Voters in five states went to the polls Tuesday to decide the outcomes of some of the most closely watched primary elections of the 2022 midterms cycle, which tested Trump's influence and the GOP's rightward shift.

US: 5 states hold primaries for senate & governor seats

US House of Representatives Speaker Nancy Pelosi said on Tuesday that she plans to run for 19th term in office. The Democratic Party leader said she was determined to stay on to fight existential threats to democracy.

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, who turns 82 in March, had been expected to step down, with her party bracing for a possible heavy defeat in this year's midterm elections.

Despite dire predictions of a Democratic wipeout in November, Pelosi is likely to win her liberal San Francisco district comfortably -- but she did not reveal whether she intended to keep her leadership role.

"Our democracy is at risk because of the assault on the truth, the assault on the US Capitol and the state-by-state assault on voting rights," Pelosi said in a video announcement.&nbsp;

"This election is crucial. Nothing less is at stake than our democracy. But as we say, we don't agonize, we organize, and that is why I am running for reelection to Congress and respectfully seek your support."

Pelosi, the only female speaker in US history, first took up the gavel in 2007 and returned to the role when the Democrats retook the House in the 2018 midterm elections.

After securing her party's nomination to lead the House in 2020, Pelosi suggested it would be her last term in the job.

The job places her second in line to the presidency behind Vice President Kamala Harris.

"When people ask me, 'What are the three most important issues facing the Congress?' I always say the same thing: our children, our children, our children... That is why I am in Congress, for the children," she said.

(With inputs from agencies)

US House of Representatives Speaker Nancy Pelosi said on Tuesday that she plans to run for 19th term in office. The Democratic Party leader said she was determined to stay on to fight existential threats to democracy.

US House of Representatives Speaker Nancy Pelosi said on Tuesday that she plans to run for 19th term in office. The Democratic Party leader said she was determined to stay on to fight existential threats to democracy. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, who turns 82 in March, had been expected to step down, with her party bracing for a possible heavy defeat in this year's midterm elections. Despite dire predictions of a Democratic wipeout in November, Pelosi is likely to win her liberal San Francisco district comfortably -- but she did not reveal whether she intended to keep her leadership role. "Our democracy is at risk because of the assault on the truth, the assault on the US Capitol and the state-by-state assault on voting rights," Pelosi said in a video announcement. "This election is crucial. Nothing less is at stake than our democracy. But as we say, we don't agonize, we organize, and that is why I am running for reelection to Congress and respectfully seek your support." Pelosi, the only female speaker in US history, first took up the gavel in 2007 and returned to the role when the Democrats retook the House in the 2018 midterm elections. After securing her party's nomination to lead the House in 2020, Pelosi suggested it would be her last term in the job. The job places her second in line to the presidency behind Vice President Kamala Harris. "When people ask me, 'What are the three most important issues facing the Congress?' I always say the same thing: our children, our children, our children... That is why I am in Congress, for the children," she said. (With inputs from agencies)

US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi says will run for reelection

With the White House legislative agenda in shambles less than a year before the midterm elections, Democrats are sounding alarms that their party could face even deeper losses than anticipated without a major shift in strategy led by the president.

The frustrations span the spectrum from those of the party’s liberal wing, which feels deflated by the failure to enact a bold agenda, to the concerns of moderates, who are worried about losing suburban swing voters and had believed Democratic victories would usher a return to normalcy after last year’s upheaval.

Democrats already anticipated a difficult midterm climate, given that the party in power historically loses seats during a president’s first term. But the party’s struggle to act on its biggest legislative priorities has rattled lawmakers and strategists, who fear their candidates will be left combating the perception that Democrats failed to deliver on President Joe Biden’s central campaign promise of rebooting a broken Washington.

“I think millions of Americans have become very demoralized — they’re asking, what do the Democrats stand for?” said Sen. Bernie Sanders, the Vermont independent in charge of the Senate Budget Committee. In a lengthy interview, he added, “Clearly, the current strategy is failing, and we need a major course correction.”

Rep. Tim Ryan, a Democrat from a blue-collar Ohio district who is running for the state’s open Senate seat, said his party isn’t addressing voter anxieties about school closures, the pandemic and economic security. He faulted the Biden administration, not just for failing to pass its domestic agenda but also for a lack of clear public health guidance around issues such as masking and testing.

“It seems like the Democrats can’t get out of their own way,” he said. “The Democrats have got to do a better job of being clear on what they’re trying to do.”

The complaints capped one of the worst weeks of the Biden presidency, with the White House facing the looming failure of voting rights legislation, the defeat of their vaccine-or-testing mandate for large employers at the Supreme Court, inflation rising to a 40-year high and friction with Russia over aggression toward Ukraine. Meanwhile, Biden’s top domestic priority — a sprawling $2.2 trillion spending, climate and tax policy plan — remains stalled, not just because of Republicans but also opposition from a centrist Democrat.

“I’m sure they’re frustrated — I am,” said Sen. Dick Durbin of Illinois, the No. 2 Senate Democrat, when asked this week about the chamber’s inability to act on Biden’s agenda. Discussing the impact on voters before the midterm elections, he added, “It depends on who they blame for it.”

The end of the week provided another painful marker for Democrats: Friday was the first time since July that millions of U.S. families with children did not receive a monthly child benefit, a payment established as part of the $1.9 trillion pandemic relief plan that Democrats muscled through in March without any Republican support.

Plans to extend the expiration date for the payments, which helped keep millions of children out of poverty, were stymied with the collapse of negotiations over the sprawling domestic policy plan. And additional pandemic-related provisions will expire before the end of the year without congressional action.

“That’s just about as straightforward as it gets,” said Ryan. “If the Democrats can’t get on with a tax cut for working families, what are we for?”

In recent days, Biden has faced a wave of rising anger from traditional party supporters. Members of some civil rights groups boycotted his voting rights speech in Atlanta to express their disappointment with his push on the issue, while others, including Stacey Abrams, who is running for governor in Georgia, were noticeably absent. Biden vowed to make a new forceful push for voting right protections, only to see it fizzle the next day.

And last week, six of Biden’s former public health advisers went public with their criticisms of his handling of the pandemic, calling on the White House to adopt a strategy geared to the “new normal” of living with the virus indefinitely. Others have called for the firing of Jeffrey Zients, who leads the White House pandemic response team.

“There does not seem to be an appreciation for the urgency of the moment,” said Tré Easton, a senior adviser for Battle Born Collective, a progressive group that is pushing for overturning the filibuster to enable Democrats to pass a series of their priorities. “It’s sort of, ‘OK, what comes next?’ Is there something that’s going to happen where voters can say, yes, my life is appreciatively more stable than it was two years ago.”

