<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/merkel-calls-for-europe-to-stand-up-against-far-right-parties-219720">German Chancellor Angela Merkel's</a> embattled coalition will hold crisis talks Monday after a thumping at European polls that has reignited questions over its survival.

Voters handed her CDU party and its centre-left coalition partner SPD their worst score in European election history while doubling support for the Greens amid rising fears over global warming.

The Greens also snatched the second spot from the Social Democratic Party, coming in just behind Merkel's centre-right alliance.

Crucially, the environmental party took more than a million votes -- including many from young people -- each from the SPD as well as from the CDU.

Der Spiegel said the coalition is "in danger" after Sunday's drubbing.

"This instability can lead to a break up at any time. The CDU and SPD are deeply insecure parties. If, for example, SPD leader (Andrea) Nahles were to fall, the question of the continued existence of the coalition would immediately arise."

The SPD, stung by a beating at general elections in 2017, had initially sought to go into opposition.

But it was reluctantly coaxed into renewing a partnership with Merkel's centre-right alliance, and many within the party remain wary of continuing to govern in her shadow while taking the fall for any unpopular policies.

With the SPD also losing the top spot in stronghold Bremen during state elections Sunday, rumblings of discontent against the leadership may yet grow louder.

Already ahead of the vote, Bild is Sonntag quoted unnamed sources as saying that veteran politician Martin Schulz was ready to stand against Nahles when the parliamentary chief post comes up for renewal in September.

Slapping down the speculation, finance minister Olaf Scholz warned against putting Nahles' role in question.&nbsp;

"Calling for personal consequences would not help," he said.

Blindsided&nbsp;

But the SPD was not the only party in crisis mode after Sunday's debacle.

Merkel's CDU too had been blindsided by youth-led anger over global warming.

Key party figures admitted Sunday that they had campaigned on the wrong topics, as they overlooked climate which had overtaken immigration to become the main worry for Germans this year.

The momentum for the Green surge had been building up over months as the strikes started last November by Swedish activist Greta Thunberg, 16, not only refused to lose steam but caught the imagination of youth across the world.

The Greens were further lent a boost in Germany by a prominent YouTuber whose online assault against Merkel's coalition accusing it of failing to act to halt global warming went viral.

The CDU struggled for days to put out the fire.

Just two days before the vote, the online star Rezo upped the ante and published a joint call with 70 influential YouTubers telling their millions of followers to shun parties in Merkel's coalition as well as the far-right AfD at the polls.

On Sunday, one in three under-30s picked the Greens, while only 13 per cent picked the CDU. The SPD also did not fare better, winning over only 10 per cent of the age group.

Party chief Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer, who is poised to succeed Merkel when the veteran leader steps down in 2021, conceded, "Yes, we made mistakes in this election campaign, that has to be said."

Markus Soeder, who heads Merkel's Bavarian allies CSU, declared the environmental party its main rival.

"The biggest challenge of the future is the intensive debate with the Greens," he said, adding that "old measures that we had before, are no longer valid".

Underlining that the CDU-CSU bloc was struggling to win over young voters, he added that "we must work to be younger, cooler and more open".

German Chancellor Angela Merkel's embattled coalition will hold crisis talks Monday after a thumping at European polls that has reignited questions over its survival.

German Chancellor Angela Merkel's embattled coalition will hold crisis talks Monday after a thumping at European polls that has reignited questions over its survival. Voters handed her CDU party and its centre-left coalition partner SPD their worst score in European election history while doubling support for the Greens amid rising fears over global warming. The Greens also snatched the second spot from the Social Democratic Party, coming in just behind Merkel's centre-right alliance. Crucially, the environmental party took more than a million votes -- including many from young people -- each from the SPD as well as from the CDU. Der Spiegel said the coalition is "in danger" after Sunday's drubbing. "This instability can lead to a break up at any time. The CDU and SPD are deeply insecure parties. If, for example, SPD leader (Andrea) Nahles were to fall, the question of the continued existence of the coalition would immediately arise." The SPD, stung by a beating at general elections in 2017, had initially sought to go into opposition. But it was reluctantly coaxed into renewing a partnership with Merkel's centre-right alliance, and many within the party remain wary of continuing to govern in her shadow while taking the fall for any unpopular policies. With the SPD also losing the top spot in stronghold Bremen during state elections Sunday, rumblings of discontent against the leadership may yet grow louder. Already ahead of the vote, Bild is Sonntag quoted unnamed sources as saying that veteran politician Martin Schulz was ready to stand against Nahles when the parliamentary chief post comes up for renewal in September. Slapping down the speculation, finance minister Olaf Scholz warned against putting Nahles' role in question. "Calling for personal consequences would not help," he said. Blindsided But the SPD was not the only party in crisis mode after Sunday's debacle. Merkel's CDU too had been blindsided by youth-led anger over global warming. Key party figures admitted Sunday that they had campaigned on the wrong topics, as they overlooked climate which had overtaken immigration to become the main worry for Germans this year. The momentum for the Green surge had been building up over months as the strikes started last November by Swedish activist Greta Thunberg, 16, not only refused to lose steam but caught the imagination of youth across the world. The Greens were further lent a boost in Germany by a prominent YouTuber whose online assault against Merkel's coalition accusing it of failing to act to halt global warming went viral. The CDU struggled for days to put out the fire. Just two days before the vote, the online star Rezo upped the ante and published a joint call with 70 influential YouTubers telling their millions of followers to shun parties in Merkel's coalition as well as the far-right AfD at the polls. On Sunday, one in three under-30s picked the Greens, while only 13 per cent picked the CDU. The SPD also did not fare better, winning over only 10 per cent of the age group. Party chief Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer, who is poised to succeed Merkel when the veteran leader steps down in 2021, conceded, "Yes, we made mistakes in this election campaign, that has to be said." Markus Soeder, who heads Merkel's Bavarian allies CSU, declared the environmental party its main rival. "The biggest challenge of the future is the intensive debate with the Greens," he said, adding that "old measures that we had before, are no longer valid". Underlining that the CDU-CSU bloc was struggling to win over young voters, he added that "we must work to be younger, cooler and more open".

Angela Merkel's coalition in crisis talks after European Union vote debacle

Chancellor Angela Merkel&#39;s conservatives and the Social Democrats sealed a deal Wednesday on a new coalition, officials close to the talks said, potentially ending four months of political standstill in Europe&#39;s top economy.

The sources said the parties had ironed out their final differences and were ready to sign an agreement for Merkel&#39;s fourth term.

Public broadcaster ARD said the final disputes had centred around &quot;ministry remits and personnel questions&quot;.&nbsp;

The breakthrough will come as a relief to Germany&#39;s EU partners as the bloc faces tough negotiations on migration and Brexit.&nbsp;

Merkel, Europe&#39;s most experienced leader, has seen her standing at home and abroad weakened by the longest stretch of coalition-building in the country&#39;s postwar history.

But before she can be sworn in, a final hurdle looms: the hard-fought pact between her CDU/CSU bloc and the Social Democratic Party must still be approved by the SPD&#39;s sceptical rank-and-file .

