for comment on the footage.

Saudi Arabia has some of the world's toughest restrictions on women, including a guardianship system that allows male family members to make decisions on behalf of female relatives.

The kingdom's human rights record has been under heavy scrutiny since the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi in the country's embassy in Istanbul last year. 
&nbsp;

Australia gave its strongest hint yet on Wednesday that an 18-year-old Saudi woman in Bangkok would be granted humanitarian asylum, despite efforts by Riyadh and her family to force her return home.

Australia gave its strongest hint yet on Wednesday that an 18-year-old Saudi woman in Bangkok would be granted humanitarian asylum, despite efforts by Riyadh and her family to force her return home. Rahaf Mohammed al-Qunun has documented her bid to flee her allegedly abusive family with minute-by-minute social media updates, intensifying the global spotlight on Saudi Arabia's rights record. As public pressure heightened, an Australian minister appeared to go beyond Canberra's initial bureaucratic promise to consider her case if and when UN experts judge her fear of mistreatment justified. "If she is found to be a refugee, then we will give very, very, very serious consideration to a humanitarian visa," health minister Greg Hunt told public broadcaster ABC. Hunt said he had spoken to immigration minister David Coleman about Qunun's case late on Tuesday. The young woman has said she was fleeing from Saudi Arabia to Australia but was stopped en route by Thai and Saudi officials. Her plight shot to public attention when she barricaded herself in a Bangkok airport hotel room to avoid deportation and shared dozens of fearful but defiant messages online insisting on her right to asylum. Thai authorities initially said Qunun would be sent back, but they abruptly changed course as the story pinballed across social media. Even Australia's hardline home affairs minister, a former policeman and staunch supporter of anti-immigration policies, expressed sympathy. "There is no special treatment in this case," Peter Dutton said Wednesday. But, he added, "nobody wants to see a young girl in distress and she has obviously now found a safe haven in Thailand". Video footage posted on Twitter by a Saudi human rights activist appeared to show a Saudi official complaining that Thai authorities should have confiscated Qunun's smartphone. "When she arrived, she opened a new (Twitter) account and her followers grew to 45,000 in one day," he said in Arabic. "It would have been better if they had confiscated her mobile instead of her passport." AFP was unable to contact Saudi authorities for comment on the footage. Saudi Arabia has some of the world's toughest restrictions on women, including a guardianship system that allows male family members to make decisions on behalf of female relatives. The kingdom's human rights record has been under heavy scrutiny since the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi in the country's embassy in Istanbul last year.

Australian minister hints at humanitarian asylum for Saudi teen in Bangkok

The 18-year-old <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/saudi-teen-barricades-herself-in-thai-hotel-to-stop-being-returned-to-family-188799">Saudi woman&nbsp;Rahaf Mohammed al- </a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/saudi-teen-barricades-herself-in-thai-hotel-to-stop-being-returned-to-family-188799">Qunun</a>&nbsp;has been moved out of the Bankok airport "under the care" of UN refugee agency.

Immigration chief&nbsp;Surachate Hakparn said,&nbsp;"She is allowed to stay... she is under the care of the UNHCR now. She left the airport with the UNHCR."&nbsp;

Rahaf had been at Bangkok airport since Saturday when she was denied entry into the country by Thai immigration officials.

The Thai immigration officials and the Saudi Foreign Ministry have however denied her allegations that its embassy had confiscated her passport.

After announcing that Thailand "will not force her" to leave, Surachate told reporters late Monday that Rahaf would be "allowed to stay" after a meeting with officials from the UN refugee agency UNHCR.

"She is under the care of the UNHCR now but we also sent Thai security to help take care (of her)," Surachate told reporters at Suvarnabhumi airport.

He said Rahaf had told UNHCR officials she "wants to stay in Thailand for a while seeking asylum to a third country".

The agency "will take five days to consider her status" and another five days to arrange for travel, Surachate said, adding that he would meet with Saudi diplomats on Tuesday to explain Thailand's decision. &nbsp;

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/injunction-filed-in-thai-court-to-prevent-deportation-of-saudi-teenager-188786">Rahaf </a>had locked herself up in a hotel room at the airport saying she is fleeing an abusive family in Saudi Arabia, and that she fears they will kill her if she returns. &nbsp;

Thai immigration official&nbsp;on Monday said that they would not forcibly deport the&nbsp;<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/injunction-filed-in-thai-court-to-prevent-deportation-of-saudi-teenager-188786">18-year-old Saudi girl Rahaf Mohammed al-Qunun</a>.

The official also assured that they would allow Rahaf to meet&nbsp;UN refugee officials.

Rahaf had been desperately demanding the intervention of UN in the case.&nbsp;

Earlier during the day,&nbsp;she had posted several&nbsp;tweets asking for help and protection from UN.

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false">
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<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en">
Rahaf just send me this, she just want you to make sure she is on the hotel and she still needs help and protection. <a href="https://t.co/xxs61JIfhP">pic.twitter.com/xxs61JIfhP</a>
— Rahaf Mohammed رهف محمد القنون (@rahaf84427714) <a href="https://twitter.com/rahaf84427714/status/1082144843374055424?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">January 7, 2019</a></blockquote>
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I want UNHCR
— Rahaf Mohammed رهف محمد القنون (@rahaf84427714) <a href="https://twitter.com/rahaf84427714/status/1082206036038082560?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">January 7, 2019</a></blockquote>
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I’m not going to open the door I want UN <a href="https://t.co/UTI3Dwsm3q">pic.twitter.com/UTI3Dwsm3q</a>
— Rahaf Mohammed رهف محمد القنون (@rahaf84427714) <a href="https://twitter.com/rahaf84427714/status/1082210548228341762?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">January 7, 2019</a></blockquote>
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I want UN! 
I want UN! 
I want UN! 
I want UN! 
I want UN! 
I want UN! 
I want UN! 
I want UN! 
I want UN! 
I want UN! 
I want UN! 
I want UN! 
I want UN! 
I want UN! 
I want UN! 
I want UN! 
I want UN! 
I want UN! 
I want UN! 
I want UN! 
I want UN! 
I want UN! 
I want UN! 
I want UN! 
I want UN!
— Rahaf Mohammed رهف محمد القنون (@rahaf84427714) <a href="https://twitter.com/rahaf84427714/status/1082211096918876161?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">January 7, 2019</a></blockquote>
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Rahaf told Reuters she fled Kuwait while her family was visiting the Gulf country and had planned to travel from Thailand to Australia to seek asylum. She said she was detained after leaving her plane in Bangkok and told she would be sent back to Kuwait.

"My brothers and family and the Saudi embassy will be waiting for me in Kuwait," Qunun said by text and voice message from the hotel on Sunday.

"They will kill me," she said. "My life is in danger. My family threatens to kill me for the most trivial things."

Asked why she was seeking refuge in Australia, she said: "Physical, emotional and verbal abuse and being imprisoned inside the house for months. They threaten to kill me and prevent me from continuing my education.

"They won't let me drive or travel. I am oppressed. I love life and work and I am very ambitious but my family is preventing me from living."&nbsp;

(With input&nbsp;from agencies)

The 18-year-old Saudi woman Rahaf Mohammed al- Qunun has been moved out of the Bankok airport "under the care" of UN refugee agency. Immigration chief Surachate Hakparn said, "She is allowed to stay.

The 18-year-old Saudi woman Rahaf Mohammed al- Qunun has been moved out of the Bankok airport "under the care" of UN refugee agency. Immigration chief Surachate Hakparn said, "She is allowed to stay... she is under the care of the UNHCR now. She left the airport with the UNHCR." Rahaf had been at Bangkok airport since Saturday when she was denied entry into the country by Thai immigration officials. The Thai immigration officials and the Saudi Foreign Ministry have however denied her allegations that its embassy had confiscated her passport. After announcing that Thailand "will not force her" to leave, Surachate told reporters late Monday that Rahaf would be "allowed to stay" after a meeting with officials from the UN refugee agency UNHCR. "She is under the care of the UNHCR now but we also sent Thai security to help take care (of her)," Surachate told reporters at Suvarnabhumi airport. He said Rahaf had told UNHCR officials she "wants to stay in Thailand for a while seeking asylum to a third country". The agency "will take five days to consider her status" and another five days to arrange for travel, Surachate said, adding that he would meet with Saudi diplomats on Tuesday to explain Thailand's decision. Rahaf had locked herself up in a hotel room at the airport saying she is fleeing an abusive family in Saudi Arabia, and that she fears they will kill her if she returns. Thai immigration official on Monday said that they would not forcibly deport the 18-year-old Saudi girl Rahaf Mohammed al-Qunun. The official also assured that they would allow Rahaf to meet UN refugee officials. Rahaf had been desperately demanding the intervention of UN in the case. Earlier during the day, she had posted several tweets asking for help and protection from UN. Rahaf just send me this, she just want you to make sure she is on the hotel and she still needs help and protection. pic.twitter.com/xxs61JIfhP — Rahaf Mohammed رهف محمد القنون (@rahaf84427714) January 7, 2019 × I want UNHCR — Rahaf Mohammed رهف محمد القنون (@rahaf84427714) January 7, 2019 × I’m not going to open the door I want UN pic.twitter.com/UTI3Dwsm3q — Rahaf Mohammed رهف محمد القنون (@rahaf84427714) January 7, 2019 × I want UN! I want UN! I want UN! I want UN! I want UN! I want UN! I want UN! I want UN! I want UN! I want UN! I want UN! I want UN! I want UN! I want UN! I want UN! I want UN! I want UN! I want UN! I want UN! I want UN! I want UN! I want UN! I want UN! I want UN! I want UN! — Rahaf Mohammed رهف محمد القنون (@rahaf84427714) January 7, 2019 × Rahaf told Reuters she fled Kuwait while her family was visiting the Gulf country and had planned to travel from Thailand to Australia to seek asylum. She said she was detained after leaving her plane in Bangkok and told she would be sent back to Kuwait. "My brothers and family and the Saudi embassy will be waiting for me in Kuwait," Qunun said by text and voice message from the hotel on Sunday. "They will kill me," she said. "My life is in danger. My family threatens to kill me for the most trivial things." Asked why she was seeking refuge in Australia, she said: "Physical, emotional and verbal abuse and being imprisoned inside the house for months. They threaten to kill me and prevent me from continuing my education. "They won't let me drive or travel. I am oppressed. I love life and work and I am very ambitious but my family is preventing me from living." (With input from agencies)

Saudi woman has left Bangkok airport 'under care of' UN agency: Thai immigration official

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/rbi-likely-to-pay-bumper-interim-dividend-to-help-modi-government-sources-188826">RBI likely to give government bumper interim dividend: Sources</a>

The Reserve Bank of India (RBI), having changed leadership last month following a clash with the government, is likely to transfer an interim dividend of 300-400 billion rupees ($4.32 billion-$5.8 billion) to the government by March, according to three sources with direct knowledge of the matter.

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/cabinet-approves-10-quota-for-economically-weak-among-upper-castes-188798">Cabinet approves 10% quota for economically weak among upper castes</a>

The Narendra Modi cabinet has approved a 10% quota for the upper castes. The reservation — if cleared by parliament and the courts — will be given to the economically weak among the upper castes.&nbsp;

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/china-calls-us-warship-in-south-china-sea-a-provocation-188818">China says US warship in </a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/china-calls-us-warship-in-south-china-sea-a-provocation-188818">South</a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/china-calls-us-warship-in-south-china-sea-a-provocation-188818"> China Sea is a 'provocation'</a>

China has lodged "stern representations" with the United States over a US navy vessel sailing near disputed islands in the South China Sea, its foreign ministry said on Monday (January 7) as US officials joined talks in Beijing during a truce in a bitter trade war.