White House officials and Democrats insist that their agenda is far from dead and that discussions continue with key lawmakers to pass the bulk of Biden’s domestic plans. Talks over an omnibus package to keep the government open beyond Feb. 18 have quietly resumed, and states are beginning to receive funds from the $1 trillion infrastructure law.

“I guess the truth is an agenda doesn’t wrap up in one year,” said White House press secretary Jen Psaki.

While there’s widespread agreement around the electoral peril that the party faces, there’s little consensus over who, exactly, is to blame. Liberals have been particularly scathing in their critique of two centrist senators, Joe Manchin of West Virginia and Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona, and their long-standing objections to undermining the Senate filibuster, as well as Manchin’s decision to abruptly reject the $2.2 trillion spending plan last month. For months, Democratic lawmakers, activists and officials have been raising concerns about sinking support among crucial segments of the party’s coalition — Black, female, young and Latino voters — ratings many worry could drop further without action on issues like voting rights, climate change, abortion rights and paid family leave.

“In my view, we are not going to win the elections in 2022 unless our base is energized and ordinary people understand what we are fighting for, and how we are different than the Republicans,” Sanders said. “That’s not the case now.”

But many in the party concede that the realities of their narrow congressional majorities and united Republican opposition have blocked their ability to pass much of their agenda. Some have faulted party leaders for catering to progressives’ ambitions, without the votes to execute.

“Leadership set out with a failed strategy, and while I guess, maybe they can message that they tried, it actually isn’t going to yield real laws,” said Rep. Stephanie Murphy, a Florida centrist, who is retiring but has signaled aspirations for a future Senate run.

Rep. Cheri Bustos, a Democrat from rural Illinois, said Democrats should consider less ambitious bills that could draw some Republican support to give the party accomplishments it can claim in the midterm elections.

“We really kind of need to reset at this point,” said Bustos, who is retiring from a district that swung to Donald Trump in 2020. “I hope we focus on what we can get done and then focus like crazy on selling it.”

Biden effectively staked his presidency on the belief that voters would reward his party for steering the country out of a deadly pandemic and into economic prosperity. But even after a year that produced record job growth, widely available vaccines and stock market highs, Biden has not begun to deliver a message of success nor focused on promoting his legislative victories.

Many Democrats say they need to do more to sell their accomplishments or risk watching the midterms go the way of the off-year elections, when many in the party were surprised by the intensity of the backlash against them in races in Virginia, New Jersey and New York.

“We need to get into the business of promotion and selling and out of the business of moaning and groaning,” said Bradley Beychok, president of American Bridge 21st Century, a Democratic group.

Others say that as president, Biden has fallen out of step with many voters by focusing on issues like climate change and voting rights. While crucial for the country, those topics aren’t topping the list of concerns for many voters still trying to navigate the uncertainties of a pandemic stretching into a third year.

“The administration is focused on things that are important but not particularly salient to voters and sometimes as president you have to do that,” said Matt Bennett, a co-founder of Third Way, a moderate Democratic think tank. “Now, we need to begin to move back to talking about the things that people do care about."

With the White House legislative agenda in shambles less than a year before the midterm elections, Democrats are sounding alarms that their party could face even deeper losses than anticipated without a major shift in strategy led by the president.

With the White House legislative agenda in shambles less than a year before the midterm elections, Democrats are sounding alarms that their party could face even deeper losses than anticipated without a major shift in strategy led by the president. The frustrations span the spectrum from those of the party’s liberal wing, which feels deflated by the failure to enact a bold agenda, to the concerns of moderates, who are worried about losing suburban swing voters and had believed Democratic victories would usher a return to normalcy after last year’s upheaval. Democrats already anticipated a difficult midterm climate, given that the party in power historically loses seats during a president’s first term. But the party’s struggle to act on its biggest legislative priorities has rattled lawmakers and strategists, who fear their candidates will be left combating the perception that Democrats failed to deliver on President Joe Biden’s central campaign promise of rebooting a broken Washington. “I think millions of Americans have become very demoralized — they’re asking, what do the Democrats stand for?” said Sen. Bernie Sanders, the Vermont independent in charge of the Senate Budget Committee. In a lengthy interview, he added, “Clearly, the current strategy is failing, and we need a major course correction.” Rep. Tim Ryan, a Democrat from a blue-collar Ohio district who is running for the state’s open Senate seat, said his party isn’t addressing voter anxieties about school closures, the pandemic and economic security. He faulted the Biden administration, not just for failing to pass its domestic agenda but also for a lack of clear public health guidance around issues such as masking and testing. “It seems like the Democrats can’t get out of their own way,” he said. “The Democrats have got to do a better job of being clear on what they’re trying to do.” The complaints capped one of the worst weeks of the Biden presidency, with the White House facing the looming failure of voting rights legislation, the defeat of their vaccine-or-testing mandate for large employers at the Supreme Court, inflation rising to a 40-year high and friction with Russia over aggression toward Ukraine. Meanwhile, Biden’s top domestic priority — a sprawling $2.2 trillion spending, climate and tax policy plan — remains stalled, not just because of Republicans but also opposition from a centrist Democrat. “I’m sure they’re frustrated — I am,” said Sen. Dick Durbin of Illinois, the No. 2 Senate Democrat, when asked this week about the chamber’s inability to act on Biden’s agenda. Discussing the impact on voters before the midterm elections, he added, “It depends on who they blame for it.” The end of the week provided another painful marker for Democrats: Friday was the first time since July that millions of U.S. families with children did not receive a monthly child benefit, a payment established as part of the $1.9 trillion pandemic relief plan that Democrats muscled through in March without any Republican support. Plans to extend the expiration date for the payments, which helped keep millions of children out of poverty, were stymied with the collapse of negotiations over the sprawling domestic policy plan. And additional pandemic-related provisions will expire before the end of the year without congressional action. “That’s just about as straightforward as it gets,” said Ryan. “If the Democrats can’t get on with a tax cut for working families, what are we for?” In recent days, Biden has faced a wave of rising anger from traditional party supporters. Members of some civil rights groups boycotted his voting rights speech in Atlanta to express their disappointment with his push on the issue, while others, including Stacey Abrams, who is running for governor in Georgia, were noticeably absent. Biden vowed to make a new forceful push for voting right protections, only to see it fizzle the next day. And last week, six of Biden’s former public health advisers went public with their criticisms of his handling of the pandemic, calling on the White House to adopt a strategy geared to the “new normal” of living with the virus indefinitely. Others have called for the firing of Jeffrey Zients, who leads the White House pandemic response team. “There does not seem to be an appreciation for the urgency of the moment,” said Tré Easton, a senior adviser for Battle Born Collective, a progressive group that is pushing for overturning the filibuster to enable Democrats to pass a series of their priorities. “It’s sort of, ‘OK, what comes next?’ Is there something that’s going to happen where voters can say, yes, my life is appreciatively more stable than it was two years ago.” White House officials and Democrats insist that their agenda is far from dead and that discussions continue with key lawmakers to pass the bulk of Biden’s domestic plans. Talks over an omnibus package to keep the government open beyond Feb. 18 have quietly resumed, and states are beginning to receive funds from the $1 trillion infrastructure law. “I guess the truth is an agenda doesn’t wrap up in one year,” said White House press secretary Jen Psaki. While there’s widespread agreement around the electoral peril that the party faces, there’s little consensus over who, exactly, is to blame. Liberals have been particularly scathing in their critique of two centrist senators, Joe Manchin of West Virginia and Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona, and their long-standing objections to undermining the Senate filibuster, as well as Manchin’s decision to abruptly reject the $2.2 trillion spending plan last month. For months, Democratic lawmakers, activists and officials have been raising concerns about sinking support among crucial segments of the party’s coalition — Black, female, young and Latino voters — ratings many worry could drop further without action on issues like voting rights, climate change, abortion rights and paid family leave. “In my view, we are not going to win the elections in 2022 unless our base is energized and ordinary people understand what we are fighting for, and how we are different than the Republicans,” Sanders said. “That’s not the case now.” But many in the party concede that the realities of their narrow congressional majorities and united Republican opposition have blocked their ability to pass much of their agenda. Some have faulted party leaders for catering to progressives’ ambitions, without the votes to execute. “Leadership set out with a failed strategy, and while I guess, maybe they can message that they tried, it actually isn’t going to yield real laws,” said Rep. Stephanie Murphy, a Florida centrist, who is retiring but has signaled aspirations for a future Senate run. Rep. Cheri Bustos, a Democrat from rural Illinois, said Democrats should consider less ambitious bills that could draw some Republican support to give the party accomplishments it can claim in the midterm elections. “We really kind of need to reset at this point,” said Bustos, who is retiring from a district that swung to Donald Trump in 2020. “I hope we focus on what we can get done and then focus like crazy on selling it.” Biden effectively staked his presidency on the belief that voters would reward his party for steering the country out of a deadly pandemic and into economic prosperity. But even after a year that produced record job growth, widely available vaccines and stock market highs, Biden has not begun to deliver a message of success nor focused on promoting his legislative victories. Many Democrats say they need to do more to sell their accomplishments or risk watching the midterms go the way of the off-year elections, when many in the party were surprised by the intensity of the backlash against them in races in Virginia, New Jersey and New York. “We need to get into the business of promotion and selling and out of the business of moaning and groaning,” said Bradley Beychok, president of American Bridge 21st Century, a Democratic group. Others say that as president, Biden has fallen out of step with many voters by focusing on issues like climate change and voting rights. While crucial for the country, those topics aren’t topping the list of concerns for many voters still trying to navigate the uncertainties of a pandemic stretching into a third year. “The administration is focused on things that are important but not particularly salient to voters and sometimes as president you have to do that,” said Matt Bennett, a co-founder of Third Way, a moderate Democratic think tank. “Now, we need to begin to move back to talking about the things that people do care about."