The agreement for a renewed &quot;grand coalition&quot; comes after days of marathon talks in which negotiators from all three parties haggled over everything from foreign policy to labour issues and healthcare.

SPD holds the keys&nbsp;

Germany has been stuck in political limbo since September&#39;s inconclusive general election saw mainstream parties bleed support to the far-right AfD, which tapped into anger over Merkel&#39;s liberal refugee policy.

Merkel, in power for over 12 years, at first tried to cobble together a novel three-way coalition with the Greens and the liberal Free Democrats, but those efforts collapsed in November.

Faced with snap elections that could further boost the AfD or the prospect of heading an unstable minority government, she opted to woo back the SPD -- her junior partner for two of her three terms since 2005.

SPD leader Martin Schulz then abandoned his post-election vow to renew the party in opposition -- a U-turn that angered many.

Merkel&#39;s fate now lies in the hands of the SPD, as Schulz has promised to give his party&#39;s 460,000 members the final say on whether to accept the coalition pact.

Observers expect the referendum to be tight, with the SPD&#39;s left and youth wings fiercely opposed to another four years governing in Merkel&#39;s shadow.

The party&#39;s fiery youth chief Kevin Kuehnert has led a campaign against another &quot;GroKo&quot;, as the grand coalition is known.

The referendum will be held by postal ballot, with the result expected to be announced in early March.

A green light could see a new Merkel-led government in place by the end of next month.

A thumbs-down could spell disaster for Merkel and Schulz, whose political lives hang in the balance, and see the country headed for fresh elections.

Hard-won concessions&nbsp;

With so much at stake, Schulz was determined to extract as many concessions as possible from the tortuous coalition talks to win over sceptics.

While details of the final agreement have yet to be released, former European Parliament chief Schulz has put a fairer Europe at the heart of his efforts, insisting that Berlin must join French President Emmanuel Macron&#39;s push to deepen eurozone integration.

In a draft version of the coalition pact seen by AFP, the parties agreed to support Macron&#39;s reform drive and tentatively backed his idea of a eurozone investment budget.

On the hot-button topic of migration, the two camps said they would aim to limit the annual intake to 180,000-220,000 people, a key CSU demand.

The SPD however won assurances that family reunifications for refugees would resume in August, albeit restricted to 1,000 people a month.

It was not immediately clear how the final sticking points in the negotiations were resolved, such as the SPD&#39;s insistence on limiting short-term contracts and overhauling the two-tier healthcare system.

On defence spending too, both sides remained at odds as the finish line neared with the conservatives more open than the SPD to raising military spending closer to NATO targets, as pushed for by US President Donald Trump.

But the protracted haggling has left its scars, and surveys suggest both camps have much to fear from fresh elections in case of a &quot;no&quot; vote from SPD members.

A recent Insa poll found that support for the CDU/CSU had fallen from 33 to 30.5 per cent, while the SPD slipped from September&#39;s historic low of 20.5 per cent to 17 per cent.

The AfD meanwhile scored a record 15 pe rcent.

The sources said the parties had ironed out their final differences and were ready to sign an agreement for Merkel's fourth term

Chancellor Angela Merkel's conservatives and the Social Democrats sealed a deal Wednesday on a new coalition, officials close to the talks said, potentially ending four months of political standstill in Europe's top economy. The sources said the parties had ironed out their final differences and were ready to sign an agreement for Merkel's fourth term. Public broadcaster ARD said the final disputes had centred around "ministry remits and personnel questions". The breakthrough will come as a relief to Germany's EU partners as the bloc faces tough negotiations on migration and Brexit. Merkel, Europe's most experienced leader, has seen her standing at home and abroad weakened by the longest stretch of coalition-building in the country's postwar history. But before she can be sworn in, a final hurdle looms: the hard-fought pact between her CDU/CSU bloc and the Social Democratic Party must still be approved by the SPD's sceptical rank-and-file . The agreement for a renewed "grand coalition" comes after days of marathon talks in which negotiators from all three parties haggled over everything from foreign policy to labour issues and healthcare. SPD holds the keys Germany has been stuck in political limbo since September's inconclusive general election saw mainstream parties bleed support to the far-right AfD, which tapped into anger over Merkel's liberal refugee policy. Merkel, in power for over 12 years, at first tried to cobble together a novel three-way coalition with the Greens and the liberal Free Democrats, but those efforts collapsed in November. Faced with snap elections that could further boost the AfD or the prospect of heading an unstable minority government, she opted to woo back the SPD -- her junior partner for two of her three terms since 2005. SPD leader Martin Schulz then abandoned his post-election vow to renew the party in opposition -- a U-turn that angered many. Merkel's fate now lies in the hands of the SPD, as Schulz has promised to give his party's 460,000 members the final say on whether to accept the coalition pact. Observers expect the referendum to be tight, with the SPD's left and youth wings fiercely opposed to another four years governing in Merkel's shadow. The party's fiery youth chief Kevin Kuehnert has led a campaign against another "GroKo", as the grand coalition is known. The referendum will be held by postal ballot, with the result expected to be announced in early March. A green light could see a new Merkel-led government in place by the end of next month. A thumbs-down could spell disaster for Merkel and Schulz, whose political lives hang in the balance, and see the country headed for fresh elections. Hard-won concessions With so much at stake, Schulz was determined to extract as many concessions as possible from the tortuous coalition talks to win over sceptics. While details of the final agreement have yet to be released, former European Parliament chief Schulz has put a fairer Europe at the heart of his efforts, insisting that Berlin must join French President Emmanuel Macron's push to deepen eurozone integration. In a draft version of the coalition pact seen by AFP, the parties agreed to support Macron's reform drive and tentatively backed his idea of a eurozone investment budget. On the hot-button topic of migration, the two camps said they would aim to limit the annual intake to 180,000-220,000 people, a key CSU demand. The SPD however won assurances that family reunifications for refugees would resume in August, albeit restricted to 1,000 people a month. It was not immediately clear how the final sticking points in the negotiations were resolved, such as the SPD's insistence on limiting short-term contracts and overhauling the two-tier healthcare system. On defence spending too, both sides remained at odds as the finish line neared with the conservatives more open than the SPD to raising military spending closer to NATO targets, as pushed for by US President Donald Trump. But the protracted haggling has left its scars, and surveys suggest both camps have much to fear from fresh elections in case of a "no" vote from SPD members. A recent Insa poll found that support for the CDU/CSU had fallen from 33 to 30.5 per cent, while the SPD slipped from September's historic low of 20.5 per cent to 17 per cent. The AfD meanwhile scored a record 15 pe rcent.

Germany's top parties 'reach deal' on Merkel coalition

Chancellor Angela Merkel is expected to cruise to victory in elections Sunday but also to face the breakthrough into parliament of hard-right populists for the first time in Germany&#39;s post-war history.

Voting begins at 0600 GMT in Europe&#39;s biggest economy and exit polls are announced at 1600 GMT, with few expecting surprises given Merkel&#39;s double-digit poll lead.

For months, the woman now dubbed the &quot;eternal chancellor&quot; has been the favourite over her centre-left rival Martin Schulz and looked set to win another term and match the 16-year reign of her mentor Helmut Kohl.

