The other day, a former senior bureaucrat attached to the then Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Kalyan Singh, told a news channel that Prime Minister PV Narasimha Rao had informed the Chief Minister about archaeological evidence of the pre-existence of a temple where the Babri mosque stood. This was roughly a fortnight before the disputed structure was demolished. The bureaucrat was referring to the findings of an archaeological exercise conducted just months before. A more detailed excavation was done in 2003 by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) on the Allahabad High Court&rsquo;s instructions.

Interestingly, both of these explorations had dug out evidence of a Hindu structure that once existed. The findings had set off a furious debate between the pro-temple organisations on the one hand and the pro-mosque lobby consisting of the Babri Masjid Action Committee (BMAC) and Left-liberal historians on the other. Now, given that the Supreme Court has said that it would hear the matter as a title deed case and not delve into the faith aspect, the archaeological material could play a crucial role.

Indeed, even the Allahabad High Court, while going into matters of faith, had relied heavily on the ASI&rsquo;s 2003 findings. &nbsp;The High Court&rsquo;s order was subsequently stayed by the apex court, but the archaeological findings haven&rsquo;t gone anywhere. The fire may now be re-ignited.

The pro-mosque lobby has consistently questioned the credibility of the ASI&rsquo;s findings. The fact is that the ASI did the excavations in 2003 under the supervision of the court. The court had appointed a panel including two junior judges and three archaeologists to maintain a close vigil on the excavation. And yet, the findings were discredited merely because they indicated the existence of a Hindu structure. It must be remembered that the 2003 excavation was more elaborate than the one in the early 1990s because it was done post-demolition.

Many findings were noted, and the most significant one was that well before the mosque came to be constructed, there had been large-scale structures of non-residential type (religious in nature) right up to the present level of the disputed site. Some 50 pillar bases were excavated; walls were discovered; a circular shrine with a water chute towards the north, that is meant to drain out water after offering to the deity, was found. The High Court had asked the ASI to excavate to determine &ldquo;whether there was any temple or structure which was demolished and the mosque constructed on the disputed site&rdquo;. Left historians, perhaps, already apprehensive that the 1992 findings would be reinforced, strenuously objected on the ground that the court seemed to be giving &ldquo;tacit judicial recognition&rdquo; to the belief that a monument could be destroyed on grounds of its having been built over another religious structure.

As more and more material emerged through the excavations that pointed to the pre-existence of a temple &mdash; or at the very least a Hindu structure, Left historians and the pro-mosque lobby stepped up their opposition. What then was witnessed was a sequence of desperate arguments. They had to respond somehow after the ASI report concluded that the findings were &ldquo;indicative (of) remains which are distinctive features found associated with the temples of north India&rdquo;. In short, the mosque had not been constructed on vacant land and that the remains found belonged to Hindu structures.

The dilemma before the pro-mosque organisations was: What was now to be done in the face of such evidence gathered through an exercise closely supervised by the High Court? One Left historian, Irfan Habib, was quick off the mark. Even before the ASI had submitted its final report to the court, he alleged that the ASI appeared to be bent on &ldquo;finding what those in powers wish it to find &mdash; the remains of a temple&rdquo;. He then went on to make a bizarre claim: That another mosque had immediately existed where the Babri structure later came up. Undaunted by the outlandish claims, he suggested that the pillar bases and bricks (which were evidence of a Hindu structure) were &ldquo;easy to assemble&rdquo; and that the bricks could have been &ldquo;arranged by the ASI excavators to provide evidence&rdquo;. Having already made up his mind, it wasn&rsquo;t surprising that Habib dismissed the final report as an &ldquo;unprofessional document, full of gross omissions, one-sided presentations of evidence, clear falsifications and motivated inferences&rdquo;.

There were other Left historians too who endorsed Habib&rsquo;s outrage. But the High Court did not share their prejudices, also because the excavations had been done under its supervision and there had been no reason for any objective evaluator to doubt the exercise&rsquo;s credibility.

Just one more instance should suffice to demonstrate the desperation of the Left historians and their patrons. The excavations had revealed details of the Ram Chabutara (the site of which the High Court eventually awarded to the pro-temple groups in its verdict). These historians had all along insisted that the Chabutara had been constructed soon after the 1857 revolt, quite ignoring the description of a Jesuit priest Joseph Tieffenthaler, who had visited the place between 1766 and 1771. The priest had written in detail about the structure, and his writings matched the earliest form of Ram Chabutara.

The Left academics&rsquo; strategy has been clear and consistent. First, deny the evidence. If that becomes difficult, explain it away as one that fits with anything but the pre-existence of a Hindu structure. When even that fails, blame the ASI team for &lsquo;planting&rsquo; evidence to bolster a &lsquo;pre-conceived&rsquo; agenda driven by the rulers of the day. As the apex court takes up the issue from March 14, we may see the resurgence of the same old stance.&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) 
&nbsp;

PM Narasimha Rao and CM Kalyan Singh were aware of archaeological evidence of the pre-existence of a temple where the Babri mosque stood.

