Saudi Arabia will allow women to travel abroad without approval from a male "guardian", the government said Thursday, ending a restriction that drew international censure and prompted extreme attempts to flee the kingdom.

The landmark reform erodes the longstanding guardianship system that renders adult women as legal minors and allows their "guardians" -- husband, father and other male relatives -- to exercise arbitrary authority over them.

The decision, following years of campaigning by activists, comes after high-profile attempts by women to escape their guardians despite a string of reforms including a historic decree last year that overturned the world's only ban on female motorists.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/saudi-led-forces-israel-among-states-rapped-by-un-for-killing-children-239735">Also read:&nbsp;Saudi-led forces, Israel among states rapped by United Nations for killing children</a>

"A passport will be granted to any Saudi national who submits an application," said a government ruling published in the official gazette Umm al-Qura.

The regulation effectively allows women over the age of 21 to obtain passports and leave the country without their guardian's permission, the pro-government Okaz newspaper and other local media reported, citing senior authorities.

Women in the kingdom have long required permission from their male "guardians" to marry, renew their passports or exit the country.

The reform grants women greater autonomy and mobility, the pro-government Saudi Gazette newspaper said, hailing the decision as "one giant leap for Saudi women".&nbsp;

The decision was met with jubilation on social media, with the hashtag "No guardianship over women travel" gaining traction and many posting humorous memes of women fleeing with suitcases and being chased by men.

"Some women's dreams were aborted due to inability to leave the country for whatever reason... to study abroad, a work opportunity, or even flee if so desired," Saudi businesswoman Muna AbuSulayman said on Twitter.

"This change means women are in a way in full control of their legal destiny."

The changes announced Thursday also grant Saudi women what has long been a male entitlement -- the right to officially register childbirth, marriage or divorce and to be recognised as a guardian to children who are minors.

Crackdown and reform

The reform comes as Saudi Arabia faces heightened international scrutiny over its human rights record, including an ongoing trial of women activists who have long demanded that the guardianship system be dismantled.

That includes Loujain al-Hathloul, a prominent rights activist who marked her 30th birthday this week in a Saudi prison, campaigners said.

Alongside a sweeping crackdown on dissent, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman -- the kingdom's de facto ruler -- spearheads a wide-ranging liberalisation drive that is aimed at transforming the conservative petro-state, long criticised for its treatment of women.&nbsp;

His reforms include the much-celebrated decision allowing women to drive in June last year, allowing women to attend soccer games alongside men and take on jobs that once fell outside the narrow confines of traditional gender roles.&nbsp;

But while transforming the lives of many women, critics said the reforms will be cosmetic for many others until the kingdom abolishes the "guardianship" system.

Some have undertaken perilous attempts to escape overseas despite the reforms.

They include 18-year-old Rahaf al-Qunun, whose live-tweeted asylum plea from a Bangkok hotel in January after she fled her Saudi family drew global attention.

Later, two Saudi sisters who sought sanctuary in Hong Kong from what they called family abuse were allowed passage to a third country that was not named for their safety.

And subsequently, two other Saudi sisters fled to Georgia.

The latest reform, which weakens but does not completely dismantle the guardianship system, could lead to family clashes in the deeply patriarchal society, observers warn.

Saudi officials have expressed commitment to fighting guardianship abuse, but have warned the system can only be dismantled piecemeal to prevent a backlash from arch-conservatives.

In a one-off case last year, a Saudi court ruled in favour of a 24-year-old woman who challenged her father's decision to not let her have a passport. But until Thursday's ruling, she would have still required his permission to travel.

Saudi Arabia will allow women to travel abroad without approval from a male "guardian", the government said Thursday, ending a restriction that drew international censure and prompted extreme attempts to flee the kingdom.

Saudi Arabia will allow women to travel abroad without approval from a male "guardian", the government said Thursday, ending a restriction that drew international censure and prompted extreme attempts to flee the kingdom. The landmark reform erodes the longstanding guardianship system that renders adult women as legal minors and allows their "guardians" -- husband, father and other male relatives -- to exercise arbitrary authority over them. The decision, following years of campaigning by activists, comes after high-profile attempts by women to escape their guardians despite a string of reforms including a historic decree last year that overturned the world's only ban on female motorists. Also read: Saudi-led forces, Israel among states rapped by United Nations for killing children "A passport will be granted to any Saudi national who submits an application," said a government ruling published in the official gazette Umm al-Qura. The regulation effectively allows women over the age of 21 to obtain passports and leave the country without their guardian's permission, the pro-government Okaz newspaper and other local media reported, citing senior authorities. Women in the kingdom have long required permission from their male "guardians" to marry, renew their passports or exit the country. The reform grants women greater autonomy and mobility, the pro-government Saudi Gazette newspaper said, hailing the decision as "one giant leap for Saudi women". The decision was met with jubilation on social media, with the hashtag "No guardianship over women travel" gaining traction and many posting humorous memes of women fleeing with suitcases and being chased by men. "Some women's dreams were aborted due to inability to leave the country for whatever reason... to study abroad, a work opportunity, or even flee if so desired," Saudi businesswoman Muna AbuSulayman said on Twitter. "This change means women are in a way in full control of their legal destiny." The changes announced Thursday also grant Saudi women what has long been a male entitlement -- the right to officially register childbirth, marriage or divorce and to be recognised as a guardian to children who are minors. Crackdown and reform The reform comes as Saudi Arabia faces heightened international scrutiny over its human rights record, including an ongoing trial of women activists who have long demanded that the guardianship system be dismantled. That includes Loujain al-Hathloul, a prominent rights activist who marked her 30th birthday this week in a Saudi prison, campaigners said. Alongside a sweeping crackdown on dissent, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman -- the kingdom's de facto ruler -- spearheads a wide-ranging liberalisation drive that is aimed at transforming the conservative petro-state, long criticised for its treatment of women. His reforms include the much-celebrated decision allowing women to drive in June last year, allowing women to attend soccer games alongside men and take on jobs that once fell outside the narrow confines of traditional gender roles. But while transforming the lives of many women, critics said the reforms will be cosmetic for many others until the kingdom abolishes the "guardianship" system. Some have undertaken perilous attempts to escape overseas despite the reforms. They include 18-year-old Rahaf al-Qunun, whose live-tweeted asylum plea from a Bangkok hotel in January after she fled her Saudi family drew global attention. Later, two Saudi sisters who sought sanctuary in Hong Kong from what they called family abuse were allowed passage to a third country that was not named for their safety. And subsequently, two other Saudi sisters fled to Georgia. The latest reform, which weakens but does not completely dismantle the guardianship system, could lead to family clashes in the deeply patriarchal society, observers warn. Saudi officials have expressed commitment to fighting guardianship abuse, but have warned the system can only be dismantled piecemeal to prevent a backlash from arch-conservatives. In a one-off case last year, a Saudi court ruled in favour of a 24-year-old woman who challenged her father's decision to not let her have a passport. But until Thursday's ruling, she would have still required his permission to travel.

Saudi Arabia to allow women to travel abroad without male 'guardian' approval

The Republican-led Senate voted Thursday to block $8.1 billion in<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/britain-acted-unlawfully-on-saudi-arms-exports-court-rules-228952"> US arms sales to Saudi Arabia</a> and other Arab allies, as legislators outraged with the kingdom delivered a symbolic rebuke to President Donald Trump.

Some seven Republicans joined Democrats in supporting each of three resolutions that would prevent the controversial sales announced earlier this year by Trump.

The measures would block 22 separate sales of aircraft support maintenance, precision-guided munitions and other weapons to Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Jordan at a moment of heightened tensions in the Middle East.

The votes were only assured this week when Republican leadership agreed to hold the sensitive roll calls on the arms sales that critics say will aggravate the devastating war in Yemen.

Trump's administration took the extraordinary step of bypassing Congress to approve the sale in May, as his administration declared Iran to be a "fundamental threat" to the stability of the Middle East.

Secretary of State Mike Pompeo had said the administration was responding to an emergency caused by Saudi Arabia's historic rival Iran, which backs the Huthi rebels in Yemen.

Senators, including some Republicans, said there were no legitimate grounds to circumvent Congress, which has the right to disapprove arms sales.

Republican Senator Lindsey Graham, a Trump loyalist on several other fronts, offered a full-throated rebuke of the arm sales -- and of the Saudi leadership.

Graham said he hoped his vote would "send a signal to Saudi Arabia that if you act the way you're acting, there is no space for a strategic relationship."&nbsp;

The senator was referring to last year's brutal murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi in Turkey at the hands of Saudi agents, an incident that triggered a full-blown crisis in Riyadh's relations with the West.

"There is no amount of oil that you can produce that will get me and others to give you a pass on chopping somebody up in a consulate," Graham said, adding that there is also "no amount of threat coming from Iran that's going to require me to give a pass to this brutal barbaric behavior."

The measures would still need to pass the Democratic-controlled House of Representatives before they go to the president's desk.&nbsp;

Trump is expected to veto them, and it will remain an uphill climb for Congress to come up with a two-thirds vote to overcome a veto.

The Republican-led Senate voted Thursday to block $8.1 billion in US arms sales to Saudi Arabia and other Arab allies, as legislators outraged with the kingdom delivered a symbolic rebuke to President Donald Trump.

The Republican-led Senate voted Thursday to block $8.1 billion in US arms sales to Saudi Arabia and other Arab allies, as legislators outraged with the kingdom delivered a symbolic rebuke to President Donald Trump. Some seven Republicans joined Democrats in supporting each of three resolutions that would prevent the controversial sales announced earlier this year by Trump. The measures would block 22 separate sales of aircraft support maintenance, precision-guided munitions and other weapons to Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Jordan at a moment of heightened tensions in the Middle East. The votes were only assured this week when Republican leadership agreed to hold the sensitive roll calls on the arms sales that critics say will aggravate the devastating war in Yemen. Trump's administration took the extraordinary step of bypassing Congress to approve the sale in May, as his administration declared Iran to be a "fundamental threat" to the stability of the Middle East. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo had said the administration was responding to an emergency caused by Saudi Arabia's historic rival Iran, which backs the Huthi rebels in Yemen. Senators, including some Republicans, said there were no legitimate grounds to circumvent Congress, which has the right to disapprove arms sales. Republican Senator Lindsey Graham, a Trump loyalist on several other fronts, offered a full-throated rebuke of the arm sales -- and of the Saudi leadership. Graham said he hoped his vote would "send a signal to Saudi Arabia that if you act the way you're acting, there is no space for a strategic relationship." The senator was referring to last year's brutal murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi in Turkey at the hands of Saudi agents, an incident that triggered a full-blown crisis in Riyadh's relations with the West. "There is no amount of oil that you can produce that will get me and others to give you a pass on chopping somebody up in a consulate," Graham said, adding that there is also "no amount of threat coming from Iran that's going to require me to give a pass to this brutal barbaric behavior." The measures would still need to pass the Democratic-controlled House of Representatives before they go to the president's desk. Trump is expected to veto them, and it will remain an uphill climb for Congress to come up with a two-thirds vote to overcome a veto.

US Senators vote to block multi-billion dollar arms sale to Saudi Arabia

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/opinions/saudi-arabia-continues-to-stifle-women-dissent-201335">Saudi women activists</a> detained for almost a year offered their defence at an emotionally charged hearing on Wednesday, alleging torture and sexual harassment during interrogation, courtroom sources said.

Eleven women responded to charges that rights groups say include contact with international media and human rights groups, in the second hearing of a high-profile trial that foreign reporters and diplomats are barred from attending.

Some of them wept and consoled each other and their family members gathered before a three-judge panel in Riyadh's criminal court as they accused interrogators of subjecting them to electric shocks and flogging and groping them in detention, two people with access to the trial told AFP.

At least one of the detained women tried to commit suicide following her mistreatment, a close relative said.

The government, facing intense international scrutiny of its human rights record, denies the women were tortured or harassed.

The women, including prominent activist Loujain al-Hathloul, blogger Eman al-Nafjan and university professor Hatoon al-Fassi, were detained last summer in a sweeping crackdown on campaigners just before the historic lifting of a decades-long ban on female motorists.

The women had long campaigned for the right to drive and to abolish the restrictive guardianship system that gives male relatives arbitrary authority over women.

Their trial has intensified criticism of the kingdom over human rights following global outrage over journalist Jamal Khashoggi's murder by Saudi agents last October.

Loujain's brother and sister, based overseas, have alleged that Saud al-Qahtani, a top advisor to Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman who was fired over Khashoggi's killing, oversaw the torture.

"The top adviser of the prince was threatening to rape my sister, kill her, cut her body into pieces," Walid al-Hathloul, Loujain's brother, told CNN.

"He's the one who should be in court today, not my sister."

Qahtani has not appeared in public since his sacking was announced.

Crackdown on dissent&nbsp; 
Some of the detained women have appealed for bail, with the judges expected to make a decision on Thursday, family members told AFP.&nbsp;

The trial is set to resume on April 3, they added. There was no immediate comment from the criminal court.

At the time of their arrest, officials accused the women of links to foreign intelligence agencies, while state-backed media branded them traitors and "agents of embassies".

The charge sheets, however, make no mention of contact with foreign spies, campaigners who have reviewed the documents say.

Some of the charges against the women fell under a section of the kingdom's sweeping cyber crime law, which carries prison sentences of up to five years.

Loujain asked the court for one month to respond to the charges saying she was not given enough time to prepare, Walid said. He added that his family had been stopped from taking written legal documents inside her prison cell.

It was not clear how the court responded to the request. &nbsp;

The detained women were initially expected to appear in a court set up to handle terrorism-related cases.

But trial was shifted to the criminal court at the last minute, without any explanation, after months of Western criticism.

That has triggered speculation the trial could pave the way for the women's release after the crackdown sparked international criticism against Prince Mohammed, the kingdom's de facto ruler.

Some detainees, including Loujain, were recently made to sign letters in prison requesting a royal pardon from King Salman, family members told AFP.

Western nations, including the European Union, the United States and Britain, appear to have stepped up pressure on the kingdom to release the activists.

Saudi women activists detained for almost a year offered their defence at an emotionally charged hearing on Wednesday, alleging torture and sexual harassment during interrogation, courtroom sources said.

Saudi women activists detained for almost a year offered their defence at an emotionally charged hearing on Wednesday, alleging torture and sexual harassment during interrogation, courtroom sources said. Eleven women responded to charges that rights groups say include contact with international media and human rights groups, in the second hearing of a high-profile trial that foreign reporters and diplomats are barred from attending. Some of them wept and consoled each other and their family members gathered before a three-judge panel in Riyadh's criminal court as they accused interrogators of subjecting them to electric shocks and flogging and groping them in detention, two people with access to the trial told AFP. At least one of the detained women tried to commit suicide following her mistreatment, a close relative said. The government, facing intense international scrutiny of its human rights record, denies the women were tortured or harassed. The women, including prominent activist Loujain al-Hathloul, blogger Eman al-Nafjan and university professor Hatoon al-Fassi, were detained last summer in a sweeping crackdown on campaigners just before the historic lifting of a decades-long ban on female motorists. The women had long campaigned for the right to drive and to abolish the restrictive guardianship system that gives male relatives arbitrary authority over women. Their trial has intensified criticism of the kingdom over human rights following global outrage over journalist Jamal Khashoggi's murder by Saudi agents last October. Loujain's brother and sister, based overseas, have alleged that Saud al-Qahtani, a top advisor to Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman who was fired over Khashoggi's killing, oversaw the torture. "The top adviser of the prince was threatening to rape my sister, kill her, cut her body into pieces," Walid al-Hathloul, Loujain's brother, told CNN. "He's the one who should be in court today, not my sister." Qahtani has not appeared in public since his sacking was announced. Crackdown on dissent Some of the detained women have appealed for bail, with the judges expected to make a decision on Thursday, family members told AFP. The trial is set to resume on April 3, they added. There was no immediate comment from the criminal court. At the time of their arrest, officials accused the women of links to foreign intelligence agencies, while state-backed media branded them traitors and "agents of embassies". The charge sheets, however, make no mention of contact with foreign spies, campaigners who have reviewed the documents say. Some of the charges against the women fell under a section of the kingdom's sweeping cyber crime law, which carries prison sentences of up to five years. Loujain asked the court for one month to respond to the charges saying she was not given enough time to prepare, Walid said. He added that his family had been stopped from taking written legal documents inside her prison cell. It was not clear how the court responded to the request. The detained women were initially expected to appear in a court set up to handle terrorism-related cases. But trial was shifted to the criminal court at the last minute, without any explanation, after months of Western criticism. That has triggered speculation the trial could pave the way for the women's release after the crackdown sparked international criticism against Prince Mohammed, the kingdom's de facto ruler. Some detainees, including Loujain, were recently made to sign letters in prison requesting a royal pardon from King Salman, family members told AFP. Western nations, including the European Union, the United States and Britain, appear to have stepped up pressure on the kingdom to release the activists.

Saudi women activists say they were sexually abused, tortured while detained

A Saudi royal adviser fired over the killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi is not among the 11 suspects on trial at secretive hearings in Riyadh despite Saudi pledges to bring those responsible to justice, sources familiar with the matter said.

The Saudi public prosecutor indicted 11 unnamed suspects in November, including five who could face the death penalty on charges of "ordering and committing the crime." The CIA and some Western countries believe Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman ordered the killing, which Saudi officials deny.

Saud al-Qahtani, a top aide to Prince Mohammed until he was sacked then sanctioned by the US Treasury over his suspected role, is not on trial and has not appeared at any of the four court sessions convened since January, said seven sources, who are familiar with the proceedings but have not attended the trial.

Two regional intelligence sources told Reuters weeks after the killing that Qahtani oversaw Khashoggi's murder and dismemberment by giving orders via Skype to a team of security and intelligence operatives.

The Saudi public prosecutor said in November that Qahtani had coordinated with deputy intelligence chief Ahmed al-Asiri, who ordered the repatriation of Khashoggi, a Washington Post columnist who had become a vocal critic of the crown prince's policies following years as a royal insider.

The prosecutor said Qahtani had met the operatives charged with Khashoggi's repatriation ahead of their journey to Istanbul. When Khashoggi resisted, the lead negotiator decided to kill him, according to the prosecutor.

Asiri is on trial, the seven sources told Reuters.

Three of the sources said that Maher Mutreb, the lead negotiator, and Salah al-Tubaigy, a forensic expert specialised in autopsies, are also on trial and could face the death penalty.

The sources said the defendants have legal counsel and have defended themselves in court by claiming they did not intend to kill Khashoggi or were merely carrying out orders.

The public prosecutor, the government media office, Qahtani and Asiri did not respond to requests for comment on the status of the trial. Reuters could not reach Mutreb, Tobaigy or any of the defendants' lawyers.