To many in the West, a fourth Merkel victory will come as a relief in a turbulent world, with hopes she will serve as a calm-headed counterweight to US President Donald Trump and Russia&#39;s Vladimir Putin and as the key EU ally to reformist French President Emmanuel Macron.

But the election is also expected to mark a milestone for the four-year-old Alternative for Germany (AfD) which, like right-wing populists elsewhere, rails against migrants, Muslims and mainstream parties.

It has been polling at 11-13 percent and could become Germany&#39;s third strongest party, driven by anger over the influx of one million migrants and refugees, many from war-torn Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan, since 2015.

&quot;The AfD&#39;s entry into the Bundestag marks an epochal step forward for the far right,&quot; said Joerg Forbrig of think-tank the German Marshall Fund of the United States.

By entering parliament, he said, &quot;the xenophobic, revisionist and anti-European political force&quot; will have heightened visibility and access to campaign finance, dozens of offices and hundreds of staff.

After a &quot;vicious&quot; campaign, in which the AfD demanded an end to German guilt over two world wars, Forbig warned that &quot;German democracy is about to face its biggest stress test ever&quot;.

At Merkel&#39;s final major stump speech Friday in the southern city of Munich, right-wing activists tried to drown her out with whistles and vuvuzelas and chants of &quot;get lost&quot;.

But the 63-year-old refused to be derailed from her stability-and-prosperity mantra, telling the crowd that &quot;the future of Germany will definitely not be built with whistles and hollers&quot;.

Schulz, for his part, recalled with pride the SPD&#39;s history of resisting the Nazi regime and told a Berlin rally that &quot;this Alternative for Germany is no alternative. They are a shame for our nation.&quot;

Aside from the populist noise, the past two months of campaigning have been widely criticised as lacklustre, with few hot-button issues dividing the main contenders.

The more outspoken Schulz, former president of the European Parliament, has told voters to reject Merkel&#39;s &quot;sleeping-pill politics&quot; and vote against &quot;another four years of stagnation and lethargy&quot;.

In greying Germany, more than half of the 61 million voters are aged 52 or older, and especially Merkel&#39;s conservatives have pitched a low-key and reassuring message of stability and prosperity.

On Saturday, Merkel -- who has signalled she was running again mainly out of a sense of duty -- urged her supporters to cast their ballots with a folksy call to &quot;bring home the bacon&quot;.

For the past term, Merkel&#39;s CDU has ruled with the SPD as its junior partner in a &quot;grand coalition&quot;, marked by broad agreement on major topics, from foreign policy to migration.

Governing in Merkel&#39;s shadow has cost the SPD voter support, and polls give it 21-22 percent compared to 34-36 percent for Merkel&#39;s conservative bloc, which also includes the Bavarian CSU.

Looking at the surveys, many rank-and-file SPD members believe the traditional working class party would benefit from a stint in opposition to rekindle its fighting spirit.

This would leave the presumed winner Merkel in need of new coalition partners -- possibly the liberal and pro-business Free Democrats, who are hoping for a comeback after crashing out of parliament four years ago.

Another potential partner would be the ecologist and left-leaning Greens party, which, however, starkly differs with the FDP on issues from climate change to migration policy.

For months, she is dubbed as the "eternal chancellor" and has been a favourite over her centre-left rival Martin Schulz

Chancellor Angela Merkel is expected to cruise to victory in elections Sunday but also to face the breakthrough into parliament of hard-right populists for the first time in Germany's post-war history. Voting begins at 0600 GMT in Europe's biggest economy and exit polls are announced at 1600 GMT, with few expecting surprises given Merkel's double-digit poll lead. For months, the woman now dubbed the "eternal chancellor" has been the favourite over her centre-left rival Martin Schulz and looked set to win another term and match the 16-year reign of her mentor Helmut Kohl. To many in the West, a fourth Merkel victory will come as a relief in a turbulent world, with hopes she will serve as a calm-headed counterweight to US President Donald Trump and Russia's Vladimir Putin and as the key EU ally to reformist French President Emmanuel Macron. But the election is also expected to mark a milestone for the four-year-old Alternative for Germany (AfD) which, like right-wing populists elsewhere, rails against migrants, Muslims and mainstream parties. It has been polling at 11-13 percent and could become Germany's third strongest party, driven by anger over the influx of one million migrants and refugees, many from war-torn Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan, since 2015. "The AfD's entry into the Bundestag marks an epochal step forward for the far right," said Joerg Forbrig of think-tank the German Marshall Fund of the United States. By entering parliament, he said, "the xenophobic, revisionist and anti-European political force" will have heightened visibility and access to campaign finance, dozens of offices and hundreds of staff. After a "vicious" campaign, in which the AfD demanded an end to German guilt over two world wars, Forbig warned that "German democracy is about to face its biggest stress test ever". At Merkel's final major stump speech Friday in the southern city of Munich, right-wing activists tried to drown her out with whistles and vuvuzelas and chants of "get lost". But the 63-year-old refused to be derailed from her stability-and-prosperity mantra, telling the crowd that "the future of Germany will definitely not be built with whistles and hollers". Schulz, for his part, recalled with pride the SPD's history of resisting the Nazi regime and told a Berlin rally that "this Alternative for Germany is no alternative. They are a shame for our nation." Aside from the populist noise, the past two months of campaigning have been widely criticised as lacklustre, with few hot-button issues dividing the main contenders. The more outspoken Schulz, former president of the European Parliament, has told voters to reject Merkel's "sleeping-pill politics" and vote against "another four years of stagnation and lethargy". In greying Germany, more than half of the 61 million voters are aged 52 or older, and especially Merkel's conservatives have pitched a low-key and reassuring message of stability and prosperity. On Saturday, Merkel -- who has signalled she was running again mainly out of a sense of duty -- urged her supporters to cast their ballots with a folksy call to "bring home the bacon". For the past term, Merkel's CDU has ruled with the SPD as its junior partner in a "grand coalition", marked by broad agreement on major topics, from foreign policy to migration. Governing in Merkel's shadow has cost the SPD voter support, and polls give it 21-22 percent compared to 34-36 percent for Merkel's conservative bloc, which also includes the Bavarian CSU. Looking at the surveys, many rank-and-file SPD members believe the traditional working class party would benefit from a stint in opposition to rekindle its fighting spirit. This would leave the presumed winner Merkel in need of new coalition partners -- possibly the liberal and pro-business Free Democrats, who are hoping for a comeback after crashing out of parliament four years ago. Another potential partner would be the ecologist and left-leaning Greens party, which, however, starkly differs with the FDP on issues from climate change to migration policy.

Merkel heads for German poll win, hard-right AfD for first seats

Angela Merkel will continue as chancellor of Germany. But following an <a href="https://theconversation.com/uk/politics">election</a> that saw the rise of <a href="http://www.focus.de/politik/praxistipps/erste-hochrechnungen-die-aktuelle-prognose-zum-ergebnis-der-bundestagswahl-2017_id_7631195.html">smaller parties</a> &ndash; most notably the far right &ndash; her fourth term will probably be an eventful one in ways, she would not wish for.