The other day, a former senior bureaucrat attached to the then Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Kalyan Singh, told a news channel that Prime Minister PV Narasimha Rao had informed the Chief Minister about archaeological evidence of the pre-existence of a temple where the Babri mosque stood. This was roughly a fortnight before the disputed structure was demolished. The bureaucrat was referring to the findings of an archaeological exercise conducted just months before. A more detailed excavation was done in 2003 by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) on the Allahabad High Court’s instructions. Interestingly, both of these explorations had dug out evidence of a Hindu structure that once existed. The findings had set off a furious debate between the pro-temple organisations on the one hand and the pro-mosque lobby consisting of the Babri Masjid Action Committee (BMAC) and Left-liberal historians on the other. Now, given that the Supreme Court has said that it would hear the matter as a title deed case and not delve into the faith aspect, the archaeological material could play a crucial role. Indeed, even the Allahabad High Court, while going into matters of faith, had relied heavily on the ASI’s 2003 findings. The High Court’s order was subsequently stayed by the apex court, but the archaeological findings haven’t gone anywhere. The fire may now be re-ignited. The pro-mosque lobby has consistently questioned the credibility of the ASI’s findings. The fact is that the ASI did the excavations in 2003 under the supervision of the court. The court had appointed a panel including two junior judges and three archaeologists to maintain a close vigil on the excavation. And yet, the findings were discredited merely because they indicated the existence of a Hindu structure. It must be remembered that the 2003 excavation was more elaborate than the one in the early 1990s because it was done post-demolition. Many findings were noted, and the most significant one was that well before the mosque came to be constructed, there had been large-scale structures of non-residential type (religious in nature) right up to the present level of the disputed site. Some 50 pillar bases were excavated; walls were discovered; a circular shrine with a water chute towards the north, that is meant to drain out water after offering to the deity, was found. The High Court had asked the ASI to excavate to determine “whether there was any temple or structure which was demolished and the mosque constructed on the disputed site”. Left historians, perhaps, already apprehensive that the 1992 findings would be reinforced, strenuously objected on the ground that the court seemed to be giving “tacit judicial recognition” to the belief that a monument could be destroyed on grounds of its having been built over another religious structure. As more and more material emerged through the excavations that pointed to the pre-existence of a temple — or at the very least a Hindu structure, Left historians and the pro-mosque lobby stepped up their opposition. What then was witnessed was a sequence of desperate arguments. They had to respond somehow after the ASI report concluded that the findings were “indicative (of) remains which are distinctive features found associated with the temples of north India”. In short, the mosque had not been constructed on vacant land and that the remains found belonged to Hindu structures. The dilemma before the pro-mosque organisations was: What was now to be done in the face of such evidence gathered through an exercise closely supervised by the High Court? One Left historian, Irfan Habib, was quick off the mark. Even before the ASI had submitted its final report to the court, he alleged that the ASI appeared to be bent on “finding what those in powers wish it to find — the remains of a temple”. He then went on to make a bizarre claim: That another mosque had immediately existed where the Babri structure later came up. Undaunted by the outlandish claims, he suggested that the pillar bases and bricks (which were evidence of a Hindu structure) were “easy to assemble” and that the bricks could have been “arranged by the ASI excavators to provide evidence”. Having already made up his mind, it wasn’t surprising that Habib dismissed the final report as an “unprofessional document, full of gross omissions, one-sided presentations of evidence, clear falsifications and motivated inferences”. There were other Left historians too who endorsed Habib’s outrage. But the High Court did not share their prejudices, also because the excavations had been done under its supervision and there had been no reason for any objective evaluator to doubt the exercise’s credibility. Just one more instance should suffice to demonstrate the desperation of the Left historians and their patrons. The excavations had revealed details of the Ram Chabutara (the site of which the High Court eventually awarded to the pro-temple groups in its verdict). These historians had all along insisted that the Chabutara had been constructed soon after the 1857 revolt, quite ignoring the description of a Jesuit priest Joseph Tieffenthaler, who had visited the place between 1766 and 1771. The priest had written in detail about the structure, and his writings matched the earliest form of Ram Chabutara. The Left academics’ strategy has been clear and consistent. First, deny the evidence. If that becomes difficult, explain it away as one that fits with anything but the pre-existence of a Hindu structure. When even that fails, blame the ASI team for ‘planting’ evidence to bolster a ‘pre-conceived’ agenda driven by the rulers of the day. As the apex court takes up the issue from March 14, we may see the resurgence of the same old stance. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: What decides Babri Masjid's fate on March 14

Hindus all across the country are gearing up for one of the most widely celebrated and much-waited festivals of the year -- Maha Shivaratri.&nbsp;

The day is celebrated to honour Lord Shiva and translates into the &#39;Great night of Shiva&#39;.&nbsp;

Every year the festival falls in the Hindu month of Phalgun,&nbsp;usually between&nbsp;January-February. This year the auspicious festival will be celebrated on 13 February.&nbsp;

Shiva devotees all across observe a fast and worship him to seek blessings and prosperity. Devotees offer prayers, visit Shiva temples and offer him white flowers, milk-based desserts, milk and bael leaves. Worshippers also wear white cloths on the day and avoid consuming non-vegetarian items or indulging in alcohol, tobacco consumption.&nbsp;

According to legends Maha Shivratri is celebrated because of many reasons. Some believe that Shiva drank the poisonous potion to protect the world, others say that the Lord performed &#39;tandava&#39; -- the dance of creation, preservation and destruction on this night while many believe Shiva and Parvati to have got married on this auspicious day.

For those who would be observing a fast this Maha Shivaratri, we bring to you some of the most readily and easily available ingredients that can be a part of your vrat-menu.&nbsp;

Fasting does not mean you have to compromise on good food, work up these vrat-friendly ingredients in the comfort of your kitchen and cook up a storm this Maha Shivaratri.&nbsp;

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<p style=" color:#c9c8cd; font-family:Arial,sans-serif; font-size:14px; line-height:17px; margin-bottom:0; margin-top:8px; overflow:hidden; padding:8px 0 7px; text-align:center; text-overflow:ellipsis; white-space:nowrap;"><a href="https://www.instagram.com/p/BfFmy3MhHy7/" style=" color:#c9c8cd; font-family:Arial,sans-serif; font-size:14px; font-style:normal; font-weight:normal; line-height:17px; text-decoration:none;" target="_blank">A post shared by Asma Khatoon (@asma.khatoon27)</a> on <time datetime="2018-02-12T07:04:40+00:00" style=" font-family:Arial,sans-serif; font-size:14px; line-height:17px;">Feb 11, 2018 at 11:04pm PST</time>
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Potatoes

Undeniably, most of us love potatoes. This versatile ingredient can easily be cooked into sumptuous delicacies and is absolutely vrat-friendly.&nbsp;

Nuts and dry fruits

Whip up sumptuous shakes and smoothies with the added goodness of nuts and dry fruits of your choice. Nuts and dry fruits are loaded with essential micronutrients and give an instant energy boost in just small helping -- something that revs up the energy level on the day of fasting.&nbsp;

Sabudana

Alternatively known as sago pearls, these are one of the most-loved vrat-friendly ingredients. Use them in making lip-smacking desserts, delectable vadas and tikkis to soul-stirring khichdis.&nbsp;

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<p style=" color:#c9c8cd; font-family:Arial,sans-serif; font-size:14px; line-height:17px; margin-bottom:0; margin-top:8px; overflow:hidden; padding:8px 0 7px; text-align:center; text-overflow:ellipsis; white-space:nowrap;"><a href="https://www.instagram.com/p/BdPjJlThx-4/" style=" color:#c9c8cd; font-family:Arial,sans-serif; font-size:14px; font-style:normal; font-weight:normal; line-height:17px; text-decoration:none;" target="_blank">A post shared by Anusha Praveen| Tomato Blues (@tomatoblues)</a> on <time datetime="2017-12-28T10:45:26+00:00" style=" font-family:Arial,sans-serif; font-size:14px; line-height:17px;">Dec 28, 2017 at 2:45am PST</time>
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Happy Maha Shivratri 2018!&nbsp;

The day is celebrated to honour Lord Shiva and translates into the 'Great night of Shiva'

Hindus all across the country are gearing up for one of the most widely celebrated and much-waited festivals of the year -- Maha Shivaratri. The day is celebrated to honour Lord Shiva and translates into the 'Great night of Shiva'. Every year the festival falls in the Hindu month of Phalgun, usually between January-February. This year the auspicious festival will be celebrated on 13 February. Shiva devotees all across observe a fast and worship him to seek blessings and prosperity. Devotees offer prayers, visit Shiva temples and offer him white flowers, milk-based desserts, milk and bael leaves. Worshippers also wear white cloths on the day and avoid consuming non-vegetarian items or indulging in alcohol, tobacco consumption. According to legends Maha Shivratri is celebrated because of many reasons. Some believe that Shiva drank the poisonous potion to protect the world, others say that the Lord performed 'tandava' -- the dance of creation, preservation and destruction on this night while many believe Shiva and Parvati to have got married on this auspicious day. For those who would be observing a fast this Maha Shivaratri, we bring to you some of the most readily and easily available ingredients that can be a part of your vrat-menu. Fasting does not mean you have to compromise on good food, work up these vrat-friendly ingredients in the comfort of your kitchen and cook up a storm this Maha Shivaratri. A post shared by Asma Khatoon (@asma.khatoon27) on Feb 11, 2018 at 11:04pm PST × Potatoes Undeniably, most of us love potatoes. This versatile ingredient can easily be cooked into sumptuous delicacies and is absolutely vrat-friendly. Nuts and dry fruits Whip up sumptuous shakes and smoothies with the added goodness of nuts and dry fruits of your choice. Nuts and dry fruits are loaded with essential micronutrients and give an instant energy boost in just small helping -- something that revs up the energy level on the day of fasting. Sabudana Alternatively known as sago pearls, these are one of the most-loved vrat-friendly ingredients. Use them in making lip-smacking desserts, delectable vadas and tikkis to soul-stirring khichdis. A post shared by Anusha Praveen| Tomato Blues (@tomatoblues) on Dec 28, 2017 at 2:45am PST × Happy Maha Shivratri 2018!