Frustrated Democrats call for 'reset' ahead of midterm elections

Former Senator David Perdue knows how to crash a party. When he announced that he would seek the 2022 Republican nomination for governor in Georgia, challenging the incumbent, Brian Kemp, he did more than enter a primary race. He illustrated the dangers facing the G.O.P. in the coming year.

Georgia Republicans are divided over former President Donald Trump and torn between mainstream credibility and the conspiratorial fringe. Mr. Perdue — an ally of Mr. Trump — has made these divisions worse. The beneficiary? The Democrat Stacey Abrams.

Republicans worry about internal strife and outlandish messages that turn off swing voters because everything else is going their way. The party did well in last month’s elections. President Biden’s low approval ratings endanger Democrats in Congress, where Republicans must net only five seats in the House and one in the Senate to seize control.

Republican strength at the state level gives the party an advantage in drawing new maps of congressional districts, which will amplify their slim lead in the FiveThirtyEight estimate of the congressional generic ballot.

Yet history shows how expectations can be thwarted. Republicans have experienced hopeful times before — only to have the moment pass. They believed that disapproval of President Bill Clinton’s conduct would expand their majorities in 1998. They ended up losing five House seats. They believed that Mr. Trump would rally the base to support two incumbent senators during runoffs in Georgia last January. They lost both seats and Senate control.

Time and again, the biggest obstacle to a red wave hasn’t been the Democratic Party. It’s been the Republican Party.

Republican victories in the midterms next year are far from preordained. Glenn Youngkin’s win in Virginia looks much harder to replicate elsewhere than it did on election night. Republican leaders continue to fear Mr. Trump and his supporters, and they are divided over candidate selection, message and agenda. The result is a unique combination of external strength and internal rot: An enthusiastic and combative Republican Party that despite its best efforts may soon acquire power it has done nothing to deserve.

It will be hard for the party to appeal to the suburban independents who decide elections, though Mr. Youngkin’s success suggests a path. He is the first Republican elected governor of Virginia in over a decade because of his emphasis on kitchen-table issues like rising prices and school closures. He ignored immigration, encouraged vaccination while opposing government mandates and stayed clear of Mr. Trump during the general election. He focused on parental involvement in education and planted himself firmly in the center-right of the political mainstream. When asked about a Trump rally where the Pledge of Allegiance was recited to a flag supposedly connected to the Jan. 6 riot at the U.S. Capitol, Mr. Youngkin called it “weird and wrong.” One Republican senator joked in private that Mr. Youngkin had figured out how to hold Mr. Trump’s hand — under the table and in the dark.

Other candidates won’t be as skilled or as lucky as Mr. Youngkin. Republicans lost winnable Senate seats in 2010 and 2012 because of flawed nominees like Sharron Angle in Nevada, Christine O’Donnell in Delaware, Todd Akin in Missouri and Richard Mourdock in Indiana. Past may be prologue if Republicans nominate Trump allies whose record or rhetoric are questionable and extreme. Last month, one Trump-endorsed candidate for Senate, Sean Parnell of Pennsylvania, suspended his campaign after he lost a custody battle against his estranged wife. The Trump endorsees Kelly Tshibaka of Alaska and Herschel Walker of Georgia are untested on the campaign trail. In races where Mr. Trump hasn’t yet endorsed, Blake Masters of Arizona, Eric Greitens of Missouri and J.D. Vance of Ohio may secure the MAGA base by forfeiting viability in the general election.