The Union parties (Merkel&rsquo;s CDU and sister party CSU) finished in top place with just under 33%. They did nevertheless lose almost 9% over their previous election result of 2013.

The Social Democratic Party (SPD), coalition partner to the Union parties, finished a distant second, with just over 20% of the vote. For the SPD, this is a historic low: almost 6% down on the last election. Party leader Martin Schulz failed to come up to scratch in a lacklustre campaign.

Four smaller parties have managed to meet the 5% threshold to qualify for seats in parliament.

The right-wing populist party, Alternative for Germany (AfD), achieved a dubious milestone in post-war German history. With a vote share of 12.5%, it will be the first overtly far-right nationalist party to enter the federal parliament.

The Left Party (die Linke) and the Green Party (B&uuml;ndnis &lsquo;90/die Gr&uuml;nen) made marginal gains to score 9% and just over 9% respectively. Big gains went to one party that had been more or less written off after the last election and to another that many commentators hoped never to see in parliament at the federal level. The liberal Free Democratic Party (FDP) rose from the ashes to return to parliament under their charismatic new leader Christian Lindner. With 10.7% of the vote, the party more than doubled its tally of the last election.

Forming a government

The new government will need to control 316 seats in the parliament to achieve the majority needed to take office. While probably technically possible, a continuation of the current Grand Coalition (GroKo) between CDU/CSU and SPD now seems unlikely.

Having sent mixed messages before the election, the SPD declared after the close of polls that it aims to work as an <a href="http://www.focus.de/politik/deutschland/bundestagswahl_2017/bundestagswahl-2017-im-live-ticker-wahlbeteiligung-bislang-schwaecher-als-2013_id_7631710.html">opposition</a> party in the new parliament.

With the AfD and die Linke ruled out of a CDU/CSU-based coalition on ideological grounds, this leaves the possibility of a so-called Jamaica coalition of CDU/CSU, FDP and the Greens (the parties&rsquo; traditional colours of black, green and yellow tally with the Jamaican flag). However, this option is no foregone conclusion and could prove very unpopular with voters.

All roads lead to Merkel

Despite the consistency of the polls over the past few weeks, an unprecedented number of German voters &ndash; <a href="http://www.faz.net/aktuell/politik/bundestagswahl/bundestagswahl-2017-entscheidet-die-taktik-der-waehler-15212740.html">around 40%</a> &ndash; remained undecided as late as a week before the election.

The uncertainty was palpable in an unusually nervy, volatile mood among the electorate. <a href="https://www.pocketstory.com/der-spiegel/sicherheit-und-wut">Psychologist Stephan Gr&uuml;newald</a> noted odd swings in public perceptions of the Merkel government&rsquo;s achievements. One minute Germany was a &ldquo;desolate land&rdquo;, the next an &ldquo;island of prosperity&rdquo;.

Germans are well aware of their relative prosperity in Europe but seem to have been traumatised by the impact of the <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-41147362">migrant crisis</a> within their borders. Anxiety runs high over international tensions and there is a fear that Germany&rsquo;s economic security is under threat. At one level, people could hardly be bothered about the election. Even so, social media posts exploded with rage and Merkel&rsquo;s car was <a href="http://www.faz.net/aktuell/politik/bundestagswahl/merkels-wagen-mit-tomaten-beworfen-15190057.html">pelted with tomatoes</a> at appearances in the east &ndash; her home territory.

The voters sensed that a change was overdue but calculated that in practice all votes &ndash; other than for the radical outliers of the Left Party and AfD &ndash; would trickle back to Merkel. Ironically, the opposition parties fed the perception that there was no alternative to Merkel.

Before election day, all of the remaining mainstream parties &ndash; SPD, Greens and FDP &ndash; had seemed open to the idea of joining a coalition. With the Union parties bossing the polls at around 36% and the SPD well behind at around 22%, it was clear that any continuation of the GroKo would be led by Merkel, not Schulz.

Even after three terms in office and after testing the forbearance of the German public with her open doors asylum policy, 56% claimed in polling that they would rather see her <a href="http://www.forschungsgruppe.de/Aktuelles/Politbarometer/">remain chancellor</a> while only 32% favoured Schulz. With neither the mainstream parties nor the voters daring to rock the boat, Merkel barely needed to campaign.

But now she faces another set of challenges before she can forge a new government. Before the election, it was thought that the higher the vote for the AfD, the greater the likelihood that the vote of the other smaller parties would be squeezed, making a continuation of the crumbling CDU/CSU-SPD partnership unavoidable. Instead, it was the vote of the two main parties that was squeezed, apparently convincing the SPD that there was no future for it in a Merkel-led GroKo. Now Merkel must try to make a pact with two parties that will stretch the comfort zone of an already broad Union church.

<img alt="The Conversation" height="1" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/84578/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" width="1" />Also, the higher the vote for the AfD, the greater the pressure that the CSU, the CDU&rsquo;s more conservative and reactionary Bavarian sister party, can exert on the content of the government&rsquo;s coalition agreement and on future policy direction. Horst Seehofer, the leader of the CSU, had already announced his intention of driving the Union parties further to the right in the post-election coalition negotiations. The strident entry of the AfD into parliament will help him to justify his demands, including a more <a href="https://theconversation.com/angela-merkels-election-manifesto-attempts-to-rebrand-refugees-80447">rigorous immigration control policy</a>. With the CSU suffering a historic low of 38.5% &ndash; a drop of almost <a href="http://www.spiegel.de/politik/deutschland/csu-stuerzt-in-bayern-auf-niedrigstes-ergebnis-seit-1949-a-1169590.html">11% of the vote</a> &ndash; in its Bavarian constituency, it will be sure to press even harder for conservative reforms.

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/angela-merkel-wins-a-fourth-term-in-office-but-it-wont-be-an-easy-one-84578">original article</a>.

&nbsp;

Angela Merkel maintains her pre-eminence and leads to the challenging fourth term