Maha Shivratri 2018: Fasting today? Here are vrat-friendly ingredients you can try

Rahul Gandhi&#39;s temple visits of late were not merely for &quot;demonstration effect&quot; but underline the fact that what was being done quietly in the past is now done openly, senior Congress leader Shashi Tharoor has said.

&quot;Many many Hindus, certainly my generation, grew up as believing and practising Hindus but never showed it outside as they didn&#39;t feel like doing so,&quot; the Lok Sabha member told PTI in an interview during the recently-concluded Jaipur Literature Festival here.

&quot;In those days, religion was seen as an intensely personal matter you practice what you like you don&#39;t have to show the outside world. And in any case, your religion had nothing to do with political affiliation; that was the assumption,&quot; the 61-year-old leader said.

However, Tharoor said now Hinduism and religion have been made the front and centre in the politics of the BJP and those supporting that are openly saying that they are the only good Hindus and everybody else is bad.

&quot;Why should we cede this narrative to them? To my mind, we may as well show publicly what we have been doing privately. This is not in my view merely for demonstration effect or appearances. It is merely that what used to be done quietly in the past is being done openly now,&quot; he said when asked about Gandhi&#39;s visits to temples during the Gujarat polls campaign. 
 
Tharoor also said he feels that Gandhi was symbolising a change in the Congress.

Noting that the Congress had performed well in Gujarat due to the effectiveness of Gandhi&#39;s campaign, he said that the Congress now has an &quot;energetic leader&quot; who does not hesitate to use wit and humour in a relaxed style, which in the past, was not associated with the party leadership.

&quot;So, when Gandhi issues a tweet after Donald Trump makes a pro-Pakistan statement, some ask what is this but many say &#39;what a refreshing style, let&#39;s listen to this guy&#39;. So in many ways I would say, our politics is changing and Rahul Gandhi is leading and symbolising that change,&quot; he said.

Tharoor also said that the Congress stands a good chance in the forthcoming Lok Sabha elections.

&quot;In fact, we are getting more and more rumours that the government may advance the elections because it thinks it would lose the elections if these are held in March-April 2019 due to the momentum the Congress is clearly beginning to get,&quot; he claimed.

He also termed the controversy of the film &#39;Padmaavat&#39; as very unfortunate.

&quot;The classical principle of freedom of expression is fundamental to any democracy. If you don&#39;t like what I have written in my book, don&#39;t read my book. If you don&#39;t like a film, don&#39;t watch it,&quot; Tharoor said. 
&quot;At the worst, you can even encourage others to boycott it. But you have no right to threaten violence, least of all to conduct violence,&quot; the MP from Thiruvananthapuram said.

However, Tharoor said now Hinduism and religion have been made the front and centre in the politics of the BJP and those supporting that are openly saying that they are the only good Hindus and everybody else is bad

Rahul Gandhi's temple visits of late were not merely for "demonstration effect" but underline the fact that what was being done quietly in the past is now done openly, senior Congress leader Shashi Tharoor has said. "Many many Hindus, certainly my generation, grew up as believing and practising Hindus but never showed it outside as they didn't feel like doing so," the Lok Sabha member told PTI in an interview during the recently-concluded Jaipur Literature Festival here. "In those days, religion was seen as an intensely personal matter you practice what you like you don't have to show the outside world. And in any case, your religion had nothing to do with political affiliation; that was the assumption," the 61-year-old leader said. However, Tharoor said now Hinduism and religion have been made the front and centre in the politics of the BJP and those supporting that are openly saying that they are the only good Hindus and everybody else is bad. "Why should we cede this narrative to them? To my mind, we may as well show publicly what we have been doing privately. This is not in my view merely for demonstration effect or appearances. It is merely that what used to be done quietly in the past is being done openly now," he said when asked about Gandhi's visits to temples during the Gujarat polls campaign. Tharoor also said he feels that Gandhi was symbolising a change in the Congress. Noting that the Congress had performed well in Gujarat due to the effectiveness of Gandhi's campaign, he said that the Congress now has an "energetic leader" who does not hesitate to use wit and humour in a relaxed style, which in the past, was not associated with the party leadership. "So, when Gandhi issues a tweet after Donald Trump makes a pro-Pakistan statement, some ask what is this but many say 'what a refreshing style, let's listen to this guy'. So in many ways I would say, our politics is changing and Rahul Gandhi is leading and symbolising that change," he said. Tharoor also said that the Congress stands a good chance in the forthcoming Lok Sabha elections. "In fact, we are getting more and more rumours that the government may advance the elections because it thinks it would lose the elections if these are held in March-April 2019 due to the momentum the Congress is clearly beginning to get," he claimed. He also termed the controversy of the film 'Padmaavat' as very unfortunate. "The classical principle of freedom of expression is fundamental to any democracy. If you don't like what I have written in my book, don't read my book. If you don't like a film, don't watch it," Tharoor said. "At the worst, you can even encourage others to boycott it. But you have no right to threaten violence, least of all to conduct violence," the MP from Thiruvananthapuram said.

Rahul's temple visits not for 'demonstration effect': Tharoor

Kasganj violence is not about flag hoisting. It is not about nationalism. It is not about patriotism. It is about low-level communal politics. Kasganj is neither new phenomena nor it is extremely old.&nbsp;

Even during pre-partition India, taking out religious ceremonies from neighbourhoods dominated by other communities would pose a serious law and order problem. It was never about spirituality but about who is the first citizen. It was also about idea who should dominate whom. India chose to be a secular country and it was always contested. Kasganj reflects the same contest today but in a much more vicious form where commitment towards nation and community has to be worn on sleeves.&nbsp;

It is not to say that minority community does not indulge in conservatism or violence but Kasganj violence used them as social malice on the physical body of the nation which requires treatment. In the Indian context, the treatment has boiled down to Bharat mata ki jai. The discourse builds Muslim as an alien in nation&rsquo;s body whose territorial commitment can be doubted as sacred spots of Islam lies our boundaries. So, Kasganj should not shock anyone. It should rather worry people as the flag is being made into a totem pole.