Saudi Arabia wants to move on from the global outcry sparked by Khashoggi's killing in the kingdom's Istanbul consulate last October, which tarnished the crown prince's reputation, prompted some investors to pull out, and intensified criticism of the country's human rights record.

A credible investigation and trial are among Western demands to restore Saudi Arabia's standing after the killing. But Riyadh has refused to cooperate with a UN inquiry, rejecting it as interference in its internal affairs.

It is unclear what evidence, if any, has been presented in court. Khashoggi's remains have not been discovered, and Riyadh says it has not received evidence requested from Ankara, which says it has recordings related to the killing in which Qahtani features prominently.

A senior Turkish official said Ankara had shared all the necessary information with Saudi Arabia but that the cooperation had not been reciprocated. Turkey wants Riyadh to answer questions including where Khashoggi's body is and who the Saudis standing trial in Riyadh are.

Three of the sources said a representative for the Khashoggi family attended at least one session to ask for an update on the public prosecutor's investigation into Qahtani and for him to be brought before the court.

Qahtani has continued to wield influence in the crown prince's inner circle and remains active on behalf of the royal court, Western, Arab and Saudi sources with links to the royal court told Reuters in January.

A Saudi official denied that at the time and said Qahtani remains under investigation and banned from travel.

Access to the trial has been limited to diplomats from the United States, Britain, France, Russia, China and Turkey who are summoned on short notice and barred from bringing interpreters.

A Saudi royal adviser fired over the killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi is not among the 11 suspects on trial at secretive hearings in Riyadh despite Saudi pledges to bring those responsible to justice, sources familiar with the matter said.

A Saudi royal adviser fired over the killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi is not among the 11 suspects on trial at secretive hearings in Riyadh despite Saudi pledges to bring those responsible to justice, sources familiar with the matter said. The Saudi public prosecutor indicted 11 unnamed suspects in November, including five who could face the death penalty on charges of "ordering and committing the crime." The CIA and some Western countries believe Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman ordered the killing, which Saudi officials deny. Saud al-Qahtani, a top aide to Prince Mohammed until he was sacked then sanctioned by the US Treasury over his suspected role, is not on trial and has not appeared at any of the four court sessions convened since January, said seven sources, who are familiar with the proceedings but have not attended the trial. Two regional intelligence sources told Reuters weeks after the killing that Qahtani oversaw Khashoggi's murder and dismemberment by giving orders via Skype to a team of security and intelligence operatives. The Saudi public prosecutor said in November that Qahtani had coordinated with deputy intelligence chief Ahmed al-Asiri, who ordered the repatriation of Khashoggi, a Washington Post columnist who had become a vocal critic of the crown prince's policies following years as a royal insider. The prosecutor said Qahtani had met the operatives charged with Khashoggi's repatriation ahead of their journey to Istanbul. When Khashoggi resisted, the lead negotiator decided to kill him, according to the prosecutor. Asiri is on trial, the seven sources told Reuters. Three of the sources said that Maher Mutreb, the lead negotiator, and Salah al-Tubaigy, a forensic expert specialised in autopsies, are also on trial and could face the death penalty. The sources said the defendants have legal counsel and have defended themselves in court by claiming they did not intend to kill Khashoggi or were merely carrying out orders. The public prosecutor, the government media office, Qahtani and Asiri did not respond to requests for comment on the status of the trial. Reuters could not reach Mutreb, Tobaigy or any of the defendants' lawyers. Saudi Arabia wants to move on from the global outcry sparked by Khashoggi's killing in the kingdom's Istanbul consulate last October, which tarnished the crown prince's reputation, prompted some investors to pull out, and intensified criticism of the country's human rights record. A credible investigation and trial are among Western demands to restore Saudi Arabia's standing after the killing. But Riyadh has refused to cooperate with a UN inquiry, rejecting it as interference in its internal affairs. It is unclear what evidence, if any, has been presented in court. Khashoggi's remains have not been discovered, and Riyadh says it has not received evidence requested from Ankara, which says it has recordings related to the killing in which Qahtani features prominently. A senior Turkish official said Ankara had shared all the necessary information with Saudi Arabia but that the cooperation had not been reciprocated. Turkey wants Riyadh to answer questions including where Khashoggi's body is and who the Saudis standing trial in Riyadh are. Three of the sources said a representative for the Khashoggi family attended at least one session to ask for an update on the public prosecutor's investigation into Qahtani and for him to be brought before the court. Qahtani has continued to wield influence in the crown prince's inner circle and remains active on behalf of the royal court, Western, Arab and Saudi sources with links to the royal court told Reuters in January. A Saudi official denied that at the time and said Qahtani remains under investigation and banned from travel. Access to the trial has been limited to diplomats from the United States, Britain, France, Russia, China and Turkey who are summoned on short notice and barred from bringing interpreters.

Royal adviser fired over Khashoggi murder absent from Saudi trial: Report

Saudi Arabia's cabinet has approved electronic visas for foreign visitors to attend sporting events and concerts, local media reported, as the world's top oil exporter tries to diversify its economy and open up its society.

The conservative Muslim country has previously restricted visas to resident workers, business travellers, and Muslim pilgrims who are given special visas to travel to holy sites.

Economic reforms pushed by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman aim to lift total tourism spending in the kingdom - by local citizens as well as foreigners - to $46.6 billion in 2020 from $27.9 billion in 2015, the government has said.

Plans to admit significant numbers of tourists from abroad have been discussed for years, only to be blocked by conservative opinion and bureaucracy.

"Embassies and consulates will be able to issue the visas within 24 hours of receiving a request," the daily Arab News reported on Saturday, citing a cabinet decision last week.

It did not specify when the visas would become available.

As part of Prince Mohammed's agenda, the kingdom has ended a nearly 40-year ban on cinemas, allowed music concerts, including performances by Western pop stars, and organised international sporting events.

However, dozens of activists, intellectuals and clerics have been arrested in an apparent bid to stamp out opposition to the crown prince, who has consolidated power including with a sweeping anti-corruption campaign.

Despite an international outcry over the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi and the Saudi-led war in Yemen, some Westerners seized a unique opportunity to visit Saudi Arabia in December when the new visa system was implemented on a trial basis.

Saudi Arabia's cabinet has approved electronic visas for foreign visitors to attend sporting events and concerts, local media reported, as the world's top oil exporter tries to diversify its economy and open up its society.

Saudi Arabia's cabinet has approved electronic visas for foreign visitors to attend sporting events and concerts, local media reported, as the world's top oil exporter tries to diversify its economy and open up its society. The conservative Muslim country has previously restricted visas to resident workers, business travellers, and Muslim pilgrims who are given special visas to travel to holy sites. Economic reforms pushed by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman aim to lift total tourism spending in the kingdom - by local citizens as well as foreigners - to $46.6 billion in 2020 from $27.9 billion in 2015, the government has said. Plans to admit significant numbers of tourists from abroad have been discussed for years, only to be blocked by conservative opinion and bureaucracy. "Embassies and consulates will be able to issue the visas within 24 hours of receiving a request," the daily Arab News reported on Saturday, citing a cabinet decision last week. It did not specify when the visas would become available. As part of Prince Mohammed's agenda, the kingdom has ended a nearly 40-year ban on cinemas, allowed music concerts, including performances by Western pop stars, and organised international sporting events. However, dozens of activists, intellectuals and clerics have been arrested in an apparent bid to stamp out opposition to the crown prince, who has consolidated power including with a sweeping anti-corruption campaign. Despite an international outcry over the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi and the Saudi-led war in Yemen, some Westerners seized a unique opportunity to visit Saudi Arabia in December when the new visa system was implemented on a trial basis.

Saudi Arabia's cabinet approves tourism visa for foreign travellers: Media

These are tough times for Saudi Arabia.

The drama enveloping the killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi and the brutal way in which it was carried out has captured public attention. In reality, however, Saudi Arabia’s real problems began earlier as a result of its conduct of the Yemen War.

Saudi interference in Yemen that culminated in military intervention predates the four-year-old war. Yemen has long been perceived by Saudi Arabia as a threat. That threat went far beyond current Iranian support for the Houthis. In fact, it was Saudi divide-and-rule tactics in Yemen, changing Saudi attitudes towards the Houthis and Saudi Arabia’s global campaign to promote anti-Shiite, anti-Iranian strands of ultra-conservative Sunni Muslim Islam that helped pave the way for the current Yemen crisis.

It is only half a century ago that the Houthis were part of a Saudi effort to confront Arab nationalism. As an aside, Saudis and Israelis cooperated already then with Israeli military aircraft dropping weapons for the Saudi-backed rebels that included the Houthis. The deterioration in Saudi-Houthi relations accelerated just after the turn to this century when the Saudis funded the opening of a Salafi centre on the outskirts of the Houthi capital of Saada.

The centre constituted not only a challenge to the Houthis but also to the power of the Houthi leadership. It successfully appealed to the socially disadvantaged as well as youth who were attracted by Salafism’s egalitarianism, resented the power of the older generation and saw puritan Islam as a vehicle to challenge the traditional hierarchy. Fear of the Wahhabi/Salafi encroachment fuelled the Houthi’s armed fight against the government of the then President Ali Abdullah Saleh, his Saudi-backed successor Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi, and ultimately the Saudis themselves, which led to the kingdom’s military intervention in Yemen in March 2015.

To initially counter the threat, the leadership of the Houthis, Zaidis who are Shiites with practices more akin to Sunni Muslim ritual, turned to Iran for support in religious education, a development that further angered the kingdom, and laid the groundwork for a war that has devastated a country that already ranked as one of the world’s poorest.

The Saudi intervention was, however, about more than just confronting an Iranian proxy on its doorstep. For one, if anything, it was the intervention that really drove the Houthis and Iranians closer to one another. Even so, the Houthis remain an opportunity in a far broader Saudi-Iranian rivalry rather than a strategic target for the Iranians.&nbsp;

The Salmans, the king and his son, have since coming to office and despite the emergence of Donald Trump, taken to new heights a far more assertive foreign and military policy that was initially crafted by their predecessors in response to the popular Arab revolts in 2011. Make however no mistake, Saudi Arabia’s new assertiveness is not a declaration of independence from the United States even if the kingdom is expanding its international relations as is evident in Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s recent tour of Asia.

On the contrary, Prince Mohammed made that very clear in multiple interviews. His goal was to force the United States to reengage in the Middle East as the best guarantor for regional stability. The Saudis appear to be operating on the basis of Karl Marx’s Verelendungs theory: things have to get worse to get better. That is the part of the backdrop of the stalled military intervention in Yemen. Dangling Iran as the real threat emanating from Yemen serves the Saudis’ purpose.

In doing so Saudi Arabia has proven to be driven. It is a drive that is fuelled by a perception that Iran poses an existential threat to Saudi Arabia. In fact, that may not be incorrect, certainly from the perception of the monarchy and its ruling family.

Saudi Arabia dazzles with the billions of dollars gained from oil exports that it is able to invest overseas and the investment opportunities it creates in the kingdom itself. But the truth of the matter is that long-term Saudi Arabia’s future is not that of a regional hegemon.

Saudi regional leadership, even if it has been tarnished in Yemen in military and reputational terms, amounts to exploitation of a window of opportunity rather than reliance on the assets and power needed to sustain it. Saudi Arabia’s interest is to extend its window of opportunity for as long as possible. That window of opportunity exists as long as the obvious regional powers – Iran, Turkey and Egypt – are in various degrees of disrepair. For now, punitive economic sanctions and international isolation take care of Iran.

And that is what bites. Iran may not be Arab and maintains a sense of Persian superiority, but it has like Turkey and Egypt assets Saudi Arabia lacks: a large population base, an industrial base, a huge domestic market, a battle-hardened military, a deep-rooted culture, a history of empire and geography that makes it a crossroads. Mecca and money will not be able to compete.

Add to all of these two factors. The Islamic regime came to power in a revolution that preceded the 2011 Arab revolts by 32 years. Moreover, the Iranian revolution toppled a monarch, not a president and an icon of US power in the Middle East.

Perhaps, more importantly, if one disregards the sanctioning of Iran, it is Iran rather than Saudi Arabia that is likely to shape the future energy architecture of Eurasia. Oil, in terms of demand, is a diminishing commodity. If the long-term future is renewables, the medium term will be shaped by gas. Iran has gas, Saudi Arabia does not, at least not the kind of gas it can export. In fact, Iran has the world’s second largest gas reserves. Again, disregarding the sanctions, Iran would have in the next five years 24.6 billion cubic metres available for annual piped exports beyond its current supply commitments.

If, indeed, Iran poses an existential threat to the rule of the Al Saud family that it cannot eliminate and at best contain with the support of the United States, the question is what Saudi Arabia’s goal in Yemen is as well as in its broader rivalry with Iran. There are those who coherently argue that Saudi Arabia’s goal in Yemen may have initially been the roll-back of Houthi advances with their occupation of the Yemeni capital Sana’s and large parts of Yemen, destruction of Houthi power and forcing them into a situation in which they would have had to accept a Saudi-dictated end to the war.

Four years into the war, that is not a realistic goal. Short of that, the question is how sincere Saudi and for that matter, UAE interest is in finding a way out of the war. It is conceivable that short of outright victory, Saudi Arabia would want to keep Yemen weak and the Houthis militarily on the defensive. That is at best only sustainable in the short term. The fact of the matter is that the reputational damage Saudi Arabia has suffered is starting to hurt witness measures taken by the US Congress and Germany’s decision to halt arms sales to the kingdom. Conflicts are only ended, if not resolved if the pain of continuing the conflict is greater than the pain of ending it. In Yemen, Saudi Arabia could well be nearing the inflection point.

The problem is that even if the United Nations-mediated peace talks ultimately produce an end to the war, Yemen, if anything, will pose in the post-war era an even greater and more real threat. Yemen for much of post-World War two history has been an afterthought in the international community if it sparked a thought at all. Yet, what a post-war Yemen will represent is a devastated country that largely needs to be rebuilt from scratch, a country whose traumatised population has suffered one the world’s worst humanitarian disasters and will need all the after-care that goes with that.

Beyond the taking care of the most immediate humanitarian issues, there is little reason to believe that investors and governments with massive aid packages and offers of reconstruction will be knocking on Yemen’s doors. Like in Syria and Libya, the risk is of the emergence of a generation that has nothing to look forward to and nothing to lose. In Yemen, that generation is likely to deeply resent what it perceives Saudi Arabia has done to their country. If Saudi Arabia, long saw Yemen as the Gulf’s most populous nation with a battle-hardened military that needed to be managed, that new generation is likely to put flesh on the skeleton.

It's not a pretty picture to look forward to. And it is one in which the damage has already been done. Having said that, its never too late to try to limit the damage, if not reverse affairs. That, however, would take the kind of courage and vision that Prince Mohammed and others in power elsewhere in the Middle East have yet to demonstrate. 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

These are tough times for Saudi Arabia. The drama enveloping the killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi and the brutal way in which it was carried out has captured public attention.

These are tough times for Saudi Arabia. The drama enveloping the killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi and the brutal way in which it was carried out has captured public attention. In reality, however, Saudi Arabia’s real problems began earlier as a result of its conduct of the Yemen War. Saudi interference in Yemen that culminated in military intervention predates the four-year-old war. Yemen has long been perceived by Saudi Arabia as a threat. That threat went far beyond current Iranian support for the Houthis. In fact, it was Saudi divide-and-rule tactics in Yemen, changing Saudi attitudes towards the Houthis and Saudi Arabia’s global campaign to promote anti-Shiite, anti-Iranian strands of ultra-conservative Sunni Muslim Islam that helped pave the way for the current Yemen crisis. It is only half a century ago that the Houthis were part of a Saudi effort to confront Arab nationalism. As an aside, Saudis and Israelis cooperated already then with Israeli military aircraft dropping weapons for the Saudi-backed rebels that included the Houthis. The deterioration in Saudi-Houthi relations accelerated just after the turn to this century when the Saudis funded the opening of a Salafi centre on the outskirts of the Houthi capital of Saada. The centre constituted not only a challenge to the Houthis but also to the power of the Houthi leadership. It successfully appealed to the socially disadvantaged as well as youth who were attracted by Salafism’s egalitarianism, resented the power of the older generation and saw puritan Islam as a vehicle to challenge the traditional hierarchy. Fear of the Wahhabi/Salafi encroachment fuelled the Houthi’s armed fight against the government of the then President Ali Abdullah Saleh, his Saudi-backed successor Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi, and ultimately the Saudis themselves, which led to the kingdom’s military intervention in Yemen in March 2015. To initially counter the threat, the leadership of the Houthis, Zaidis who are Shiites with practices more akin to Sunni Muslim ritual, turned to Iran for support in religious education, a development that further angered the kingdom, and laid the groundwork for a war that has devastated a country that already ranked as one of the world’s poorest. The Saudi intervention was, however, about more than just confronting an Iranian proxy on its doorstep. For one, if anything, it was the intervention that really drove the Houthis and Iranians closer to one another. Even so, the Houthis remain an opportunity in a far broader Saudi-Iranian rivalry rather than a strategic target for the Iranians. The Salmans, the king and his son, have since coming to office and despite the emergence of Donald Trump, taken to new heights a far more assertive foreign and military policy that was initially crafted by their predecessors in response to the popular Arab revolts in 2011. Make however no mistake, Saudi Arabia’s new assertiveness is not a declaration of independence from the United States even if the kingdom is expanding its international relations as is evident in Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s recent tour of Asia. On the contrary, Prince Mohammed made that very clear in multiple interviews. His goal was to force the United States to reengage in the Middle East as the best guarantor for regional stability. The Saudis appear to be operating on the basis of Karl Marx’s Verelendungs theory: things have to get worse to get better. That is the part of the backdrop of the stalled military intervention in Yemen. Dangling Iran as the real threat emanating from Yemen serves the Saudis’ purpose. In doing so Saudi Arabia has proven to be driven. It is a drive that is fuelled by a perception that Iran poses an existential threat to Saudi Arabia. In fact, that may not be incorrect, certainly from the perception of the monarchy and its ruling family. Saudi Arabia dazzles with the billions of dollars gained from oil exports that it is able to invest overseas and the investment opportunities it creates in the kingdom itself. But the truth of the matter is that long-term Saudi Arabia’s future is not that of a regional hegemon. Saudi regional leadership, even if it has been tarnished in Yemen in military and reputational terms, amounts to exploitation of a window of opportunity rather than reliance on the assets and power needed to sustain it. Saudi Arabia’s interest is to extend its window of opportunity for as long as possible. That window of opportunity exists as long as the obvious regional powers – Iran, Turkey and Egypt – are in various degrees of disrepair. For now, punitive economic sanctions and international isolation take care of Iran. And that is what bites. Iran may not be Arab and maintains a sense of Persian superiority, but it has like Turkey and Egypt assets Saudi Arabia lacks: a large population base, an industrial base, a huge domestic market, a battle-hardened military, a deep-rooted culture, a history of empire and geography that makes it a crossroads. Mecca and money will not be able to compete. Add to all of these two factors. The Islamic regime came to power in a revolution that preceded the 2011 Arab revolts by 32 years. Moreover, the Iranian revolution toppled a monarch, not a president and an icon of US power in the Middle East. Perhaps, more importantly, if one disregards the sanctioning of Iran, it is Iran rather than Saudi Arabia that is likely to shape the future energy architecture of Eurasia. Oil, in terms of demand, is a diminishing commodity. If the long-term future is renewables, the medium term will be shaped by gas. Iran has gas, Saudi Arabia does not, at least not the kind of gas it can export. In fact, Iran has the world’s second largest gas reserves. Again, disregarding the sanctions, Iran would have in the next five years 24.6 billion cubic metres available for annual piped exports beyond its current supply commitments. If, indeed, Iran poses an existential threat to the rule of the Al Saud family that it cannot eliminate and at best contain with the support of the United States, the question is what Saudi Arabia’s goal in Yemen is as well as in its broader rivalry with Iran. There are those who coherently argue that Saudi Arabia’s goal in Yemen may have initially been the roll-back of Houthi advances with their occupation of the Yemeni capital Sana’s and large parts of Yemen, destruction of Houthi power and forcing them into a situation in which they would have had to accept a Saudi-dictated end to the war. Four years into the war, that is not a realistic goal. Short of that, the question is how sincere Saudi and for that matter, UAE interest is in finding a way out of the war. It is conceivable that short of outright victory, Saudi Arabia would want to keep Yemen weak and the Houthis militarily on the defensive. That is at best only sustainable in the short term. The fact of the matter is that the reputational damage Saudi Arabia has suffered is starting to hurt witness measures taken by the US Congress and Germany’s decision to halt arms sales to the kingdom. Conflicts are only ended, if not resolved if the pain of continuing the conflict is greater than the pain of ending it. In Yemen, Saudi Arabia could well be nearing the inflection point. The problem is that even if the United Nations-mediated peace talks ultimately produce an end to the war, Yemen, if anything, will pose in the post-war era an even greater and more real threat. Yemen for much of post-World War two history has been an afterthought in the international community if it sparked a thought at all. Yet, what a post-war Yemen will represent is a devastated country that largely needs to be rebuilt from scratch, a country whose traumatised population has suffered one the world’s worst humanitarian disasters and will need all the after-care that goes with that. Beyond the taking care of the most immediate humanitarian issues, there is little reason to believe that investors and governments with massive aid packages and offers of reconstruction will be knocking on Yemen’s doors. Like in Syria and Libya, the risk is of the emergence of a generation that has nothing to look forward to and nothing to lose. In Yemen, that generation is likely to deeply resent what it perceives Saudi Arabia has done to their country. If Saudi Arabia, long saw Yemen as the Gulf’s most populous nation with a battle-hardened military that needed to be managed, that new generation is likely to put flesh on the skeleton. It's not a pretty picture to look forward to. And it is one in which the damage has already been done. Having said that, its never too late to try to limit the damage, if not reverse affairs. That, however, would take the kind of courage and vision that Prince Mohammed and others in power elsewhere in the Middle East have yet to demonstrate. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