Angela Merkel will continue as chancellor of Germany. But following an election that saw the rise of smaller parties – most notably the far right – her fourth term will probably be an eventful one in ways, she would not wish for. The Union parties (Merkel’s CDU and sister party CSU) finished in top place with just under 33%. They did nevertheless lose almost 9% over their previous election result of 2013. The Social Democratic Party (SPD), coalition partner to the Union parties, finished a distant second, with just over 20% of the vote. For the SPD, this is a historic low: almost 6% down on the last election. Party leader Martin Schulz failed to come up to scratch in a lacklustre campaign. Four smaller parties have managed to meet the 5% threshold to qualify for seats in parliament. The right-wing populist party, Alternative for Germany (AfD), achieved a dubious milestone in post-war German history. With a vote share of 12.5%, it will be the first overtly far-right nationalist party to enter the federal parliament. The Left Party (die Linke) and the Green Party (Bündnis ‘90/die Grünen) made marginal gains to score 9% and just over 9% respectively. Big gains went to one party that had been more or less written off after the last election and to another that many commentators hoped never to see in parliament at the federal level. The liberal Free Democratic Party (FDP) rose from the ashes to return to parliament under their charismatic new leader Christian Lindner. With 10.7% of the vote, the party more than doubled its tally of the last election. Forming a government The new government will need to control 316 seats in the parliament to achieve the majority needed to take office. While probably technically possible, a continuation of the current Grand Coalition (GroKo) between CDU/CSU and SPD now seems unlikely. Having sent mixed messages before the election, the SPD declared after the close of polls that it aims to work as an opposition party in the new parliament. With the AfD and die Linke ruled out of a CDU/CSU-based coalition on ideological grounds, this leaves the possibility of a so-called Jamaica coalition of CDU/CSU, FDP and the Greens (the parties’ traditional colours of black, green and yellow tally with the Jamaican flag). However, this option is no foregone conclusion and could prove very unpopular with voters. All roads lead to Merkel Despite the consistency of the polls over the past few weeks, an unprecedented number of German voters – around 40% – remained undecided as late as a week before the election. The uncertainty was palpable in an unusually nervy, volatile mood among the electorate. Psychologist Stephan Grünewald noted odd swings in public perceptions of the Merkel government’s achievements. One minute Germany was a “desolate land”, the next an “island of prosperity”. Germans are well aware of their relative prosperity in Europe but seem to have been traumatised by the impact of the migrant crisis within their borders. Anxiety runs high over international tensions and there is a fear that Germany’s economic security is under threat. At one level, people could hardly be bothered about the election. Even so, social media posts exploded with rage and Merkel’s car was pelted with tomatoes at appearances in the east – her home territory. The voters sensed that a change was overdue but calculated that in practice all votes – other than for the radical outliers of the Left Party and AfD – would trickle back to Merkel. Ironically, the opposition parties fed the perception that there was no alternative to Merkel. Before election day, all of the remaining mainstream parties – SPD, Greens and FDP – had seemed open to the idea of joining a coalition. With the Union parties bossing the polls at around 36% and the SPD well behind at around 22%, it was clear that any continuation of the GroKo would be led by Merkel, not Schulz. Even after three terms in office and after testing the forbearance of the German public with her open doors asylum policy, 56% claimed in polling that they would rather see her remain chancellor while only 32% favoured Schulz. With neither the mainstream parties nor the voters daring to rock the boat, Merkel barely needed to campaign. But now she faces another set of challenges before she can forge a new government. Before the election, it was thought that the higher the vote for the AfD, the greater the likelihood that the vote of the other smaller parties would be squeezed, making a continuation of the crumbling CDU/CSU-SPD partnership unavoidable. Instead, it was the vote of the two main parties that was squeezed, apparently convincing the SPD that there was no future for it in a Merkel-led GroKo. Now Merkel must try to make a pact with two parties that will stretch the comfort zone of an already broad Union church. Also, the higher the vote for the AfD, the greater the pressure that the CSU, the CDU’s more conservative and reactionary Bavarian sister party, can exert on the content of the government’s coalition agreement and on future policy direction. Horst Seehofer, the leader of the CSU, had already announced his intention of driving the Union parties further to the right in the post-election coalition negotiations. The strident entry of the AfD into parliament will help him to justify his demands, including a more rigorous immigration control policy. With the CSU suffering a historic low of 38.5% – a drop of almost 11% of the vote – in its Bavarian constituency, it will be sure to press even harder for conservative reforms. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

Angela Merkel wins a fourth term in office ? but it won't be an easy one

Chancellor Angela Merkel and her main rival Martin Schulz return to their home bases to make their last-ditch appeal for votes ahead of Sunday&#39;s elections, urging Germans to shun anti-migrant populists.

Merkel will end her punishing campaigning schedule in her Baltic coast constituency Saturday.

But far from heading to districts where her Christian Democratic Union enjoys its strongest support, she is visiting districts in the town of Greifswald and the island of Ruegen where the Islamophobic Alternative for Germany topped her party&#39;s score in state elections last year.

Social Democrat chief Schulz meanwhile will take his rally to Aachen, a western city next to his hometown of Wuerselen.

Although Merkel&#39;s party enjoys a double-digit lead over the second place SPD, alarm is growing among mainstream parties as the latest polls show support for the hard-right AfD rising in the final campaigning stretch to between 11 and 13 percent.

That means that around 60 lawmakers of the openly anti-immigration party could sit in the German parliament for the first time since World War II, a prospect prompting established parties to urge voters to shun the upstarts.

( Also Read: <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/germany-elections-main-parties-their-ideologies-and-who-is-likely-to-win-20540" target="_blank">Germany elections: Main parties, their ideologies and who is likely to win?</a> )

&nbsp;&#39;Shame for our nation&#39;&nbsp;

At Merkel&#39;s final major stump speech on Friday evening at the southern city of Munich, dissenters blew whistles and vuvuzelas and chanted &quot;get lost&quot;, seeking to drown her out.

But the 63-year-old refused to be derailed from her stability-and-prosperity stump speech, telling the crowd that &quot;the future of Germany will definitely not be built up through whistles and hollers.&quot;

Merkel, whose rallies across Germany had been plagued by organised AfD supporters, also called people to go out and &quot;vote for the parties that are 100 percent loyal to our constitution&quot;.

In an appeal for voters to close ranks and keep the AfD out, Schulz told a rally in central Berlin that &quot;this Alternative for Germany is no alternative. They are a shame for our nation.&quot;

Foreign Minister Sigmar Gabriel, also a Social Democrat, said the party is led by &quot;people who incite hate, who spread Nazi propaganda&quot;.

&quot;For the first time since the end of the Second World War, real Nazis will sit in the German parliament,&quot; said Gabriel.

Challenge taboos&nbsp;

Two months of campaigning have been largely low-key, with few hot-button issues dividing the main contenders.

While Merkel has been pushing her stability and prosperity agenda and Schulz seeking to sway voters with his pledges for greater social equality, the AfD has diverted attention.

Sueddeutsche Zeitung columnist Heribert Prantl praised the chancellor for not only pressing on with her rallies despite protests from AfD supporters but also giving a clear rebuttal to the populists.

But the columnist regretted that it only came late in the campaign when it became &quot;clear how the political climate in Germany will change with the AfD in the Bundestag.&quot;

&quot;Not only nationalist politicians, but racists and bigots too will enter parliament,&quot; he wrote, adding that &quot;the seriousness of the situation was only recognised too late.&quot;

Thorsten Benner, director of the Global Public Policy Institute in Berlin, said the AfD &quot;will challenge key themes&quot; in parliament, warning that taboos since 1945 that could be breached include how Germany views its World War II past and the question of what makes a German.

One of two AfD leading candidates, Alexander Gauland, had called for Germans to stop atoning for the war past.

He had also sparked outrage when he said integration commissioner Aydan Ozoguz should be &quot;disposed of in Anatolia&quot;, suggesting that she will never be German because of her Turkish origin.