&nbsp;Look at Kasganj events closely. The fight occurred because one group belonging to majority community wanted to pass through an area where minority community had already organised a flag hoisting programme. The purpose it seems was not to hoist the flag but to hector the Muslim majority area by sending a message that patriotism has to be worn on your sleeves. The end result was tragic. Chandan lost his life.

Under the circumstance, the administration should give the strictest punishment to the killer who cannot use altercation as a pretext to kill someone. The killer should be made an example that the law of the land does not pamper minorities.

What is ironical is that his killing is being compared with Akhlaq, Pehlu Khan and Mohd Afrazul.&nbsp; The first two were lynched over the beef issue and Afrazul was burnt to death for the fact that he was a Muslim. In Kasganj case, it was about an altercation between two groups where one wanted (Muslims) to wind up their flag hoisting ceremony so that they could go around shouting Bharat Mata Ki jai for political purpose. If there was any shade of patriotism then the bikers should have participated in the already unfolding programme.

Kasganj is a politics of self-righteousness where the commitment of Muslims towards the nation is a suspect. This brings us to three issues. First, the minority politics done by the Congress for years created a climate where the majority felt ignored and the political space was successfully captured by the BJP. Secondly, it points to the absence and bankruptcy of the Opposition which has not been able to differentiate between Hinduism and Hindutva in its daily discourse. Lastly, I hope political catharsis of the majority community does not lead to a situation where we caste Hindus end up creating a mirror opposite of Pakistan. That would be horror.

&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)&nbsp;&nbsp;

Kasganj is a politics of self-righteousness and has little to do with patriotism.

Kasganj violence is not about flag hoisting. It is not about nationalism. It is not about patriotism. It is about low-level communal politics. Kasganj is neither new phenomena nor it is extremely old. Even during pre-partition India, taking out religious ceremonies from neighbourhoods dominated by other communities would pose a serious law and order problem. It was never about spirituality but about who is the first citizen. It was also about idea who should dominate whom. India chose to be a secular country and it was always contested. Kasganj reflects the same contest today but in a much more vicious form where commitment towards nation and community has to be worn on sleeves. It is not to say that minority community does not indulge in conservatism or violence but Kasganj violence used them as social malice on the physical body of the nation which requires treatment. In the Indian context, the treatment has boiled down to Bharat mata ki jai. The discourse builds Muslim as an alien in nation’s body whose territorial commitment can be doubted as sacred spots of Islam lies our boundaries. So, Kasganj should not shock anyone. It should rather worry people as the flag is being made into a totem pole. Look at Kasganj events closely. The fight occurred because one group belonging to majority community wanted to pass through an area where minority community had already organised a flag hoisting programme. The purpose it seems was not to hoist the flag but to hector the Muslim majority area by sending a message that patriotism has to be worn on your sleeves. The end result was tragic. Chandan lost his life. Under the circumstance, the administration should give the strictest punishment to the killer who cannot use altercation as a pretext to kill someone. The killer should be made an example that the law of the land does not pamper minorities. What is ironical is that his killing is being compared with Akhlaq, Pehlu Khan and Mohd Afrazul. The first two were lynched over the beef issue and Afrazul was burnt to death for the fact that he was a Muslim. In Kasganj case, it was about an altercation between two groups where one wanted (Muslims) to wind up their flag hoisting ceremony so that they could go around shouting Bharat Mata Ki jai for political purpose. If there was any shade of patriotism then the bikers should have participated in the already unfolding programme. Kasganj is a politics of self-righteousness where the commitment of Muslims towards the nation is a suspect. This brings us to three issues. First, the minority politics done by the Congress for years created a climate where the majority felt ignored and the political space was successfully captured by the BJP. Secondly, it points to the absence and bankruptcy of the Opposition which has not been able to differentiate between Hinduism and Hindutva in its daily discourse. Lastly, I hope political catharsis of the majority community does not lead to a situation where we caste Hindus end up creating a mirror opposite of Pakistan. That would be horror. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: Kasganj violence is not about nationalism

Central Board of Film Certification (CBFC) has agreed to release the impending documentary on Nobel laureate Amartya Sen&nbsp;titled &quot;The Argumentative Indian&quot;.&nbsp;

The documentary was in the middle of a controversy last year in July when Suman Ghosh, National Award-winning director refused to abide by CBFC Kolkata diktat of beeping four words in the film -- cow, Gujarat, Hindutva and Hindu.&nbsp;

Ghosh announced&nbsp;Friday that the CBFC agreed&nbsp;to the release of his documentary in its entirety, including&nbsp;the four words that the&nbsp;board&#39;s regional office had objected to earlier.&nbsp;

Ghosh told PTI in Kolkata:&nbsp;&quot;CBFC chairman Prasoon Joshi watched &#39;The Argumentative Indian&#39; in Mumbai yesterday along with other board members and gave his consent to the words. After seeing the film yesterday, Joshi held a discussion with me and said &#39;the film can be released without any cuts.&quot;

The documentary is essentially an hour long and is shot in two parts in 2002 and 2017 -- has Sen talking about the social choice theory, development economics, philosophy and the rise of right-wing nationalism across the world, including India.

Ghosh added in his statement, &quot;I am happy that the CBFC respects the freedom of expression in arts. Joshi told me he got to learn a lot about the Nobel laureate through my documentary.&quot;

He is now hoping to get a written communication on the matter from the board.&nbsp;

Sources in CBFC Kolkata, however, spoke on the issue and said that the matter is currently being handled by the chairman and that the regional office had no say in the matter now.

Watch the trailer of the film that was released earlier last year:&nbsp;

<iframe allow="encrypted-media" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" gesture="media" height="480" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/D1grWprStW0" width="970"></iframe>

National Award-winning director Suman Ghosh's documentary on Nobel laureate Amartya Sen was postponed when CBFC asked Ghosh to remove a few things and he refused to abide

Central Board of Film Certification (CBFC) has agreed to release the impending documentary on Nobel laureate Amartya Sen titled "The Argumentative Indian". The documentary was in the middle of a controversy last year in July when Suman Ghosh, National Award-winning director refused to abide by CBFC Kolkata diktat of beeping four words in the film -- cow, Gujarat, Hindutva and Hindu. Ghosh announced Friday that the CBFC agreed to the release of his documentary in its entirety, including the four words that the board's regional office had objected to earlier. Ghosh told PTI in Kolkata: "CBFC chairman Prasoon Joshi watched 'The Argumentative Indian' in Mumbai yesterday along with other board members and gave his consent to the words. After seeing the film yesterday, Joshi held a discussion with me and said 'the film can be released without any cuts." The documentary is essentially an hour long and is shot in two parts in 2002 and 2017 -- has Sen talking about the social choice theory, development economics, philosophy and the rise of right-wing nationalism across the world, including India. Ghosh added in his statement, "I am happy that the CBFC respects the freedom of expression in arts. Joshi told me he got to learn a lot about the Nobel laureate through my documentary." He is now hoping to get a written communication on the matter from the board. Sources in CBFC Kolkata, however, spoke on the issue and said that the matter is currently being handled by the chairman and that the regional office had no say in the matter now. Watch the trailer of the film that was released earlier last year:

Censor Board gives green signal to Amartya Sen documentary

The Janata Dal (United) on Sunday ridiculed the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its chief Amit Shah and said the party should bring an amendment in the constitution following which an individual will be certified as a Hindu.