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/south-asia/taliban-storm-security-posts-in-west-afghanistan-kill-21-188794">Taliban storm security posts in west Afghanistan, kill 21</a>

Taliban insurgents have stormed security posts in west Afghanistan, killing 21 police and pro-government militia members, officials said on Monday, the latest in a surge of attacks that has cast doubt on tentative steps towards talks.

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/trump-holds-firm-on-border-wall-offers-steel-option-as-compromise-188851">Trump holds firm on border wall, offers steel option as </a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/trump-holds-firm-on-border-wall-offers-steel-option-as-compromise-188851">compromise</a>

US President Donald Trump pledged on Sunday not to bend in his demand for a wall along the southern border with Mexico but said the barrier could be made of steel instead of concrete as a potential compromise with Democrats who refuse to fund it.

&nbsp;

RBI likely to give government bumper interim dividend: Sources The Reserve Bank of India (RBI), having changed leadership last month following a clash with the government, is likely to transfer an interim dividend of 300-400 billion rupees ($4.

RBI likely to give government bumper interim dividend: Sources The Reserve Bank of India (RBI), having changed leadership last month following a clash with the government, is likely to transfer an interim dividend of 300-400 billion rupees ($4.32 billion-$5.8 billion) to the government by March, according to three sources with direct knowledge of the matter. Cabinet approves 10% quota for economically weak among upper castes The Narendra Modi cabinet has approved a 10% quota for the upper castes. The reservation — if cleared by parliament and the courts — will be given to the economically weak among the upper castes. China says US warship in South China Sea is a 'provocation' China has lodged "stern representations" with the United States over a US navy vessel sailing near disputed islands in the South China Sea, its foreign ministry said on Monday (January 7) as US officials joined talks in Beijing during a truce in a bitter trade war. Taliban storm security posts in west Afghanistan, kill 21 Taliban insurgents have stormed security posts in west Afghanistan, killing 21 police and pro-government militia members, officials said on Monday, the latest in a surge of attacks that has cast doubt on tentative steps towards talks. Trump holds firm on border wall, offers steel option as compromise US President Donald Trump pledged on Sunday not to bend in his demand for a wall along the southern border with Mexico but said the barrier could be made of steel instead of concrete as a potential compromise with Democrats who refuse to fund it.

News brief: Big stories of the day

An injunction has been filed at Bangkok's <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/watch-saudi-teenager-seeking-asylum-to-be-sent-home-say-thai-officials-188721">criminal court to prevent</a> the Saudi teenager who has barricaded herself in Thailand's Bangkok airport from being deported, a lawyer said, news wire AFP reported.

"When we suspect that someone might be illegally detained, we request for the court to call the relevant authorities (in) for questioning," said human rights lawyer Nadthasiri Bergman, AFP quoted.

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false">
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<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en">
Thai lawyers file injunction just over an hour ago with <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Bangkok?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Bangkok</a> criminal court to prevent the deportation of <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Rahaf?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Rahaf</a> to <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Kuwait?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Kuwait</a>. Court should consider quickly because time is short &amp; she faces dire peril if sent back from <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Thailand?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Thailand</a>. Will Thailand respect rule of law? <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/SaveRahaf?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#SaveRahaf</a> <a href="https://t.co/WM0sooWRFX">pic.twitter.com/WM0sooWRFX</a>
— Phil Robertson (@Reaproy) <a href="https://twitter.com/Reaproy/status/1082165134015877120?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">January 7, 2019</a></blockquote>
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Rahaf Mohammed al-Qunun, 18, <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/saudi-woman-held-at-bangkok-airport-fears-she-will-be-killed-if-repatriated-188650">has been tweeting from the airport</a> transit area at Bangkok for asylum and has asked the Thai government not to deport her to Kuwait from where she boarded the flight.

Rahaf said her passport was taken away by Saudi officials which was denied by Saudi foreign ministry. Qunun said she fled Saudi Arabia due to abuse faced at home."My brothers and family and the Saudi embassy will be waiting for me in Kuwait," Qunun said by text and voice message from the hotel on Sunday.

"They will kill me," she said. "My life is in danger. My family threatens to kill me for the most trivial things."

"They won't let me drive or travel. I am oppressed. I love life and work and I am very ambitious but my family is preventing me from living."

Kenneth Roth, executive director, Human Rights Watch said: "Rahaf's ordeal reaffirms the importance of pressing Saudi Arabia to abolish its guardianship rules. It's absurd in this day and age that the males in her Saudi family can prevent Rahaf from traveling where she wants and seeking to build her own life."&nbsp;

Human Rights Watch had said Thailand should not send Qunun back to her family because she faces danger.

Qunun said she intended to fly to Australia to seek asylum but when the plan landed in Thailand she was detained and d told she would be sent back to Kuwait.

Thai immigration chief Surachate Hakparn said Qunun was denied entry because she did not have a paid return ticket or hotel reservation, a mandatory requirement for visa on arrival status.

An injunction has been filed at Bangkok's criminal court to prevent the Saudi teenager who has barricaded herself in Thailand's Bangkok airport from being deported, a lawyer said, news wire AFP reported.

An injunction has been filed at Bangkok's criminal court to prevent the Saudi teenager who has barricaded herself in Thailand's Bangkok airport from being deported, a lawyer said, news wire AFP reported. "When we suspect that someone might be illegally detained, we request for the court to call the relevant authorities (in) for questioning," said human rights lawyer Nadthasiri Bergman, AFP quoted. Thai lawyers file injunction just over an hour ago with #Bangkok criminal court to prevent the deportation of #Rahaf to #Kuwait. Court should consider quickly because time is short & she faces dire peril if sent back from #Thailand. Will Thailand respect rule of law? #SaveRahaf pic.twitter.com/WM0sooWRFX — Phil Robertson (@Reaproy) January 7, 2019 × Rahaf Mohammed al-Qunun, 18, has been tweeting from the airport transit area at Bangkok for asylum and has asked the Thai government not to deport her to Kuwait from where she boarded the flight. Rahaf said her passport was taken away by Saudi officials which was denied by Saudi foreign ministry. Qunun said she fled Saudi Arabia due to abuse faced at home."My brothers and family and the Saudi embassy will be waiting for me in Kuwait," Qunun said by text and voice message from the hotel on Sunday. "They will kill me," she said. "My life is in danger. My family threatens to kill me for the most trivial things." "They won't let me drive or travel. I am oppressed. I love life and work and I am very ambitious but my family is preventing me from living." Kenneth Roth, executive director, Human Rights Watch said: "Rahaf's ordeal reaffirms the importance of pressing Saudi Arabia to abolish its guardianship rules. It's absurd in this day and age that the males in her Saudi family can prevent Rahaf from traveling where she wants and seeking to build her own life." Human Rights Watch had said Thailand should not send Qunun back to her family because she faces danger. Qunun said she intended to fly to Australia to seek asylum but when the plan landed in Thailand she was detained and d told she would be sent back to Kuwait. Thai immigration chief Surachate Hakparn said Qunun was denied entry because she did not have a paid return ticket or hotel reservation, a mandatory requirement for visa on arrival status.

Injunction filed in Thai court to prevent deportation of Saudi teenager

The United States does not believe the Saudi version of the October killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi has "hit that threshold of credibility," a senior State Department official said on Friday even as Saudi Arabia prosecutes suspects.

US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo will emphasise the need for accountability and credibility in the investigation of Khashoggi`s death during a visit next week to the Middle East, including to Riyadh, the official said.

"The Secretary has been very consistent in engagements with Saudis ...to really push the two points of accountability and credibility, which is that the Saudis should have a credible narrative for what happened," said the official, who briefed reporters on Pompeo`s trip.

"I don`t think from our point of view that the narrative emerging from the Saudis or the legal process has yet hit that threshold of credibility and accountability," the official said.

Pompeo wants both the perpetrators and the planners of the killing to be identified by the Saudis and appropriate punishments are meted out, the official added.&nbsp;

Khashoggi, a US-based Washington Post journalist from Saudi Arabia who had become a critic of the kingdom`s Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, was last seen entering the Saudi consulate in Istanbul on October 2.&nbsp;

US intelligence agencies believe the crown prince ordered an operation to kill Khashoggi, whose body was dismembered and removed from the building to a location still publicly unknown. Top Turkish officials have also tied his death to the highest levels of Saudi leadership.&nbsp;

Saudi officials have denied accusations that the prince ordered the murder.

President Donald Trump, who has cultivated a close relationship with the crown prince, told Reuters last month he stood by the crown prince despite the CIA assessment and pleas from US senators for Trump to condemn the kingdom`s de facto ruler.

A Saudi court on Thursday held its first hearing on Khashoggi`s case in which Saudi Arabian prosecutors are seeking the death penalty for five of the 11 suspects in the case. The United Nations human rights office on Friday called the trial "not sufficient."

The State Department official said the United States was not "looking to get into the weeds" of the court case but would emphasise the need for a credible legal process.

Pompeo will also visit Jordan, Egypt, Bahrain, United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Oman and Kuwait as part of his January 8 to January 15 trip, the State Department said in a statement.

As part of his talks with Middle Eastern leaders, Pompeo will also discuss the war in Yemen as well as Iran, Syria and other regional issues, the department said.

The United States does not believe the Saudi version of the October killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi has "hit that threshold of credibility," a senior State Department official said on Friday even as Saudi Arabia prosecutes suspects.

The United States does not believe the Saudi version of the October killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi has "hit that threshold of credibility," a senior State Department official said on Friday even as Saudi Arabia prosecutes suspects. US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo will emphasise the need for accountability and credibility in the investigation of Khashoggi`s death during a visit next week to the Middle East, including to Riyadh, the official said. "The Secretary has been very consistent in engagements with Saudis ...to really push the two points of accountability and credibility, which is that the Saudis should have a credible narrative for what happened," said the official, who briefed reporters on Pompeo`s trip. "I don`t think from our point of view that the narrative emerging from the Saudis or the legal process has yet hit that threshold of credibility and accountability," the official said. Pompeo wants both the perpetrators and the planners of the killing to be identified by the Saudis and appropriate punishments are meted out, the official added. Khashoggi, a US-based Washington Post journalist from Saudi Arabia who had become a critic of the kingdom`s Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, was last seen entering the Saudi consulate in Istanbul on October 2. US intelligence agencies believe the crown prince ordered an operation to kill Khashoggi, whose body was dismembered and removed from the building to a location still publicly unknown. Top Turkish officials have also tied his death to the highest levels of Saudi leadership. Saudi officials have denied accusations that the prince ordered the murder. President Donald Trump, who has cultivated a close relationship with the crown prince, told Reuters last month he stood by the crown prince despite the CIA assessment and pleas from US senators for Trump to condemn the kingdom`s de facto ruler. A Saudi court on Thursday held its first hearing on Khashoggi`s case in which Saudi Arabian prosecutors are seeking the death penalty for five of the 11 suspects in the case. The United Nations human rights office on Friday called the trial "not sufficient." The State Department official said the United States was not "looking to get into the weeds" of the court case but would emphasise the need for a credible legal process. Pompeo will also visit Jordan, Egypt, Bahrain, United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Oman and Kuwait as part of his January 8 to January 15 trip, the State Department said in a statement. As part of his talks with Middle Eastern leaders, Pompeo will also discuss the war in Yemen as well as Iran, Syria and other regional issues, the department said.