In Yemen, Saudi Arabia could be nearing the inflection point

It may be reading tea leaves but analysis of the walk-up to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman’s visit and his sojourn in Islamabad suggests that Pakistan may be about to fight battles on two fronts rather than just the Indian one in the wake of this month’s attacks in Kashmir.

Prince Mohammed’s expressions of unconditional support for Pakistan coupled with his promise of $20 billion in investments in addition to $6 billion in desperately needed financial aid raise the spectre of a shift in Pakistani efforts in recent years to walk a fine line in the rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran.

That fine line included a 2015 Pakistani refusal to send troops to the kingdom in support of the Saudi military intervention in Yemen.

Speaking to the Arab News this week, Major General Asif Ghafoor, head of the Pakistan army’s media wing, suggested that Pakistan’s commitment to Saudi Arabia was equally unconditional. “Pakistan is committed to standing by its Saudi brethren,” Major General Ghafoor said.

Pakistani Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi seemed to fine tune the officer’s statement by not mentioning Yemen in his remarks to the Saudi paper and limiting Pakistan’s commitment to the kingdom itself. “If anyone would create chaos in or attack the Kingdom, Pakistan would stand by its brethren Saudi Arabia,” Qureshi said.

The stakes for Pakistan that borders on Iran and is home to the world’s largest minority Shiite Muslim community could not be higher.

Concerned that Pakistan’s position may be shifting, Iran dialled up the rhetoric by warning that Pakistan would "pay a high price" for last week’s attack in the Iranian province of Sistan and Baluchistan that killed 27 Revolutionary Guards.

Like with India, in the case of Kashmir, Iran asserted that the perpetrators, Jaish-al-Adl, were operating from Pakistani territory with at least the tacit knowledge of Pakistani authorities. In an unusual disclosure, Iran said three of the six perpetrators of last week’s attack, including the suicide bomber, were Pakistani nationals.

In the past, Iran had said that militants who had launched attacks were Iranian nationals rather than Pakistanis.

The tone of Revolutionary Guards chief Major General Mohammad Ali Jafari’s statement holding Pakistan, alongside the United States, Saudi Arabia and Israel, responsible for the recent attack reflected Iranian concern with what may flow from Prince Mohammed’s visit.

“Why do Pakistan’s army and security body ... give refuge to these anti-revolutionary groups? Pakistan will no doubt pay a high price. Just in the past year, six or seven suicide attacks were neutralised but they were able to carry out this one,” Major General Jafari said in remarks live on state television.

Initially, Iran had limited itself to blaming external powers rather than Pakistan for the attack.

Saudi Arabia and Pakistan expressed, in a little-noticed declaration, in their joint statement at the end of the Crown Prince’s visit “The need to avoid politicisation of the United Nations listing system.”

The statement was implicitly referring to Indian efforts to get the UN Security Council to designate Masood Azhar as a global terrorist. Azhar is the head of Jaish-e-Mohammed, the group that has claimed responsibility for the Kashmir attack.

China, which at Pakistan’s behest has blocked Azhar’s designation in recent years, this week rejected an Indian request that it lift its veto. China asserts that Indian evidence fails to meet UN standards.

The reference to UN listing in the Saudi-Pakistani statement seemingly failed to resonate in New Delhi where Prince Mohammed stopped after visiting Islamabad.

In another tantalising incident, Qureshi, the Pakistani foreign minister, did nothing to distance his country from a statement in his presence by Saudi State Minister for Foreign Affairs Adel Al-Jubeir accusing Iran of being the "world’s chief sponsor of terrorism"

Similarly, in preparation of Prince Mohammed’s talks, retired General Raheel Sharif, the Pakistani commander of the Saudi-based, 40-nation Islamic Military Counter Terrorism Coalition (IMCTC), flew from Riyadh to Islamabad for talks with prime minister Imran Khan and Pakistani chief of staff, General Qamar Javed Bajwa. 
 
Pakistani military officials argued at the time that while the appointment would irritate Iran, refusal of the Saudi request would expose Pakistan to criticism from many more in the Islamic world.

Neither the Pakistani government nor the IMCTC gave details of General Sharif’s discussions. The IMCTC, however, said in a tweet that “salient contours of IMCTC's domains and initiatives in the fight against #terrorism were discussed.”

The tone and gestures during Prince Mohammed’s visit contrasted starkly with positions adopted by Khan during his election campaign and immediately after he took office last year.

In his first post-election televised speech Khan made a point of discussing his country’s relationship with Saudi Arabia and Iran.

“We want to improve ties with Iran. Saudi Arabia is a friend who has always stood by us in difficult times. Our aim will be that whatever we can do for conciliation in the Middle East, we want to play that role. Those tensions, that fight, between neighbours, we will try to bring them together," &nbsp;Khan said.

The geopolitical fallout, if any, of what for now amounts to symbolism will likely only be evident in the weeks and months to come.

Beyond Iran’s toughening stance towards Pakistan in the wake of the attack on its Revolutionary Guards, tell-tale signs would be a closer Pakistani alignment with the Saud-led anti-terrorism coalition and the degree to which Pakistan-based militant launch attacks inside Iran.

Middle East scholar Michael Stephens, who heads the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI) operation in Qatar, suggested that reading the tea leaves may best be done with a grain of salt.

“Geography is what it is, and Pakistan will always have to maintain a relationship with Iran (economic and security) regardless of how much cash it gets from Riyadh… Pakistan will do what's best for Pakistan, and not Riyadh, the US or Tehran. Telling everyone what they want to hear is kinda how this all works,” Stephens said.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

It may be reading tea leaves but analysis of the walk-up to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman’s visit and his sojourn in Islamabad suggests that Pakistan may be about to fight battles on two fronts rather than just the Indian one in the wake of this month’s attacks in Kashmir.

It may be reading tea leaves but analysis of the walk-up to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman’s visit and his sojourn in Islamabad suggests that Pakistan may be about to fight battles on two fronts rather than just the Indian one in the wake of this month’s attacks in Kashmir. Prince Mohammed’s expressions of unconditional support for Pakistan coupled with his promise of $20 billion in investments in addition to $6 billion in desperately needed financial aid raise the spectre of a shift in Pakistani efforts in recent years to walk a fine line in the rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran. That fine line included a 2015 Pakistani refusal to send troops to the kingdom in support of the Saudi military intervention in Yemen. Speaking to the Arab News this week, Major General Asif Ghafoor, head of the Pakistan army’s media wing, suggested that Pakistan’s commitment to Saudi Arabia was equally unconditional. “Pakistan is committed to standing by its Saudi brethren,” Major General Ghafoor said. Pakistani Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi seemed to fine tune the officer’s statement by not mentioning Yemen in his remarks to the Saudi paper and limiting Pakistan’s commitment to the kingdom itself. “If anyone would create chaos in or attack the Kingdom, Pakistan would stand by its brethren Saudi Arabia,” Qureshi said. The stakes for Pakistan that borders on Iran and is home to the world’s largest minority Shiite Muslim community could not be higher. Concerned that Pakistan’s position may be shifting, Iran dialled up the rhetoric by warning that Pakistan would "pay a high price" for last week’s attack in the Iranian province of Sistan and Baluchistan that killed 27 Revolutionary Guards. Like with India, in the case of Kashmir, Iran asserted that the perpetrators, Jaish-al-Adl, were operating from Pakistani territory with at least the tacit knowledge of Pakistani authorities. In an unusual disclosure, Iran said three of the six perpetrators of last week’s attack, including the suicide bomber, were Pakistani nationals. In the past, Iran had said that militants who had launched attacks were Iranian nationals rather than Pakistanis. The tone of Revolutionary Guards chief Major General Mohammad Ali Jafari’s statement holding Pakistan, alongside the United States, Saudi Arabia and Israel, responsible for the recent attack reflected Iranian concern with what may flow from Prince Mohammed’s visit. “Why do Pakistan’s army and security body ... give refuge to these anti-revolutionary groups? Pakistan will no doubt pay a high price. Just in the past year, six or seven suicide attacks were neutralised but they were able to carry out this one,” Major General Jafari said in remarks live on state television. Initially, Iran had limited itself to blaming external powers rather than Pakistan for the attack. Saudi Arabia and Pakistan expressed, in a little-noticed declaration, in their joint statement at the end of the Crown Prince’s visit “The need to avoid politicisation of the United Nations listing system.” The statement was implicitly referring to Indian efforts to get the UN Security Council to designate Masood Azhar as a global terrorist. Azhar is the head of Jaish-e-Mohammed, the group that has claimed responsibility for the Kashmir attack. China, which at Pakistan’s behest has blocked Azhar’s designation in recent years, this week rejected an Indian request that it lift its veto. China asserts that Indian evidence fails to meet UN standards. The reference to UN listing in the Saudi-Pakistani statement seemingly failed to resonate in New Delhi where Prince Mohammed stopped after visiting Islamabad. In another tantalising incident, Qureshi, the Pakistani foreign minister, did nothing to distance his country from a statement in his presence by Saudi State Minister for Foreign Affairs Adel Al-Jubeir accusing Iran of being the "world’s chief sponsor of terrorism" Similarly, in preparation of Prince Mohammed’s talks, retired General Raheel Sharif, the Pakistani commander of the Saudi-based, 40-nation Islamic Military Counter Terrorism Coalition (IMCTC), flew from Riyadh to Islamabad for talks with prime minister Imran Khan and Pakistani chief of staff, General Qamar Javed Bajwa. Pakistani military officials argued at the time that while the appointment would irritate Iran, refusal of the Saudi request would expose Pakistan to criticism from many more in the Islamic world. Neither the Pakistani government nor the IMCTC gave details of General Sharif’s discussions. The IMCTC, however, said in a tweet that “salient contours of IMCTC's domains and initiatives in the fight against #terrorism were discussed.” The tone and gestures during Prince Mohammed’s visit contrasted starkly with positions adopted by Khan during his election campaign and immediately after he took office last year. In his first post-election televised speech Khan made a point of discussing his country’s relationship with Saudi Arabia and Iran. “We want to improve ties with Iran. Saudi Arabia is a friend who has always stood by us in difficult times. Our aim will be that whatever we can do for conciliation in the Middle East, we want to play that role. Those tensions, that fight, between neighbours, we will try to bring them together," Khan said. The geopolitical fallout, if any, of what for now amounts to symbolism will likely only be evident in the weeks and months to come. Beyond Iran’s toughening stance towards Pakistan in the wake of the attack on its Revolutionary Guards, tell-tale signs would be a closer Pakistani alignment with the Saud-led anti-terrorism coalition and the degree to which Pakistan-based militant launch attacks inside Iran. Middle East scholar Michael Stephens, who heads the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI) operation in Qatar, suggested that reading the tea leaves may best be done with a grain of salt. “Geography is what it is, and Pakistan will always have to maintain a relationship with Iran (economic and security) regardless of how much cash it gets from Riyadh… Pakistan will do what's best for Pakistan, and not Riyadh, the US or Tehran. Telling everyone what they want to hear is kinda how this all works,” Stephens said. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Decoding Saudi Arabia Crown Prince's visit to Pakistan

The Saudi Crown Prince’s visit to India has received mix reactions that not only expose lack of consensus about Indian Foreign Policy but also alert us about the urgent need to remove prevailing ambiguity in prioritising our strategic partnerships.&nbsp;

Unfortunately, the crown prince’s visit came soon after the shocking terror arrack on CRPF men in Pulwama when the nation was mourning the martyrs and was under a pall of gloom. Outrage against Pakistan was high as Jaish e Mohammed had accepted responsibility for this barbaric act. This terrorist organisation operates from sanctuaries in Pakistan and its leaders are protected protégés of Pakistani armed forces and its notorious intelligence agency ISI. Saudi Arabia has a long and intimate relationship with Pakistan and it is understandable that the warm welcome extended to the royal guest breaching poetical didn’t go down well with the majority of Indians cutting across party lines.&nbsp;

But the timing of the tour wasn’t the only thing that raised eyebrows. Mohammed Bin Salman has in his itinerary sandwiched India between Pakistan and China. South Block went into overdrive to emphasise that in 21st-century 'enemy’s friend can be our friend’ also. It was argued that we should forge ties with other countries entirely on the basis of our national interest and get rid of the deadwood of ideology.

The problem is that the Saudi Crown Prince has been a controversial figure ever since his succession was signalled. In the beginning, high hopes were aroused that he will usher in an era of long-awaited modernisation leading hopefully sooner rather than later to a whiff of democracy. The detention on charges of corruption of high ranking members of the ruling elite and allowing women to drive reinforced these expectations. But then the brutal murder of Khashoggi, a US journalist of Saudi descent, upset the proverbial apple cart. The assassination may well have been undertaken by rogue elements in Saudi armed forces or intelligence services but the stink hast quite cleared that they perpetrated the crime to please their new master.&nbsp;

Once we accept the logic of realpolitik all this pales into insignificance. So, let us limit ourselves here to an assessment of what we have gained and are likely to gain in foreseeable future from this visit. At the same time, it is imperative to take into account the costs the agreements signed may entail.&nbsp;

We have been informed that Saudi Arabia has promised to invest $100 billion in India in oil refining, infrastructure, tourism, broadcasting and education. India has also been assured that its quota of Haj pilgrims will be doubled to 200,000 per year. Exchange of intelligence will continue and the pro formation condemnation of terrorism is also there without any specifics.&nbsp;

A more than small hiccup here is that one doesn’t know when the 45 billion dollar investment in Oil Refinery will fructify. Earlier, the proposed site was at Ratnagiri but due to strong farmer’s protest, the Maharashtra government has been constrained to announce its shifting. Land acquisition is likely to create obstacles.

Contrast this with what the Pakistan is getting immediately $10 billion out of which $3 billion to bail it out from defaulting on repayment of loans, $3 billion against deferred payments for oil imports and approximately, another $3billion for development of Gwadar port that is described as the ‘Jewel in the Crown’ on China’s One Belt One Road project. It is impossible to overlook that Gwadar is being developed to render impotent the potential of Chabahar in Iran to which India has already committed vast resources and considers extremely important to extend its strategic reach in Afghanistan and beyond in West Asia.&nbsp;

It is true that with the fall in oil prices globally and the US striving to explore shale oil had made Saudi Arab anxious and apprehensive about the future. The Crown Prince has indeed been exploring other options and looking for a new strategic alliance. However, it would be naive to conclude that suddenly India has begun to loom large on Saudi’s mental horizon.&nbsp;

It is impossible not to get alienated from Iran as we get embroiled into a tight embrace with Saudis. The US would like us to be more cordial with their long term allies when they tighten the screws on Iran. It would also like us to follow their lead in Afghanistan. What we must ask is that does this really serves our national interest?&nbsp;

Pakistan does need the Saudi crutches to survive but India is certainly not in such an abject and pitiable situation. We should remain alert that we don’t dissipate our energies chasing a mirage in the distant desert. True, we import 20 per cent of our oil from Saudi Arab and hundreds of thousands of Indians work in that country. This does not mean that we should change course suddenly or drastically dreaming of an Oasis that remains a long and hard way off. 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

The Saudi Crown Prince’s visit to India has received mix reactions that not only expose lack of consensus about Indian Foreign Policy but also alert us about the urgent need to remove prevailing ambiguity in prioritising our strategic partnerships.