Mr. Trump remains the central figure in the G.O.P. Party elites try to ignore him as he spends many days fighting Republicans rather than Democrats and plotting his revenge against the 10 Republican House members who voted for his second impeachment, the seven Republican senators who voted to convict him and the 13 House Republicans who voted for the bipartisan infrastructure bill. Mr. Trump targets his enemies with primary challenges, calls for “audits” and “decertification” of the 2020 presidential results and howls at Mitch McConnell for not being “tough.” His imitators within the party are a font of endless infighting and controversy and undermine the authority of the House Republican leader, Kevin McCarthy. Mr. Trump would have it no other way.

The former president was content to keep a distance for this year’s races for governor. He won’t be so quiet next year — especially if he concludes that a successful midterm is a key step to his restoration to power in 2024. A more visible and vocal Trump has the potential to help Republicans in solid red states but doom them in purple or blue ones. Yet control of the Senate hinges on the results in Nevada, Arizona, Georgia, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania and New Hampshire — states Mr. Trump lost in 2020.

Mr. Youngkin showed that a positive message attuned to middle-class priorities repels Democratic attacks. If Republicans campaign on a unified message that applies conservative principles to inflation, the border, crime, education and health care, they might be able to avoid being tagged as the party of extremism, conspiracy and loyalty to Mr. Trump. Their problem is they have no such message.

Mr. McConnell has reportedly told Senate Republicans that they won’t release an agenda before the midterms. He’s worried that specific proposals are nothing but fodder for Democratic attacks. What should worry him more are rudderless Republican candidates who allow their Democratic opponents to define them negatively — and then, if they still win, take office in January 2023 with no idea what to do.

In an ideal world, more Republicans would think seriously about how best to provide individuals and families the resources necessary to flourish in today’s America. They would spend less time attacking one another and more time offering constructive approaches to inflation and dangerous streets. They would experiment with a ranked-choice primary system that played a role in Mr. Youngkin’s nomination in Virginia and in the law-and-order Democrat Eric Adams’s win in New York City’s mayor’s race. Interested Republicans would declare today that Mr. Trump won’t deter them from seeking the presidency — reminding him that renomination is not guaranteed.

But that’s not the world we live in. Republicans appear either unwilling or unable to treat the former president as a figure from the past whose behavior has done the party more harm than good. They take false comfort in the idea that midterm elections are “thermostatic,” the inevitable repudiation of the governing party that is climatic in nature. They assume they will win next year without doing anything of significance. And they may be right.

Former Senator David Perdue knows how to crash a party. When he announced that he would seek the 2022 Republican nomination for governor in Georgia, challenging the incumbent, Brian Kemp, he did more than enter a primary race.

Former Senator David Perdue knows how to crash a party. When he announced that he would seek the 2022 Republican nomination for governor in Georgia, challenging the incumbent, Brian Kemp, he did more than enter a primary race. He illustrated the dangers facing the G.O.P. in the coming year. Georgia Republicans are divided over former President Donald Trump and torn between mainstream credibility and the conspiratorial fringe. Mr. Perdue — an ally of Mr. Trump — has made these divisions worse. The beneficiary? The Democrat Stacey Abrams. Republicans worry about internal strife and outlandish messages that turn off swing voters because everything else is going their way. The party did well in last month’s elections. President Biden’s low approval ratings endanger Democrats in Congress, where Republicans must net only five seats in the House and one in the Senate to seize control. Republican strength at the state level gives the party an advantage in drawing new maps of congressional districts, which will amplify their slim lead in the FiveThirtyEight estimate of the congressional generic ballot. Yet history shows how expectations can be thwarted. Republicans have experienced hopeful times before — only to have the moment pass. They believed that disapproval of President Bill Clinton’s conduct would expand their majorities in 1998. They ended up losing five House seats. They believed that Mr. Trump would rally the base to support two incumbent senators during runoffs in Georgia last January. They lost both seats and Senate control. Time and again, the biggest obstacle to a red wave hasn’t been the Democratic Party. It’s been the Republican Party. Republican victories in the midterms next year are far from preordained. Glenn Youngkin’s win in Virginia looks much harder to replicate elsewhere than it did on election night. Republican leaders continue to fear Mr. Trump and his supporters, and they are divided over candidate selection, message and agenda. The result is a unique combination of external strength and internal rot: An enthusiastic and combative Republican Party that despite its best efforts may soon acquire power it has done nothing to deserve. It will be hard for the party to appeal to the suburban independents who decide elections, though Mr. Youngkin’s success suggests a path. He is the first Republican elected governor of Virginia in over a decade because of his emphasis on kitchen-table issues like rising prices and school closures. He ignored immigration, encouraged vaccination while opposing government mandates and stayed clear of Mr. Trump during the general election. He focused on parental involvement in education and planted himself firmly in the center-right of the political mainstream. When asked about a Trump rally where the Pledge of Allegiance was recited to a flag supposedly connected to the Jan. 6 riot at the U.S. Capitol, Mr. Youngkin called it “weird and wrong.” One Republican senator joked in private that Mr. Youngkin had figured out how to hold Mr. Trump’s hand — under the table and in the dark. Other candidates won’t be as skilled or as lucky as Mr. Youngkin. Republicans lost winnable Senate seats in 2010 and 2012 because of flawed nominees like Sharron Angle in Nevada, Christine O’Donnell in Delaware, Todd Akin in Missouri and Richard Mourdock in Indiana. Past may be prologue if Republicans nominate Trump allies whose record or rhetoric are questionable and extreme. Last month, one Trump-endorsed candidate for Senate, Sean Parnell of Pennsylvania, suspended his campaign after he lost a custody battle against his estranged wife. The Trump endorsees Kelly Tshibaka of Alaska and Herschel Walker of Georgia are untested on the campaign trail. In races where Mr. Trump hasn’t yet endorsed, Blake Masters of Arizona, Eric Greitens of Missouri and J.D. Vance of Ohio may secure the MAGA base by forfeiting viability in the general election. Mr. Trump remains the central figure in the G.O.P. Party elites try to ignore him as he spends many days fighting Republicans rather than Democrats and plotting his revenge against the 10 Republican House members who voted for his second impeachment, the seven Republican senators who voted to convict him and the 13 House Republicans who voted for the bipartisan infrastructure bill. Mr. Trump targets his enemies with primary challenges, calls for “audits” and “decertification” of the 2020 presidential results and howls at Mitch McConnell for not being “tough.” His imitators within the party are a font of endless infighting and controversy and undermine the authority of the House Republican leader, Kevin McCarthy. Mr. Trump would have it no other way. The former president was content to keep a distance for this year’s races for governor. He won’t be so quiet next year — especially if he concludes that a successful midterm is a key step to his restoration to power in 2024. A more visible and vocal Trump has the potential to help Republicans in solid red states but doom them in purple or blue ones. Yet control of the Senate hinges on the results in Nevada, Arizona, Georgia, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania and New Hampshire — states Mr. Trump lost in 2020. Mr. Youngkin showed that a positive message attuned to middle-class priorities repels Democratic attacks. If Republicans campaign on a unified message that applies conservative principles to inflation, the border, crime, education and health care, they might be able to avoid being tagged as the party of extremism, conspiracy and loyalty to Mr. Trump. Their problem is they have no such message. Mr. McConnell has reportedly told Senate Republicans that they won’t release an agenda before the midterms. He’s worried that specific proposals are nothing but fodder for Democratic attacks. What should worry him more are rudderless Republican candidates who allow their Democratic opponents to define them negatively — and then, if they still win, take office in January 2023 with no idea what to do. In an ideal world, more Republicans would think seriously about how best to provide individuals and families the resources necessary to flourish in today’s America. They would spend less time attacking one another and more time offering constructive approaches to inflation and dangerous streets. They would experiment with a ranked-choice primary system that played a role in Mr. Youngkin’s nomination in Virginia and in the law-and-order Democrat Eric Adams’s win in New York City’s mayor’s race. Interested Republicans would declare today that Mr. Trump won’t deter them from seeking the presidency — reminding him that renomination is not guaranteed. But that’s not the world we live in. Republicans appear either unwilling or unable to treat the former president as a figure from the past whose behavior has done the party more harm than good. They take false comfort in the idea that midterm elections are “thermostatic,” the inevitable repudiation of the governing party that is climatic in nature. They assume they will win next year without doing anything of significance. And they may be right.