US says has yet to see credible version of Khashoggi's killing from Saudis

Chabahar is back in the news after a hiatus of about two years. The contexts of its importance are several but the first one in the current milieu is the fact that despite President Donald Trump’s avowed sanctions on everything related to Iran, India’s Chabahar-based relationship with Tehran has received a waiver. That puts on course the fructification of efforts which commenced many summers ago but got an impetus with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Tehran in May 2016, leading to the signing of the trilateral tripartite agreement between India, Iran and Afghanistan.

The US provided an “exception” from certain sanctions, to the Iranian port of Chabahar that India has developed and used for reconstruction efforts in Afghanistan. This exemption is in addition to temporary freedom from sanctions that the US announced for India and seven major importers of Iranian crude oil.

Why is Chabahar strategically important, for India, the US, Iran and Afghanistan? That will answer many questions. It starts with the fact that its geostrategic location, outside the Persian Gulf and yet on the Iranian coastline, puts it slightly out of harm’s way in the event of the Straits of Hormuz being forcibly closed; although, it is well appreciated that such a closure will no doubt presuppose an adverse effect on all of Iran’s port facilities.

To access Central Asia, often referred to as the heart of Asia, and Afghanistan, there are only two routes from the Indian Ocean. The first is from Pakistan’s Gwadar or Karachi ports and the second is from Chabahar which lies on the southeastern coast of Iran in the Sistan-Baluchistan province. Why the US agreed to waive sanctions for activities connected with the development of the port is simply because India is the nation providing alternatives for establishing communication arteries to Afghanistan, bypassing Pakistan.

For 17 years, the US has fought in Afghanistan and depended on a single artery for its logistics; through Karachi and Pakistan-Baluchistan into Afghan territory. Due to its animosity with Iran, the clearly viable alternative via Chabahar through Iranian territory, to West Afghanistan could not be exploited. The lack of development of Chabahar placed Afghanistan in a predicament because of its reliance on Karachi with all strings in the hands of none-too-friendly Pakistan.

India’s stakes in Afghanistan being high, the realization perhaps came late that Chabahar had serious transformational strategic potential to bypass Pakistan. Once India demonstrated its deep interest and the tripartite agreement with Iran and Afghanistan was signed in mid-2016, the movement of a consignment of wheat from Kandla port in Gujarat to Kabul via Chabahar went through smoothly; that experiment spurred further movement on Chabahar.

With portents of conflict termination in Afghanistan, the US too realised the important role India could play at this stage, such that all eggs were not in Pakistan’s basket. Otherwise all Pakistan needed to do in order to bring down the Afghan National Unity Government (NUG) was to establish a blockade from Karachi and the landlocked state of Afghanistan would have few options.

The tripartite agreement resolved that problem and increased India’s significance in Afghanistan. With India’s access via Chabahar, the viability of maintaining Afghanistan as a state under current dispensation, with minimal US presence, exponentially increases and there is considerable risk reduction. The joint Indian and US strategic interests in Afghanistan aim at the dilution of Pakistani influence and capability.

For the US the option of India in control is far more positive than leaving this to the stranglehold of China, Russia and Pakistan with the latter continuing to improve relations with Iran. For the Afghan NUG, this is as blissful a situation as it can expect with reduction of dependence on Pakistan and an avenue open to trade and assistance from India.

The Indian firm India Ports Global Limited has formally taken over operations at the Shahid Beheshti port in Chabahar. The routes for trade and transit corridors between the three countries have been finalised but this will remain work in progress as subsequent infrastructure caters for railway connectivity and eventual linkage to the INSTC.

While India has successfully completed a major geostrategic venture on one flank of the Persian Gulf, it needs to be mindful of the fact that its interests are divided on both sides of the Gulf. That is where the last few years of straddling diplomacy, which the Ministry of External Affairs has done with a fair degree of aplomb, will hopefully pay a dividend. India remains one of those unique countries which the Prime Minister of Israel and the President of Iran visited within two weeks of each other.

India has long and extremely important relationships with Saudi Arabia, UAE, Oman, Qatar and Kuwait which are as strategic as any of its relationships. The world of multilateralism is a sphere in which India is getting increasingly competent. That is why it needs to believe that Chabahar is the opening to the long-awaited strategic and civilisational relationship with Iran which need not be at the cost of the same which must be pursued with the Arab Gulf countries with equal vigour. 2018 was a good year for this, 2019 promises to be better.

(This article was originally published on DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-iran-a-port-of-call-for-india-2704295">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Chabahar is back in the news after a hiatus of about two years. The contexts of its importance are several but the first one in the current milieu is the fact that despite President Donald Trump’s avowed sanctions on everything related to Iran, India’s Chabahar-based relationship with Tehran has received a waiver.

Chabahar is back in the news after a hiatus of about two years. The contexts of its importance are several but the first one in the current milieu is the fact that despite President Donald Trump’s avowed sanctions on everything related to Iran, India’s Chabahar-based relationship with Tehran has received a waiver. That puts on course the fructification of efforts which commenced many summers ago but got an impetus with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Tehran in May 2016, leading to the signing of the trilateral tripartite agreement between India, Iran and Afghanistan. The US provided an “exception” from certain sanctions, to the Iranian port of Chabahar that India has developed and used for reconstruction efforts in Afghanistan. This exemption is in addition to temporary freedom from sanctions that the US announced for India and seven major importers of Iranian crude oil. Why is Chabahar strategically important, for India, the US, Iran and Afghanistan? That will answer many questions. It starts with the fact that its geostrategic location, outside the Persian Gulf and yet on the Iranian coastline, puts it slightly out of harm’s way in the event of the Straits of Hormuz being forcibly closed; although, it is well appreciated that such a closure will no doubt presuppose an adverse effect on all of Iran’s port facilities. To access Central Asia, often referred to as the heart of Asia, and Afghanistan, there are only two routes from the Indian Ocean. The first is from Pakistan’s Gwadar or Karachi ports and the second is from Chabahar which lies on the southeastern coast of Iran in the Sistan-Baluchistan province. Why the US agreed to waive sanctions for activities connected with the development of the port is simply because India is the nation providing alternatives for establishing communication arteries to Afghanistan, bypassing Pakistan. For 17 years, the US has fought in Afghanistan and depended on a single artery for its logistics; through Karachi and Pakistan-Baluchistan into Afghan territory. Due to its animosity with Iran, the clearly viable alternative via Chabahar through Iranian territory, to West Afghanistan could not be exploited. The lack of development of Chabahar placed Afghanistan in a predicament because of its reliance on Karachi with all strings in the hands of none-too-friendly Pakistan. India’s stakes in Afghanistan being high, the realization perhaps came late that Chabahar had serious transformational strategic potential to bypass Pakistan. Once India demonstrated its deep interest and the tripartite agreement with Iran and Afghanistan was signed in mid-2016, the movement of a consignment of wheat from Kandla port in Gujarat to Kabul via Chabahar went through smoothly; that experiment spurred further movement on Chabahar. With portents of conflict termination in Afghanistan, the US too realised the important role India could play at this stage, such that all eggs were not in Pakistan’s basket. Otherwise all Pakistan needed to do in order to bring down the Afghan National Unity Government (NUG) was to establish a blockade from Karachi and the landlocked state of Afghanistan would have few options. The tripartite agreement resolved that problem and increased India’s significance in Afghanistan. With India’s access via Chabahar, the viability of maintaining Afghanistan as a state under current dispensation, with minimal US presence, exponentially increases and there is considerable risk reduction. The joint Indian and US strategic interests in Afghanistan aim at the dilution of Pakistani influence and capability. For the US the option of India in control is far more positive than leaving this to the stranglehold of China, Russia and Pakistan with the latter continuing to improve relations with Iran. For the Afghan NUG, this is as blissful a situation as it can expect with reduction of dependence on Pakistan and an avenue open to trade and assistance from India. The Indian firm India Ports Global Limited has formally taken over operations at the Shahid Beheshti port in Chabahar. The routes for trade and transit corridors between the three countries have been finalised but this will remain work in progress as subsequent infrastructure caters for railway connectivity and eventual linkage to the INSTC. While India has successfully completed a major geostrategic venture on one flank of the Persian Gulf, it needs to be mindful of the fact that its interests are divided on both sides of the Gulf. That is where the last few years of straddling diplomacy, which the Ministry of External Affairs has done with a fair degree of aplomb, will hopefully pay a dividend. India remains one of those unique countries which the Prime Minister of Israel and the President of Iran visited within two weeks of each other. India has long and extremely important relationships with Saudi Arabia, UAE, Oman, Qatar and Kuwait which are as strategic as any of its relationships. The world of multilateralism is a sphere in which India is getting increasingly competent. That is why it needs to believe that Chabahar is the opening to the long-awaited strategic and civilisational relationship with Iran which need not be at the cost of the same which must be pursued with the Arab Gulf countries with equal vigour. 2018 was a good year for this, 2019 promises to be better. (This article was originally published on DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Iran: A port of call for India

Saudi Arabia's attorney general<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/saudi-king-orders-government-reshuffle-after-khashoggi-fallout-186868"> sought the death penalty for five </a>of 11 defendants charged with the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi as their high-profile trial opened in Riyadh on Thursday.

All 11 accused were present with their lawyers<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/jamal-khashoggis-killing-a-murder-that-shook-2018-186106"> at the opening hearing in the capital</a>, according to a statement by the attorney general carried by the official Saudi Press Agency.

The attorney general said Saudi Arabia had twice submitted formal requests for evidence from Turkey -- where Khashoggi was murdered inside the kingdom's Istanbul consulate -- but had received no response.&nbsp;

The names of the 11 defendants have not been officially released.

Khashoggi, a contributor to the Washington Post, was murdered on October 2nd in what Riyadh called a "rogue" operation.

The 59-year-old Saudi insider-turned-critic was strangled and his body cut into pieces by a team of 15 Saudis sent to Istanbul for the killing, according to Turkish officials.

There have been reports that his remains, which have never been found, were dissolved in acid.

The consulate and the residence were searched by the Turkish authorities in October along with several other locations.

Ankara has sought the extradition of the suspects in Saudi custody to stand trial in Turkey but its requests have been repeatedly rebuffed by Riyadh.

The US Central Intelligence Agency has reportedly concluded that the kingdom's de facto leader, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, very likely ordered Khashoggi's murder.&nbsp;

But in November the Saudi attorney general ruled out any involvement by the young crown prince, whose reformist credentials abroad have been seriously tarnished by the killing.

Saudi Arabia's attorney general sought the death penalty for five of 11 defendants charged with the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi as their high-profile trial opened in Riyadh on Thursday.

Saudi Arabia's attorney general sought the death penalty for five of 11 defendants charged with the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi as their high-profile trial opened in Riyadh on Thursday. All 11 accused were present with their lawyers at the opening hearing in the capital, according to a statement by the attorney general carried by the official Saudi Press Agency. The attorney general said Saudi Arabia had twice submitted formal requests for evidence from Turkey -- where Khashoggi was murdered inside the kingdom's Istanbul consulate -- but had received no response. The names of the 11 defendants have not been officially released. Khashoggi, a contributor to the Washington Post, was murdered on October 2nd in what Riyadh called a "rogue" operation. The 59-year-old Saudi insider-turned-critic was strangled and his body cut into pieces by a team of 15 Saudis sent to Istanbul for the killing, according to Turkish officials. There have been reports that his remains, which have never been found, were dissolved in acid. The consulate and the residence were searched by the Turkish authorities in October along with several other locations. Ankara has sought the extradition of the suspects in Saudi custody to stand trial in Turkey but its requests have been repeatedly rebuffed by Riyadh. The US Central Intelligence Agency has reportedly concluded that the kingdom's de facto leader, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, very likely ordered Khashoggi's murder. But in November the Saudi attorney general ruled out any involvement by the young crown prince, whose reformist credentials abroad have been seriously tarnished by the killing.