The Saudi Crown Prince’s visit to India has received mix reactions that not only expose lack of consensus about Indian Foreign Policy but also alert us about the urgent need to remove prevailing ambiguity in prioritising our strategic partnerships. Unfortunately, the crown prince’s visit came soon after the shocking terror arrack on CRPF men in Pulwama when the nation was mourning the martyrs and was under a pall of gloom. Outrage against Pakistan was high as Jaish e Mohammed had accepted responsibility for this barbaric act. This terrorist organisation operates from sanctuaries in Pakistan and its leaders are protected protégés of Pakistani armed forces and its notorious intelligence agency ISI. Saudi Arabia has a long and intimate relationship with Pakistan and it is understandable that the warm welcome extended to the royal guest breaching poetical didn’t go down well with the majority of Indians cutting across party lines. But the timing of the tour wasn’t the only thing that raised eyebrows. Mohammed Bin Salman has in his itinerary sandwiched India between Pakistan and China. South Block went into overdrive to emphasise that in 21st-century 'enemy’s friend can be our friend’ also. It was argued that we should forge ties with other countries entirely on the basis of our national interest and get rid of the deadwood of ideology. The problem is that the Saudi Crown Prince has been a controversial figure ever since his succession was signalled. In the beginning, high hopes were aroused that he will usher in an era of long-awaited modernisation leading hopefully sooner rather than later to a whiff of democracy. The detention on charges of corruption of high ranking members of the ruling elite and allowing women to drive reinforced these expectations. But then the brutal murder of Khashoggi, a US journalist of Saudi descent, upset the proverbial apple cart. The assassination may well have been undertaken by rogue elements in Saudi armed forces or intelligence services but the stink hast quite cleared that they perpetrated the crime to please their new master. Once we accept the logic of realpolitik all this pales into insignificance. So, let us limit ourselves here to an assessment of what we have gained and are likely to gain in foreseeable future from this visit. At the same time, it is imperative to take into account the costs the agreements signed may entail. We have been informed that Saudi Arabia has promised to invest $100 billion in India in oil refining, infrastructure, tourism, broadcasting and education. India has also been assured that its quota of Haj pilgrims will be doubled to 200,000 per year. Exchange of intelligence will continue and the pro formation condemnation of terrorism is also there without any specifics. A more than small hiccup here is that one doesn’t know when the 45 billion dollar investment in Oil Refinery will fructify. Earlier, the proposed site was at Ratnagiri but due to strong farmer’s protest, the Maharashtra government has been constrained to announce its shifting. Land acquisition is likely to create obstacles. Contrast this with what the Pakistan is getting immediately $10 billion out of which $3 billion to bail it out from defaulting on repayment of loans, $3 billion against deferred payments for oil imports and approximately, another $3billion for development of Gwadar port that is described as the ‘Jewel in the Crown’ on China’s One Belt One Road project. It is impossible to overlook that Gwadar is being developed to render impotent the potential of Chabahar in Iran to which India has already committed vast resources and considers extremely important to extend its strategic reach in Afghanistan and beyond in West Asia. It is true that with the fall in oil prices globally and the US striving to explore shale oil had made Saudi Arab anxious and apprehensive about the future. The Crown Prince has indeed been exploring other options and looking for a new strategic alliance. However, it would be naive to conclude that suddenly India has begun to loom large on Saudi’s mental horizon. It is impossible not to get alienated from Iran as we get embroiled into a tight embrace with Saudis. The US would like us to be more cordial with their long term allies when they tighten the screws on Iran. It would also like us to follow their lead in Afghanistan. What we must ask is that does this really serves our national interest? Pakistan does need the Saudi crutches to survive but India is certainly not in such an abject and pitiable situation. We should remain alert that we don’t dissipate our energies chasing a mirage in the distant desert. True, we import 20 per cent of our oil from Saudi Arab and hundreds of thousands of Indians work in that country. This does not mean that we should change course suddenly or drastically dreaming of an Oasis that remains a long and hard way off. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Crown Prince visit: Pakistan needs Saudi Arabia's crutches to survive, but India doesn't

By Jeff Bachman

The US House of Representatives has voted overwhelmingly to pass legislation to deny further military assistance for Saudi Arabia’s war in Yemen.

The bipartisan vote for the bill was a repudiation of the Obama and Trump administrations’ support for the Saudis and a war that many charge includes violations of human rights. A Saudi-led coalition of states has been aggressively bombing Yemen and imposing an air and naval blockade of its ports for more than three years, leading UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres to describe Yemen as “the world’s worst humanitarian crisis.”

The legislation now goes to the Senate. President Trump has said that he would veto it if passed.

Guterres put the crisis in stark perspective, emphasising the near complete lack of security for the Yemeni people. More than 22 million people out of a total population of 28 million are in need of humanitarian aid and protection. Eighteen million people lack reliable access to food; 8.4 million people “do not know how they will obtain their next meal.”

As a scholar of genocide and human rights, I believe the destruction brought about by these attacks combined with the blockade amounts to genocide.

Based on my research, published online by Third World Quarterly, I believe the coalition would not be capable of committing this crime without the material and logistical support of both the Obama and Trump administrations.

A ‘storm’ recast as ‘hope’

Yemen has been gripped by a civil war since 2015, pitting the Shia Houthi movement – which has fought for centuries for control of parts of Yemen – against a government backed by Sunni Saudi Arabia. Because of these religious differences, it would be easy to recast what is largely a political conflict in Yemen as a sectarian one.

That characterisation fits Saudi and US assertions that the Houthis are controlled by Shiite Iran, a claim that has not gone uncontested. Both the Saudis and the US are hostile to Iran, so US support of Saudia Arabia in Yemen represents what US administrations have said are strategic interests in the region.

Besides Saudi Arabia, the coalition attacking Yemen includes the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Morocco, Jordan, Sudan, Kuwait and Bahrain. Qatar was part of the coalition but is no longer.

During the first three years of “Operation Decisive Storm,” later renamed “Operation Renewal of Hope,” 16,749 coalition air attacks in Yemen were documented by the Yemen Data Project, which describes itself as an “independent data collection project aimed at collecting and disseminating data on the conduct of the war in Yemen.”

Based on the information available to it using open sources, the Yemen Data Project reports that two-thirds of the coalition’s bombing attacks have been against nonmilitary and unknown targets. The coalition isn’t accidentally attacking civilians and civilian infrastructure – it’s doing it deliberately.

That’s evident from the kind – and volume – of civilian targets documented. They include places that are generally protected against attack even under the lax rules of international humanitarian law: Residential areas, vehicles, marketplaces and mosques as well as boats, social gatherings and camps for internally displaced persons.

Because of the role it plays in movement of people, food and medicine, Yemen’s transportation infrastructure is especially important. Airports, ports, bridges and roads have all been repeatedly attacked.

Yemen’s economic infrastructure – farms, private businesses and factories, oil and gas facilities, water and electricity lines and food storage – have also been hit. And the coalition has targeted and destroyed schools and medical facilities, too.

Finally, Yemen’s cultural heritage has been attacked. In all, at least 78 cultural sites have been damaged or destroyed, including archaeological sites, museums, mosques, churches and tombs, as well as numerous other monuments and residences that have great historical and cultural significance.

How to make a crisis

The attacks aren’t the only way the coalition is creating a massive humanitarian crisis.

The air and naval blockade, in effect since March 2015, “is essentially using the threat of starvation as a bargaining tool and an instrument of war,” according to the UN panel of experts on Yemen.

The blockade stops and inspects vessels seeking entry to Yemen’s ports. That allows the coalition to regulate and restrict Yemenis’ access to food, fuel, medical supplies and humanitarian aid.

In his analysis of the blockade’s legality, Dutch military scholar Martin Fink writes that the blockade means “massive time delays and uncertainty on what products would be allowed to enter.”

Despite U.N. efforts to alleviate some of the worst delays, imports are often held up for a long time. In some cases, food that makes it through the blockade has already spoiled, if the entry is not denied altogether.

In some ways, the humanitarian crisis in Yemen is unprecedented and can be tied directly to the conflict. As the World Bank notes, “Yemen’s very difficult economic challenges before the current conflict cannot be compared to the intensely critical situation the country is facing today.”

Similarly, Tufts University scholar Alex de Waal describes Yemen as “the greatest famine atrocity of our lifetimes.” It was caused, writes de Waal, by the coalition “deliberately destroying the country’s food-producing infrastructure.”

The failing security for the people of Yemen has been compounded by a failing health system. The World Health Organisation reported in September 2017 that only 45 per cent of health facilities in Yemen were functional.

As Secretary-General Guterres put it, “Treatable illnesses become a death sentence when local health services are suspended and it is impossible to travel outside the country.”

As of February 2018, according to the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, the coalition had killed 6,000 people in airstrikes and wounded nearly 10,000 more.

Yet, according to the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights report, these counts are conservative. Tens of thousands of Yemenis have also died from causes related to the war. According to Save the Children, an estimated 85,000 children under five may have died since 2015, with more than 50,000 child deaths in 2017 alone from hunger and related causes.

Coalition actions in Yemen amount to nothing short of what Raphael Lemkin, the individual who coined the term “genocide,” referred to as a “synchronized attack on different aspects of life.”

The US contribution

The coalition’s genocide in Yemen would not be possible without the complicity of the US. This has been a bipartisan presidential effort, covering both the Obama and Trump administrations.

US arms are being used to kill Yemenis and destroy their country. In 2016, well after the coalition began its genocidal assault on Yemen, four of the top five recipients of US arms sales were members of the coalition.

The U.S. has also provided the coalition with logistical support, including mid-air refuelling, targeting advice and support, intelligence, expedited munitions resupply and maintenance.

Other than the sale of arms, perhaps the most significant contribution to the coalition’s ability to commit genocide in Yemen has been the provision of fuel and midair refuelling of coalition warplanes, which was halted in early November 2018. By the middle of 2017, the US had delivered over 67 million pounds of fuel to the coalition and refuelled coalition aircraft more than 9,000 times.

Shared responsibility for genocide

As a genocide scholar, I believe that under international law, the US shares responsibility with the coalition for genocide in Yemen.

What does this mean? It means that the US must cease and desist all activities that facilitate genocide in Yemen. This would include stopping all sales of weapons and ending logistical support for coalition action. The legislation passed by the House would largely accomplish this, though the House bill would allow intelligence sharing with Saudi Arabia to continue when “appropriate in the national security interest of the United States.”

However, even if the Senate passes it, the president’s likely veto of the bill will mean no change in the deadly status quo unless the legislation garners enough support to override a presidential veto.

In an ideal world, one in which all states are equally subjects before international law, the U.S. would also seek an advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice regarding what restitution it owes the people of Yemen for its role in the coalition’s genocide.

Similarly, the US would request an International Criminal Court investigation into individual culpability of US officials in both the Obama and Trump administrations for their role in facilitating the crimes committed in Yemen.

Of course, this is not an ideal world.

The US recognises neither the International Court of Justice’s authority to judge the legality of its actions, nor the International Criminal Court’s authority to investigate the suspected criminal acts of individual US officials. Such an investigation could be triggered by a UN Security Council referral, but the US would simply veto any such effort.

All that is left, then, is for the people of the US to hold their own to account for the crimes committed in their names. 
 
(Jeff Bachman is Professorial Lecturer in Human Rights, American University School of International Service)

(This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/senate-vote-could-end-us-complicity-in-the-saudi-led-genocide-in-yemen-111952">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

By Jeff Bachman The US House of Representatives has voted overwhelmingly to pass legislation to deny further military assistance for Saudi Arabia’s war in Yemen.

By Jeff Bachman The US House of Representatives has voted overwhelmingly to pass legislation to deny further military assistance for Saudi Arabia’s war in Yemen. The bipartisan vote for the bill was a repudiation of the Obama and Trump administrations’ support for the Saudis and a war that many charge includes violations of human rights. A Saudi-led coalition of states has been aggressively bombing Yemen and imposing an air and naval blockade of its ports for more than three years, leading UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres to describe Yemen as “the world’s worst humanitarian crisis.” The legislation now goes to the Senate. President Trump has said that he would veto it if passed. Guterres put the crisis in stark perspective, emphasising the near complete lack of security for the Yemeni people. More than 22 million people out of a total population of 28 million are in need of humanitarian aid and protection. Eighteen million people lack reliable access to food; 8.4 million people “do not know how they will obtain their next meal.” As a scholar of genocide and human rights, I believe the destruction brought about by these attacks combined with the blockade amounts to genocide. Based on my research, published online by Third World Quarterly, I believe the coalition would not be capable of committing this crime without the material and logistical support of both the Obama and Trump administrations. A ‘storm’ recast as ‘hope’ Yemen has been gripped by a civil war since 2015, pitting the Shia Houthi movement – which has fought for centuries for control of parts of Yemen – against a government backed by Sunni Saudi Arabia. Because of these religious differences, it would be easy to recast what is largely a political conflict in Yemen as a sectarian one. That characterisation fits Saudi and US assertions that the Houthis are controlled by Shiite Iran, a claim that has not gone uncontested. Both the Saudis and the US are hostile to Iran, so US support of Saudia Arabia in Yemen represents what US administrations have said are strategic interests in the region. Besides Saudi Arabia, the coalition attacking Yemen includes the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Morocco, Jordan, Sudan, Kuwait and Bahrain. Qatar was part of the coalition but is no longer. During the first three years of “Operation Decisive Storm,” later renamed “Operation Renewal of Hope,” 16,749 coalition air attacks in Yemen were documented by the Yemen Data Project, which describes itself as an “independent data collection project aimed at collecting and disseminating data on the conduct of the war in Yemen.” Based on the information available to it using open sources, the Yemen Data Project reports that two-thirds of the coalition’s bombing attacks have been against nonmilitary and unknown targets. The coalition isn’t accidentally attacking civilians and civilian infrastructure – it’s doing it deliberately. That’s evident from the kind – and volume – of civilian targets documented. They include places that are generally protected against attack even under the lax rules of international humanitarian law: Residential areas, vehicles, marketplaces and mosques as well as boats, social gatherings and camps for internally displaced persons. Because of the role it plays in movement of people, food and medicine, Yemen’s transportation infrastructure is especially important. Airports, ports, bridges and roads have all been repeatedly attacked. Yemen’s economic infrastructure – farms, private businesses and factories, oil and gas facilities, water and electricity lines and food storage – have also been hit. And the coalition has targeted and destroyed schools and medical facilities, too. Finally, Yemen’s cultural heritage has been attacked. In all, at least 78 cultural sites have been damaged or destroyed, including archaeological sites, museums, mosques, churches and tombs, as well as numerous other monuments and residences that have great historical and cultural significance. How to make a crisis The attacks aren’t the only way the coalition is creating a massive humanitarian crisis. The air and naval blockade, in effect since March 2015, “is essentially using the threat of starvation as a bargaining tool and an instrument of war,” according to the UN panel of experts on Yemen. The blockade stops and inspects vessels seeking entry to Yemen’s ports. That allows the coalition to regulate and restrict Yemenis’ access to food, fuel, medical supplies and humanitarian aid. In his analysis of the blockade’s legality, Dutch military scholar Martin Fink writes that the blockade means “massive time delays and uncertainty on what products would be allowed to enter.” Despite U.N. efforts to alleviate some of the worst delays, imports are often held up for a long time. In some cases, food that makes it through the blockade has already spoiled, if the entry is not denied altogether. In some ways, the humanitarian crisis in Yemen is unprecedented and can be tied directly to the conflict. As the World Bank notes, “Yemen’s very difficult economic challenges before the current conflict cannot be compared to the intensely critical situation the country is facing today.” Similarly, Tufts University scholar Alex de Waal describes Yemen as “the greatest famine atrocity of our lifetimes.” It was caused, writes de Waal, by the coalition “deliberately destroying the country’s food-producing infrastructure.” The failing security for the people of Yemen has been compounded by a failing health system. The World Health Organisation reported in September 2017 that only 45 per cent of health facilities in Yemen were functional. As Secretary-General Guterres put it, “Treatable illnesses become a death sentence when local health services are suspended and it is impossible to travel outside the country.” As of February 2018, according to the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, the coalition had killed 6,000 people in airstrikes and wounded nearly 10,000 more. Yet, according to the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights report, these counts are conservative. Tens of thousands of Yemenis have also died from causes related to the war. According to Save the Children, an estimated 85,000 children under five may have died since 2015, with more than 50,000 child deaths in 2017 alone from hunger and related causes. Coalition actions in Yemen amount to nothing short of what Raphael Lemkin, the individual who coined the term “genocide,” referred to as a “synchronized attack on different aspects of life.” The US contribution The coalition’s genocide in Yemen would not be possible without the complicity of the US. This has been a bipartisan presidential effort, covering both the Obama and Trump administrations. US arms are being used to kill Yemenis and destroy their country. In 2016, well after the coalition began its genocidal assault on Yemen, four of the top five recipients of US arms sales were members of the coalition. The U.S. has also provided the coalition with logistical support, including mid-air refuelling, targeting advice and support, intelligence, expedited munitions resupply and maintenance. Other than the sale of arms, perhaps the most significant contribution to the coalition’s ability to commit genocide in Yemen has been the provision of fuel and midair refuelling of coalition warplanes, which was halted in early November 2018. By the middle of 2017, the US had delivered over 67 million pounds of fuel to the coalition and refuelled coalition aircraft more than 9,000 times. Shared responsibility for genocide As a genocide scholar, I believe that under international law, the US shares responsibility with the coalition for genocide in Yemen. What does this mean? It means that the US must cease and desist all activities that facilitate genocide in Yemen. This would include stopping all sales of weapons and ending logistical support for coalition action. The legislation passed by the House would largely accomplish this, though the House bill would allow intelligence sharing with Saudi Arabia to continue when “appropriate in the national security interest of the United States.” However, even if the Senate passes it, the president’s likely veto of the bill will mean no change in the deadly status quo unless the legislation garners enough support to override a presidential veto. In an ideal world, one in which all states are equally subjects before international law, the U.S. would also seek an advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice regarding what restitution it owes the people of Yemen for its role in the coalition’s genocide. Similarly, the US would request an International Criminal Court investigation into individual culpability of US officials in both the Obama and Trump administrations for their role in facilitating the crimes committed in Yemen. Of course, this is not an ideal world. The US recognises neither the International Court of Justice’s authority to judge the legality of its actions, nor the International Criminal Court’s authority to investigate the suspected criminal acts of individual US officials. Such an investigation could be triggered by a UN Security Council referral, but the US would simply veto any such effort. All that is left, then, is for the people of the US to hold their own to account for the crimes committed in their names. (Jeff Bachman is Professorial Lecturer in Human Rights, American University School of International Service) (This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Senate vote could end US complicity in the Saudi-led genocide in Yemen

Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's visit to India presents a "historic opportunity" to expand collaboration in all sectors, the Gulf country's envoy here said on Sunday.

Prince Salman, who is also Saudi Arabia's defence minister, will arrive in India on February 19 on his first official visit. Counter-terrorism and energy security are expected to top the agenda for discussions during the trip.

Besides holding talks with Prime Minister Narendra Modi, he will also meet President Ram Nath Kovind and Vice President M Venkaiah Naidu during his two-day visit.