Will Trump Ruin a Red Wave in 2022?

Six months into the Biden administration, Senate Democrats are expressing a cautious optimism that the party can keep control of the chamber in the 2022 midterm elections, enjoying large fundraising hauls in marquee races as they plot to exploit Republican retirements in key battlegrounds and a divisive series of unsettled GOP primaries.

Swing-state Democratic incumbents, like Sens. Raphael Warnock of Georgia and Mark Kelly of Arizona, restocked their war chests with multimillion-dollar sums ($7.2 million and $6 million, respectively), according to new financial filings this past week. That gives them an early financial head start in two key states where Republicans’ disagreements over former President Donald Trump’s refusal to accept his loss in 2020 are threatening to distract and fracture the party.

But Democratic officials are all too aware of the foreboding political history they confront: that in a president’s first midterms, the party occupying the White House typically loses seats — often in bunches. For now, Democrats hold power by only the narrowest of margins in a 50-50 split Senate, with Vice President Kamala Harris serving as the tiebreaker to push through President Joe Biden’s expansive agenda on the economy, the pandemic and infrastructure.

The midterms are still more than 15 months away, but the ability to enact policy throughout Biden’s first term hinges heavily on his party’s ability to hold the Senate and House.

Four Senate Democratic incumbents are up for reelection in swing states next year — making them prime targets for Republican gains. But in none of those four states — New Hampshire, Nevada, Arizona and Georgia — has a dominant Republican candidate emerged to consolidate support from the party’s divergent wings.

Out of office and banished from social media, Trump continues to insist on putting his imprint on the party with rallies and regular missives imposing an agenda of rewarding loyalists and exacting retribution against perceived enemies. That does not align with Senate Republican strategists who are focused singularly on retaking the majority and honing messages against the Democrats who now fully control Washington.

“The only way we win these races is with top-notch candidates,” said Alex Conant, a Republican strategist who used to work on Senate races. “Are Republicans able to recruit top-notch candidates in the Trump era?”

Of the seven contests that political handicappers consider most competitive in 2022, all but one are in states that Biden carried last year.

“We’re running in Biden country,” said Matt Canter, a Democratic pollster involved in Senate races. “That doesn’t make any of these races easy. But we’re running in Biden country.”

The campaign filings this past week provided an early financial snapshot of the state of play in the Senate battlefield, where the total costs could easily top $1 billion.

Other than the Senate majority leader, Chuck Schumer, the top fundraiser among all senators in the past three months was Tim Scott, R-S.C. Scott collected $9.6 million in the months after his State of the Union response, an eye-opening sum that has stoked questions about his 2024 ambitions.

But critical races remain unsettled for Republicans. The party is still trying to find compelling Senate candidates in several states, with Chris Sununu, the governor of New Hampshire, considered the highest priority for recruitment to challenge Sen. Maggie Hassan, a Democrat who raised $3.25 million in the past three months. A bevy of Republican senators have lobbied Sununu to enter the race, and Sen. Rick Scott, R-Fla., who leads the National Republican Senatorial Committee, went so far as to ask activists at a conservative conference last week to “call Chris Sununu” and urge him to run.

“If he does, we will win,” Scott said.

Scott has similarly pursued the former attorney general of Nevada, Adam Laxalt, saying last month that he expected Laxalt to run against Sen. Catherine Cortez-Masto, the Democratic incumbent.

The unexpected retirements of Republican senators in Pennsylvania and North Carolina have opened seats and opportunities for Democrats in those swing states, but the path to victory is complicated. In both, Democrats must navigate competitive primaries that pit candidates who represent disparate elements of the party’s racial and ideological coalition against one another: Black and white; moderate and progressive; urban, suburban and more rural.

In Pennsylvania, the Democratic lieutenant governor, John Fetterman, has emerged as one of the strongest fundraising newcomers, taking in $2.5 million in the quarter. Val Arkoosh, a county commissioner in a Philadelphia suburb, raised $1 million, and Malcolm Kenyatta, a state legislator seeking to become the nation’s first openly gay Black senator, raised $500,000. Rep. Conor Lamb, a moderate from outside Pittsburgh, is also considering a run.

In Wisconsin, a third Republican incumbent, Sen. Ron Johnson, has wavered for months over whether he will seek a third term. Johnson raised only $1.2 million in the last quarter, just enough to carry on but not quite enough to dispel questions about his intentions.

Whether or not Johnson runs, Wisconsin is among the top Democratic targets in 2022 because Biden carried it narrowly in 2020.

Perhaps nothing has better predicted the outcome of Senate races in recent cycles than a state’s presidential preferences.

In Florida, national Democrats have all but anointed Rep. Val Demings, a Black former police chief in Orlando who was vetted by the Biden team for vice president, in a state that has repeatedly proved just out of reach.

Demings raised $4.6 million in her first three weeks, topping Sen. Marco Rubio, the Republican incumbent, who raised $4 million over three months. (Demings spent more than $2.2 million on digital ads raising that sum, records show.)