Saudi attorney general seeks death penalty for accused in Khashoggi killing

Netflix confirmed Tuesday that it removed an episode of a satirical comedy show that criticises Saudi Arabia, after officials in the kingdom reportedly complained.

The move raises new questions about the limits of free online expression.

In the episode of "Patriot Act with Hasan Minhaj," the American-born Muslim lashed Saudi Arabia after the killing of Washington Post columnist Jamal Khashoggi in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul.

He specifically criticised Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, and was also critical of the Saudi-led military campaign in Yemen.

"We strongly support artistic freedom worldwide and removed this episode only in Saudi Arabia after we had received a valid legal request - and to comply with local law," a Netflix spokeswoman said in a statement.

British newspaper the Financial Times said Netflix's action came after the kingdom's Communications and Information Technology Commission said the episode violated the cybercrime law.

In December, the US Senate approved two symbolic resolutions blaming Prince Mohammed for the killing of Khashoggi, after intelligence reports pointed in that direction, and urging an end to US participation in the Yemen war.

'Quite outrageous'

Karen Attiah, Khashoggi's editor at The Washington Post, said Netflix's action was "quite outrageous."

The Saudi Information Ministry did not immediately respond to requests for comment.&nbsp;

The episode can still be seen in other parts of the world -- and in Saudi Arabia on YouTube.

Online platforms and tech companies face increasing scrutiny and growing public skepticism in the face of controversies about data sharing and the steady erosion of privacy.

In October, the press freedom watchdog group Reporters Without Borders ranked Saudi Arabia as 169th out of 180 countries for press freedom, adding that "it will very probably fall even lower in the 2019 index because of the gravity of the violence and abuses of all kinds against journalists."

After releasing its annual study of global internet freedom, another watchdog, Freedom House, said in November that Saudi Arabia was among those employing "troll armies" to manipulate social media and in many cases drown out the voices of dissidents.

Minhaj, 33, has seen his profile rise steadily. His routines combine personal history and pointed political commentary wrapped in edgy topical humor.

In 2014, he became senior correspondent on Comedy Central's popular "The Daily Show," and in 2017 was the featured speaker at the White House Correspondents' dinner. "Patriot Act" debuted in October 2018. 
&nbsp;

Netflix confirmed Tuesday that it removed an episode of a satirical comedy show that criticises Saudi Arabia, after officials in the kingdom reportedly complained.

Netflix confirmed Tuesday that it removed an episode of a satirical comedy show that criticises Saudi Arabia, after officials in the kingdom reportedly complained. The move raises new questions about the limits of free online expression. In the episode of "Patriot Act with Hasan Minhaj," the American-born Muslim lashed Saudi Arabia after the killing of Washington Post columnist Jamal Khashoggi in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul. He specifically criticised Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, and was also critical of the Saudi-led military campaign in Yemen. "We strongly support artistic freedom worldwide and removed this episode only in Saudi Arabia after we had received a valid legal request - and to comply with local law," a Netflix spokeswoman said in a statement. British newspaper the Financial Times said Netflix's action came after the kingdom's Communications and Information Technology Commission said the episode violated the cybercrime law. In December, the US Senate approved two symbolic resolutions blaming Prince Mohammed for the killing of Khashoggi, after intelligence reports pointed in that direction, and urging an end to US participation in the Yemen war. 'Quite outrageous' Karen Attiah, Khashoggi's editor at The Washington Post, said Netflix's action was "quite outrageous." The Saudi Information Ministry did not immediately respond to requests for comment. The episode can still be seen in other parts of the world -- and in Saudi Arabia on YouTube. Online platforms and tech companies face increasing scrutiny and growing public skepticism in the face of controversies about data sharing and the steady erosion of privacy. In October, the press freedom watchdog group Reporters Without Borders ranked Saudi Arabia as 169th out of 180 countries for press freedom, adding that "it will very probably fall even lower in the 2019 index because of the gravity of the violence and abuses of all kinds against journalists." After releasing its annual study of global internet freedom, another watchdog, Freedom House, said in November that Saudi Arabia was among those employing "troll armies" to manipulate social media and in many cases drown out the voices of dissidents. Minhaj, 33, has seen his profile rise steadily. His routines combine personal history and pointed political commentary wrapped in edgy topical humor. In 2014, he became senior correspondent on Comedy Central's popular "The Daily Show," and in 2017 was the featured speaker at the White House Correspondents' dinner. "Patriot Act" debuted in October 2018.

Netflix drops satire episode critical of Saudi Arabia

Traditionally focussed on ultra-conservative Sunni Muslim Islam, Saudi funding in the era of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has been streamlined and finetuned to ensure that it serves his geopolitical ambitions, primarily stymying the expansion of Iranian influence in the Middle East and North Africa and enhancing the kingdom’s global impact.

The effort, however, has so far produced a mixed bag. Spending is down but more targeted. Saudi Arabia has handed over control of the Grand Mosque in Brussels in a move designed to demonstrate its newly found moderation and reduce the reputational damage of Saudi ultra-conservative management that had become contentious in Belgium.

Yet, monies still flowed to militant, ultra-conservative Madrassas or religious seminaries that dot the Pakistani-Iranian border. The kingdom’s focus, moreover, has shifted in selected countries to the promotion of a strand of Salafi ultra-conservatism that preaches absolute obedience to the ruler, a corollary to Prince Mohammed’s crackdown on critics and activists at home.

Saudi governmental, non-governmental organisations that once distributed the kingdom’s largesse to advance ultra-conservatism as well as officials have adopted the language of tolerance and respect and principles of inter-faith but have little tangible change at home to back it up.

To be sure, Prince Mohammed has lifted the ban on women’s driving, enhanced women’s work and leisure opportunities and kickstarted the creation of a modern entertainment industry but none of these measures amount to his promise to foster an unidentified but truly moderate form of Islam.

The prince’s moves, moreover, have been accompanied by an embrace of the European right and far-right, as well as, Western ultra-conservative groups that by and large are hardly beacons of tolerance and mutual respect.

“Saudi Arabia with MBS as Crown Prince has not been advocating Islamic religious reform,” said Middle East scholar HA Hellyer, referring to the Saudi leader by his initials.

“The existing Saudi religious establishment has not been encouraged to engage in a genuine rethinking of its ideas that draws it closer to the normative Sunni mainstream, nor listen to existing Saudi religious scholars who advocate more normative and mainstream approaches. Rather, the establishment has been muzzled. MBS’s ‘reforms’ in this arena are about centralising power—they are not about restoring the Saudi religious establishment to a normative Sunnism,” Hellyer added.

Prince Mohammed’s interest in non-Muslim, ultra-conservative groups in the West fits a global pattern, highlighted by political scientists Yascha Mounk and Roberto Stefan Foa, in which technological advances and the increased importance of soft power that lie at the root of Russian intervention in elections in the United States and Europe, have revealed the information and public relations policies of multiple autocratic states.

Technology and soft power, according to Messrs. Mounk and Foa, are likely to spark greater efforts by authoritarians and autocrats in general to influence Western nations and undermine confidence in democracy.

“Indeed, China is already stepping up ideological pressure on its overseas residents and establishing influential Confucius Institutes in major centres of learning. And over the past two years, Saudi Arabia has dramatically upped its payments to registered US lobbyists, increasing the number of registered foreign agents working on its behalf from 25 to 145… The rise of authoritarian soft power is already apparent across a variety of domains, including academia, popular culture, foreign investment, and development aid,” Messrs. Mounk and Foa said.

Saudi Arabia alongside other Gulf states, including the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Oman and Kuwait, as well as China, have furthermore been major donors to Western universities and think tanks and developed media outlets of their own such as Qatar’s Al Jazeera, Turkey’s TRT World China’s CCTV, and Russia’s RT that reach global audiences. They compete with the likes of the BBC and CNN.

The need for Saudi Arabia to acquire soft power was driven home by mounting Western criticism of its war in Yemen and condemnation of the killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi on the premises of the Saudi consulate in Istanbul.

The Saudi effort to do so by garnering conservative, right-wing and far-right support was evident in Northern Ireland.

Investigating a remarkable campaign by Northern Ireland’s Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), a key support pillar of British prime minister Teresa May’s government, in favour of Britain’s exit from the European Union, Irish Times columnist Fintan O'Toole suggested that a senior member of Saudi Arabia’s ruling family and former head of the country’s intelligence service, Prince Nawwaf bin Abdul Aziz al Saud, as well as its just replaced ambassador to Britain, had funded the anti-Brexit effort through a commercial tie-up with a relatively obscure Scottish conservative activist of modest means, Richard Cook.

The ambassador, Prince Nawaf’s son, Prince Mohammed bin Nawaf al Saud, was Saudi Arabia’s ambassador to Britain until last month’s Saudi cabinet reshuffle.

“It may be entirely coincidental that the man who channelled £425,622 to the DUP had such extremely high-level Saudi connections. We simply don’t know. We also don’t know whether the… Saudi ambassador had any knowledge of his father’s connection to Richard Cook,” O’Toole said.

Similarly, Saudi Arabia has invited dozens of British members of parliament on all-expenses paid visits to the kingdom and showered at least 50 members of the government, including May, with enormous hampers of food weighing up to 18 pounds.

One package destined for a member of the House of Lords included seaweed and garlic mayonnaise; smoked salmon, trout and mussels; and a kilogram of Stilton cheese. Others contained bottles of claret, white wine, champagne, and Talisker whisky despite the kingdom’s ban of alcohol.

In a move similar to Russian efforts to influence European politics, Saudi Arabia has also forged close ties to conservative and far-right groups in Europe that include the Danish People’s Party and the Sweden Democrats as well as other Islamophobes, according to the member of the European parliament Eldar Mamedov.

Writing on LobeLog, Mamedov said the kingdom frequently worked through the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) bloc, the third largest grouping in the European parliament. Saudi Arabia also enjoyed the support of European Parliament member Mario Borghezio of Italy’s Lega, who is a member of Europe of Nations and Freedom (ENF), a bloc of far-right parties in the parliament.

The kingdom’s strategy, in a twist of irony, although in pursuit of different goals, resembles to a degree that of one of its nemeses, Indonesia’s Nahdlatul Ulama, the world’s largest Muslim non-governmental organisation that has opposition to Saudi Arabia’s puritan strand of Islam carved into its DNA and has forged close ties to the European right and far-right in its bid to reform the faith.

The Saudi strategy could prove tricky, particularly in the United States, dependent on the evolution of US special counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation into foreign interference in the 2016 election that brought President Donald J Trump to the office.

Mueller reportedly is set in court filings to unveil efforts by Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, the kingdom’s closest ally, to influence American politics. 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) 
&nbsp;

Traditionally focussed on ultra-conservative Sunni Muslim Islam, Saudi funding in the era of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has been streamlined and finetuned to ensure that it serves his geopolitical ambitions, primarily stymying the expansion of Iranian influence in the Middle East and North Africa and enhancing the kingdom’s global impact.