Cooperation in counter-terrorism is likely to figure high on the agenda of his talks in New Delhi as the visit comes following the Pulwama terror attack carried out by Pakistan-based terror group Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM) in which 40 CRPF men were killed.

Saudi Arabia had strongly condemned and the attack.

Prince Salman has embarked on a four-country Asian tour that besides India, also includes Pakistan, Malaysia, Indonesia.

"Saudi Arabia and India share age-old ties of friendship that are deepening with each passing day. Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's visit to India is highly anticipated and presents a historic opportunity to expand collaboration between our two friendly countries in all fields," Ambassador of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to India Saud Mohammad Al Sati said.

Under Prince Salman's leadership, Saudi Arabia is at the cusp of path-breaking transformation, he said.&nbsp;

"In our common pursuit for development and stability, Saudi Arabia sees India as an important strategic partner and valued friend," Sati said.

Investments, defence and security, including counter-terrorism and renewable energy, are the key issues which are likely to come up for discussions during Prince Salman's visit to India, the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) had said last week.

Saudi Arabia is India's fourth largest trading partner and the bilateral trade is worth $28 billion. The country supplies 20 per cent of India's crude oil and the Indian diaspora in Saudi Arabia is 20 million-strong.

Recently, Saudi ARAMCO, in partnership with ADNOC of the UAE, entered into a $44 billion joint venture for the Ratnagiri refinery and a petrochemical project.

The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia also facilitates Hajj pilgrimage of over 1,75,000 Indians every year.

The visit by Prince Salman, who is also the Vice President of Saudi Arabia's council of ministers, follows the highly successful trip of Modi to that country in April 2016, during which the two sides had agreed to further elevate their existing strategic partnership.

In recent years, there has been significant progress in the bilateral cooperation in the key areas of mutual interest, including energy security, trade and investment, infrastructure, defence and security.&nbsp;

Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's visit to India presents a "historic opportunity" to expand collaboration in all sectors, the Gulf country's envoy here said on Sunday.

Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's visit to India presents a "historic opportunity" to expand collaboration in all sectors, the Gulf country's envoy here said on Sunday. Prince Salman, who is also Saudi Arabia's defence minister, will arrive in India on February 19 on his first official visit. Counter-terrorism and energy security are expected to top the agenda for discussions during the trip. Besides holding talks with Prime Minister Narendra Modi, he will also meet President Ram Nath Kovind and Vice President M Venkaiah Naidu during his two-day visit. Cooperation in counter-terrorism is likely to figure high on the agenda of his talks in New Delhi as the visit comes following the Pulwama terror attack carried out by Pakistan-based terror group Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM) in which 40 CRPF men were killed. Saudi Arabia had strongly condemned and the attack. Prince Salman has embarked on a four-country Asian tour that besides India, also includes Pakistan, Malaysia, Indonesia. "Saudi Arabia and India share age-old ties of friendship that are deepening with each passing day. Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's visit to India is highly anticipated and presents a historic opportunity to expand collaboration between our two friendly countries in all fields," Ambassador of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to India Saud Mohammad Al Sati said. Under Prince Salman's leadership, Saudi Arabia is at the cusp of path-breaking transformation, he said. "In our common pursuit for development and stability, Saudi Arabia sees India as an important strategic partner and valued friend," Sati said. Investments, defence and security, including counter-terrorism and renewable energy, are the key issues which are likely to come up for discussions during Prince Salman's visit to India, the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) had said last week. Saudi Arabia is India's fourth largest trading partner and the bilateral trade is worth $28 billion. The country supplies 20 per cent of India's crude oil and the Indian diaspora in Saudi Arabia is 20 million-strong. Recently, Saudi ARAMCO, in partnership with ADNOC of the UAE, entered into a $44 billion joint venture for the Ratnagiri refinery and a petrochemical project. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia also facilitates Hajj pilgrimage of over 1,75,000 Indians every year. The visit by Prince Salman, who is also the Vice President of Saudi Arabia's council of ministers, follows the highly successful trip of Modi to that country in April 2016, during which the two sides had agreed to further elevate their existing strategic partnership. In recent years, there has been significant progress in the bilateral cooperation in the key areas of mutual interest, including energy security, trade and investment, infrastructure, defence and security.

Prince Salman's visit historic opportunity to strengthen ties with India: Saudi envoy

Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman is expected to announce investments in energy and infrastructure during a visit to India and Pakistan in coming days as part of his efforts to wean the Saudi economy off oil exports.

He is also expected to visit China, Malaysia and Indonesia during a tour that will be his first through the region since the storm over the murder of Jamal Khashoggi, a Washington Post columnist, at the Saudi consulate in Istanbul in October.

Prince Mohammed is expected to sign agreements, mostly linked to a refinery and the power sector, during the trip to Pakistan this weekend, Pakistani officials said.

The memorandums of understanding will include renewable energy projects and investments in petrochemicals and mineral resources, Saudi state news agency SPA said.

The prince is expected in New Delhi next week, along with leading Saudi businessmen, at the invitation of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, India's foreign ministry said on Tuesday.

Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan was among a handful of leaders who attended an investment conference in Saudi Arabia in October, an event boycotted by many companies and world leaders in protest over Khashoggi's killing.

Modi met the prince in November, when they were both in Argentina for a Group of 20 summit. Saudi Arabia is India's top supplier of crude oil but the two countries have expanded ties beyond energy, and their governments have agreed to build a strategic partnership, the foreign ministry said.

In a statement, it cited cooperation in areas including energy security, trade and investment, infrastructure, defence and security.

India is expecting Prince Mohammed to announce an initial investment in its National Investment and Infrastructure Fund (NIIF), a quasi-sovereign wealth fund, to help accelerate the building of ports and highways, an Indian official said.

Saudi state media said Saudi officials will discuss investment in NIIF.

Saudi Arabia has also flagged a desire to invest in India's farm sector, with products to be exported to Saudi, another official at the trade ministry said.

Refinery hitch

However, progress on a $44 billion refinery that Indian state-run oil companies agreed to build with Saudi Aramco on India's west coast has been held up by strong opposition from mango farmers who will lose their land.

Since taking office in 2014, Modi has sought to use India's fast-growing economy to attract more investment from Saudi Arabia and other Islamic nations.

As a fellow Muslim country, Pakistan has long maintained strong ties with Saudi Arabia. In late October, Riyadh offered Pakistan a $6 billion loan to help keep its ailing economy afloat.

Saudi Arabia has also announced plans for a $10 billion refinery and petrochemical complex at the coastal city of Gwadar, where China is building a port as part of its vast Belt and Road initiative.

"They’re looking at the energy sector, at some of our privatisation plans that they might bid for through our privatisation process," Pakistani investment minister Haroon Sharif told.

Sharif, who chairs Pakistan's Board of Investment, said there was also Saudi interest in Pakistan's mining sector.

"Saudi Arabia has huge resources. Their investment fund is over $1 trillion, so we want just a fraction of that," said a second Pakistani minister, who did not wish to be named.

Saudi state news said Saudi officials will discuss investments with China, South Korea and Indonesia, in sectors including healthcare and telecommunications, without giving further details.

Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman is expected to announce investments in energy and infrastructure during a visit to India and Pakistan in coming days as part of his efforts to wean the Saudi economy off oil exports.

Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman is expected to announce investments in energy and infrastructure during a visit to India and Pakistan in coming days as part of his efforts to wean the Saudi economy off oil exports. He is also expected to visit China, Malaysia and Indonesia during a tour that will be his first through the region since the storm over the murder of Jamal Khashoggi, a Washington Post columnist, at the Saudi consulate in Istanbul in October. Prince Mohammed is expected to sign agreements, mostly linked to a refinery and the power sector, during the trip to Pakistan this weekend, Pakistani officials said. The memorandums of understanding will include renewable energy projects and investments in petrochemicals and mineral resources, Saudi state news agency SPA said. The prince is expected in New Delhi next week, along with leading Saudi businessmen, at the invitation of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, India's foreign ministry said on Tuesday. Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan was among a handful of leaders who attended an investment conference in Saudi Arabia in October, an event boycotted by many companies and world leaders in protest over Khashoggi's killing. Modi met the prince in November, when they were both in Argentina for a Group of 20 summit. Saudi Arabia is India's top supplier of crude oil but the two countries have expanded ties beyond energy, and their governments have agreed to build a strategic partnership, the foreign ministry said. In a statement, it cited cooperation in areas including energy security, trade and investment, infrastructure, defence and security. India is expecting Prince Mohammed to announce an initial investment in its National Investment and Infrastructure Fund (NIIF), a quasi-sovereign wealth fund, to help accelerate the building of ports and highways, an Indian official said. Saudi state media said Saudi officials will discuss investment in NIIF. Saudi Arabia has also flagged a desire to invest in India's farm sector, with products to be exported to Saudi, another official at the trade ministry said. Refinery hitch However, progress on a $44 billion refinery that Indian state-run oil companies agreed to build with Saudi Aramco on India's west coast has been held up by strong opposition from mango farmers who will lose their land. Since taking office in 2014, Modi has sought to use India's fast-growing economy to attract more investment from Saudi Arabia and other Islamic nations. As a fellow Muslim country, Pakistan has long maintained strong ties with Saudi Arabia. In late October, Riyadh offered Pakistan a $6 billion loan to help keep its ailing economy afloat. Saudi Arabia has also announced plans for a $10 billion refinery and petrochemical complex at the coastal city of Gwadar, where China is building a port as part of its vast Belt and Road initiative. "They’re looking at the energy sector, at some of our privatisation plans that they might bid for through our privatisation process," Pakistani investment minister Haroon Sharif told. Sharif, who chairs Pakistan's Board of Investment, said there was also Saudi interest in Pakistan's mining sector. "Saudi Arabia has huge resources. Their investment fund is over $1 trillion, so we want just a fraction of that," said a second Pakistani minister, who did not wish to be named. Saudi state news said Saudi officials will discuss investments with China, South Korea and Indonesia, in sectors including healthcare and telecommunications, without giving further details.

Pakistan, India hope to reap investment from Saudi prince's visit

Saudi Minister of State for Foreign Affairs Adel al-Jubeir on Friday told members of US-based media that Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman did not order the killing of the Washington Post's Jamal Khashoggi but declined to comment on a New York Times story <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/saudi-crown-prince-told-aide-he-would-use-a-bullet-on-khashoggi-report-195901">the prince would use "a bullet" on the journalist</a>.

"We know that this was not an authorized operation. There was no order given to conduct this operation," al-Jubeir said.

Khashoggi's fiancée seeks change in US approach

The fiancée of murdered Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi said on Friday she would welcome a change in Donald Trump's approach to the killing, and may visit the United States in March, having previously rejected an invitation from the president.

Khashoggi, a royal insider who became a critic of Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, was killed inside the Saudi consulate in Istanbul by a team of Saudi operatives on October&nbsp;2, provoking international revulsion.

Trump has resisted efforts in the US&nbsp;Congress to rebuke the Saudis, pointing to weapons sales as an important source of US&nbsp;jobs. His administration is also reluctant to disturb the strategic relationship with the kingdom, seen as an important regional counterbalance to Iran, arch-rival of US&nbsp;ally Israel.

"I might visit America in March," Khashoggi's fiancée Hatice Cengiz told a news conference to mark the release of her book on Khashoggi. "I would welcome it if he (Trump) has a new approach on following this issue closely, or new actions to take."

Trump previously invited Cengiz to the United States but she said she had rejected the invitation as she thought it was aimed at influencing public opinion in his own favour.

Earlier on Friday, an aide to President Tayyip Erdogan said Saudi officials' "complete lack of transparency" on the murder investigation is deeply concerning and detrimental to their credibility.

"Over the past four months, the Saudi authorities have been less than forthcoming in their dealings with their Turkish counterparts and the international community," said Fahrettin Altun, Erdogan's communications director.

"Saudi authorities must extradite Mr. Khashoggi's killers to Turkey, where they committed a premeditated murder, as proof of their willingness to serve the cause of justice," he said in a written statement to Reuters.

After making numerous contradictory statements about Khashoggi's fate, Riyadh said he had been killed and his body dismembered when negotiations to persuade him to return to Saudi Arabia failed.

US&nbsp;lawmakers seek penalties

Republican and Democratic US&nbsp;lawmakers renewed their push on Thursday to penalize Saudi Arabia for the murder ahead of Friday's deadline for Trump's administration to submit a report on whether the crown prince ordered the killing.

"The Congress is renewed, the members are changed. I am hopeful. There is still hope. I believe the new Congress would follow this issue closer," Cengiz said. Democrats now control the US&nbsp;House of Representatives.

Cengiz, a Turkish researcher, had waited outside the Istanbul consulate for hours on the day Khashoggi was killed and alerted the authorities and media when he did not leave.

Saudi Arabia has previously denied Turkey's extradition request for the 11 suspects, five of whom are facing the death penalty in Saudi Arabia.

Erdogan has said Khashoggi's killing was ordered by the highest level of Saudi leadership. Riyadh has rejected accusations that the crown prince was involved.

On Thursday, a United Nations-led inquiry into the murder said evidence pointed to a brutal crime "planned and perpetrated" by Saudi officials, adding that Saudi officials had "seriously undermined" and delayed Turkey's investigation.

"I wish this report will accelerate the process so that more concrete things will be done on this situation," Cengiz said. "I believe the UN&nbsp;report would have an international impact.

Altun said Turkey's findings on the case were in line with those of the UN-led inquiry, adding that Ankara was committed to cooperating in a potential UN&nbsp;investigation into the case.

Despite Turkey's joint investigation with Saudi officials looking at the kingdom's consulate in Istanbul, the consul's residence and several other locations, the whereabouts of Khashoggi's remains are still unknown.

Khashoggi's killing has severely strained ties between Turkey and Saudi Arabia, although Erdogan has good ties with the Saudi monarch, King Salman.

In an interview with Turkey's state broadcaster on Sunday, Erdogan said both the crown prince and Saudi's Adel al-Jubeir had lied about the case and pressure from Turkey had led to Jubeir being removed from his post as foreign minister in December.

Saudi Minister of State for Foreign Affairs Adel al-Jubeir on Friday told members of US-based media that Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman did not order the killing of the Washington Post's Jamal Khashoggi but declined to comment on a New York Times story the prince would use "a bullet" on the journalist.

Saudi Minister of State for Foreign Affairs Adel al-Jubeir on Friday told members of US-based media that Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman did not order the killing of the Washington Post's Jamal Khashoggi but declined to comment on a New York Times story the prince would use "a bullet" on the journalist. "We know that this was not an authorized operation. There was no order given to conduct this operation," al-Jubeir said. Khashoggi's fiancée seeks change in US approach The fiancée of murdered Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi said on Friday she would welcome a change in Donald Trump's approach to the killing, and may visit the United States in March, having previously rejected an invitation from the president. Khashoggi, a royal insider who became a critic of Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, was killed inside the Saudi consulate in Istanbul by a team of Saudi operatives on October 2, provoking international revulsion. Trump has resisted efforts in the US Congress to rebuke the Saudis, pointing to weapons sales as an important source of US jobs. His administration is also reluctant to disturb the strategic relationship with the kingdom, seen as an important regional counterbalance to Iran, arch-rival of US ally Israel. "I might visit America in March," Khashoggi's fiancée Hatice Cengiz told a news conference to mark the release of her book on Khashoggi. "I would welcome it if he (Trump) has a new approach on following this issue closely, or new actions to take." Trump previously invited Cengiz to the United States but she said she had rejected the invitation as she thought it was aimed at influencing public opinion in his own favour. Earlier on Friday, an aide to President Tayyip Erdogan said Saudi officials' "complete lack of transparency" on the murder investigation is deeply concerning and detrimental to their credibility. "Over the past four months, the Saudi authorities have been less than forthcoming in their dealings with their Turkish counterparts and the international community," said Fahrettin Altun, Erdogan's communications director. "Saudi authorities must extradite Mr. Khashoggi's killers to Turkey, where they committed a premeditated murder, as proof of their willingness to serve the cause of justice," he said in a written statement to Reuters. After making numerous contradictory statements about Khashoggi's fate, Riyadh said he had been killed and his body dismembered when negotiations to persuade him to return to Saudi Arabia failed. US lawmakers seek penalties Republican and Democratic US lawmakers renewed their push on Thursday to penalize Saudi Arabia for the murder ahead of Friday's deadline for Trump's administration to submit a report on whether the crown prince ordered the killing. "The Congress is renewed, the members are changed. I am hopeful. There is still hope. I believe the new Congress would follow this issue closer," Cengiz said. Democrats now control the US House of Representatives. Cengiz, a Turkish researcher, had waited outside the Istanbul consulate for hours on the day Khashoggi was killed and alerted the authorities and media when he did not leave. Saudi Arabia has previously denied Turkey's extradition request for the 11 suspects, five of whom are facing the death penalty in Saudi Arabia. Erdogan has said Khashoggi's killing was ordered by the highest level of Saudi leadership. Riyadh has rejected accusations that the crown prince was involved. On Thursday, a United Nations-led inquiry into the murder said evidence pointed to a brutal crime "planned and perpetrated" by Saudi officials, adding that Saudi officials had "seriously undermined" and delayed Turkey's investigation. "I wish this report will accelerate the process so that more concrete things will be done on this situation," Cengiz said. "I believe the UN report would have an international impact. Altun said Turkey's findings on the case were in line with those of the UN-led inquiry, adding that Ankara was committed to cooperating in a potential UN investigation into the case. Despite Turkey's joint investigation with Saudi officials looking at the kingdom's consulate in Istanbul, the consul's residence and several other locations, the whereabouts of Khashoggi's remains are still unknown. Khashoggi's killing has severely strained ties between Turkey and Saudi Arabia, although Erdogan has good ties with the Saudi monarch, King Salman. In an interview with Turkey's state broadcaster on Sunday, Erdogan said both the crown prince and Saudi's Adel al-Jubeir had lied about the case and pressure from Turkey had led to Jubeir being removed from his post as foreign minister in December.

Crown prince did not order Khashoggi killing: Saudi minister for foreign affairs

A draft US Senate resolution effectively portraying Saudi policy as detrimental to US interests and values and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman as “complicit” in the killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi, if adopted and implemented, potentially could change the dynamics of the region's politics and create an initial exit from almost a decade of mayhem, conflict and bloodshed.

The six-page draft also holds Prince Mohammed accountable for the devastating war in Yemen that has sparked one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises, the failure to end the 17-month-old Saudi-United Arab Emirates-led economic and diplomatic boycott of Qatar, and the jailing and torture of Saudi dissidents and activists.

In doing so, the resolution confronts not only Prince Mohammed's policies but also by implication those of his closest ally, UAE crown prince Mohammed bin Zayed. The UAE was the first country that Saudi leader visited after the Khashoggi killing.

By in effect challenging the position of king-in-waiting Prince Mohammed, the resolution raises the question whether some of his closest allies, including the UAE crown prince, will in future want to be identified that closely with him.