Two other GOP retirements in redder states, Ohio and Missouri, have further destabilized the Republican map, providing at least a modicum of opportunity for Democrats in Trump territory. Republicans face heated primaries in both states.

In Ohio, the Republican candidates include the former party chair, Jane Timken; the former state treasurer, Josh Mandel, who has run for Senate before; bestselling author J.D. Vance; and two business executives, Bernie Moreno and Mike Gibbons.

The leading Democrat is Rep. Tim Ryan, a moderate who ran briefly for president in 2020 and who entered July with $2.5 million in the bank.

In Missouri, the early efforts to woo Trump have been plentiful, and that includes spending at his Florida resort.

Two potential candidates have trekked to Mar-a-Lago for fundraisers or to meet with the former president, including Reps. Billy Long and Jason Smith. Long reported spending $28,633.20 at the club, filings show; Smith, who also attended a colleague’s fundraiser Thursday at Trump’s Bedminster property in New Jersey, according to a person familiar with the matter, paid $4,198.59 to Mar-a-Lago.

“I’m expecting someone to start flying over Bedminster with a banner at some point,” said one Republican strategist involved in Senate races, who requested anonymity because, he said half-jokingly, it could end up being one of his candidates buying the banner.

The biggest name in Missouri is Eric Greitens, the former governor who resigned after accusations of abuse by a woman with whom he had an extramarital affair. He raised less than $450,000. Among his fundraisers is Kimberly Guilfoyle, the girlfriend of Donald Trump Jr., and his campaign also made payments to Mar-a-Lago.

Three other Republicans in the race outraised Greitens: Rep. Vicky Hartzler, Attorney General Eric Schmitt and Mark McCloskey, the man best known for waving his gun outside his St. Louis home as protesters marched last year. Some national Republican strategists are worried that if Greitens survives a crowded primary, he could prove toxic even in a heavily Republican state.

Scott has pledged to remain neutral in party primaries, but Sen. Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., the minority leader, has long preferred promoting candidates he believes can win in November.

“The only thing I care about is electability,” McConnell told Politico this year.

With Scott on the sidelines, a McConnell-aligned super political action committee, the Senate Leadership Fund, is expected to do most of the intervening.

Trump, who is often at cross-purposes with McConnell, has appeared especially engaged in the Arizona and Georgia races, largely because of his own narrow losses there. He has publicly urged former football player Herschel Walker to run in Georgia — Walker has not committed to a campaign — and attacked the Republican governor of Arizona, Doug Ducey, even after Ducey has said he is not running for Senate. Some Republican operatives continue to hope to tug Ducey into the race.

Trump delivered one early Senate endorsement in North Carolina, to Rep. Ted Budd, who raised $953,000, which is less than the $1.25 million that former Gov. Pat McCrory pulled in. Some Republicans see McCrory as the stronger potential nominee because of his track record of winning statewide.

In Alaska, Kelly Tshibaka is running as a pro-Trump primary challenger to Sen. Lisa Murkowski, who voted to convict Trump after his second impeachment. Murkowski, who has not formally said if she is running again, raised more than double Tshibaka in the most recent quarter, $1.15 million to $544,000.

In Alabama, Trump gave another early endorsement to Rep. Mo Brooks and recently attacked one of his rivals, Katie Britt, who is the former chief of staff of the retiring incumbent, Sen. Richard Shelby. Britt entered the race in June, but she outraised Brooks, $2.2 million to $824,000. A third candidate, Lynda Blanchard, is a former Trump-appointed ambassador who has lent her campaign $5 million.

Brooks won over Trump for being among the earliest and most vocal objectors to Biden’s victory. The photo splashed across Brooks’ Senate website is him speaking at the Jan. 6 rally that preceded the riot at the Capitol. In his recent filing, one of Brooks’ larger expenses was a $25,799 tab at Mar-a-Lago.

“The map tilts slightly toward the Democrats just based on the seats that are up,” said Brian Walsh, a Republican strategist who has worked on Senate races. “But the political environment is the big unknown, and the landscape can shift quickly.”

Six months into the Biden administration, Senate Democrats are expressing a cautious optimism that the party can keep control of the chamber in the 2022 midterm elections, enjoying large fundraising hauls in marquee races as they plot to exploit Republican retirements in key battlegrounds and a divisive series of unsettled GOP primaries.