Chancellor Angela Merkel and her main rival Martin Schulz return to their home bases to make their last-ditch appeal for votes ahead of Sunday's elections, urging Germans to shun anti-migrant populists

Chancellor Angela Merkel and her main rival Martin Schulz return to their home bases to make their last-ditch appeal for votes ahead of Sunday's elections, urging Germans to shun anti-migrant populists. Merkel will end her punishing campaigning schedule in her Baltic coast constituency Saturday. But far from heading to districts where her Christian Democratic Union enjoys its strongest support, she is visiting districts in the town of Greifswald and the island of Ruegen where the Islamophobic Alternative for Germany topped her party's score in state elections last year. Social Democrat chief Schulz meanwhile will take his rally to Aachen, a western city next to his hometown of Wuerselen. Although Merkel's party enjoys a double-digit lead over the second place SPD, alarm is growing among mainstream parties as the latest polls show support for the hard-right AfD rising in the final campaigning stretch to between 11 and 13 percent. That means that around 60 lawmakers of the openly anti-immigration party could sit in the German parliament for the first time since World War II, a prospect prompting established parties to urge voters to shun the upstarts. ( Also Read: Germany elections: Main parties, their ideologies and who is likely to win? ) 'Shame for our nation' At Merkel's final major stump speech on Friday evening at the southern city of Munich, dissenters blew whistles and vuvuzelas and chanted "get lost", seeking to drown her out. But the 63-year-old refused to be derailed from her stability-and-prosperity stump speech, telling the crowd that "the future of Germany will definitely not be built up through whistles and hollers." Merkel, whose rallies across Germany had been plagued by organised AfD supporters, also called people to go out and "vote for the parties that are 100 percent loyal to our constitution". In an appeal for voters to close ranks and keep the AfD out, Schulz told a rally in central Berlin that "this Alternative for Germany is no alternative. They are a shame for our nation." Foreign Minister Sigmar Gabriel, also a Social Democrat, said the party is led by "people who incite hate, who spread Nazi propaganda". "For the first time since the end of the Second World War, real Nazis will sit in the German parliament," said Gabriel. Challenge taboos Two months of campaigning have been largely low-key, with few hot-button issues dividing the main contenders. While Merkel has been pushing her stability and prosperity agenda and Schulz seeking to sway voters with his pledges for greater social equality, the AfD has diverted attention. Sueddeutsche Zeitung columnist Heribert Prantl praised the chancellor for not only pressing on with her rallies despite protests from AfD supporters but also giving a clear rebuttal to the populists. But the columnist regretted that it only came late in the campaign when it became "clear how the political climate in Germany will change with the AfD in the Bundestag." "Not only nationalist politicians, but racists and bigots too will enter parliament," he wrote, adding that "the seriousness of the situation was only recognised too late." Thorsten Benner, director of the Global Public Policy Institute in Berlin, said the AfD "will challenge key themes" in parliament, warning that taboos since 1945 that could be breached include how Germany views its World War II past and the question of what makes a German. One of two AfD leading candidates, Alexander Gauland, had called for Germans to stop atoning for the war past. He had also sparked outrage when he said integration commissioner Aydan Ozoguz should be "disposed of in Anatolia", suggesting that she will never be German because of her Turkish origin.

Merkel, Schulz at home base on final campaign push

When Angela Merkel first became Chancellor of Germany in 2005, she was a virtual unknown. Critics were sceptical about her staying power. There were confident predictions that she wouldn&rsquo;t see out the 100-day honeymoon period traditionally enjoyed by a new incumbent. Now, 12 years on, Merkel is undoubtedly the most powerful woman in the world and a symbol of continuity both at home and abroad. Yet remarkably little is known about her, what drives her and what explains her extraordinary resilience. So who is Angela Merkel and what explains her dominance of Germany&rsquo;s millennial years?

Within her party, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), Merkel&rsquo;s rise to political prominence was aided by two factors: she was both fiercely competent and inconspicuous. She was underestimated, even patronised, by party colleagues. <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/jun/16/helmut-kohl-ex-chancellor-and-architect-of-german-reunification-dies-aged-87">Helmut Kohl</a>, the long-serving CDU prime minister who presided over German unification, referred to her as &ldquo;the girl&rdquo; (das M&auml;dchen). He never seriously rated her as a challenge for his role.

<figure class="align-center ">
<figcaption>
When Kohl became embroiled in a <a href="http://www.dw.com/en/the-scandal-that-rocked-the-government-of-helmut-kohl/a-5137950" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">party funding scandal</a> it was Merkel who represented the new face of the CDU, free of the taint of past party sleaze. Kohl apparently <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/germany/angela-merkel/11920552/10-moments-that-define-German-chancellor-Angela-Merkel.html" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">never forgave her</a> for usurping him.
</figcaption>
</figure>

The appeal of the ordinary

Even after three terms in office and after testing the forbearance of the German public with her open doors asylum policy, Merkel remains extraordinarily popular with the German public. Significantly, <a href="https://www.tagesschau.de/inland/deutschlandtrend-895.html">her popularity extends across all parties</a>.

Part of her enduring appeal lies in her unobtrusiveness. For a politician, she is, well, rather ordinary. Merkel has never felt the need to validate herself through a polished public image. She famously wears <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/fashion/shortcuts/2012/oct/09/angela-merkel-jacket-pantone">the same jacket in a dizzying array of colours</a>, because it&rsquo;s easier than selecting new styles for every public appearance. Her groundedness and indifference to the trappings of the political high life have earned widespread respect.

Although entitled to live in a fine official residence at the Brandenburg Gate, she prefers to stay in a small flat she shares with her husband. When she has time, she cooks her own food. A keen football fan, the photos of her and president Joachim Gauck celebrating in the German national squad&rsquo;s dressing room after their <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/sport/football/world-cup/pictures/10965966/Angela-Merkels-World-Cup-German-Chancellor-joins-in-the-celebrations.html">2014 World Cup</a> win look natural and convincing.

In her understated way, Merkel conveys an image of a woman who can&rsquo;t be bought; who somehow remains outside the privileged elite. Both endearing and slightly demeaning, her nickname of &ldquo;Mutti&rdquo; (Mum) combines common responses to this eastern-born outsider and cements a sense of trustworthiness that serves her well with the voters.

Patience and pragmatism

A large part of Merkel&rsquo;s success lies in her consummate mastery of the German political system. Quite simply, she has what it takes to win in German politics. She is cautious, pragmatic, strategic, patient, and is imbued with the traditional Christian Democratic certainty that the integration of interests provides a sound basis for governance. She is an outstanding mediator. At times these attributes have infuriated supporters and critics alike, but they have worked for her.

Merkel has a keen instinct for shifts in public opinion and is swift to occupy new ground. This maddens the opposition SPD, which often complains that the union parties are &ldquo;stealing their clothes&rdquo;, making it difficult for them to develop a distinctive policy platform.

Just before the dissolution of parliament ahead of the 2017 election, Merkel engineered the passage of a <a href="http://www.spiegel.de/politik/deutschland/angela-merkel-ja-zur-ehe-fuer-alle-nicht-aus-ueberzeugung-a-1155042.html">popular bill</a> legalising gay marriage. Although it went against majority opinion within her own party, she didn&rsquo;t want the SPD or the Green Party to be able to capitalise on the issue in the election campaign.

Merkel is frequently criticised for &ldquo;de-politicising&rdquo; government. She tends to a technocratic, pragmatic approach and often sits on the fence. After three terms in office, there are concerns that this &ldquo;Merkel model&rdquo; of governance is smothering the vigorous plural exchanges that ought to characterise democratic interaction between the mainstream parties.