Moreover, by demanding the release of activist Raif bin Muhammad Badawi, better known as Raif Badawi, and women's rights activists, the resolution further the challenges fundamentals of Prince Mohammed's iron-fisted repression of his critics, the extent of his proposed social reforms as part of his drive to diversify and streamline the Saudi economy, and the kingdom's human rights record.

A 34-year-old blogger who named his website Free Saudi Liberals, Badawi was barred from travel and had his assets frozen in 2009, arrested in 2012, and sentenced to 10 years in prison and 1,000 lashes for insulting Islam. His sister, Samar Badawi, a women’s rights activist, was detained earlier this year. Badawi’s wife and children were granted asylum and citizenship in Canada.

A diplomatic row that stunned many erupted in August when Saudi Arabia expelled the Canadian ambassador after the foreign ministry in Ottawa demanded in a tweet the release of Badawi and other activists.

Prince Mohammed and Saudi Arabia, even prior to the introduction of the Senate resolution, were discovering that the Khashoggi killing had weakened the kingdom internationally and had made it more vulnerable to pressure.

Talks in Sweden between the Saudi-backed Yemeni government and Houthi rebels to end the war is the most immediate consequence of the kingdom's changing position.

So is the resolution that is unprecedented in the scope and harshness of the criticism of a long-standing ally.&nbsp;

While the resolution is likely to spark initial anger among some of Prince's Mohammed's allies, it nevertheless, if adopted and/or implemented, could persuade some like UAE crown prince Mohammed to rethink their fundamental strategies.

The relationship between the two Mohammeds constituted a cornerstone of the UAE leader's strategy to achieve his political, foreign policy and defence goals.

These include projecting the Emirates as a guiding light of cutting-edge Arab and Muslim modernity; ensuring that the Middle East fits the crown prince's autocratic, anti-Islamist mould; and enabling the UAE, described by US defence secretary Jim Mattis as 'Little Sparta,' to punch above its weight politically, diplomatically and militarily.

To compensate for the Emirates’ small size, Prince Mohammed opted to pursue his goals in part by working through the Saudi royal court. In leaked emails, UAE ambassador to Washington Yousef al-Otaiba, a close associate of Prince Mohammed, said of the Saudi crown prince that

“I don’t think we’ll ever see a more pragmatic leader in that country.”

Al-Otaiba went on to say: “I think in the long term we might be a good influence on KSA (Kingdom of Saudi Arabia), at least with certain people there. Our relationship with them is based on strategic depth, shared interests, and most importantly the hope that we could influence them. Not the other way around.”

The impact of the Senate resolution and what it means for the US policy will to a large extent depend on the politics of the differences between the Congress and President Donald J Trump who has so far sought to shield the Saudi crown prince.

To further do so, Trump, with or without the resolution, would likely have to pressure Saudi Arabia to give him something tangible to work with such as an immediate release of imprisoned activists followed by a resolution of the Qatar crisis as well as some indication that the Yemen peace negotiations are progressing.

Whichever way, the fallout of the Khashoggi killing, culminating in unprecedented Congressional anger against Prince Mohammed and the kingdom, is likely to have significant consequences not only for the Saudi crown prince but potentially also for the strategy of his UAE counterpart.

That in turn could create light at the end of the Middle East's tunnel of almost a decade of volatility and violent and bloody conflict that has been driven by Saudi and UAE assertiveness in countering dissent at home and abroad in the wake of the 2011 popular Arab revolts as well as Iran that has played its part in countries like Syria and Yemen in fuelling destruction and bloodshed.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

A draft US Senate resolution effectively portraying Saudi policy as detrimental to US interests and values and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman as “complicit” in the killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi, if adopted and implemented, potentially could change the dynamics of the region's politics and create an initial exit from almost a decade of mayhem, conflict and bloodshed.

A draft US Senate resolution effectively portraying Saudi policy as detrimental to US interests and values and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman as “complicit” in the killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi, if adopted and implemented, potentially could change the dynamics of the region's politics and create an initial exit from almost a decade of mayhem, conflict and bloodshed. The six-page draft also holds Prince Mohammed accountable for the devastating war in Yemen that has sparked one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises, the failure to end the 17-month-old Saudi-United Arab Emirates-led economic and diplomatic boycott of Qatar, and the jailing and torture of Saudi dissidents and activists. In doing so, the resolution confronts not only Prince Mohammed's policies but also by implication those of his closest ally, UAE crown prince Mohammed bin Zayed. The UAE was the first country that Saudi leader visited after the Khashoggi killing. By in effect challenging the position of king-in-waiting Prince Mohammed, the resolution raises the question whether some of his closest allies, including the UAE crown prince, will in future want to be identified that closely with him. Moreover, by demanding the release of activist Raif bin Muhammad Badawi, better known as Raif Badawi, and women's rights activists, the resolution further the challenges fundamentals of Prince Mohammed's iron-fisted repression of his critics, the extent of his proposed social reforms as part of his drive to diversify and streamline the Saudi economy, and the kingdom's human rights record. A 34-year-old blogger who named his website Free Saudi Liberals, Badawi was barred from travel and had his assets frozen in 2009, arrested in 2012, and sentenced to 10 years in prison and 1,000 lashes for insulting Islam. His sister, Samar Badawi, a women’s rights activist, was detained earlier this year. Badawi’s wife and children were granted asylum and citizenship in Canada. A diplomatic row that stunned many erupted in August when Saudi Arabia expelled the Canadian ambassador after the foreign ministry in Ottawa demanded in a tweet the release of Badawi and other activists. Prince Mohammed and Saudi Arabia, even prior to the introduction of the Senate resolution, were discovering that the Khashoggi killing had weakened the kingdom internationally and had made it more vulnerable to pressure. Talks in Sweden between the Saudi-backed Yemeni government and Houthi rebels to end the war is the most immediate consequence of the kingdom's changing position. So is the resolution that is unprecedented in the scope and harshness of the criticism of a long-standing ally. While the resolution is likely to spark initial anger among some of Prince's Mohammed's allies, it nevertheless, if adopted and/or implemented, could persuade some like UAE crown prince Mohammed to rethink their fundamental strategies. The relationship between the two Mohammeds constituted a cornerstone of the UAE leader's strategy to achieve his political, foreign policy and defence goals. These include projecting the Emirates as a guiding light of cutting-edge Arab and Muslim modernity; ensuring that the Middle East fits the crown prince's autocratic, anti-Islamist mould; and enabling the UAE, described by US defence secretary Jim Mattis as 'Little Sparta,' to punch above its weight politically, diplomatically and militarily. To compensate for the Emirates’ small size, Prince Mohammed opted to pursue his goals in part by working through the Saudi royal court. In leaked emails, UAE ambassador to Washington Yousef al-Otaiba, a close associate of Prince Mohammed, said of the Saudi crown prince that “I don’t think we’ll ever see a more pragmatic leader in that country.” Al-Otaiba went on to say: “I think in the long term we might be a good influence on KSA (Kingdom of Saudi Arabia), at least with certain people there. Our relationship with them is based on strategic depth, shared interests, and most importantly the hope that we could influence them. Not the other way around.” The impact of the Senate resolution and what it means for the US policy will to a large extent depend on the politics of the differences between the Congress and President Donald J Trump who has so far sought to shield the Saudi crown prince. To further do so, Trump, with or without the resolution, would likely have to pressure Saudi Arabia to give him something tangible to work with such as an immediate release of imprisoned activists followed by a resolution of the Qatar crisis as well as some indication that the Yemen peace negotiations are progressing. Whichever way, the fallout of the Khashoggi killing, culminating in unprecedented Congressional anger against Prince Mohammed and the kingdom, is likely to have significant consequences not only for the Saudi crown prince but potentially also for the strategy of his UAE counterpart. That in turn could create light at the end of the Middle East's tunnel of almost a decade of volatility and violent and bloody conflict that has been driven by Saudi and UAE assertiveness in countering dissent at home and abroad in the wake of the 2011 popular Arab revolts as well as Iran that has played its part in countries like Syria and Yemen in fuelling destruction and bloodshed. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

US Senate resolution potentially changes Middle East dynamics

Putin and Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince exchanged a high-five at G20 Summit

Prime Minister Narendra Modi will be meeting Saudi crown prince Mohammed Bin Salman in Argentina today. India will be discussing all issues of bilateral and regional interest.

Oil prices is&nbsp;the&nbsp;key issue for India and foreign secretary Vijay Gokhale in a briefing before the G20 summit had said India will highlight the risks posed by oil price volatility at the summit as it "is something which has directly impacted the Indian economy."

He also added, "It is something which affects the lives of people and it is incumbent that the leaders of 20 largest economy to reflect upon both the price of oil and its availability in the market."

On the sidelines of the G-20 Hangzhou Summit in September 2016, Prime Minister had held&nbsp;bilateral meeting with the Deputy Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman during which the&nbsp;two leaders discussed ways of further strengthening and diversifying bilateral engagements.

For India, Saudi Arabia has been a valuable partner and the relationship has expanded beyond the Indian community to issues related to the economy, energy and security.

PM&nbsp;Narendra Modi had visited Riyadh from April 2-3, 2016 during which he had met King Salman &amp; Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman. In a special gesture during the visit King Salman honoured Prime Minister Narendra&nbsp;Modi with the ‘Sash of King Abdulaziz’, the highest civilian decoration awarded by the&nbsp;Kingdom.&nbsp;

Prime Minister Narendra Modi will be meeting Saudi crown prince Mohammed Bin Salman in Argentina today. India will be discussing all issues of bilateral and regional interest.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi will be meeting Saudi crown prince Mohammed Bin Salman in Argentina today. India will be discussing all issues of bilateral and regional interest. Oil prices is the key issue for India and foreign secretary Vijay Gokhale in a briefing before the G20 summit had said India will highlight the risks posed by oil price volatility at the summit as it "is something which has directly impacted the Indian economy." He also added, "It is something which affects the lives of people and it is incumbent that the leaders of 20 largest economy to reflect upon both the price of oil and its availability in the market." On the sidelines of the G-20 Hangzhou Summit in September 2016, Prime Minister had held bilateral meeting with the Deputy Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman during which the two leaders discussed ways of further strengthening and diversifying bilateral engagements. For India, Saudi Arabia has been a valuable partner and the relationship has expanded beyond the Indian community to issues related to the economy, energy and security. PM Narendra Modi had visited Riyadh from April 2-3, 2016 during which he had met King Salman & Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman. In a special gesture during the visit King Salman honoured Prime Minister Narendra Modi with the ‘Sash of King Abdulaziz’, the highest civilian decoration awarded by the Kingdom.

G20 summit: PM Modi to meet  Saudi crown prince Mohammed Bin Salman

Canada announced targeted<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/police-search-villas-in-northwest-turkey-for-khashoggi-remains-179602"> sanctions Thursday against 17 Saudi nationals</a> it said were linked to the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi in Istanbul last month.

The sanctions, which freezes their <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/khashoggis-daughters-promise-to-keep-his-legacy-alive-179214">assets and bars their travel</a> to Canada, "target individuals who are, in the opinion of the government of Canada, responsible for or complicit in the extrajudicial killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi on October 2, 2018," foreign affairs minister Chrystia Freeland said in a statement.

At the same time, Ottawa continued to call for "a transparent and rigorous accounting of the circumstances" surrounding Khashoggi's murder, saying that "the explanations offered to date by Saudi Arabia lack consistency and credibility."

"The murder of Jamal Khashoggi is abhorrent and represents an unconscionable attack on the freedom of expression of all individuals," Freeland also told a press conference in Buenos Aires on the sidelines of the G20 summit.

"This case is not closed," she said. "Those responsible for Jamal Khashoggi's murder must be held to account and must face justice."

Freeland accompanied Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau to the summit, also attended by Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.

Saudi Arabia has said that 21 people are in custody, with death penalties sought against five men.

International pressure has mounted on Riyadh to find those responsible for the grisly murder of Khashoggi, a US resident who wrote for The Washington Post and had been critical of Prince Mohammed.

A recent CIA analysis leaked to the US media reportedly pointed the finger at Prince Mohammed, though Saudi prosecutors have said he had no role in the killing.

The Canadian sanctions target individuals alleged to be members of a Saudi hit squad that carried out the killing, as well as close aides of the prince.

They come after allies France, Germany and the United States imposed similar sanctions on these individuals.

Canada announced targeted sanctions Thursday against 17 Saudi nationals it said were linked to the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi in Istanbul last month. The sanctions, which freezes their assets and bars their travel to Canada, "target individuals who are, in the opinion of the government of Canada, responsible for or complicit in the extrajudicial killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi on October 2, 2018," foreign affairs minister Chrystia Freeland said in a statement.

Canada announced targeted sanctions Thursday against 17 Saudi nationals it said were linked to the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi in Istanbul last month. The sanctions, which freezes their assets and bars their travel to Canada, "target individuals who are, in the opinion of the government of Canada, responsible for or complicit in the extrajudicial killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi on October 2, 2018," foreign affairs minister Chrystia Freeland said in a statement. At the same time, Ottawa continued to call for "a transparent and rigorous accounting of the circumstances" surrounding Khashoggi's murder, saying that "the explanations offered to date by Saudi Arabia lack consistency and credibility." "The murder of Jamal Khashoggi is abhorrent and represents an unconscionable attack on the freedom of expression of all individuals," Freeland also told a press conference in Buenos Aires on the sidelines of the G20 summit. "This case is not closed," she said. "Those responsible for Jamal Khashoggi's murder must be held to account and must face justice." Freeland accompanied Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau to the summit, also attended by Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. Saudi Arabia has said that 21 people are in custody, with death penalties sought against five men. International pressure has mounted on Riyadh to find those responsible for the grisly murder of Khashoggi, a US resident who wrote for The Washington Post and had been critical of Prince Mohammed. A recent CIA analysis leaked to the US media reportedly pointed the finger at Prince Mohammed, though Saudi prosecutors have said he had no role in the killing. The Canadian sanctions target individuals alleged to be members of a Saudi hit squad that carried out the killing, as well as close aides of the prince. They come after allies France, Germany and the United States imposed similar sanctions on these individuals.

Canada imposes sanctions against Saudi nationals allegedly linked to Khashoggi's murder

Luggage carried by a 15-member Saudi team dispatched to Istanbul included scissors, defibrillators and syringes that may have been used against journalist Jamal Khashoggi, who was murdered in the Saudi consulate, a pro-government Turkish daily said Tuesday.

X-ray images of the luggage were published in the Sabah newspaper as the New York Times reported that a member of the team at the consulate had told a superior by phone to "tell your boss", suspected to be Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, that the operation was accomplished.&nbsp;

Turkish media has published gruesome details of the murder of 59-year-old Khashoggi who according to a Turkish prosecutor was strangled and dismembered soon after he entered the Istanbul consulate on October 2 to obtain paperwork for his marriage to his Turkish fiancee.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/im-suffocating-take-this-bag-off-my-head-jamal-khashoggis-last-words-176839">Jamal Khashoggi's last words were 'I'm suffocating... take this bag off my head'</a>

After repeated denials, Saudi Arabia finally admitted Khashoggi, a Washington Post columnist and Riyadh critic, had been murdered at the mission in a "rogue" operation.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has said the 15-member Saudi team travelled from Riyadh to Istanbul to kill Khashoggi.

The luggage carried by the team was loaded into two planes that left for Riyadh at 1520 GMT and 1946 GMT on October 2, Sabah newspaper said.

The luggage contained 10 phones, five walkie-talkies, intercoms, two syringes, two defibrillators, a jamming device, staplers, and scissors, the paper reported.

'Tell your boss'

The team was being led by Maher Abdulaziz Mutreb, the man named by Turkish media as the head of the operation against Khashoggi.

The New York Times, quoting sources familiar with a recording of Khashoggi's killing, reported Monday that Mutreb -- a security officer who frequently travelled with Prince Mohammed -- picked up a phone at the consulate to say "tell your boss" that the operation was accomplished.

Turkish intelligence officers have told US officials they believe Mutreb was speaking to one of the prince's aides, it reported.

And American intelligence officials believe "your boss" was a reference to Prince Mohammed.

Erdogan has said the order to murder Khashoggi came from "the highest levels" of the Saudi government and he pointedly failed to absolve Crown Prince Salman of responsibility.

Ankara has shared voice recordings linked to the murder with a number of countries including Saudi Arabia as well as the United States and its Western allies.

But Turkish officials say they played them the recordings but did not hand them over.

"We played the voice recording linked to the murder with anyone who wanted," Erdogan told Turkish journalists aboard a plane returning from Paris where he attended commemorations at the weekend marking the 100th anniversary of the end of World War I.

"The recording is really disastrous," he said in quotes published by Sabah.

"When the Saudi intelligence agent listened, he was shocked and said this could only be done by someone who got heroin."

Khashoggi's body has never been found, but Sabah reported on Saturday that his killers poured his remains down the drain after dissolving them in acid.

Luggage carried by a 15-member Saudi team dispatched to Istanbul included scissors, defibrillators and syringes that may have been used against journalist Jamal Khashoggi, who was murdered in the Saudi consulate, a pro-government Turkish daily said Tuesday.

Luggage carried by a 15-member Saudi team dispatched to Istanbul included scissors, defibrillators and syringes that may have been used against journalist Jamal Khashoggi, who was murdered in the Saudi consulate, a pro-government Turkish daily said Tuesday. X-ray images of the luggage were published in the Sabah newspaper as the New York Times reported that a member of the team at the consulate had told a superior by phone to "tell your boss", suspected to be Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, that the operation was accomplished. Turkish media has published gruesome details of the murder of 59-year-old Khashoggi who according to a Turkish prosecutor was strangled and dismembered soon after he entered the Istanbul consulate on October 2 to obtain paperwork for his marriage to his Turkish fiancee. Also read: Jamal Khashoggi's last words were 'I'm suffocating... take this bag off my head' After repeated denials, Saudi Arabia finally admitted Khashoggi, a Washington Post columnist and Riyadh critic, had been murdered at the mission in a "rogue" operation. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has said the 15-member Saudi team travelled from Riyadh to Istanbul to kill Khashoggi. The luggage carried by the team was loaded into two planes that left for Riyadh at 1520 GMT and 1946 GMT on October 2, Sabah newspaper said. The luggage contained 10 phones, five walkie-talkies, intercoms, two syringes, two defibrillators, a jamming device, staplers, and scissors, the paper reported. 'Tell your boss' The team was being led by Maher Abdulaziz Mutreb, the man named by Turkish media as the head of the operation against Khashoggi. The New York Times, quoting sources familiar with a recording of Khashoggi's killing, reported Monday that Mutreb -- a security officer who frequently travelled with Prince Mohammed -- picked up a phone at the consulate to say "tell your boss" that the operation was accomplished. Turkish intelligence officers have told US officials they believe Mutreb was speaking to one of the prince's aides, it reported. And American intelligence officials believe "your boss" was a reference to Prince Mohammed. Erdogan has said the order to murder Khashoggi came from "the highest levels" of the Saudi government and he pointedly failed to absolve Crown Prince Salman of responsibility. Ankara has shared voice recordings linked to the murder with a number of countries including Saudi Arabia as well as the United States and its Western allies. But Turkish officials say they played them the recordings but did not hand them over. "We played the voice recording linked to the murder with anyone who wanted," Erdogan told Turkish journalists aboard a plane returning from Paris where he attended commemorations at the weekend marking the 100th anniversary of the end of World War I. "The recording is really disastrous," he said in quotes published by Sabah. "When the Saudi intelligence agent listened, he was shocked and said this could only be done by someone who got heroin." Khashoggi's body has never been found, but Sabah reported on Saturday that his killers poured his remains down the drain after dissolving them in acid.