Traditionally focussed on ultra-conservative Sunni Muslim Islam, Saudi funding in the era of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has been streamlined and finetuned to ensure that it serves his geopolitical ambitions, primarily stymying the expansion of Iranian influence in the Middle East and North Africa and enhancing the kingdom’s global impact. The effort, however, has so far produced a mixed bag. Spending is down but more targeted. Saudi Arabia has handed over control of the Grand Mosque in Brussels in a move designed to demonstrate its newly found moderation and reduce the reputational damage of Saudi ultra-conservative management that had become contentious in Belgium. Yet, monies still flowed to militant, ultra-conservative Madrassas or religious seminaries that dot the Pakistani-Iranian border. The kingdom’s focus, moreover, has shifted in selected countries to the promotion of a strand of Salafi ultra-conservatism that preaches absolute obedience to the ruler, a corollary to Prince Mohammed’s crackdown on critics and activists at home. Saudi governmental, non-governmental organisations that once distributed the kingdom’s largesse to advance ultra-conservatism as well as officials have adopted the language of tolerance and respect and principles of inter-faith but have little tangible change at home to back it up. To be sure, Prince Mohammed has lifted the ban on women’s driving, enhanced women’s work and leisure opportunities and kickstarted the creation of a modern entertainment industry but none of these measures amount to his promise to foster an unidentified but truly moderate form of Islam. The prince’s moves, moreover, have been accompanied by an embrace of the European right and far-right, as well as, Western ultra-conservative groups that by and large are hardly beacons of tolerance and mutual respect. “Saudi Arabia with MBS as Crown Prince has not been advocating Islamic religious reform,” said Middle East scholar HA Hellyer, referring to the Saudi leader by his initials. “The existing Saudi religious establishment has not been encouraged to engage in a genuine rethinking of its ideas that draws it closer to the normative Sunni mainstream, nor listen to existing Saudi religious scholars who advocate more normative and mainstream approaches. Rather, the establishment has been muzzled. MBS’s ‘reforms’ in this arena are about centralising power—they are not about restoring the Saudi religious establishment to a normative Sunnism,” Hellyer added. Prince Mohammed’s interest in non-Muslim, ultra-conservative groups in the West fits a global pattern, highlighted by political scientists Yascha Mounk and Roberto Stefan Foa, in which technological advances and the increased importance of soft power that lie at the root of Russian intervention in elections in the United States and Europe, have revealed the information and public relations policies of multiple autocratic states. Technology and soft power, according to Messrs. Mounk and Foa, are likely to spark greater efforts by authoritarians and autocrats in general to influence Western nations and undermine confidence in democracy. “Indeed, China is already stepping up ideological pressure on its overseas residents and establishing influential Confucius Institutes in major centres of learning. And over the past two years, Saudi Arabia has dramatically upped its payments to registered US lobbyists, increasing the number of registered foreign agents working on its behalf from 25 to 145… The rise of authoritarian soft power is already apparent across a variety of domains, including academia, popular culture, foreign investment, and development aid,” Messrs. Mounk and Foa said. Saudi Arabia alongside other Gulf states, including the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Oman and Kuwait, as well as China, have furthermore been major donors to Western universities and think tanks and developed media outlets of their own such as Qatar’s Al Jazeera, Turkey’s TRT World China’s CCTV, and Russia’s RT that reach global audiences. They compete with the likes of the BBC and CNN. The need for Saudi Arabia to acquire soft power was driven home by mounting Western criticism of its war in Yemen and condemnation of the killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi on the premises of the Saudi consulate in Istanbul. The Saudi effort to do so by garnering conservative, right-wing and far-right support was evident in Northern Ireland. Investigating a remarkable campaign by Northern Ireland’s Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), a key support pillar of British prime minister Teresa May’s government, in favour of Britain’s exit from the European Union, Irish Times columnist Fintan O'Toole suggested that a senior member of Saudi Arabia’s ruling family and former head of the country’s intelligence service, Prince Nawwaf bin Abdul Aziz al Saud, as well as its just replaced ambassador to Britain, had funded the anti-Brexit effort through a commercial tie-up with a relatively obscure Scottish conservative activist of modest means, Richard Cook. The ambassador, Prince Nawaf’s son, Prince Mohammed bin Nawaf al Saud, was Saudi Arabia’s ambassador to Britain until last month’s Saudi cabinet reshuffle. “It may be entirely coincidental that the man who channelled £425,622 to the DUP had such extremely high-level Saudi connections. We simply don’t know. We also don’t know whether the… Saudi ambassador had any knowledge of his father’s connection to Richard Cook,” O’Toole said. Similarly, Saudi Arabia has invited dozens of British members of parliament on all-expenses paid visits to the kingdom and showered at least 50 members of the government, including May, with enormous hampers of food weighing up to 18 pounds. One package destined for a member of the House of Lords included seaweed and garlic mayonnaise; smoked salmon, trout and mussels; and a kilogram of Stilton cheese. Others contained bottles of claret, white wine, champagne, and Talisker whisky despite the kingdom’s ban of alcohol. In a move similar to Russian efforts to influence European politics, Saudi Arabia has also forged close ties to conservative and far-right groups in Europe that include the Danish People’s Party and the Sweden Democrats as well as other Islamophobes, according to the member of the European parliament Eldar Mamedov. Writing on LobeLog, Mamedov said the kingdom frequently worked through the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) bloc, the third largest grouping in the European parliament. Saudi Arabia also enjoyed the support of European Parliament member Mario Borghezio of Italy’s Lega, who is a member of Europe of Nations and Freedom (ENF), a bloc of far-right parties in the parliament. The kingdom’s strategy, in a twist of irony, although in pursuit of different goals, resembles to a degree that of one of its nemeses, Indonesia’s Nahdlatul Ulama, the world’s largest Muslim non-governmental organisation that has opposition to Saudi Arabia’s puritan strand of Islam carved into its DNA and has forged close ties to the European right and far-right in its bid to reform the faith. The Saudi strategy could prove tricky, particularly in the United States, dependent on the evolution of US special counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation into foreign interference in the 2016 election that brought President Donald J Trump to the office. Mueller reportedly is set in court filings to unveil efforts by Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, the kingdom’s closest ally, to influence American politics. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Saudi Arabia and the West’s right-wing: A dubious alliance

A latest video released to Turkish media adds new development in the <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/un-calls-for-credible-probe-into-khashoggi-murder-184518">killing of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi</a>.&nbsp;The video shows a group of men arrive at Saudi consul-general's residence in Istanbul.

In the video, one of the members of Saudi hit team can be seen carrying bags, Turkish media speculate the bag to contain body parts of the slain journalist.&nbsp;

The video is reported to have been of the same day when Khashoggi was killed inside Saudi consulate which is situated close to the consul general's residence.&nbsp;

Meanwhile, journalists from a Turkish daily have revealed new details of Khashoggi's murder in their book. In the book titled 'Diplomatic Atrocity: The Dark Secrets of the Khashoggi Murder,' it is revealed that the murder was carried out in cold blood.

The book states that Khashoggi was asked to call his son and tell him that he was safe in Istanbul but will be out of contact for a few days.&nbsp;

The book says that the Saudi journalist resisted his killers for five minutes, even asked them not to cover his mouth.&nbsp;

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/jamal-khashoggis-killing-a-murder-that-shook-2018-186106">Jamal Khashoggi's killing: A murder that shook 2018</a>

The Saudi journalist disappeared after entering his country's consulate in Istanbul on October 2. His disappearance was initially shrouded in mystery and triggered an international crisis for both Riyadh and Washington. Turkish officials have accused Saudi Arabia of state-sponsored killing.

Riyadh, after insisting that Khashoggi left the Saudi consulate alive, said that he died in a "brawl" that arose from a dispute with people he met there.

Three weeks on, the Saudi public prosecutor said the murder was "premeditated" according to information supplied by Turkey.

Turkey's foreign minister said that his country would "not give up" on establishing the truth about the murder.

Earlier this month, the minister said Turkey was in talks over a possible United Nations investigation into the killing which has provoked global outrage.

According to Turkey, a 15-member Saudi team was sent to Istanbul to kill Khashoggi, a palace insider turned critic of the regime.

Riyadh has since detained 21 people over the murder. 
&nbsp;

A latest video released to Turkish media adds new development in the killing of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi. The video shows a group of men arrive at Saudi consul-general's residence in Istanbul.

A latest video released to Turkish media adds new development in the killing of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi. The video shows a group of men arrive at Saudi consul-general's residence in Istanbul. In the video, one of the members of Saudi hit team can be seen carrying bags, Turkish media speculate the bag to contain body parts of the slain journalist. The video is reported to have been of the same day when Khashoggi was killed inside Saudi consulate which is situated close to the consul general's residence. Meanwhile, journalists from a Turkish daily have revealed new details of Khashoggi's murder in their book. In the book titled 'Diplomatic Atrocity: The Dark Secrets of the Khashoggi Murder,' it is revealed that the murder was carried out in cold blood. The book states that Khashoggi was asked to call his son and tell him that he was safe in Istanbul but will be out of contact for a few days. The book says that the Saudi journalist resisted his killers for five minutes, even asked them not to cover his mouth. Also read: Jamal Khashoggi's killing: A murder that shook 2018 The Saudi journalist disappeared after entering his country's consulate in Istanbul on October 2. His disappearance was initially shrouded in mystery and triggered an international crisis for both Riyadh and Washington. Turkish officials have accused Saudi Arabia of state-sponsored killing. Riyadh, after insisting that Khashoggi left the Saudi consulate alive, said that he died in a "brawl" that arose from a dispute with people he met there. Three weeks on, the Saudi public prosecutor said the murder was "premeditated" according to information supplied by Turkey. Turkey's foreign minister said that his country would "not give up" on establishing the truth about the murder. Earlier this month, the minister said Turkey was in talks over a possible United Nations investigation into the killing which has provoked global outrage. According to Turkey, a 15-member Saudi team was sent to Istanbul to kill Khashoggi, a palace insider turned critic of the regime. Riyadh has since detained 21 people over the murder.

Turkish media accesses video showing bags believed to contain Khashoggi's remains: Report

Two developments, the pending return of Syrian president Bashar al-Assad to the Arab fold and protests in Sudan, Jordan and Tunisia, send contradictory messages of where the Middle East and North Africa are headed.

Conservative monarchies like Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have gone to great lengths to reverse the achievements of the 2011 Arab popular revolts that toppled the autocratic leaders of Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen and sparked mass protests in a swath of land stretching from the Atlantic coast of Africa to the Gulf.

A number of recent contacts, including a visit to Damascus by embattled Sudanese president Omar al-Bashir, the first by an Arab leader since the eruption of the Syrian civil war; a meeting in Cairo of Syrian and Egyptian intelligence chiefs, and the refurbishing of the shuttered UAE embassy in the Syrian capital, are widely seen as precursors for Syria’s return.

In a twist of irony, Messrs. Al-Bashir and Al-Assad have both been accused of war crimes. The International Criminal Court in The Hague has issued an arrest warrant for Al-Bashir that has largely been ignored by Middle Eastern and African nations.

Egyptian president Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, who overthrew Mohammed Morsi, Egypt’s first and only democratically elected leader, in a UAE-Saudi-backed military coup in 2013, drove home autocrats’ seeming victory with the appearance in a court of the country’s two toppled leaders, Hosni Mubarak and Morsi.

In a demonstration of Al-Sisi’s supremacy, Mubarak was required to testify against Morsi in a case involving a 2011 jail break.

There is little doubt that Middle Eastern and North African autocracy has the winds at its back, in part because many in the region have been taken aback by the brutality of the counterrevolution that has sparked civil war, military intervention and harsh repression.