&quot;Mr. Amit Shah and the BJP should bring an amendment to the constitution which says in order to qualify to be a Hindu every claimant must visit temples at this frequency per day, per week, per month, per year. Only then will Mr. Amit Shah certify if one is a Hindu or not,&quot; JDU leader Pavan Varma told ANI.

A heated controversy on religion emerged after the BJP raised a question on Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi after his name was allegedly listed as a non-Hindu visitor in the visitor-book during his visit at Gujarat&#39;s Somnath Temple.

The controversy started when party&#39;s media coordinator Manoj Tyagi allegedly entered names of Rahul Gandhi and Congress MP Ahmed Patel in the special register for non-Hindus visiting the temple.

Later, Rahul Gandhi had said his family is devotee of Lord Shiva, but does not believe in using it for political gain.The Congress also issued a clarification on Twitter saying, &quot;There is only one visitor&#39;s book at Somnath Temple that was signed by Congress VP Rahul Gandhi. Any other image being circulated is fabricated. Desperate times call for desperate measures.&#39;&#39;

The Janata Dal (United) on Sunday ridiculed the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its chief Amit Shah and said the party should bring an amendment in the constitution following which an individual will be certified as a Hindu

The Janata Dal (United) on Sunday ridiculed the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its chief Amit Shah and said the party should bring an amendment in the constitution following which an individual will be certified as a Hindu. "Mr. Amit Shah and the BJP should bring an amendment to the constitution which says in order to qualify to be a Hindu every claimant must visit temples at this frequency per day, per week, per month, per year. Only then will Mr. Amit Shah certify if one is a Hindu or not," JDU leader Pavan Varma told ANI. A heated controversy on religion emerged after the BJP raised a question on Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi after his name was allegedly listed as a non-Hindu visitor in the visitor-book during his visit at Gujarat's Somnath Temple. The controversy started when party's media coordinator Manoj Tyagi allegedly entered names of Rahul Gandhi and Congress MP Ahmed Patel in the special register for non-Hindus visiting the temple. Later, Rahul Gandhi had said his family is devotee of Lord Shiva, but does not believe in using it for political gain.The Congress also issued a clarification on Twitter saying, "There is only one visitor's book at Somnath Temple that was signed by Congress VP Rahul Gandhi. Any other image being circulated is fabricated. Desperate times call for desperate measures.''

JDU takes on BJP over Rahul Gandhi temple entry row

In a U-turn, Australia&#39;s advertising watchdog has ruled that a controversial advertisement featuring Lord Ganesha and other divinities promoting consumption of lamb meat violated the country&#39;s advertising standard code.

The advertisement was released in September by the Meat and Livestock Australia (MLA), triggering widespread protests from the Indian community in the country as well across the globe. 
 
Members of the Hindu community of Australia filed a complaint with the Advertising Standards Bureau (ASB) at that time claiming it had hurt their religious sentiments.

The advertisement also prompted the Indian High Commission in Canberra to lodge a complaint with the Australian government asking for its removal.

Initially, the ASB found that the advertisement by the MLA was not in breach of the code.

Considering several points of submission, the board said after taking into account the Independent Reviewers finding that the board gave insufficient weight to the views of complainants in regards to the Elephant Comment, the board determined that the advertisement breached section 2.1 of the Code and upheld complaints.&quot;

According to the latest decision, the board noted &quot;Lord Ganesha was a deity that signified perfection so to criticise his appearance would be likely to be seen as ridiculing the Hindu religion and by extension some followers of that faith.&quot;

&quot;The majority of the board, therefore, considered that the Elephant comment amount to a depiction or portrayal of material which discriminated against a person on account of their Hindu religion,&quot; the ASB noted.

It further noted that the reference made in the advertisement about elephant in the room was a tongue in cheek way of referring to an unpleasant or negative issue.

It said that the board recognised that the advertiser was known for presenting laid back advertisements with edgy Australian humor.

The advertisement is no longer being broadcast. However, the MLA maintains its advertisement does not discriminate against anyone.

Reacting to the ASBs latest decision, Melbourne-based Hindu community member Karthik Arsu said, &quot;This is a great victory for the entire Hindu Community. The community got united and each and every one contributed to fighting against a giant like Meat &amp; Livestock Australia, we lost in the complaint process, but we stood together and persisted,&quot;

&quot;So happy to receive this good news, still not sure how it will transpire in getting that derogatory advertisement removed from online platforms, but the whole community is feeling ecstatic!&quot; he said.

&quot;The decision reinforces the belief that no one can denigrate a community in Australia on the basis of religion, colour or the size of the community!&quot; he added.

According to Jay Shah of Overseas Friends of Bharatiya Janata Party (OFBJP), Australia, &quot;the advertisement was very hurtful and I am happy that ASB accepted my review plea and gave a decision in support of Hindu community.&quot;

Describing the decision as &quot;good&quot;, Hindu Council of Australia said &quot;at last a genuine complaint has been addressed though it is late resolution... It would likely to set a precedent for not to use religious icons inappropriately for any purpose.&quot;

Earlier, the ASB had dismissed complaints that the advertisement breached any code saying that Lord Ganesha was depicted positively and that the intent was to be inclusive.

Members of the Hindu community of Australia filed a complaint with the Advertising Standards Bureau (ASB) at that time claiming it had hurt their religious sentiments

In a U-turn, Australia's advertising watchdog has ruled that a controversial advertisement featuring Lord Ganesha and other divinities promoting consumption of lamb meat violated the country's advertising standard code. The advertisement was released in September by the Meat and Livestock Australia (MLA), triggering widespread protests from the Indian community in the country as well across the globe. Members of the Hindu community of Australia filed a complaint with the Advertising Standards Bureau (ASB) at that time claiming it had hurt their religious sentiments. The advertisement also prompted the Indian High Commission in Canberra to lodge a complaint with the Australian government asking for its removal. Initially, the ASB found that the advertisement by the MLA was not in breach of the code. Considering several points of submission, the board said after taking into account the Independent Reviewers finding that the board gave insufficient weight to the views of complainants in regards to the Elephant Comment, the board determined that the advertisement breached section 2.1 of the Code and upheld complaints." According to the latest decision, the board noted "Lord Ganesha was a deity that signified perfection so to criticise his appearance would be likely to be seen as ridiculing the Hindu religion and by extension some followers of that faith." "The majority of the board, therefore, considered that the Elephant comment amount to a depiction or portrayal of material which discriminated against a person on account of their Hindu religion," the ASB noted. It further noted that the reference made in the advertisement about elephant in the room was a tongue in cheek way of referring to an unpleasant or negative issue. It said that the board recognised that the advertiser was known for presenting laid back advertisements with edgy Australian humor. The advertisement is no longer being broadcast. However, the MLA maintains its advertisement does not discriminate against anyone. Reacting to the ASBs latest decision, Melbourne-based Hindu community member Karthik Arsu said, "This is a great victory for the entire Hindu Community. The community got united and each and every one contributed to fighting against a giant like Meat & Livestock Australia, we lost in the complaint process, but we stood together and persisted," "So happy to receive this good news, still not sure how it will transpire in getting that derogatory advertisement removed from online platforms, but the whole community is feeling ecstatic!" he said. "The decision reinforces the belief that no one can denigrate a community in Australia on the basis of religion, colour or the size of the community!" he added. According to Jay Shah of Overseas Friends of Bharatiya Janata Party (OFBJP), Australia, "the advertisement was very hurtful and I am happy that ASB accepted my review plea and gave a decision in support of Hindu community." Describing the decision as "good", Hindu Council of Australia said "at last a genuine complaint has been addressed though it is late resolution... It would likely to set a precedent for not to use religious icons inappropriately for any purpose." Earlier, the ASB had dismissed complaints that the advertisement breached any code saying that Lord Ganesha was depicted positively and that the intent was to be inclusive.