Six months into the Biden administration, Senate Democrats are expressing a cautious optimism that the party can keep control of the chamber in the 2022 midterm elections, enjoying large fundraising hauls in marquee races as they plot to exploit Republican retirements in key battlegrounds and a divisive series of unsettled GOP primaries. Swing-state Democratic incumbents, like Sens. Raphael Warnock of Georgia and Mark Kelly of Arizona, restocked their war chests with multimillion-dollar sums ($7.2 million and $6 million, respectively), according to new financial filings this past week. That gives them an early financial head start in two key states where Republicans’ disagreements over former President Donald Trump’s refusal to accept his loss in 2020 are threatening to distract and fracture the party. But Democratic officials are all too aware of the foreboding political history they confront: that in a president’s first midterms, the party occupying the White House typically loses seats — often in bunches. For now, Democrats hold power by only the narrowest of margins in a 50-50 split Senate, with Vice President Kamala Harris serving as the tiebreaker to push through President Joe Biden’s expansive agenda on the economy, the pandemic and infrastructure. The midterms are still more than 15 months away, but the ability to enact policy throughout Biden’s first term hinges heavily on his party’s ability to hold the Senate and House. Four Senate Democratic incumbents are up for reelection in swing states next year — making them prime targets for Republican gains. But in none of those four states — New Hampshire, Nevada, Arizona and Georgia — has a dominant Republican candidate emerged to consolidate support from the party’s divergent wings. Out of office and banished from social media, Trump continues to insist on putting his imprint on the party with rallies and regular missives imposing an agenda of rewarding loyalists and exacting retribution against perceived enemies. That does not align with Senate Republican strategists who are focused singularly on retaking the majority and honing messages against the Democrats who now fully control Washington. “The only way we win these races is with top-notch candidates,” said Alex Conant, a Republican strategist who used to work on Senate races. “Are Republicans able to recruit top-notch candidates in the Trump era?” Of the seven contests that political handicappers consider most competitive in 2022, all but one are in states that Biden carried last year. “We’re running in Biden country,” said Matt Canter, a Democratic pollster involved in Senate races. “That doesn’t make any of these races easy. But we’re running in Biden country.” The campaign filings this past week provided an early financial snapshot of the state of play in the Senate battlefield, where the total costs could easily top $1 billion. Other than the Senate majority leader, Chuck Schumer, the top fundraiser among all senators in the past three months was Tim Scott, R-S.C. Scott collected $9.6 million in the months after his State of the Union response, an eye-opening sum that has stoked questions about his 2024 ambitions. But critical races remain unsettled for Republicans. The party is still trying to find compelling Senate candidates in several states, with Chris Sununu, the governor of New Hampshire, considered the highest priority for recruitment to challenge Sen. Maggie Hassan, a Democrat who raised $3.25 million in the past three months. A bevy of Republican senators have lobbied Sununu to enter the race, and Sen. Rick Scott, R-Fla., who leads the National Republican Senatorial Committee, went so far as to ask activists at a conservative conference last week to “call Chris Sununu” and urge him to run. “If he does, we will win,” Scott said. Scott has similarly pursued the former attorney general of Nevada, Adam Laxalt, saying last month that he expected Laxalt to run against Sen. Catherine Cortez-Masto, the Democratic incumbent. The unexpected retirements of Republican senators in Pennsylvania and North Carolina have opened seats and opportunities for Democrats in those swing states, but the path to victory is complicated. In both, Democrats must navigate competitive primaries that pit candidates who represent disparate elements of the party’s racial and ideological coalition against one another: Black and white; moderate and progressive; urban, suburban and more rural. In Pennsylvania, the Democratic lieutenant governor, John Fetterman, has emerged as one of the strongest fundraising newcomers, taking in $2.5 million in the quarter. Val Arkoosh, a county commissioner in a Philadelphia suburb, raised $1 million, and Malcolm Kenyatta, a state legislator seeking to become the nation’s first openly gay Black senator, raised $500,000. Rep. Conor Lamb, a moderate from outside Pittsburgh, is also considering a run. In Wisconsin, a third Republican incumbent, Sen. Ron Johnson, has wavered for months over whether he will seek a third term. Johnson raised only $1.2 million in the last quarter, just enough to carry on but not quite enough to dispel questions about his intentions. Whether or not Johnson runs, Wisconsin is among the top Democratic targets in 2022 because Biden carried it narrowly in 2020. Perhaps nothing has better predicted the outcome of Senate races in recent cycles than a state’s presidential preferences. In Florida, national Democrats have all but anointed Rep. Val Demings, a Black former police chief in Orlando who was vetted by the Biden team for vice president, in a state that has repeatedly proved just out of reach. Demings raised $4.6 million in her first three weeks, topping Sen. Marco Rubio, the Republican incumbent, who raised $4 million over three months. (Demings spent more than $2.2 million on digital ads raising that sum, records show.) Two other GOP retirements in redder states, Ohio and Missouri, have further destabilized the Republican map, providing at least a modicum of opportunity for Democrats in Trump territory. Republicans face heated primaries in both states. In Ohio, the Republican candidates include the former party chair, Jane Timken; the former state treasurer, Josh Mandel, who has run for Senate before; bestselling author J.D. Vance; and two business executives, Bernie Moreno and Mike Gibbons. The leading Democrat is Rep. Tim Ryan, a moderate who ran briefly for president in 2020 and who entered July with $2.5 million in the bank. In Missouri, the early efforts to woo Trump have been plentiful, and that includes spending at his Florida resort. Two potential candidates have trekked to Mar-a-Lago for fundraisers or to meet with the former president, including Reps. Billy Long and Jason Smith. Long reported spending $28,633.20 at the club, filings show; Smith, who also attended a colleague’s fundraiser Thursday at Trump’s Bedminster property in New Jersey, according to a person familiar with the matter, paid $4,198.59 to Mar-a-Lago. “I’m expecting someone to start flying over Bedminster with a banner at some point,” said one Republican strategist involved in Senate races, who requested anonymity because, he said half-jokingly, it could end up being one of his candidates buying the banner. The biggest name in Missouri is Eric Greitens, the former governor who resigned after accusations of abuse by a woman with whom he had an extramarital affair. He raised less than $450,000. Among his fundraisers is Kimberly Guilfoyle, the girlfriend of Donald Trump Jr., and his campaign also made payments to Mar-a-Lago. Three other Republicans in the race outraised Greitens: Rep. Vicky Hartzler, Attorney General Eric Schmitt and Mark McCloskey, the man best known for waving his gun outside his St. Louis home as protesters marched last year. Some national Republican strategists are worried that if Greitens survives a crowded primary, he could prove toxic even in a heavily Republican state. Scott has pledged to remain neutral in party primaries, but Sen. Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., the minority leader, has long preferred promoting candidates he believes can win in November. “The only thing I care about is electability,” McConnell told Politico this year. With Scott on the sidelines, a McConnell-aligned super political action committee, the Senate Leadership Fund, is expected to do most of the intervening. Trump, who is often at cross-purposes with McConnell, has appeared especially engaged in the Arizona and Georgia races, largely because of his own narrow losses there. He has publicly urged former football player Herschel Walker to run in Georgia — Walker has not committed to a campaign — and attacked the Republican governor of Arizona, Doug Ducey, even after Ducey has said he is not running for Senate. Some Republican operatives continue to hope to tug Ducey into the race. Trump delivered one early Senate endorsement in North Carolina, to Rep. Ted Budd, who raised $953,000, which is less than the $1.25 million that former Gov. Pat McCrory pulled in. Some Republicans see McCrory as the stronger potential nominee because of his track record of winning statewide. In Alaska, Kelly Tshibaka is running as a pro-Trump primary challenger to Sen. Lisa Murkowski, who voted to convict Trump after his second impeachment. Murkowski, who has not formally said if she is running again, raised more than double Tshibaka in the most recent quarter, $1.15 million to $544,000. In Alabama, Trump gave another early endorsement to Rep. Mo Brooks and recently attacked one of his rivals, Katie Britt, who is the former chief of staff of the retiring incumbent, Sen. Richard Shelby. Britt entered the race in June, but she outraised Brooks, $2.2 million to $824,000. A third candidate, Lynda Blanchard, is a former Trump-appointed ambassador who has lent her campaign $5 million. Brooks won over Trump for being among the earliest and most vocal objectors to Biden’s victory. The photo splashed across Brooks’ Senate website is him speaking at the Jan. 6 rally that preceded the riot at the Capitol. In his recent filing, one of Brooks’ larger expenses was a $25,799 tab at Mar-a-Lago. “The map tilts slightly toward the Democrats just based on the seats that are up,” said Brian Walsh, a Republican strategist who has worked on Senate races. “But the political environment is the big unknown, and the landscape can shift quickly.”

Democrats see edge in early Senate map as Trump casts big shadow

The Argentina&nbsp;government has agreed with opposition parties to postpone primary and mid-term elections due to take place from August for five weeks due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the Interior Ministry said in a statement on Friday.