Nonetheless, multiple protests in recent years across the region in Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt, Lebanon, Jordan, Mauritania and Sudan, as well as, online protests in various countries, including Saudi Arabia, suggest that grievances underlying the 2011 and subsequent protests remain widespread. This is true for countries like Egypt where the achievements of the 2011 protests have been reversed as well as Tunisia, the one country that succeeded in pursuing political transition.

A recent survey conducted by Zogby Research Services (ZRS) concluded that only one in five Tunisians and Egyptians believed that their country was moving in the “right direction,” while 69 per cent of Tunisians and 55 per cent of Egyptians said their countries were moving in the “wrong direction.”

When asked whether respondents felt they were better or worse off than they had been five years ago, only 21 per cent of Tunisians and 20 per cent of Egyptians said “better off,” while 59 per cent of Tunisians and 64 per cent of Egyptians claimed they were “worse off.”

The survey seemed to confirm the notion that the key to long-term stability in the Middle East and North Africa lies in resolving the region’s ticking time bomb: Unemployment and particularly youth unemployment.

The Zogby survey showed that employment, corruption, nepotism, an improved educational system and political reform were priorities for Egyptians and Tunisians. “The bottom line - the need to create jobs and reform governance so as to create greater confidence and opportunities for citizens are the challenges faced by the leaderships in both Tunisia and Egypt,” said James J Zogby, the founder of ZRS.

Official youth unemployment rates across the Middle East hover around 30 per cent and 20-25 per cent in North Africa with real rates believed to be far higher.

Neither Arab autocrats nor democratic Tunisia have so far been able to deliver. Yet, the outcome of the battle between greater political liberalism and autocracy in the Middle East is likely to be won in the sphere of economics rather than politics.

Arab autocrats as well as Tunisian leaders have since 2011 been long on promising economic reform that would create jobs and enhance career perspectives and short on delivery. A failure to tackle corruption, the enhanced role of the state in countries like Egypt where the military supported by the UAE and Saudi Arabia plays an ever-greater role in the economy, and depressed oil prices, have stymied growth in the region.

As a result, economics rather than politics will also seal the ultimate fate of the Arab spring, a code word for the crisis of confidence in the system and in leadership that has helped autocrats in the Middle East and North Africa retain or regain power and has fuelled populism, nationalism and the rise of the far right across the globe.

In a rare and furtive recognition of Middle Eastern and North African realities by the Trump administration, the US embassy in Riyadh tweeted in early December a video with Arabic subtitles promoting peaceful protest as a path to "positive social and political changes," but quickly deleted it when questioned about it by Middle East Eye.

The video argued that "even in oppressive, authoritarian conditions, protesters can tailor their campaigns to succeed." It featured archival photos of celebrated protest movements, asserting that research showed that between 1900 and 2006, non-violent protests had been twice as effective as violent ones.

Al-Assad’s return to the Arab fold may constitute one more setback for forces of change in the Middle East and North Africa but is a long way from symbolising their demise. For that to happen, the region’s autocrats have to make good on their promises by implementing painful structural reforms that inevitably will challenge vested interests. So far, there is little indication of that happening.

Which means that a warning earlier this year by Christine Lagarde, the managing director of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), that “Public dissatisfaction, bubbling up in several countries, is a reminder that even more urgent action is needed,” remains as valid today as when she first issued it.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

 
&nbsp;

Two developments, the pending return of Syrian president Bashar al-Assad to the Arab fold and protests in Sudan, Jordan and Tunisia, send contradictory messages of where the Middle East and North Africa are headed.

Two developments, the pending return of Syrian president Bashar al-Assad to the Arab fold and protests in Sudan, Jordan and Tunisia, send contradictory messages of where the Middle East and North Africa are headed. Conservative monarchies like Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have gone to great lengths to reverse the achievements of the 2011 Arab popular revolts that toppled the autocratic leaders of Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen and sparked mass protests in a swath of land stretching from the Atlantic coast of Africa to the Gulf. A number of recent contacts, including a visit to Damascus by embattled Sudanese president Omar al-Bashir, the first by an Arab leader since the eruption of the Syrian civil war; a meeting in Cairo of Syrian and Egyptian intelligence chiefs, and the refurbishing of the shuttered UAE embassy in the Syrian capital, are widely seen as precursors for Syria’s return. In a twist of irony, Messrs. Al-Bashir and Al-Assad have both been accused of war crimes. The International Criminal Court in The Hague has issued an arrest warrant for Al-Bashir that has largely been ignored by Middle Eastern and African nations. Egyptian president Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, who overthrew Mohammed Morsi, Egypt’s first and only democratically elected leader, in a UAE-Saudi-backed military coup in 2013, drove home autocrats’ seeming victory with the appearance in a court of the country’s two toppled leaders, Hosni Mubarak and Morsi. In a demonstration of Al-Sisi’s supremacy, Mubarak was required to testify against Morsi in a case involving a 2011 jail break. There is little doubt that Middle Eastern and North African autocracy has the winds at its back, in part because many in the region have been taken aback by the brutality of the counterrevolution that has sparked civil war, military intervention and harsh repression. Nonetheless, multiple protests in recent years across the region in Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt, Lebanon, Jordan, Mauritania and Sudan, as well as, online protests in various countries, including Saudi Arabia, suggest that grievances underlying the 2011 and subsequent protests remain widespread. This is true for countries like Egypt where the achievements of the 2011 protests have been reversed as well as Tunisia, the one country that succeeded in pursuing political transition. A recent survey conducted by Zogby Research Services (ZRS) concluded that only one in five Tunisians and Egyptians believed that their country was moving in the “right direction,” while 69 per cent of Tunisians and 55 per cent of Egyptians said their countries were moving in the “wrong direction.” When asked whether respondents felt they were better or worse off than they had been five years ago, only 21 per cent of Tunisians and 20 per cent of Egyptians said “better off,” while 59 per cent of Tunisians and 64 per cent of Egyptians claimed they were “worse off.” The survey seemed to confirm the notion that the key to long-term stability in the Middle East and North Africa lies in resolving the region’s ticking time bomb: Unemployment and particularly youth unemployment. The Zogby survey showed that employment, corruption, nepotism, an improved educational system and political reform were priorities for Egyptians and Tunisians. “The bottom line - the need to create jobs and reform governance so as to create greater confidence and opportunities for citizens are the challenges faced by the leaderships in both Tunisia and Egypt,” said James J Zogby, the founder of ZRS. Official youth unemployment rates across the Middle East hover around 30 per cent and 20-25 per cent in North Africa with real rates believed to be far higher. Neither Arab autocrats nor democratic Tunisia have so far been able to deliver. Yet, the outcome of the battle between greater political liberalism and autocracy in the Middle East is likely to be won in the sphere of economics rather than politics. Arab autocrats as well as Tunisian leaders have since 2011 been long on promising economic reform that would create jobs and enhance career perspectives and short on delivery. A failure to tackle corruption, the enhanced role of the state in countries like Egypt where the military supported by the UAE and Saudi Arabia plays an ever-greater role in the economy, and depressed oil prices, have stymied growth in the region. As a result, economics rather than politics will also seal the ultimate fate of the Arab spring, a code word for the crisis of confidence in the system and in leadership that has helped autocrats in the Middle East and North Africa retain or regain power and has fuelled populism, nationalism and the rise of the far right across the globe. In a rare and furtive recognition of Middle Eastern and North African realities by the Trump administration, the US embassy in Riyadh tweeted in early December a video with Arabic subtitles promoting peaceful protest as a path to "positive social and political changes," but quickly deleted it when questioned about it by Middle East Eye. The video argued that "even in oppressive, authoritarian conditions, protesters can tailor their campaigns to succeed." It featured archival photos of celebrated protest movements, asserting that research showed that between 1900 and 2006, non-violent protests had been twice as effective as violent ones. Al-Assad’s return to the Arab fold may constitute one more setback for forces of change in the Middle East and North Africa but is a long way from symbolising their demise. For that to happen, the region’s autocrats have to make good on their promises by implementing painful structural reforms that inevitably will challenge vested interests. So far, there is little indication of that happening. Which means that a warning earlier this year by Christine Lagarde, the managing director of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), that “Public dissatisfaction, bubbling up in several countries, is a reminder that even more urgent action is needed,” remains as valid today as when she first issued it. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Efforts to return Syria’s Bashar al-Assad to Arab fold amount to hollow victory for autocrats

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/jamal-khashoggi-other-journalists-are-named-time-magazines-person-of-the-year-183310">Jamal Khashoggi</a> paid the price for criticising the Saudi royal family. The Saudi Arabian dissident was living in a self-imposed exile in the United States after fleeing Saudi Arabia last year. He was murdered inside the Saudi Arabian consulate in Istanbul, allegedly at the behest of crown prince Mohammed bin Salman.

A complex man of contradictions, Khashoggi went from being a Saudi royal family insider to an outspoken critic of the ultra-conservative kingdom's government.

In his <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/washington-post-publishes-jamal-khashoggis-last-piece-172051">final column for The Washington Post</a>, Khashoggi presciently pleaded for greater freedom of expression in the Middle East.

"The Arab world is facing its own version of an Iron Curtain, imposed not by external actors but through domestic forces vying for power," he wrote.

The Saudi journalist disappeared after entering his country's consulate in Istanbul on October 2. His disappearance was initially shrouded in mystery, and triggered an international crisis for both Riyadh and Washington as Turkish officials accused Saudi Arabia of a state-sponsored killing.

Riyadh, after insisting that Khashoggi left its consulate alive, said more than two weeks afterwards that he died in a "brawl" that arose from a dispute with people he met there.

Three weeks on, the Saudi public prosecutor said the murder was "premeditated" according to information supplied by Turkey.

Khashoggi came from a prominent Saudi family with Turkish origins.

His grandfather, Mohammed Khashoggi, was the personal doctor of Saudi Arabia's founder, King Abdul Aziz al-Saud. His uncle was the notorious arms dealer Adnan Khashoggi.

A friend of the young Osama bin Laden, a Muslim Brotherhood sympathiser, an aide to the Saudi royal family, a critic of the kingdom's regime and a liberal - such conflicting descriptions were all ascribed to Khashoggi.

After graduating from Indiana State University in 1982, he began working for Saudi newspapers, including the Saudi Gazette and Al-Sharq al-Awsat.

Sent to cover the conflict in Afghanistan, Khashoggi sympathised with the mujahedeen in the 1980s war against the Soviet occupation, which was funded by the Saudis and the CIA.

He was known to have been drawn to the Brotherhood's policies seeking to erase the remnants of Western colonialism from the Arab world.

It was this shared vision that brought him closer to Bin Laden, who went on to found Al-Qaeda, which carried out the September 11, 2001 attacks on the United States.

Born in the Saudi holy city of Medina on October 13, 1958, Khashoggi spent his youth studying Islamic ideology and embraced liberal ideas.

But Saudi authorities came to see Khashoggi as too progressive and he was forced to resign as editor-in-chief of the Saudi daily Al-Watan in 2003 after serving just 54 days.

Over the years, he maintained ambiguous ties with Saudi authorities, having held advisory positions in Riyadh and Washington, including to Prince Turki al-Faisal, who ran Saudi Arabia's intelligence agency for more than 20 years.

In 2007, Khashoggi returned to Al-Watan newspaper, lasting almost three years before being fired for "his editorial style," according to his website.

He became close to Saudi billionaire Prince Al-Waleed bin Talal, and together they launched in Manama a 24-hour news station, Al-Arab.

But staunch Saudi ally Bahrain shut the station down in 2015, less than 24 hours after it broadcast an interview with an opposition official.