In particular, critics fear that Merkel&rsquo;s current grand coalition (where government power is shared between the leading party and the main party of opposition) is driving out the democratic principle of alternation of government (where there is a real potential for elections to replace one government party with another). With no mainstream opposition to the existing government, voters are drawn to cast a protest vote for radical parties, such as right-wing populists AfD. Moreover, this middle-of-the-road approach blocks reform of outdated policies.

While these are valid arguments, Merkel&rsquo;s depoliticised approach is, in fact, a logical strategy for sustained leadership in the German political system. In order to pass major domestic legislation in Germany, a government has to get a bill passed not only the parliament, in which it has a majority, but also the second legislature, the Bundesrat, where the federal government majority is not replicated. In practice, every government has to &ldquo;collude&rdquo; with opposition forces on a routine basis if it is to be successful.

The &ldquo;boring&rdquo; election campaigns so common in German politics are also a function of the system. Until the votes have been cast and the parliamentary arithmetic is known, neither the CDU/CSU nor the SPD can know for sure how it might work with the other parties in parliament to forge a majority coalition government. The election is only the beginning. Many of the details of the new chancellor&rsquo;s programme will not be settled until the rounds of coalition negotiations that take place immediately afterwards. It makes sense, then, for the two main parties to avoid specifics on their policy platforms. Keeping their powder dry, though, can make the public feel that their main concerns are not being adequately addressed.

Recently, media reports have highlighted unprecedented levels of rage and polarisation in post-war German opinion. The anti-immigrant Pegida movement and the populist <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-37274201">Alternative for Germany</a> (AfD) have voiced views that only a few years ago would have been considered completely unacceptable in public discourse. This has carried over into society, where public opinion is hardening against asylum seekers.

<img alt="The Conversation" height="1" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/84442/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" width="1" />Some argue that this new German anger can&rsquo;t be dismissed simply as a protest vote for the AfD, but may indicate a more profound disaffection with the Merkel model. But a quick glance at the world outside and the alternative leadership at home seems to have persuaded most voters that this is not the time to throw their toys out of the pram. The Merkel decade has quietly transformed Germany into a world power while protecting the economy from the worst of the fallout from the eurozone crisis. Throughout the postwar period, German voters have shown a strong inclination for predictability: for &ldquo;the devil they know&rdquo;. Perhaps this more than anything else will secure one more term for Merkel.

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com" nofollow="" rel="">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-angela-merkel-model-or-how-to-succeed-in-german-politics-84442" nofollow="" rel="">original article</a>.

Angela Merkel looks set to continue her magnificent political journey

When Angela Merkel first became Chancellor of Germany in 2005, she was a virtual unknown. Critics were sceptical about her staying power. There were confident predictions that she wouldn’t see out the 100-day honeymoon period traditionally enjoyed by a new incumbent. Now, 12 years on, Merkel is undoubtedly the most powerful woman in the world and a symbol of continuity both at home and abroad. Yet remarkably little is known about her, what drives her and what explains her extraordinary resilience. So who is Angela Merkel and what explains her dominance of Germany’s millennial years? Within her party, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), Merkel’s rise to political prominence was aided by two factors: she was both fiercely competent and inconspicuous. She was underestimated, even patronised, by party colleagues. Helmut Kohl, the long-serving CDU prime minister who presided over German unification, referred to her as “the girl” (das Mädchen). He never seriously rated her as a challenge for his role. When Kohl became embroiled in a party funding scandal it was Merkel who represented the new face of the CDU, free of the taint of past party sleaze. Kohl apparently never forgave her for usurping him. The appeal of the ordinary Even after three terms in office and after testing the forbearance of the German public with her open doors asylum policy, Merkel remains extraordinarily popular with the German public. Significantly, her popularity extends across all parties. Part of her enduring appeal lies in her unobtrusiveness. For a politician, she is, well, rather ordinary. Merkel has never felt the need to validate herself through a polished public image. She famously wears the same jacket in a dizzying array of colours, because it’s easier than selecting new styles for every public appearance. Her groundedness and indifference to the trappings of the political high life have earned widespread respect. Although entitled to live in a fine official residence at the Brandenburg Gate, she prefers to stay in a small flat she shares with her husband. When she has time, she cooks her own food. A keen football fan, the photos of her and president Joachim Gauck celebrating in the German national squad’s dressing room after their 2014 World Cup win look natural and convincing. In her understated way, Merkel conveys an image of a woman who can’t be bought; who somehow remains outside the privileged elite. Both endearing and slightly demeaning, her nickname of “Mutti” (Mum) combines common responses to this eastern-born outsider and cements a sense of trustworthiness that serves her well with the voters. Patience and pragmatism A large part of Merkel’s success lies in her consummate mastery of the German political system. Quite simply, she has what it takes to win in German politics. She is cautious, pragmatic, strategic, patient, and is imbued with the traditional Christian Democratic certainty that the integration of interests provides a sound basis for governance. She is an outstanding mediator. At times these attributes have infuriated supporters and critics alike, but they have worked for her. Merkel has a keen instinct for shifts in public opinion and is swift to occupy new ground. This maddens the opposition SPD, which often complains that the union parties are “stealing their clothes”, making it difficult for them to develop a distinctive policy platform. Just before the dissolution of parliament ahead of the 2017 election, Merkel engineered the passage of a popular bill legalising gay marriage. Although it went against majority opinion within her own party, she didn’t want the SPD or the Green Party to be able to capitalise on the issue in the election campaign. Merkel is frequently criticised for “de-politicising” government. She tends to a technocratic, pragmatic approach and often sits on the fence. After three terms in office, there are concerns that this “Merkel model” of governance is smothering the vigorous plural exchanges that ought to characterise democratic interaction between the mainstream parties. In particular, critics fear that Merkel’s current grand coalition (where government power is shared between the leading party and the main party of opposition) is driving out the democratic principle of alternation of government (where there is a real potential for elections to replace one government party with another). With no mainstream opposition to the existing government, voters are drawn to cast a protest vote for radical parties, such as right-wing populists AfD. Moreover, this middle-of-the-road approach blocks reform of outdated policies. While these are valid arguments, Merkel’s depoliticised approach is, in fact, a logical strategy for sustained leadership in the German political system. In order to pass major domestic legislation in Germany, a government has to get a bill passed not only the parliament, in which it has a majority, but also the second legislature, the Bundesrat, where the federal government majority is not replicated. In practice, every government has to “collude” with opposition forces on a routine basis if it is to be successful. The “boring” election campaigns so common in German politics are also a function of the system. Until the votes have been cast and the parliamentary arithmetic is known, neither the CDU/CSU nor the SPD can know for sure how it might work with the other parties in parliament to forge a majority coalition government. The election is only the beginning. Many of the details of the new chancellor’s programme will not be settled until the rounds of coalition negotiations that take place immediately afterwards. It makes sense, then, for the two main parties to avoid specifics on their policy platforms. Keeping their powder dry, though, can make the public feel that their main concerns are not being adequately addressed. Recently, media reports have highlighted unprecedented levels of rage and polarisation in post-war German opinion. The anti-immigrant Pegida movement and the populist Alternative for Germany (AfD) have voiced views that only a few years ago would have been considered completely unacceptable in public discourse. This has carried over into society, where public opinion is hardening against asylum seekers. Some argue that this new German anger can’t be dismissed simply as a protest vote for the AfD, but may indicate a more profound disaffection with the Merkel model. But a quick glance at the world outside and the alternative leadership at home seems to have persuaded most voters that this is not the time to throw their toys out of the pram. The Merkel decade has quietly transformed Germany into a world power while protecting the economy from the worst of the fallout from the eurozone crisis. Throughout the postwar period, German voters have shown a strong inclination for predictability: for “the devil they know”. Perhaps this more than anything else will secure one more term for Merkel. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