Khashoggi killing: Saudi hit squad's luggage contained syringes & scissors, says report

A Turkish newspaper has said Jamal Khashoggi's last words were: "<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/khashoggi-was-dead-in-twenty-minutes-says-tura-khislakchi-as-he-unfolds-the-incident-to-wion-173771">I'm suffocating... take this bag off my head</a>, I'm claustrophobic."&nbsp;

The revelation was made by the Turkish newspaper Daily Sabah, which said Khashoggi's murder took seven minutes.&nbsp;

Sabah added that it would soon release audio of Khashoggi's last minutes.&nbsp;

Khashoggi — he was a columnist for the Washington Post columnist and a critic of the Saudi Arabian regime — was murdered inside the Saudi consulate in Istanbul, Turkey on October 2.&nbsp;

Khashoggi had gone to the consulate to pick up papers that would allow him to remarry.&nbsp;

The revelations about Khashoggi's last words and the time take to kill him were made by Nazif Karaman, head of investigations at Daily Sabah, to Al Jazeera.&nbsp;

The Saudis had at first denied any knowledge of the murder, before finally confessing to it two weeks later.&nbsp;

News reports have since said a 15-man hit squad was flown into Istanbul to kill Khashoggi. That his body was dismembered with a bone saw after the killing and dissolved in acid before being disposed of.&nbsp;

Khashoggi's body or the remains of it have not yet been found.&nbsp;

Karaman told Al Jazeera the hit squad had covered the floor with plastic bags before dismembering Khashoggi's body

Karaman said the Sabah would soon publish images of the tools the hit squad brought into Turkey. He added that his newspaper would also publish recordings that document the last moments of Khashoggi's life.&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

A Turkish newspaper has said Jamal Khashoggi's last words were: "I'm suffocating... take this bag off my head, I'm claustrophobic." The revelation was made by the Turkish newspaper Daily Sabah, which said Khashoggi's murder took seven minutes.

A Turkish newspaper has said Jamal Khashoggi's last words were: "I'm suffocating... take this bag off my head, I'm claustrophobic." The revelation was made by the Turkish newspaper Daily Sabah, which said Khashoggi's murder took seven minutes. Sabah added that it would soon release audio of Khashoggi's last minutes. Khashoggi — he was a columnist for the Washington Post columnist and a critic of the Saudi Arabian regime — was murdered inside the Saudi consulate in Istanbul, Turkey on October 2. Khashoggi had gone to the consulate to pick up papers that would allow him to remarry. The revelations about Khashoggi's last words and the time take to kill him were made by Nazif Karaman, head of investigations at Daily Sabah, to Al Jazeera. The Saudis had at first denied any knowledge of the murder, before finally confessing to it two weeks later. News reports have since said a 15-man hit squad was flown into Istanbul to kill Khashoggi. That his body was dismembered with a bone saw after the killing and dissolved in acid before being disposed of. Khashoggi's body or the remains of it have not yet been found. Karaman told Al Jazeera the hit squad had covered the floor with plastic bags before dismembering Khashoggi's body Karaman said the Sabah would soon publish images of the tools the hit squad brought into Turkey. He added that his newspaper would also publish recordings that document the last moments of Khashoggi's life.

I'm suffocating... take this bag off my head: Jamal Khashoggi's last words

Khashoggi's supporters call for justice outside Saudi consulate in Istanbul

A complex man of contradictions, journalist Jamal Khashoggi went from being a Saudi royal family insider to an outspoken critic of the ultra-conservative kingdom's government. Now even Donald Trump fears he is dead.

In what might be his last ever column for The Washington Post, Khashoggi perhaps presciently pleaded for greater freedom for the press in the Middle East.

"The Arab world is facing its own version of an Iron Curtain, imposed not by external actors but through domestic forces vying for power," he writes, in the column released two weeks after he disappeared in Istanbul.

"We need to provide a platform for Arab voices," he argues.

Now it appears his voice may have been permanently silenced.

The Saudi journalist -- last seen on October 2 entering his country's consulate in Istanbul to obtain some marriage papers -- went into self-imposed exile in the United States in 2017 after falling out with Saudi's powerful Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.

His disappearance has been shrouded in mystery, and triggered an international crisis for both Riyadh and Washington as Turkish officials have accused Saudi Arabia of a state-sponsored killing.

Riyadh has denied the kingdom gave orders to kill Khashoggi and agreed to investigate his death.&nbsp;

But the US president on Thursday said for the first time he now believes that Khashoggi is dead. "It certainly looks that way to me. It's very sad," Trump told reporters.

Bin Laden to Muslim brotherhood

Khashoggi comes from a prominent Saudi family with Turkish origins.

His grandfather, Mohammed Khashoggi, was the personal doctor of Saudi Arabia's founder, King Abdul Aziz al-Saud. His uncle was the notorious arms dealer Adnan Khashoggi.&nbsp;

A friend of a young Osama bin Laden; a Muslim Brotherhood sympathiser; an aide to the Saudi royal family; a critic of the kingdom's regime and a liberal -- such conflicting descriptions have all been ascribed to Khashoggi.&nbsp;

After graduating from Indiana State University in 1982, he began working for Saudi dailies, including the Saudi Gazette and Al-Sharq al-Awsat.&nbsp;

When he was sent to cover the conflict in Afghanistan, a picture of a young Khashoggi holding an assault rifle and dressed in Afghani clothing was widely disseminated. Khashoggi did not fight in the country, but sympathised with the Mujahideen in the 1980s war against the Soviet occupation, which was funded by the Saudis and the CIA.&nbsp;

He is known to have been drawn to the Muslim Brotherhood's policies seeking to erase the remnants of Western colonialism from the Arab world.

It was this shared vision that brought him closer to a young Saudi called Osama bin Laden, who went on to found Al-Qaeda which carried out the September 11, 2001 attacks on the United States.

As a young journalist, Khashoggi interviewed bin Laden several times, garnering international attention. But later in the 1990s he distanced himself from the man who called for violence against the West.

'Too progressive'

Born in the Saudi holy city of Medina on October 13, 1958, Khashoggi spent his youth studying Islamic ideology and embraced liberal ideas.&nbsp;

But Saudi authorities came to see Khashoggi as too progressive and he was forced to resign as editor-in-chief of the Saudi daily Al-Watan in 2003 after serving just 54 days.&nbsp;

Over the years, he maintained ambiguous ties with Saudi authorities, having held advisory positions in Riyadh and Washington, including to Prince Turki al-Faisal, who ran Saudi Arabia's intelligence agency for more than 20 years.

When Faisal was appointed ambassador to Washington in 2005, Khashoggi went with him.

In 2007, Khashoggi returned to Al-Watan newspaper, lasting almost three years before being fired for "his editorial style, pushing boundaries of discussion and debate within Saudi society", according to Khashoggi's website.&nbsp;

He became close to Saudi billionaire Prince Al-Waleed bin Talal and together they launched in Manama a 24-hour news station, Al-Arab.&nbsp;

However, Bahrain -- a staunch Saudi ally -- shut it down in 2015 less than 24 hours after it broadcast an interview with an opposition official.&nbsp;

'Fear, intimidation'

Khashoggi fled Saudi Arabia in September 2017, just months after Prince Mohammed was appointed heir to the region's most powerful throne.

Months later, Prince Al-Waleed and hundreds of officials and businessmen were arrested in November 2017 in what the Saudis called an anti-corruption campaign.

In an article published in the Post last year, Khashoggi, whose 60th birthday was on October 13, said under Prince Mohammed -- the kingdom's de facto ruler -- Saudi Arabia was entering a new era of "fear, intimidation, arrests and public shaming".&nbsp;

He said he had been banned from writing in the pan-Arab daily Al-Hayat for defending the Muslim Brotherhood which Riyadh has blacklisted as a terrorist organisation.&nbsp;

And he said Saudi authorities had banned him from using his verified Twitter account after he said the country should be "rightfully nervous about a Trump presidency".&nbsp;

Trump has expressed support for Crown Prince Mohammed, and his son-in-law and advisor Jared Kushner has deliberately cultivated close ties with the prince, known as MBS.

Khashoggi, who was due to marry his Turkish fiancee Hatice Cengiz this month, has also criticised Saudi Arabia's role in the Yemen conflict and opposed a Saudi-led boycott of Qatar.

"For his domestic reform programme, the crown prince deserves praise. But at the same time, the brash and abrasive young innovator has not encouraged or permitted any popular debate in Saudi Arabia about the nature of his many changes," Khashoggi wrote in the British daily The Guardian in March.

"He appears to be moving the country from old-time religious extremism to his own 'You-must-accept-my-reform' extremism."

A complex man of contradictions, journalist Jamal Khashoggi went from being a Saudi royal family insider to an outspoken critic of the ultra-conservative kingdom's government.

A complex man of contradictions, journalist Jamal Khashoggi went from being a Saudi royal family insider to an outspoken critic of the ultra-conservative kingdom's government. Now even Donald Trump fears he is dead. In what might be his last ever column for The Washington Post, Khashoggi perhaps presciently pleaded for greater freedom for the press in the Middle East. "The Arab world is facing its own version of an Iron Curtain, imposed not by external actors but through domestic forces vying for power," he writes, in the column released two weeks after he disappeared in Istanbul. "We need to provide a platform for Arab voices," he argues. Now it appears his voice may have been permanently silenced. The Saudi journalist -- last seen on October 2 entering his country's consulate in Istanbul to obtain some marriage papers -- went into self-imposed exile in the United States in 2017 after falling out with Saudi's powerful Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. His disappearance has been shrouded in mystery, and triggered an international crisis for both Riyadh and Washington as Turkish officials have accused Saudi Arabia of a state-sponsored killing. Riyadh has denied the kingdom gave orders to kill Khashoggi and agreed to investigate his death. But the US president on Thursday said for the first time he now believes that Khashoggi is dead. "It certainly looks that way to me. It's very sad," Trump told reporters. Bin Laden to Muslim brotherhood Khashoggi comes from a prominent Saudi family with Turkish origins. His grandfather, Mohammed Khashoggi, was the personal doctor of Saudi Arabia's founder, King Abdul Aziz al-Saud. His uncle was the notorious arms dealer Adnan Khashoggi. A friend of a young Osama bin Laden; a Muslim Brotherhood sympathiser; an aide to the Saudi royal family; a critic of the kingdom's regime and a liberal -- such conflicting descriptions have all been ascribed to Khashoggi. After graduating from Indiana State University in 1982, he began working for Saudi dailies, including the Saudi Gazette and Al-Sharq al-Awsat. When he was sent to cover the conflict in Afghanistan, a picture of a young Khashoggi holding an assault rifle and dressed in Afghani clothing was widely disseminated. Khashoggi did not fight in the country, but sympathised with the Mujahideen in the 1980s war against the Soviet occupation, which was funded by the Saudis and the CIA. He is known to have been drawn to the Muslim Brotherhood's policies seeking to erase the remnants of Western colonialism from the Arab world. It was this shared vision that brought him closer to a young Saudi called Osama bin Laden, who went on to found Al-Qaeda which carried out the September 11, 2001 attacks on the United States. As a young journalist, Khashoggi interviewed bin Laden several times, garnering international attention. But later in the 1990s he distanced himself from the man who called for violence against the West. 'Too progressive' Born in the Saudi holy city of Medina on October 13, 1958, Khashoggi spent his youth studying Islamic ideology and embraced liberal ideas. But Saudi authorities came to see Khashoggi as too progressive and he was forced to resign as editor-in-chief of the Saudi daily Al-Watan in 2003 after serving just 54 days. Over the years, he maintained ambiguous ties with Saudi authorities, having held advisory positions in Riyadh and Washington, including to Prince Turki al-Faisal, who ran Saudi Arabia's intelligence agency for more than 20 years. When Faisal was appointed ambassador to Washington in 2005, Khashoggi went with him. In 2007, Khashoggi returned to Al-Watan newspaper, lasting almost three years before being fired for "his editorial style, pushing boundaries of discussion and debate within Saudi society", according to Khashoggi's website. He became close to Saudi billionaire Prince Al-Waleed bin Talal and together they launched in Manama a 24-hour news station, Al-Arab. However, Bahrain -- a staunch Saudi ally -- shut it down in 2015 less than 24 hours after it broadcast an interview with an opposition official. 'Fear, intimidation' Khashoggi fled Saudi Arabia in September 2017, just months after Prince Mohammed was appointed heir to the region's most powerful throne. Months later, Prince Al-Waleed and hundreds of officials and businessmen were arrested in November 2017 in what the Saudis called an anti-corruption campaign. In an article published in the Post last year, Khashoggi, whose 60th birthday was on October 13, said under Prince Mohammed -- the kingdom's de facto ruler -- Saudi Arabia was entering a new era of "fear, intimidation, arrests and public shaming". He said he had been banned from writing in the pan-Arab daily Al-Hayat for defending the Muslim Brotherhood which Riyadh has blacklisted as a terrorist organisation. And he said Saudi authorities had banned him from using his verified Twitter account after he said the country should be "rightfully nervous about a Trump presidency". Trump has expressed support for Crown Prince Mohammed, and his son-in-law and advisor Jared Kushner has deliberately cultivated close ties with the prince, known as MBS. Khashoggi, who was due to marry his Turkish fiancee Hatice Cengiz this month, has also criticised Saudi Arabia's role in the Yemen conflict and opposed a Saudi-led boycott of Qatar. "For his domestic reform programme, the crown prince deserves praise. But at the same time, the brash and abrasive young innovator has not encouraged or permitted any popular debate in Saudi Arabia about the nature of his many changes," Khashoggi wrote in the British daily The Guardian in March. "He appears to be moving the country from old-time religious extremism to his own 'You-must-accept-my-reform' extremism."

Jamal Khashoggi: From Saudi royal insider to open critic

French Economy Minister Bruno Le Maire on Thursday became the latest in an array of policy-makers and corporate chiefs to pull out of an investment conference in Saudi Arabia next week, following the disappearance of journalist Jamal Khashoggi.

Company leaders risk losing lucrative business with the kingdom by shunning the conference. But claims by Turkish officials that Khashoggi was killed by a hit squad in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul have left them in an awkward spot.

Le Maire joined International Monetary Fund chief Christine Lagarde in withdrawing, telling France's Public Senat TV channel that "the current circumstances do not allow me to go to Riyadh".

US Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin says he will decide later on Thursday whether to attend, after reviewing the outcome of a diplomatic dash by Secretary of State Mike Pompeo to Saudi Arabia and Turkey. &nbsp;

The October 23-25 conference is billed as a showcase for the economic reforms of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.

But it has been thrown into confusion since Khashoggi, a Saudi national and US resident who was strongly critical of the crown prince, failed to emerge from a visit to the Istanbul consulate on October 2.

The conference's website previously featured a star-studded list of speakers. But that has been removed following the steady flow of defections.

Here is an updated list of no-shows based on official announcements and reports by Bloomberg News and CNBC:

Finance

-- HSBC chief executive John Flint

-- Credit Suisse CEO Tidjane Thiam

-- MasterCard CEO Ajay Banga

(HSBC, Credit Suisse and MasterCard are listed among the eight "strategic partners" of the conference. Another is Siemens, whose boss Joe Kaeser says he is still mulling whether to come.)

-- BNP Paribas chairman Jean Lemierre

-- Societe Generale CEO Frederic Oudea

-- JPMorgan Chase CEO Jamie Dimon&nbsp;

-- BlackRock chief Larry Fink

-- Blackstone CEO Stephen Schwarzman

-- Standard Chartered CEO Bill Winters

-- London Stock Exchange CEO David Schwimmer.

Industry/Technology

&nbsp;-- Ford chairman Bill Ford&nbsp;

-- Uber CEO Dara Khosrowshahi&nbsp;

-- British billionaire Richard Branson&nbsp;

-- Thrive CEO Ariana Huffington&nbsp;

-- Google Cloud CEO Diane Greene.

Media

&nbsp;-- Viacom CEO Bob Bakish.

In addition, multiple media groups have withdrawn executives or journalists who were due to take part in the conference, including CNN, Bloomberg, The Economist, the New York Times, CNBC and the Financial Times.

French Economy Minister Bruno Le Maire on Thursday became the latest in an array of policy-makers and corporate chiefs to pull out of an investment conference in Saudi Arabia next week, following the disappearance of journalist Jamal Khashoggi.

French Economy Minister Bruno Le Maire on Thursday became the latest in an array of policy-makers and corporate chiefs to pull out of an investment conference in Saudi Arabia next week, following the disappearance of journalist Jamal Khashoggi. Company leaders risk losing lucrative business with the kingdom by shunning the conference. But claims by Turkish officials that Khashoggi was killed by a hit squad in the Saudi consulate in Istanbul have left them in an awkward spot. Le Maire joined International Monetary Fund chief Christine Lagarde in withdrawing, telling France's Public Senat TV channel that "the current circumstances do not allow me to go to Riyadh". US Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin says he will decide later on Thursday whether to attend, after reviewing the outcome of a diplomatic dash by Secretary of State Mike Pompeo to Saudi Arabia and Turkey. The October 23-25 conference is billed as a showcase for the economic reforms of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. But it has been thrown into confusion since Khashoggi, a Saudi national and US resident who was strongly critical of the crown prince, failed to emerge from a visit to the Istanbul consulate on October 2. The conference's website previously featured a star-studded list of speakers. But that has been removed following the steady flow of defections. Here is an updated list of no-shows based on official announcements and reports by Bloomberg News and CNBC: Finance -- HSBC chief executive John Flint -- Credit Suisse CEO Tidjane Thiam -- MasterCard CEO Ajay Banga (HSBC, Credit Suisse and MasterCard are listed among the eight "strategic partners" of the conference. Another is Siemens, whose boss Joe Kaeser says he is still mulling whether to come.) -- BNP Paribas chairman Jean Lemierre -- Societe Generale CEO Frederic Oudea -- JPMorgan Chase CEO Jamie Dimon -- BlackRock chief Larry Fink -- Blackstone CEO Stephen Schwarzman -- Standard Chartered CEO Bill Winters -- London Stock Exchange CEO David Schwimmer. Industry/Technology -- Ford chairman Bill Ford -- Uber CEO Dara Khosrowshahi -- British billionaire Richard Branson -- Thrive CEO Ariana Huffington -- Google Cloud CEO Diane Greene. Media -- Viacom CEO Bob Bakish. In addition, multiple media groups have withdrawn executives or journalists who were due to take part in the conference, including CNN, Bloomberg, The Economist, the New York Times, CNBC and the Financial Times.