Khashoggi fled Saudi Arabia in September 2017, just months after Prince Mohammed was named heir to the throne.

He spoke out against a Saudi-led boycott of Qatar and also criticised Prince Mohammed for stifling debate about his reforms.

Khashoggi made his fateful <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/khashoggi-was-dead-in-twenty-minutes-says-tura-khislakchi-as-he-unfolds-the-incident-to-wion-173771">visit to the Istanbul consulate</a> in order to obtain the papers he needed to marry his Turkish fiancee Hatice Cengiz.

(With inputs from AFP)

Jamal Khashoggi paid the price for criticising the Saudi royal family. The Saudi Arabian dissident was living in a self-imposed exile in the United States after fleeing Saudi Arabia last year.

Jamal Khashoggi paid the price for criticising the Saudi royal family. The Saudi Arabian dissident was living in a self-imposed exile in the United States after fleeing Saudi Arabia last year. He was murdered inside the Saudi Arabian consulate in Istanbul, allegedly at the behest of crown prince Mohammed bin Salman. A complex man of contradictions, Khashoggi went from being a Saudi royal family insider to an outspoken critic of the ultra-conservative kingdom's government. In his final column for The Washington Post, Khashoggi presciently pleaded for greater freedom of expression in the Middle East. "The Arab world is facing its own version of an Iron Curtain, imposed not by external actors but through domestic forces vying for power," he wrote. The Saudi journalist disappeared after entering his country's consulate in Istanbul on October 2. His disappearance was initially shrouded in mystery, and triggered an international crisis for both Riyadh and Washington as Turkish officials accused Saudi Arabia of a state-sponsored killing. Riyadh, after insisting that Khashoggi left its consulate alive, said more than two weeks afterwards that he died in a "brawl" that arose from a dispute with people he met there. Three weeks on, the Saudi public prosecutor said the murder was "premeditated" according to information supplied by Turkey. Khashoggi came from a prominent Saudi family with Turkish origins. His grandfather, Mohammed Khashoggi, was the personal doctor of Saudi Arabia's founder, King Abdul Aziz al-Saud. His uncle was the notorious arms dealer Adnan Khashoggi. A friend of the young Osama bin Laden, a Muslim Brotherhood sympathiser, an aide to the Saudi royal family, a critic of the kingdom's regime and a liberal - such conflicting descriptions were all ascribed to Khashoggi. After graduating from Indiana State University in 1982, he began working for Saudi newspapers, including the Saudi Gazette and Al-Sharq al-Awsat. Sent to cover the conflict in Afghanistan, Khashoggi sympathised with the mujahedeen in the 1980s war against the Soviet occupation, which was funded by the Saudis and the CIA. He was known to have been drawn to the Brotherhood's policies seeking to erase the remnants of Western colonialism from the Arab world. It was this shared vision that brought him closer to Bin Laden, who went on to found Al-Qaeda, which carried out the September 11, 2001 attacks on the United States. Born in the Saudi holy city of Medina on October 13, 1958, Khashoggi spent his youth studying Islamic ideology and embraced liberal ideas. But Saudi authorities came to see Khashoggi as too progressive and he was forced to resign as editor-in-chief of the Saudi daily Al-Watan in 2003 after serving just 54 days. Over the years, he maintained ambiguous ties with Saudi authorities, having held advisory positions in Riyadh and Washington, including to Prince Turki al-Faisal, who ran Saudi Arabia's intelligence agency for more than 20 years. In 2007, Khashoggi returned to Al-Watan newspaper, lasting almost three years before being fired for "his editorial style," according to his website. He became close to Saudi billionaire Prince Al-Waleed bin Talal, and together they launched in Manama a 24-hour news station, Al-Arab. But staunch Saudi ally Bahrain shut the station down in 2015, less than 24 hours after it broadcast an interview with an opposition official. Khashoggi fled Saudi Arabia in September 2017, just months after Prince Mohammed was named heir to the throne. He spoke out against a Saudi-led boycott of Qatar and also criticised Prince Mohammed for stifling debate about his reforms. Khashoggi made his fateful visit to the Istanbul consulate in order to obtain the papers he needed to marry his Turkish fiancee Hatice Cengiz. (With inputs from AFP)

Jamal Khashoggi's killing: A murder that shook 2018

The young prince and heir to Saudi Arabia's throne, Mohammed bin Salman, made the news this year in connection with the brutal killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi. 59-year-old Khashoggi, a Saudi national, was seen entering the Saudi consulate in Istanbul on October 2 but never returned. Turkey and others implicate the Saudi crown prince.

Khashoggi was a critic of the Saudi royal family an his murder has generated calls for Mohammed bin Salman to be replaced as crown prince.

Born on August 31, 1985, Prince Mohammed graduated in law from Riyadh’s King Saud University. The dark-bearded prince with a receding hairline is the father of two boys and two girls.

MBS, as he is popularly known, was appointed crown prince by his father King Salman in June last year, replacing his cousin who is 26 years his senior. This made the prince, who already oversaw defence and energy policy, the most powerful figure in the country by some stretch after the octogenarian monarch.

The decision represented a social and cultural sea change, with the ruling baton set to be passed to a much younger generation in a country where patriarchal traditions have long made power the province of the old.

In September 2017, a royal decree said women would be allowed to drive. The kingdom has also lifted a public ban on cinemas and has encouraged mixed-gender celebrations - something unseen before.

If Mohammed bin Salman becomes king in his 30s, he would be the youngest monarch of the modern state.

The royal decree was a vote of confidence in a man widely lauded by younger Saudis but regarded warily by many older conservatives. He has embraced the media in a distinct departure from the normally secretive Saudi ruling class, with his bearded features rarely off TV screens or street billboards.

His elevation signaled an affirmation of his policies as the blueprint for the future of the Saudi economy, as well as of his more hawkish and interventionist foreign policy.

The authorities also appear to have clipped the wings of the once-feared religious police - long accused of harassing the public with rigid Islamic mores - who have all but disappeared from big cities.

On the economic front, he announced sweeping changes labeled Vision 2030 aimed at ending the kingdom’s reliance on oil. As well as diversifying the economy, the plans include pushing for women to have a bigger economic role and the partial privatisation of state oil firm Saudi Aramco - reforms that would have been unthinkable just a few years ago.

The prince’s foreign policy is meanwhile reshaping the kingdom’s role on the regional and global stage.

He is regarded by diplomats and analysts as a prime mover behind the decision to go to war in Yemen and to lead Gulf Arab states in severing links with neighbouring Qatar.

CONFRONTATIONAL, AGGRESSIVE

Both decisions were indicative of a far more confrontational Saudi foreign policy, a break from the consensual style of Gulf Arab policymaking favoured by previous generations of dynastic rulers, as the Sunni Muslim kingdom moved to act aggressively to counter the influence of Shi’ite power Iran.

Yemen represents a proxy war between the two regional powerhouses, with Riyadh supporting the ousted government against Iranian-backed Houthi forces. Qatar has been accused by Saudi Arabia and its Gulf allies of supporting terrorism and cozying up to Iran, all of which Qatar denies.

The marked policy shift follows what some hawkish Saudi officials regard as a decade of growing Iranian influence across the Middle East, amid concerns that Washington, under former President Barack Obama, turned a blind eye to what Riyadh sees as a pernicious expansion of Iranian activity in Arab nations.

“The rise of MbS (Mohammed bin Salman) will likely mean even more hawkish foreign policy moves from Saudi Arabia and more intensified efforts to confront Iran,” said Helima Croft, Global Head of Commodity Strategy at RBC Capital Markets.

RAPID RISE TO POWER

Prince Mohammed has had a rapid ascent to power: little more than three years ago he was almost unknown in the kingdom, but he quickly came to be regarded as the power behind its throne.

He was propelled into the domestic and international limelight when his father Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud became Saudi Arabia’s seventh king in 2015 and he was named deputy crown prince - behind his cousin whom he has now replaced - and defence minister.

He heads the Council for Economic and Development Affairs which oversees all elements of policy that touch on the economy or social issues like education, health and housing. He also chairs the supreme board of Aramco, making him the first member of the ruling family to directly oversee the state oil company, long regarded as the preserve of commoner technocrats.

And with his elevation as crown prince, he has the kind of wide-ranging power and influence previously unseen in a figure outside the king.

For many Saudis, the kingdom’s new economic and foreign policy directions have become inextricably associated with the prince who has built a strong public profile with media interviews, mainly about his economic ambitions.

Outside Saudi Arabia, that rapid advance and the sudden changes to long-standing policies on regional affairs, energy and its economy have prompted unease, adding an unpredictable edge to a kingdom that allies long regarded as a known quantity.

Inside the country, opinions are divided.

Among many older Saudis, there has been considerable scepticism. They have seen previous economic reform plans come and go with only limited results, and are wary of rapid changes in one of the world’s most conservative societies.

Some fear that Prince Mohammed’s changes will simply serve to cause social ruptures or that however clever his policy changes, deep seated problems in Saudi bureaucracy will prevent any meaningful implementation.

But his Vision 2030 has prompted admiration among many younger Saudis who regard his ascent as evidence that for the first time their generation is taking a central place in running a country.

Prince Mohammed’s establishment of a think-tank, the Misk Foundation, which focused on education, youth, arts and social media issues, appeared to showcase that preoccupation with compatriots of his generation.

“MBS is very popular among Saudi youth and has a window of opportunity to try and reshape the Kingdom through Vision 2030,” said Kristian Ulrichsen, a Gulf expert at the US Baker Institute.

“If he succeeds, he could be on the throne for decades.”

&nbsp;

The young prince and heir to Saudi Arabia's throne, Mohammed bin Salman, made the news this year in connection with the brutal killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi.