The Angela Merkel model ? or how to succeed in German politics

Germany&#39;s Social Democrats (SPD) on Sunday formally endorsed former European Parliament President Martin Schulz as their leader and challenger to Chancellor Angela Merkel in what is set to be a tightly contested national election in September.

The SPD has undergone a revival since nominating Schulz in late January, gaining around 10 points in opinion polls and signing up thousands of new members as the 61-year-old focuses his campaign on social justice.

&quot;The SPD is back! We&#39;re back!&quot; Schulz told around 600 delegates at a party meeting in Berlin shortly before he was chosen as SPD leader in a vote in which all 605 of the valid votes gave him a &#39;yes&#39;. Delegates signalled with their hands they also wanted him to run for the SPD in the Sept. 24 election.

While the centre-left SPD is slightly behind Merkel&#39;s conservatives in the latest Emnid poll, it showed Schulz should be able to take power with a left-leaning alliance involving the far-left Linke and Greens in what would be the first time Germany has ever had a &#39;red-red-green&#39; coalition at the national level.

&quot;We want the SPD to be the strongest political force after the federal election so it gets a mandate to make this country better and fairer and to give the people of this country the respect they deserve and I want, dear comrades, to be the next German chancellor,&quot; Schulz said.

He reiterated his calls for free education, more investment such as in nursing care and schools as well as qualification programmes for the unemployed in a speech that earned him a standing ovation.

It is necessary to close the &quot;intolerable pay gap&quot; so men and women in both eastern and western Germany get the same amount of pay for doing the same work, Schulz said.

He also said he wanted to introduce special working hours - financially supported by the government - for those with families, but he did not give further details.

The former mayor of Wuerselen, a small town near the Dutch border, has made much of his humble beginnings and on Sunday recounted how he was born in western Germany as the fifth child of a policeman and housewife, who he described as &quot;simple and very decent people&quot;.

He said he was &quot;lazy&quot; at school and thought only of football, ultimately dropping out of school and losing his way before getting a second chance. Schulz later trained as a bookseller and opened a bookshop before becoming a member of the European Parliament in the mid-1990s.

His nomination for SPD leader followed a decision by Germany&#39;s Foreign Minister Sigmar Gabriel to stand aside as SPD head because he thought Schulz had a better chance of winning the election.

(Reuters) 
&nbsp;

The SPD has undergone a revival since nominating Schulz in late January, gaining around 10 points in opinion polls

Germany's Social Democrats (SPD) on Sunday formally endorsed former European Parliament President Martin Schulz as their leader and challenger to Chancellor Angela Merkel in what is set to be a tightly contested national election in September. The SPD has undergone a revival since nominating Schulz in late January, gaining around 10 points in opinion polls and signing up thousands of new members as the 61-year-old focuses his campaign on social justice. "The SPD is back! We're back!" Schulz told around 600 delegates at a party meeting in Berlin shortly before he was chosen as SPD leader in a vote in which all 605 of the valid votes gave him a 'yes'. Delegates signalled with their hands they also wanted him to run for the SPD in the Sept. 24 election. While the centre-left SPD is slightly behind Merkel's conservatives in the latest Emnid poll, it showed Schulz should be able to take power with a left-leaning alliance involving the far-left Linke and Greens in what would be the first time Germany has ever had a 'red-red-green' coalition at the national level. "We want the SPD to be the strongest political force after the federal election so it gets a mandate to make this country better and fairer and to give the people of this country the respect they deserve and I want, dear comrades, to be the next German chancellor," Schulz said. He reiterated his calls for free education, more investment such as in nursing care and schools as well as qualification programmes for the unemployed in a speech that earned him a standing ovation. It is necessary to close the "intolerable pay gap" so men and women in both eastern and western Germany get the same amount of pay for doing the same work, Schulz said. He also said he wanted to introduce special working hours - financially supported by the government - for those with families, but he did not give further details. The former mayor of Wuerselen, a small town near the Dutch border, has made much of his humble beginnings and on Sunday recounted how he was born in western Germany as the fifth child of a policeman and housewife, who he described as "simple and very decent people". He said he was "lazy" at school and thought only of football, ultimately dropping out of school and losing his way before getting a second chance. Schulz later trained as a bookseller and opened a bookshop before becoming a member of the European Parliament in the mid-1990s. His nomination for SPD leader followed a decision by Germany's Foreign Minister Sigmar Gabriel to stand aside as SPD head because he thought Schulz had a better chance of winning the election. (Reuters)

Germany's Social Democrats endorse Martin Schultz to run for chancellor against Merkel

The European Parliament president, Martin Schulz, says he fears that if US presidential nominee Donald Trump wins the elections, it could boost &ldquo;imitators&rdquo; in Europe. 
 
Schulz told German magazine Der Spiegel in comments published today that Trump is a problem &quot;for the whole world&quot;. 
 
He said, &quot;If a man sits in the White House who flirts with having no idea and labels expertise as elitist baloney, a critical point is reached.&quot; 
 
He said that would mean &quot;an apparently irresponsible man&quot; being in a position that requires the highest sense of responsibility. 
 
Schulz, who leads the 28-nation European Union&#39;s legislative assembly, added: &quot;My concern is that he could also boost imitators in Europe.&quot; 
 
He didn&#39;t elaborate.&nbsp; 
 
(WION with inputs from PTI)

Schulz told German magazine Der Spiegel in comments published today that Trump is a problem 'for the whole world'

The European Parliament president, Martin Schulz, says he fears that if US presidential nominee Donald Trump wins the elections, it could boost “imitators” in Europe. Schulz told German magazine Der Spiegel in comments published today that Trump is a problem "for the whole world". He said, "If a man sits in the White House who flirts with having no idea and labels expertise as elitist baloney, a critical point is reached." He said that would mean "an apparently irresponsible man" being in a position that requires the highest sense of responsibility. Schulz, who leads the 28-nation European Union's legislative assembly, added: "My concern is that he could also boost imitators in Europe." He didn't elaborate. (WION with inputs from PTI)

Trump win could boost 'imitators' in Europe: European Parliament chief

martin-schulz

Martin Schulz, News on Martin Schulz, stories on Martin Schulz, articles on Martin Schulz, Martin Schulz stories at Wion, Martin Schulz news, Martin Schulz latest news

martin schulz