Argentina's ruling center-left "Frente de Todos" coalition is seeking to defend a majority in the Senate and its strong position in the lower house, where it is the largest block.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="Argentina: People take to streets in Buenos Aires to protest lockdown">Argentina: People take to streets in Buenos Aires to protest lockdown</a>

"We were able to reach an agreement with the different (legislative) blocs to push back this year's elections, putting the health and lives of the people first," Interior Minister Enrique de Pedro said in a statement.

Mario Negri, from opposition coalition Together for Change, said the decision had been made to wait until more people were vaccinated.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="Argentine president to head to Europe as IMF debt weighs heavy">Argentine president to head to Europe as IMF debt weighs heavy</a>

There are 127 seats up for grabs in the lower Chamber of Deputies out of 257 in total, and 24 in play in the Senate out of the chamber's 72 seats.

Pollsters expect the government to lose seats in the election, though the challenge may fall short of erasing its Senate majority.

Primary elections, which were due to be held on August 8, will be delayed until September 12 while the mid-terms, due to be held October 24 and will now be held November&nbsp;14.

Argentina, with a population of about 45 million people, is now recording the highest number of COVID-19 infections since the start of the pandemic last year. As of Friday, 3.1 million cases have been confirmed and 66,872 people have died.

So far, at least 8.95 million people have received one dose of a COVID-19 vaccine and 1.31 million have received two.

The Argentina government has agreed with opposition parties to postpone primary and mid-term elections due to take place from August for five weeks due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the Interior Ministry said in a statement on Friday.

The Argentina government has agreed with opposition parties to postpone primary and mid-term elections due to take place from August for five weeks due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the Interior Ministry said in a statement on Friday. Argentina's ruling center-left "Frente de Todos" coalition is seeking to defend a majority in the Senate and its strong position in the lower house, where it is the largest block. Also read | Argentina: People take to streets in Buenos Aires to protest lockdown "We were able to reach an agreement with the different (legislative) blocs to push back this year's elections, putting the health and lives of the people first," Interior Minister Enrique de Pedro said in a statement. Mario Negri, from opposition coalition Together for Change, said the decision had been made to wait until more people were vaccinated. Also read | Argentine president to head to Europe as IMF debt weighs heavy There are 127 seats up for grabs in the lower Chamber of Deputies out of 257 in total, and 24 in play in the Senate out of the chamber's 72 seats. Pollsters expect the government to lose seats in the election, though the challenge may fall short of erasing its Senate majority. Primary elections, which were due to be held on August 8, will be delayed until September 12 while the mid-terms, due to be held October 24 and will now be held November 14. Argentina, with a population of about 45 million people, is now recording the highest number of COVID-19 infections since the start of the pandemic last year. As of Friday, 3.1 million cases have been confirmed and 66,872 people have died. So far, at least 8.95 million people have received one dose of a COVID-19 vaccine and 1.31 million have received two.

Argentina pushes back mid-term elections as COVID-19 rages

The <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/midterm-elections-us-senate-poll-in-new-jersey-crucial-for-democrats-175675">midterm elections in the United States</a>, scheduled for November 6, will decide the future powers of president Donald Trump and the possible impact of his policies on the world.

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/whats-at-stake-on-november-6-in-us-midterm-elections-175532">The referendum</a> will give an idea of the general perception that the people have developed for Trump over the period of his presidency giving a real picture of Trump's popularity.

The change of power in the legislature will have a further impact on how Trump administrative functions in the remaining tenure.

If they make major strides, the Democrats will have the right to launch new policies, though a presidential approval is required on the bills for them to become a law.

The victory of the rival Democratic party in either the House of Representatives or the Senate might put a halt on the various projects launched by the Republicans.

For instance, the revamp of the tax system and the rollback of Obamacare will not be possible if the Democrats come back to power after the midterm polls.

The Democratic Party may even open an investigation into various policies of the Trump administration.

A report in CNN cited sources as familiar with the President as saying that Trump is "genuinely concerned" about the outcome of elections.

In an extreme situation, the Democrats may also initiate impeachment against Trump.

The elections also play an important role for countries that have engaged with Trump during the recent development.

Earlier, the elections did hold much importance for China, however, Trump's recent trade policies have made Beijing curious about the result of the congressional elections.

A media report cited an expert on US studies in China as saying that the people of the country were expecting a change in the US-China relations after the elections.

China hopes that the US may liberalise some of its policies against China after Trump faces a political setback. US and China have been launching escalating import tariffs at each other since March.

The victory of Democrats may also influence Trump's policies with North Korea. The leader of the nuclear-armed North Kim Jong Un held an unprecedented summit with US President Donald Trump in Singapore in June where the two leaders aimed at denuclearizing the North Korea region.

The midterm elections in the United States, scheduled for November 6, will decide the future powers of president Donald Trump and the possible impact of his policies on the world.

The midterm elections in the United States, scheduled for November 6, will decide the future powers of president Donald Trump and the possible impact of his policies on the world. The referendum will give an idea of the general perception that the people have developed for Trump over the period of his presidency giving a real picture of Trump's popularity. The change of power in the legislature will have a further impact on how Trump administrative functions in the remaining tenure. If they make major strides, the Democrats will have the right to launch new policies, though a presidential approval is required on the bills for them to become a law. The victory of the rival Democratic party in either the House of Representatives or the Senate might put a halt on the various projects launched by the Republicans. For instance, the revamp of the tax system and the rollback of Obamacare will not be possible if the Democrats come back to power after the midterm polls. The Democratic Party may even open an investigation into various policies of the Trump administration. A report in CNN cited sources as familiar with the President as saying that Trump is "genuinely concerned" about the outcome of elections. In an extreme situation, the Democrats may also initiate impeachment against Trump. The elections also play an important role for countries that have engaged with Trump during the recent development. Earlier, the elections did hold much importance for China, however, Trump's recent trade policies have made Beijing curious about the result of the congressional elections. A media report cited an expert on US studies in China as saying that the people of the country were expecting a change in the US-China relations after the elections. China hopes that the US may liberalise some of its policies against China after Trump faces a political setback. US and China have been launching escalating import tariffs at each other since March. The victory of Democrats may also influence Trump's policies with North Korea. The leader of the nuclear-armed North Kim Jong Un held an unprecedented summit with US President Donald Trump in Singapore in June where the two leaders aimed at denuclearizing the North Korea region.

Why US midterm polls are crucial for both Republicans and Democrats

midterm-elections

Midterm Elections, News on Midterm Elections, stories on Midterm Elections, articles on Midterm Elections, Midterm Elections stories at Wion, Midterm Elections news, Midterm Elections latest news