The young prince and heir to Saudi Arabia's throne, Mohammed bin Salman, made the news this year in connection with the brutal killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi. 59-year-old Khashoggi, a Saudi national, was seen entering the Saudi consulate in Istanbul on October 2 but never returned. Turkey and others implicate the Saudi crown prince. Khashoggi was a critic of the Saudi royal family an his murder has generated calls for Mohammed bin Salman to be replaced as crown prince. Born on August 31, 1985, Prince Mohammed graduated in law from Riyadh’s King Saud University. The dark-bearded prince with a receding hairline is the father of two boys and two girls. MBS, as he is popularly known, was appointed crown prince by his father King Salman in June last year, replacing his cousin who is 26 years his senior. This made the prince, who already oversaw defence and energy policy, the most powerful figure in the country by some stretch after the octogenarian monarch. The decision represented a social and cultural sea change, with the ruling baton set to be passed to a much younger generation in a country where patriarchal traditions have long made power the province of the old. In September 2017, a royal decree said women would be allowed to drive. The kingdom has also lifted a public ban on cinemas and has encouraged mixed-gender celebrations - something unseen before. If Mohammed bin Salman becomes king in his 30s, he would be the youngest monarch of the modern state. The royal decree was a vote of confidence in a man widely lauded by younger Saudis but regarded warily by many older conservatives. He has embraced the media in a distinct departure from the normally secretive Saudi ruling class, with his bearded features rarely off TV screens or street billboards. His elevation signaled an affirmation of his policies as the blueprint for the future of the Saudi economy, as well as of his more hawkish and interventionist foreign policy. The authorities also appear to have clipped the wings of the once-feared religious police - long accused of harassing the public with rigid Islamic mores - who have all but disappeared from big cities. On the economic front, he announced sweeping changes labeled Vision 2030 aimed at ending the kingdom’s reliance on oil. As well as diversifying the economy, the plans include pushing for women to have a bigger economic role and the partial privatisation of state oil firm Saudi Aramco - reforms that would have been unthinkable just a few years ago. The prince’s foreign policy is meanwhile reshaping the kingdom’s role on the regional and global stage. He is regarded by diplomats and analysts as a prime mover behind the decision to go to war in Yemen and to lead Gulf Arab states in severing links with neighbouring Qatar. CONFRONTATIONAL, AGGRESSIVE Both decisions were indicative of a far more confrontational Saudi foreign policy, a break from the consensual style of Gulf Arab policymaking favoured by previous generations of dynastic rulers, as the Sunni Muslim kingdom moved to act aggressively to counter the influence of Shi’ite power Iran. Yemen represents a proxy war between the two regional powerhouses, with Riyadh supporting the ousted government against Iranian-backed Houthi forces. Qatar has been accused by Saudi Arabia and its Gulf allies of supporting terrorism and cozying up to Iran, all of which Qatar denies. The marked policy shift follows what some hawkish Saudi officials regard as a decade of growing Iranian influence across the Middle East, amid concerns that Washington, under former President Barack Obama, turned a blind eye to what Riyadh sees as a pernicious expansion of Iranian activity in Arab nations. “The rise of MbS (Mohammed bin Salman) will likely mean even more hawkish foreign policy moves from Saudi Arabia and more intensified efforts to confront Iran,” said Helima Croft, Global Head of Commodity Strategy at RBC Capital Markets. RAPID RISE TO POWER Prince Mohammed has had a rapid ascent to power: little more than three years ago he was almost unknown in the kingdom, but he quickly came to be regarded as the power behind its throne. He was propelled into the domestic and international limelight when his father Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud became Saudi Arabia’s seventh king in 2015 and he was named deputy crown prince - behind his cousin whom he has now replaced - and defence minister. He heads the Council for Economic and Development Affairs which oversees all elements of policy that touch on the economy or social issues like education, health and housing. He also chairs the supreme board of Aramco, making him the first member of the ruling family to directly oversee the state oil company, long regarded as the preserve of commoner technocrats. And with his elevation as crown prince, he has the kind of wide-ranging power and influence previously unseen in a figure outside the king. For many Saudis, the kingdom’s new economic and foreign policy directions have become inextricably associated with the prince who has built a strong public profile with media interviews, mainly about his economic ambitions. Outside Saudi Arabia, that rapid advance and the sudden changes to long-standing policies on regional affairs, energy and its economy have prompted unease, adding an unpredictable edge to a kingdom that allies long regarded as a known quantity. Inside the country, opinions are divided. Among many older Saudis, there has been considerable scepticism. They have seen previous economic reform plans come and go with only limited results, and are wary of rapid changes in one of the world’s most conservative societies. Some fear that Prince Mohammed’s changes will simply serve to cause social ruptures or that however clever his policy changes, deep seated problems in Saudi bureaucracy will prevent any meaningful implementation. But his Vision 2030 has prompted admiration among many younger Saudis who regard his ascent as evidence that for the first time their generation is taking a central place in running a country. Prince Mohammed’s establishment of a think-tank, the Misk Foundation, which focused on education, youth, arts and social media issues, appeared to showcase that preoccupation with compatriots of his generation. “MBS is very popular among Saudi youth and has a window of opportunity to try and reshape the Kingdom through Vision 2030,” said Kristian Ulrichsen, a Gulf expert at the US Baker Institute. “If he succeeds, he could be on the throne for decades.”

Mohammed bin Salman, reformist prince who has shaken Saudi Arabia

An <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/yemens-warring-sides-trade-blame-for-truce-breach-swap-prisoner-lists-185321">uneasy calm returned to the battleground Yemeni city of Hodeida</a> on Thursday after further overnight skirmishes, as the warring parties await the promised deployment of UN staff to oversee a hard-won but fragile truce.

The ceasefire in the Red Sea port city, which is a vital aid lifeline for millions at risk of starvation, is the centrepiece of a peace push that is seen as the best chance yet of ending four years of devastating conflict.

Military officials and residents have reported intermittent fighting between Saudi-backed government forces and Huthi Shiite rebels since the UN-brokered ceasefire came into effect in the city and its surroundings on Tuesday.&nbsp;

A pro-government official told AFP that four loyalists were wounded in a firefight on Wednesday night.&nbsp;

"The exchange of fire lasted for about half an hour, and there is an uneasy calm this morning," he said.

Residents reached by telephone confirmed to AFP that there was no fighting on Thursday morning. &nbsp;

The official added there has been intermittent fighting on a number of battlefronts in Hodeida province, including the districts of Hays and Al-Tuhayta.

A coalition official told AFP the "level of intensity" of Huthi attacks had decreased, which was "a positive sign but too early to draw concrete conclusions".

Pro-government forces and Huthi rebels accused each other of breaching the ceasefire agreed at talks in Sweden earlier this month.

The rebel-run Saba news agency said loyalists targeted a "number of neighbourhoods in the city" overnight.&nbsp;

'Breathing down the neck' 
UN observers are due in Yemen to head up monitoring teams made up of government and rebel representatives tasked with overseeing the implementation of the UN-brokered ceasefire, under the auspices of a Redeployment Coordination Committee.

The committee's UN chair, Patrick Cammaert, convened its first meeting by videoconference from New York on Wednesday "to discuss the general outlines of its work, including agreement of a code of conduct", UN spokesman Stephane Dujarric said.&nbsp;

UN chief Antonio Guterres was "breathing down the neck" of officials to make sure the UN observers are deployed as soon as possible, Dujarric said.

He added that Cammaert will head on Thursday to Jordan from where he will travel on to the rebel-held capital Sanaa and Hodeida.&nbsp;

A UN official told AFP that he was expected in Amman on Friday.&nbsp;

"His departure to Yemen depends on logistics arrangements and flight availability," the official, who requested anonymity, said.

Brigadier General Ahmed al-Kokbani, a Yemeni government representative on the committee, told AFP that the videoconference with Cammaert covered the bases of the committee's mission.&nbsp;

"Cammaert asked members of the team to work diligently in calming the situation and to reject any violations," he said.

The coalition source reiterated Thursday the Saudi-alliance's commitment to UN peace efforts, saying: "We will extend our full support to Cammaert... and we hope to see positive progress".

The coalition said Wednesday that the hard-won ceasefire agreement will collapse if rebel violations persist and the United Nations does not intervene.

The committee's observers are due to oversee the withdrawal of the warring parties from Hodeida, including a rebel pullout from the city's docks that are the entry point for 80 percent of Yemeni imports and nearly all UN-supervised humanitarian aid.

Cammaert is due to report back to the Security Council about the situation on the ground on a weekly basis.

According to the International Crisis Group, the "odds are stacked against" UN envoy Martin Griffiths and his team.&nbsp;

"The Hodeida agreement came about in a rush, and critics have assailed it as too vague and open to interpretation," it said in a statement on Wednesday.

"Griffiths will now have to build on this imperfect but highly welcome and overdue agreement, which, as Crisis Group has argued, the UN Security Council should endorse via a new resolution," it added.&nbsp;

"Without strong international support, the Hodeida ceasefire will falter."

The war between the Shiite Huthi rebels and troops loyal to President Abedrabbo Mansour Hadi escalated in 2015, when he fled into Saudi exile and the Saudi-led military coalition intervened.

Since then, the war has killed some 10,000 people, according to the World Health Organization, although human rights groups say the real death toll could be five times as high.

The conflict has pushed 14 million people to the brink of famine in what the United Nations describes as the world's worst humanitarian crisis.&nbsp;

An uneasy calm returned to the battleground Yemeni city of Hodeida on Thursday after further overnight skirmishes, as the warring parties await the promised deployment of UN staff to oversee a hard-won but fragile truce.

An uneasy calm returned to the battleground Yemeni city of Hodeida on Thursday after further overnight skirmishes, as the warring parties await the promised deployment of UN staff to oversee a hard-won but fragile truce. The ceasefire in the Red Sea port city, which is a vital aid lifeline for millions at risk of starvation, is the centrepiece of a peace push that is seen as the best chance yet of ending four years of devastating conflict. Military officials and residents have reported intermittent fighting between Saudi-backed government forces and Huthi Shiite rebels since the UN-brokered ceasefire came into effect in the city and its surroundings on Tuesday. A pro-government official told AFP that four loyalists were wounded in a firefight on Wednesday night. "The exchange of fire lasted for about half an hour, and there is an uneasy calm this morning," he said. Residents reached by telephone confirmed to AFP that there was no fighting on Thursday morning. The official added there has been intermittent fighting on a number of battlefronts in Hodeida province, including the districts of Hays and Al-Tuhayta. A coalition official told AFP the "level of intensity" of Huthi attacks had decreased, which was "a positive sign but too early to draw concrete conclusions". Pro-government forces and Huthi rebels accused each other of breaching the ceasefire agreed at talks in Sweden earlier this month. The rebel-run Saba news agency said loyalists targeted a "number of neighbourhoods in the city" overnight. 'Breathing down the neck' UN observers are due in Yemen to head up monitoring teams made up of government and rebel representatives tasked with overseeing the implementation of the UN-brokered ceasefire, under the auspices of a Redeployment Coordination Committee. The committee's UN chair, Patrick Cammaert, convened its first meeting by videoconference from New York on Wednesday "to discuss the general outlines of its work, including agreement of a code of conduct", UN spokesman Stephane Dujarric said. UN chief Antonio Guterres was "breathing down the neck" of officials to make sure the UN observers are deployed as soon as possible, Dujarric said. He added that Cammaert will head on Thursday to Jordan from where he will travel on to the rebel-held capital Sanaa and Hodeida. A UN official told AFP that he was expected in Amman on Friday. "His departure to Yemen depends on logistics arrangements and flight availability," the official, who requested anonymity, said. Brigadier General Ahmed al-Kokbani, a Yemeni government representative on the committee, told AFP that the videoconference with Cammaert covered the bases of the committee's mission. "Cammaert asked members of the team to work diligently in calming the situation and to reject any violations," he said. The coalition source reiterated Thursday the Saudi-alliance's commitment to UN peace efforts, saying: "We will extend our full support to Cammaert... and we hope to see positive progress". The coalition said Wednesday that the hard-won ceasefire agreement will collapse if rebel violations persist and the United Nations does not intervene. The committee's observers are due to oversee the withdrawal of the warring parties from Hodeida, including a rebel pullout from the city's docks that are the entry point for 80 percent of Yemeni imports and nearly all UN-supervised humanitarian aid. Cammaert is due to report back to the Security Council about the situation on the ground on a weekly basis. According to the International Crisis Group, the "odds are stacked against" UN envoy Martin Griffiths and his team. "The Hodeida agreement came about in a rush, and critics have assailed it as too vague and open to interpretation," it said in a statement on Wednesday. "Griffiths will now have to build on this imperfect but highly welcome and overdue agreement, which, as Crisis Group has argued, the UN Security Council should endorse via a new resolution," it added. "Without strong international support, the Hodeida ceasefire will falter." The war between the Shiite Huthi rebels and troops loyal to President Abedrabbo Mansour Hadi escalated in 2015, when he fled into Saudi exile and the Saudi-led military coalition intervened. Since then, the war has killed some 10,000 people, according to the World Health Organization, although human rights groups say the real death toll could be five times as high. The conflict has pushed 14 million people to the brink of famine in what the United Nations describes as the world's worst humanitarian crisis.

'Uneasy calm' in Yemen's Hodeida as combatants await UN truce team

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