Lord Ganesha ad breached Australia advertising standard code: Watchdog

A northern Indian state will soon begin a multi-million dollar search in the Himalayas for a mythical plant believed to hold life-saving properties, a local minister said today. 
 
Uttarakhand will spend 250 million Rupees ($37 million) of state money hunting the herb Sanjeevani Booti, which is credited in the ancient Hindu text Ramayana with restoring life to the brother of a god. 
 
While many wild plants with medicinal properties grow in the Himalayas, there is scant evidence that the plant ever existed, with sages and modern researchers failing for centuries to find it. 
 
&quot;We have to try and it will never go to waste. If we are determined we will certainly find it,&quot; Surendra Singh Negi, the state&#39;s minister for alternative medicine, told AFP. 
 
The minister said the search will focus on the Dronagiri range of Himalayas near the Chinese border, one mountain of which is mentioned in the epic Ramayana as being the site where the magical herb grows. 
 
&quot;We have set an initial budget of 250 million Rupees ($37 million) for the project,&quot; Negi said. 
 
Scientists will start work in August, the minister said, adding that the central government has refused to fund the project. 
 
Ancient texts say the plant has life-restoring properties, grows in the high mountains of the Himalayas and glows in the dark. 
 
According to Ramayana, the monkey god Hanuman was tasked by the god Rama with fetching the herb after a healer said it would cure his dying brother Laxman. 
 
But Hanuman failed to identity the plant, instead uprooting the entire mountain and carrying it thousands of miles to treat the mortally injured prince during a war with demons in what is now Sri Lanka. 
 
India&#39;s 5,000-year-old medicine system Ayurveda uses herbs to cure ailments and has seen a revival under Prime Minister Narendra Modi&#39;s government. 
 
(AFP)

The herb Sanjeevani Booti is credited in the ancient Hindu text Ramayana with restoring life, but there's scant evidence it exists

A northern Indian state will soon begin a multi-million dollar search in the Himalayas for a mythical plant believed to hold life-saving properties, a local minister said today. Uttarakhand will spend 250 million Rupees ($37 million) of state money hunting the herb Sanjeevani Booti, which is credited in the ancient Hindu text Ramayana with restoring life to the brother of a god. While many wild plants with medicinal properties grow in the Himalayas, there is scant evidence that the plant ever existed, with sages and modern researchers failing for centuries to find it. "We have to try and it will never go to waste. If we are determined we will certainly find it," Surendra Singh Negi, the state's minister for alternative medicine, told AFP. The minister said the search will focus on the Dronagiri range of Himalayas near the Chinese border, one mountain of which is mentioned in the epic Ramayana as being the site where the magical herb grows. "We have set an initial budget of 250 million Rupees ($37 million) for the project," Negi said. Scientists will start work in August, the minister said, adding that the central government has refused to fund the project. Ancient texts say the plant has life-restoring properties, grows in the high mountains of the Himalayas and glows in the dark. According to Ramayana, the monkey god Hanuman was tasked by the god Rama with fetching the herb after a healer said it would cure his dying brother Laxman. But Hanuman failed to identity the plant, instead uprooting the entire mountain and carrying it thousands of miles to treat the mortally injured prince during a war with demons in what is now Sri Lanka. India's 5,000-year-old medicine system Ayurveda uses herbs to cure ailments and has seen a revival under Prime Minister Narendra Modi's government. (AFP)

Indian state to spend $37 million hunting mythical 'life-saving' plant

A Hindu temple worker was hacked to death in western Bangladesh today, police said, the latest in a series of attacks on religious minorities by suspected Islamists. 
 
Shyamananda Das, who helped conduct prayers at the Radhamadan Gopal Bigraha Math in Jhenaidah district, was killed by three men on a motorcycle as he was walking on a highway adjacent to his temple early in the morning, police said. 
 
&quot;They hacked him on his neck three times and there was one stabbing mark in his head,&quot; deputy police chief of the district Gopinath Kanjilal told AFP. 
 
&quot;He died after he was brought to a hospital.&quot; 
 
Kanjilal said Das, also known as Babaji, was &quot;a priest&quot; in the temple. But local police station chief inspector Hasan Hafizur Rahman told AFP the 50-year-old man was &quot;a temple volunteer who helps conduct prayers&quot;. 
 
&quot;He was an itinerant temple volunteer who travels from one temple to another to serve the Hindu devotees. He came to this temple only yesterday,&quot; he said. 
 
Police said no group has claimed responsibility for the attack, but that it the bore the hallmarks of the recent murders of people from the country&#39;s religious minorities by suspected home-grown Islamist militants. 
 
&quot;The pattern of the killing is similar&quot; to ones carried out by local Islamist militants, Rahman said. 
 
Last month a Hindu priest, 70-year-old Ananda Gopal Ganguly, was also hacked to death in a rice paddy field in the same district near his home. 
 
Deputy police chief Kanjilal said a student activist from the country&#39;s largest Islamist party, Jamaat-e-Islami, has been arrested over the attack and he had allegedly admitted his role in the killing. 
 
Bangladesh is reeling from a wave of murders of secular and liberal activists and religious minorities that have some 50 people dead in the last three years. 
 
Victims of the attacks by suspected Islamists have included secular bloggers, gay rights activists and followers of minority religions. 
 
Although it is officially secular, around 90 per cent of Bangladesh&#39;s 160 million-strong population is Muslim and about one in ten are Hindu. 
 
(AFP)

Police say the attack bears the hallmarks of the recent murders of people belonging to the country's religious minorities

A Hindu temple worker was hacked to death in western Bangladesh today, police said, the latest in a series of attacks on religious minorities by suspected Islamists. Shyamananda Das, who helped conduct prayers at the Radhamadan Gopal Bigraha Math in Jhenaidah district, was killed by three men on a motorcycle as he was walking on a highway adjacent to his temple early in the morning, police said. "They hacked him on his neck three times and there was one stabbing mark in his head," deputy police chief of the district Gopinath Kanjilal told AFP. "He died after he was brought to a hospital." Kanjilal said Das, also known as Babaji, was "a priest" in the temple. But local police station chief inspector Hasan Hafizur Rahman told AFP the 50-year-old man was "a temple volunteer who helps conduct prayers". "He was an itinerant temple volunteer who travels from one temple to another to serve the Hindu devotees. He came to this temple only yesterday," he said. Police said no group has claimed responsibility for the attack, but that it the bore the hallmarks of the recent murders of people from the country's religious minorities by suspected home-grown Islamist militants. "The pattern of the killing is similar" to ones carried out by local Islamist militants, Rahman said. Last month a Hindu priest, 70-year-old Ananda Gopal Ganguly, was also hacked to death in a rice paddy field in the same district near his home. Deputy police chief Kanjilal said a student activist from the country's largest Islamist party, Jamaat-e-Islami, has been arrested over the attack and he had allegedly admitted his role in the killing. Bangladesh is reeling from a wave of murders of secular and liberal activists and religious minorities that have some 50 people dead in the last three years. Victims of the attacks by suspected Islamists have included secular bloggers, gay rights activists and followers of minority religions. Although it is officially secular, around 90 per cent of Bangladesh's 160 million-strong population is Muslim and about one in ten are Hindu. (AFP)

Hindu temple worker hacked to death in Bangladesh

On a bright day in downtown Kabul, Jagtar Singh Laghmani was in his traditional herb shop when a man turned up, drew a knife and told him to convert to Islam or he would cut his throat. Only bystanders and other shopkeepers saved his life. 
 
The incident earlier this month was the latest attack on a dwindling community of Sikhs and Hindus in Afghanistan, a deeply conservative Muslim country struggling with growing insecurity caused by an Islamist insurgency and economic challenges. 
 
Once a thriving minority, only a handful of Sikh and Hindu families remain. Many have chosen to flee the country of their birth, blaming growing discrimination and intolerance. 
 
&quot;This is how we begin our day - with fear and isolation. If you are not a Muslim, you are not a human in their eyes,&quot; said Jagtar Singh, speaking in his tiny shop in the bustling centre of Kabul. &quot;I don&#39;t know what to do or where to go.&quot; 
 
For centuries, Hindu and Sikh communities played a prominent role in merchant trade and money lending in Afghanistan, although today they are known more for medicinal herb shops. 
 
According to Avtar Singh, chairman of the national council of Hindus and Sikhs, the community now numbers fewer than 220 families, compared with around 220,000 members before the collapse of the Kabul government in 1992. 
 
Once spread across the country, the community is now mainly concentrated in the eastern provinces of Nangarhar, Ghazni, and the capital Kabul. 
 
Although Afghanistan is almost entirely Muslim, its constitution, drawn up after US-led forces drove out the Taliban government in 2001, theoretically guarantees the right of minority religions to worship freely. 
 
But as the conflict drags on, Avtar Singh said conditions were worse than under the Taliban, which imposed strict Islamic laws, staged public executions and banned girls from schools. 
 
Hindus and Sikhs had to wear yellow patches that identified them in public, but were otherwise seldom bothered. 
 
&quot;The good old days have long gone when we were treated as Afghans, not as outsiders,&quot; Avtar Singh said from a temple in Kabul, all the while keeping an eye on visitors using monitors linked to security cameras. 
 
&quot;Our lands have been taken by powerful figures in the government, especially by the warlords. We are facing threats, and this small community is getting smaller and smaller every day,&quot; he added. 
 
Last week, dozens of Hindu and Sikh families left Helmand, where Taliban insurgents, who have a presence in much of the southern province, sent a letter demanding 200,000 Afghani ($2,800) a month from the community. 
 
HOSTILITY 
 
Tensions have surfaced in Qalacha, an area on the outskirts of Kabul where the Sikh and Hindu community owns a high-walled crematorium. 
 
As the capital has expanded in recent years, the neighbourhood has become densely populated and some newer residents oppose Hindu and Sikh cremations, a practice foreign to Muslims, who bury their dead. 
 
&quot;When they burn the body the smell makes our family sick and we don&#39;t want this to happen here,&quot; said Ahmad Timor, a Muslim resident in Qalacha. 
 
The Sikhs say local Muslim hardliners have stirred up hostility against them, and the community now requires police protection for their funeral rituals. 
 
&quot;They throw stones and bricks at us, at the bodies of the dead, whenever there is a funeral,&quot; said Avtar Singh, pointing to a newly built house next to the crematorium. 
 
Dahi-ul Haq Abid, deputy minister for Haj and religious affairs, said the government had done what it could to improve the livelihood of Hindus and Sikhs. 
 
&quot;We agree that conflicts pushed them out of the country, but their condition is not as bad as they claim,&quot; Abid added. 
 
&quot;We have allocated them a place to burn their bodies because inside the city people complained about the smell, but they did not agree,&quot; he told Reuters. 
 
Harassment is also common 
 
Jasmeet Singh, eight, stopped going to school because of what he said was daily harassment. He and other children from the community now either go to private schools or study inside the temple. 
 
&quot;While I was at school, other students were making fun of me. They were removing my turban, hitting me and calling me Hindu and kaffir (infidel),&quot; said Jasmeet Singh, as other boys nodded their heads in agreement. 
 
Increasing numbers of Sikhs and Hindus have moved to India, their spiritual homeland, but some say they remain foreigners wherever they go. 
 
&quot;When we go to India, we are known as Afghans, but when we are here, we are seen as outsiders even if we are native Afghan,&quot; said Baljit Singh, a shopkeeper in Kabul. &quot;We are lost between both worlds.&quot; 
 
(Reuters)

Under the Taliban there are public executions, girls can't attend school, and Hindus and Sikhs wear yellow patches in public

On a bright day in downtown Kabul, Jagtar Singh Laghmani was in his traditional herb shop when a man turned up, drew a knife and told him to convert to Islam or he would cut his throat. Only bystanders and other shopkeepers saved his life. The incident earlier this month was the latest attack on a dwindling community of Sikhs and Hindus in Afghanistan, a deeply conservative Muslim country struggling with growing insecurity caused by an Islamist insurgency and economic challenges. Once a thriving minority, only a handful of Sikh and Hindu families remain. Many have chosen to flee the country of their birth, blaming growing discrimination and intolerance. "This is how we begin our day - with fear and isolation. If you are not a Muslim, you are not a human in their eyes," said Jagtar Singh, speaking in his tiny shop in the bustling centre of Kabul. "I don't know what to do or where to go." For centuries, Hindu and Sikh communities played a prominent role in merchant trade and money lending in Afghanistan, although today they are known more for medicinal herb shops. According to Avtar Singh, chairman of the national council of Hindus and Sikhs, the community now numbers fewer than 220 families, compared with around 220,000 members before the collapse of the Kabul government in 1992. Once spread across the country, the community is now mainly concentrated in the eastern provinces of Nangarhar, Ghazni, and the capital Kabul. Although Afghanistan is almost entirely Muslim, its constitution, drawn up after US-led forces drove out the Taliban government in 2001, theoretically guarantees the right of minority religions to worship freely. But as the conflict drags on, Avtar Singh said conditions were worse than under the Taliban, which imposed strict Islamic laws, staged public executions and banned girls from schools. Hindus and Sikhs had to wear yellow patches that identified them in public, but were otherwise seldom bothered. "The good old days have long gone when we were treated as Afghans, not as outsiders," Avtar Singh said from a temple in Kabul, all the while keeping an eye on visitors using monitors linked to security cameras. "Our lands have been taken by powerful figures in the government, especially by the warlords. We are facing threats, and this small community is getting smaller and smaller every day," he added. Last week, dozens of Hindu and Sikh families left Helmand, where Taliban insurgents, who have a presence in much of the southern province, sent a letter demanding 200,000 Afghani ($2,800) a month from the community. HOSTILITY Tensions have surfaced in Qalacha, an area on the outskirts of Kabul where the Sikh and Hindu community owns a high-walled crematorium. As the capital has expanded in recent years, the neighbourhood has become densely populated and some newer residents oppose Hindu and Sikh cremations, a practice foreign to Muslims, who bury their dead. "When they burn the body the smell makes our family sick and we don't want this to happen here," said Ahmad Timor, a Muslim resident in Qalacha. The Sikhs say local Muslim hardliners have stirred up hostility against them, and the community now requires police protection for their funeral rituals. "They throw stones and bricks at us, at the bodies of the dead, whenever there is a funeral," said Avtar Singh, pointing to a newly built house next to the crematorium. Dahi-ul Haq Abid, deputy minister for Haj and religious affairs, said the government had done what it could to improve the livelihood of Hindus and Sikhs. "We agree that conflicts pushed them out of the country, but their condition is not as bad as they claim," Abid added. "We have allocated them a place to burn their bodies because inside the city people complained about the smell, but they did not agree," he told Reuters. Harassment is also common Jasmeet Singh, eight, stopped going to school because of what he said was daily harassment. He and other children from the community now either go to private schools or study inside the temple. "While I was at school, other students were making fun of me. They were removing my turban, hitting me and calling me Hindu and kaffir (infidel)," said Jasmeet Singh, as other boys nodded their heads in agreement. Increasing numbers of Sikhs and Hindus have moved to India, their spiritual homeland, but some say they remain foreigners wherever they go. "When we go to India, we are known as Afghans, but when we are here, we are seen as outsiders even if we are native Afghan," said Baljit Singh, a shopkeeper in Kabul. "We are lost between both worlds." (Reuters)

Afghanistan's dwindling Sikh, Hindu communities flee new abuses

A teenage suspected Islamist militant being held in custody in Bangladesh was shot dead on Saturday&nbsp;in a gunfight, police said, days after he allegedly hacked and critically wounded a Hindu lecturer. 
 
Golam Faizullah Fahim, 19, who was in custody for questioning, was killed when officers came under attack in a farmland area after taking him to a river in search of his Islamist associates. 
 
&quot;Miscreants fired at the police van as we came near a jute farm. A gunfight ensued. After the gunfight we saw Fahim was shot and wounded. He died after we brought him to a hospital,&quot; Sarwar Hossain, police chief of Madaripur where the shooting took place, told AFP. 
 
Locals in Madaripur caught Fahim&nbsp;on Wednesday&nbsp;after he and two other suspected Islamists attacked and wounded 50-year-old mathematics lecturer Ripon Chakrabarti, a Hindu, police said. 
 
The attack was the latest in a wave of brutal assaults on secular activists, writers and religious minorities by suspected Islamist militants. 
 
Police later told reporters Fahim was a college student and was a member of banned Islamist group Hizb ut-Tahrir. 
 
Hizb ut-Tahrir (Party of Liberation) is an international group which wants to combine all Muslim countries in a unitary Islamic state. The group is outlawed in several countries, including Bangladesh. 
 
Six suspected Islamist militants have now been shot dead since Bangladesh launched a nationwide crackdown on local jihadist groups in the wake of a spike in murders of secular activists and religious minorities. 
 
The drive has seen more than 11,000 people including 194 militants arrested over the past week despite widespread criticism by local and international human rights groups. 
 
Rights activists also questioned the incidents of deaths in police custody, saying the militants were shot dead in &quot;cold blood&quot; in encounters staged by officers. 
 
Nearly 50 people have been killed over the last three years in a wave of gruesome murders targeting Hindus, Christians, Sufi Muslims, secular activists and foreigners, with most blamed on or claimed by Islamist militants. 
 
Many of the victims were hacked to death with machetes. 
 
This month alone, an elderly Hindu priest was found nearly decapitated in a rice field and a Hindu monastery worker was hacked to death, while a Christian grocer was found murdered near a church. 
 
The Islamic State group has claimed responsibility for the Hindu priest&#39;s murder and other recent attacks. 
 
But authorities instead blame homegrown militant groups and say international groups IS and Al-Qaeda have no presence in Bangladesh. 
 
Although it is officially secular, around 90 per cent of Bangladesh&#39;s 160 million-strong population is Muslim. Some eight per cent of the population is Hindu. 
(AFP)

Teen was in police custody. Was killed when officers taking him to search for his associates came under attack

A teenage suspected Islamist militant being held in custody in Bangladesh was shot dead on Saturday in a gunfight, police said, days after he allegedly hacked and critically wounded a Hindu lecturer. Golam Faizullah Fahim, 19, who was in custody for questioning, was killed when officers came under attack in a farmland area after taking him to a river in search of his Islamist associates. "Miscreants fired at the police van as we came near a jute farm. A gunfight ensued. After the gunfight we saw Fahim was shot and wounded. He died after we brought him to a hospital," Sarwar Hossain, police chief of Madaripur where the shooting took place, told AFP. Locals in Madaripur caught Fahim on Wednesday after he and two other suspected Islamists attacked and wounded 50-year-old mathematics lecturer Ripon Chakrabarti, a Hindu, police said. The attack was the latest in a wave of brutal assaults on secular activists, writers and religious minorities by suspected Islamist militants. Police later told reporters Fahim was a college student and was a member of banned Islamist group Hizb ut-Tahrir. Hizb ut-Tahrir (Party of Liberation) is an international group which wants to combine all Muslim countries in a unitary Islamic state. The group is outlawed in several countries, including Bangladesh. Six suspected Islamist militants have now been shot dead since Bangladesh launched a nationwide crackdown on local jihadist groups in the wake of a spike in murders of secular activists and religious minorities. The drive has seen more than 11,000 people including 194 militants arrested over the past week despite widespread criticism by local and international human rights groups. Rights activists also questioned the incidents of deaths in police custody, saying the militants were shot dead in "cold blood" in encounters staged by officers. Nearly 50 people have been killed over the last three years in a wave of gruesome murders targeting Hindus, Christians, Sufi Muslims, secular activists and foreigners, with most blamed on or claimed by Islamist militants. Many of the victims were hacked to death with machetes. This month alone, an elderly Hindu priest was found nearly decapitated in a rice field and a Hindu monastery worker was hacked to death, while a Christian grocer was found murdered near a church. The Islamic State group has claimed responsibility for the Hindu priest's murder and other recent attacks. But authorities instead blame homegrown militant groups and say international groups IS and Al-Qaeda have no presence in Bangladesh. Although it is officially secular, around 90 per cent of Bangladesh's 160 million-strong population is Muslim. Some eight per cent of the population is Hindu. (AFP)

Teenage 'Islamist' shot dead in Bangladesh, had attacked Hindu lecturer few days earlier

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