Khashoggi fallout: Saudi conference no-shows

As the mystery deepens over the plight of missing Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi who disappeared after entering the Saudi consulate in Istanbul, US President Trump said US investigators are working with Saudis and Turkey to find his whereabouts.

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/jamal-khashoggis-own-words-what-angers-saudi-leaders-170855">Also Read:&nbsp;Jamal Khashoggi on what angers Saudi leaders</a>

On Wednesday, the US president had told reporters that he had spoken to Saudi authorities at the highest level on&nbsp;Khashoggi's disappearance but did not state Saudi Arabia's response during the conversation.

Senior journalist Khashoggi, 59, who is a strong critic of the Saudi establishment had taken&nbsp;US citizenship after leaving his country and had written several articles against&nbsp;Saudi Arabia's repressive policies&nbsp;for the Washington Post.

The <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/saudi-journalist-was-killed-by-15-man-hit-team-that-then-dismembered-his-body-with-bone-saw-nyt-170659">New York Times revealed on Wednesday that </a>a group of 15 men flew down to Turkey in a private jet in order to kill Khashoggi inside the Saudi consulate in Turkey. The Turkish government openly accused Saudi Arabia of colluding to kill the journalist.

Khashoggi had entered the Saudi consulate to submit documents seeking&nbsp;a divorce from his wife living in Saudi Arabia so that he could remarry again in Turkey.

Saudi Arabia has denied any hand in Khashoggi's disappearance asserting that he walked out of the consulate from the back door. However, his fiance, Hatice Cengiz, who accompanied him to the consulate on October 2nd said he never came out of the consulate as she waited outside.&nbsp;

Initially, the Turkey president Erdogan had said the journalist was being held inside the consulate as Saudi Arabia gave Turkish authorities permission to enter the premises and search for him, however, the authorities soon began to reveal through sources that he had, in fact, being killed, as reported by the New York Times article.

Khashoggi's own website on 3rd October had posted a message saying he was arrested at the Saudi consulate in Istanbul but state-run Saudi Press Agency said he had left the building and the consulate was carrying out follow-up procedures and coordinating with the Turkish authorities to "uncover the circumstances" of his disappearance.

Earlier, US secretary of state &nbsp;Mike Pompeo had expressed support towards a "thorough investigation" on Khashoggi's sudden disappearance.&nbsp; 
&nbsp; 
Meanwhile, Britain's foreign secretary Jeremy Hunt said it was a "very, very serious matter" adding that "if these allegations are true, there will be serious consequences."

The Washington Post in an article said Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman had ordered an operation to "lure" Khashoggi home.

<iframe allow="autoplay; encrypted-media" allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/l0S0q4slkkE" width="560"></iframe>

As the mystery deepens over the plight of missing Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi who disappeared after entering the Saudi consulate in Istanbul, US President Trump said US investigators are working with Saudis and Turkey to find his whereabouts.

As the mystery deepens over the plight of missing Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi who disappeared after entering the Saudi consulate in Istanbul, US President Trump said US investigators are working with Saudis and Turkey to find his whereabouts. Also Read: Jamal Khashoggi on what angers Saudi leaders On Wednesday, the US president had told reporters that he had spoken to Saudi authorities at the highest level on Khashoggi's disappearance but did not state Saudi Arabia's response during the conversation. Senior journalist Khashoggi, 59, who is a strong critic of the Saudi establishment had taken US citizenship after leaving his country and had written several articles against Saudi Arabia's repressive policies for the Washington Post. The New York Times revealed on Wednesday that a group of 15 men flew down to Turkey in a private jet in order to kill Khashoggi inside the Saudi consulate in Turkey. The Turkish government openly accused Saudi Arabia of colluding to kill the journalist. Khashoggi had entered the Saudi consulate to submit documents seeking a divorce from his wife living in Saudi Arabia so that he could remarry again in Turkey. Saudi Arabia has denied any hand in Khashoggi's disappearance asserting that he walked out of the consulate from the back door. However, his fiance, Hatice Cengiz, who accompanied him to the consulate on October 2nd said he never came out of the consulate as she waited outside. Initially, the Turkey president Erdogan had said the journalist was being held inside the consulate as Saudi Arabia gave Turkish authorities permission to enter the premises and search for him, however, the authorities soon began to reveal through sources that he had, in fact, being killed, as reported by the New York Times article. Khashoggi's own website on 3rd October had posted a message saying he was arrested at the Saudi consulate in Istanbul but state-run Saudi Press Agency said he had left the building and the consulate was carrying out follow-up procedures and coordinating with the Turkish authorities to "uncover the circumstances" of his disappearance. Earlier, US secretary of state Mike Pompeo had expressed support towards a "thorough investigation" on Khashoggi's sudden disappearance. Meanwhile, Britain's foreign secretary Jeremy Hunt said it was a "very, very serious matter" adding that "if these allegations are true, there will be serious consequences." The Washington Post in an article said Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman had ordered an operation to "lure" Khashoggi home.

US investigators working with Saudis, Turkey on Khashoggi's disappearance: Trump

A female journalist created a history in Saudi Arabia as she became the first woman to anchor the main news bulletin on country's state-run TV channel.

Weam Al Dakheel co-presented Al Saudiya's 9:30 pm news bulletin on Thursday along with her other male colleague.

People on Twitter praised her appearance on prime time slot on national television and said that it marks a milestone in the deeply conservative kingdom.&nbsp;

Before Al Saudiya, AI Dakheel was a reporter at CNBC Arabia. She has also worked as a presenter for the Bahrain-based AI Arab news channel.

AL Saudiya is a state-run channel and is administered by the Ministry of Culture and Information.

Dakheel's appearance came amid the various reforms taking place in the kingdom under Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's "Vision 2030".

In June Saudi Arabia in historic reofrm,<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/in-historic-reform-saudi-women-driving-ban-officially-ends-146609"> allowed women to drive</a>, ending the world's only ban on female motorists.

The move is expected to boost women's employment, and according to a Bloomberg estimate, add $90 billion to economic output by 2030.

He also lifted a ban on cinemas and mixed-gender concerts, following his public vow to return the kingdom to moderate Islam.

A female journalist created a history in Saudi Arabia as she became the first woman to anchor the main news bulletin on country's state-run TV channel. Weam Al Dakheel co-presented Al Saudiya's 9:30 pm news bulletin on Thursday along with her other male colleague.

A female journalist created a history in Saudi Arabia as she became the first woman to anchor the main news bulletin on country's state-run TV channel. Weam Al Dakheel co-presented Al Saudiya's 9:30 pm news bulletin on Thursday along with her other male colleague. People on Twitter praised her appearance on prime time slot on national television and said that it marks a milestone in the deeply conservative kingdom. Before Al Saudiya, AI Dakheel was a reporter at CNBC Arabia. She has also worked as a presenter for the Bahrain-based AI Arab news channel. AL Saudiya is a state-run channel and is administered by the Ministry of Culture and Information. Dakheel's appearance came amid the various reforms taking place in the kingdom under Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's "Vision 2030". In June Saudi Arabia in historic reofrm, allowed women to drive, ending the world's only ban on female motorists. The move is expected to boost women's employment, and according to a Bloomberg estimate, add $90 billion to economic output by 2030. He also lifted a ban on cinemas and mixed-gender concerts, following his public vow to return the kingdom to moderate Islam.

In first, female anchor presents evening newscast in Saudi

Saudi Arabia’s crackdown on women’s rights campaigners, just weeks before the much-hyped lifting of a ban on women driving, has revived doubts about its crown prince’s inscrutable and seemingly erratic approach to reforms in the kingdom.

Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, who has seized most levers of power since rising from relative obscurity, is trying to diversify the biggest Arab economy away from oil and open up the deeply conservative Muslim country by easing strict social rules and promoting entertainment.

He has won praise at home and abroad for his modernisation efforts, but he has also provoked unease with an anti-corruption purge last year, when scores of royals and top businessmen were detained at the Ritz-Carlton Hotel in Riyadh.

Most were freed after reaching settlements with the government in a secretive campaign that sent shockwaves through the business community.

The arrest this month of nearly a dozen prominent activists, mostly women who for years urged reforms that are now being implemented and trumpeted abroad, has further disconcerted Western allies. Diplomats were unnerved that state-backed media had labelled the activists as “agents of the embassies”.

“It’s tough because to date we’ve been encouraging of the Saudi reform agenda,” one diplomat said.

“The Saudi government seems to be sending a message to friendly governments not to engage with anyone at all on government-led social reform, even where the messages we are hearing are supportive of the government and echoing what the government’s own international PR campaigns are saying.”

The official reason for the arrests was suspicious contact with foreign entities and offering financial support to overseas enemies. No details were provided and security spokesmen have not responded to requests for comment.

Following the latest arrests, diplomats in Riyadh have begun questioning how serious the kingdom is about change. Activists say the move signals that political openness will not be allowed to follow social liberalisation.

“It sends a message domestically that don’t even think about opposing any government policy, but the message internationally is completely different,” said Kristian Coates Ulrichsen from Texas-based Rice University’s Baker Institute.

He said it was difficult to assess the “opaque” decision-making process behind the crackdown.

“We just have no idea. It reinforces the perception that policymaking now is more unpredictable and concentrated in the hands of one man who perhaps lacks some of the decades of experience that his predecessors had.”

Prince Mohammed, 32, surpassed more senior cousins to become heir apparent a year ago, concentrating power and pushing through rapid change in a country which for decades was ruled by consensus. He has also taken a more aggressive stance against arch-rival Iran, beginning a three-year-old war in Yemen and leading a boycott of fellow Gulf Arab state Qatar.

The crown prince’s defenders said he may have had to placate religious conservatives, who had also been stifled in a previous crackdown on clerics opposed to social changes like lifting bans on cinemas and women driving.

Ali Shihabi, who runs the pro-Saudi Arabia Foundation in Washington, called the arrests a mistake and damaging to Saudi Arabia’s image. But Prince Mohammed had never pretended that political openness was on the cards, he said.

“To take on such a huge task, in a country with as wide a political and social spectrum as the Kingdom faces today... can only be done in a top down authoritarian manner. Nobody in Saudi pretends otherwise,” he tweeted last week.

&nbsp

Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has won praise at home and abroad for his modernisation efforts, but he has also provoked unease with an anti-corruption purge last year, when scores of royals and top businessmen were detained at the Ritz-Carlton Hotel in Riyadh

Saudi Arabia’s crackdown on women’s rights campaigners, just weeks before the much-hyped lifting of a ban on women driving, has revived doubts about its crown prince’s inscrutable and seemingly erratic approach to reforms in the kingdom. Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, who has seized most levers of power since rising from relative obscurity, is trying to diversify the biggest Arab economy away from oil and open up the deeply conservative Muslim country by easing strict social rules and promoting entertainment. He has won praise at home and abroad for his modernisation efforts, but he has also provoked unease with an anti-corruption purge last year, when scores of royals and top businessmen were detained at the Ritz-Carlton Hotel in Riyadh. Most were freed after reaching settlements with the government in a secretive campaign that sent shockwaves through the business community. The arrest this month of nearly a dozen prominent activists, mostly women who for years urged reforms that are now being implemented and trumpeted abroad, has further disconcerted Western allies. Diplomats were unnerved that state-backed media had labelled the activists as “agents of the embassies”. “It’s tough because to date we’ve been encouraging of the Saudi reform agenda,” one diplomat said. “The Saudi government seems to be sending a message to friendly governments not to engage with anyone at all on government-led social reform, even where the messages we are hearing are supportive of the government and echoing what the government’s own international PR campaigns are saying.” The official reason for the arrests was suspicious contact with foreign entities and offering financial support to overseas enemies. No details were provided and security spokesmen have not responded to requests for comment. Following the latest arrests, diplomats in Riyadh have begun questioning how serious the kingdom is about change. Activists say the move signals that political openness will not be allowed to follow social liberalisation. “It sends a message domestically that don’t even think about opposing any government policy, but the message internationally is completely different,” said Kristian Coates Ulrichsen from Texas-based Rice University’s Baker Institute. He said it was difficult to assess the “opaque” decision-making process behind the crackdown. “We just have no idea. It reinforces the perception that policymaking now is more unpredictable and concentrated in the hands of one man who perhaps lacks some of the decades of experience that his predecessors had.” Prince Mohammed, 32, surpassed more senior cousins to become heir apparent a year ago, concentrating power and pushing through rapid change in a country which for decades was ruled by consensus. He has also taken a more aggressive stance against arch-rival Iran, beginning a three-year-old war in Yemen and leading a boycott of fellow Gulf Arab state Qatar. The crown prince’s defenders said he may have had to placate religious conservatives, who had also been stifled in a previous crackdown on clerics opposed to social changes like lifting bans on cinemas and women driving. Ali Shihabi, who runs the pro-Saudi Arabia Foundation in Washington, called the arrests a mistake and damaging to Saudi Arabia’s image. But Prince Mohammed had never pretended that political openness was on the cards, he said. “To take on such a huge task, in a country with as wide a political and social spectrum as the Kingdom faces today... can only be done in a top down authoritarian manner. Nobody in Saudi pretends otherwise,” he tweeted last week.

Saudi women’s rights activists' arrest revives concerns about reform agenda

The Saudi public prosecutor&#39;s office said Monday it will recruit women as investigators for the first time, as the kingdom seeks to boost female employment under a reform plan for a post-oil era.

&quot;Vacancies are available in women&#39;s positions on the staff of the public prosecution for the rank of lieutenant investigator,&quot; the office announced in a statement relayed by the information ministry.

The announcement is in line with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman&#39;s &quot;Vision 2030&quot; reform programme that seeks to elevate women to nearly one-third of the workforce, up from about 22 percent now.

Saudi Arabia&#39;s passport department recently said it received 107,000 applications for 140 vacant positions for women at airports and border crossings.

King Salman last year decreed that women would be allowed driving permits from June, a historic reform that could put not just millions of women behind the wheel but potentially many more into the workforce.

Saudi Arabia last month allowed women to enter a football stadium for the first time to watch a game.

But women still face a number of restrictions.

Under Saudi Arabia&#39;s existing guardianship system, a male family member -- normally the father, husband or brother -- must grant permission for a woman&#39;s study, travel and a host of other activities.

'Vacancies are available in women's positions on the staff of the public prosecution for the rank of lieutenant investigator,' the office announced in a statement relayed by the information ministry

The Saudi public prosecutor's office said Monday it will recruit women as investigators for the first time, as the kingdom seeks to boost female employment under a reform plan for a post-oil era. "Vacancies are available in women's positions on the staff of the public prosecution for the rank of lieutenant investigator," the office announced in a statement relayed by the information ministry. The announcement is in line with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's "Vision 2030" reform programme that seeks to elevate women to nearly one-third of the workforce, up from about 22 percent now. Saudi Arabia's passport department recently said it received 107,000 applications for 140 vacant positions for women at airports and border crossings. King Salman last year decreed that women would be allowed driving permits from June, a historic reform that could put not just millions of women behind the wheel but potentially many more into the workforce. Saudi Arabia last month allowed women to enter a football stadium for the first time to watch a game. But women still face a number of restrictions. Under Saudi Arabia's existing guardianship system, a male family member -- normally the father, husband or brother -- must grant permission for a woman's study, travel and a host of other activities.

Saudi public prosecutor to hire women investigators for first time

Saudi Arabia on Monday lifted a decades-old ban on cinemas, part of powerful Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman&#39;s far-reaching liberalisation drive that is shaking up the ultra-conservative Muslim kingdom.

The government said it would begin licensing cinemas immediately and the first movie theatres are expected to open next March, in a decision that could boost the Gulf state&#39;s nascent film industry.

Reviving cinemas represents a paradigm shift in the kingdom, which is seeking to balance unpopular subsidy cuts in an era of low oil prices with more entertainment options, despite opposition from hardliners who vilify movie theatres as vulgar and sinful.

&quot;Commercial cinemas will be allowed to operate in the Kingdom as of early 2018, for the first time in more than 35 years,&quot; the culture and information ministry said in a statement.

&quot;This marks a watershed moment in the development of the cultural economy in the kingdom,&quot; the statement quoted Information Minister Awwad Alawwad as saying.

Saudi Arabia is expected to have more than 300 cinemas -- with over 2,000 screens -- by 2030, giving rise to an industry that would contribute $24 billion to the economy, the ministry said.

Like most public spaces in the kingdom, cinema halls are expected to be segregated by gender or have a separate section for families.

Beautiful day

Hardliners, who see cinemas as a threat to cultural and religious identity, were instrumental in shutting them down in the 1980s.

Saudi Arabia&#39;s highest-ranking cleric warned in January of the &quot;depravity&quot; of cinemas, saying they would corrupt morals.

But authorities appear to be shrugging off the threat, with some comparing Saudi Arabia&#39;s reform drive to a fast-moving bus -- either people get on board or risk being left behind.

Saudis themselves appear quietly astounded by the torrid pace of social change, which includes the historic decision allowing women to drive from next June.

Saudi Arabia in recent months has organised concerts, comedy shows, a Comic-Con pop culture festival and a mixed-gender national day celebration that saw people dancing in the streets to thumping electronic music for the first time.

The social transformation chimes with Prince Mohammed&#39;s recent pledge to return Saudi Arabia to an &quot;open, moderate Islam&quot; and destroy extremist ideologies.

Saudi filmmakers have long argued that a ban on cinemas does not make sense in the age of YouTube.

Saudi films have been making waves abroad, using the internet to circumvent distribution channels and sometimes the stern gaze of state censors.

&quot;It is a beautiful day in #SaudiArabia!&quot; Saudi female director Haifaa al-Mansour said on Twitter, reacting to Monday&#39;s announcement.

Her film &quot;Wadjda&quot; made history in 2013 after it became Saudi Arabia&#39;s first Academy Award entry.

The film depicts the dream of a 10-year-old girl to get a bicycle just like the boys in her conservative neighbourhood.

Catalyst for economic growth

The lifting of the ban represents a huge opportunity for regional movie chains that have long eyed Saudi Arabia as the Middle East&#39;s last untapped mass market.

Dubai-based Majid Al Futtaim, which owns the VOX Cinemas chain, said it was looking to launch movie theatres in the kingdom.

&quot;These are exciting times and (we) will work with the kingdom to extend the footprint of our VOX Cinemas brand to Saudi Arabia in the months ahead,&quot; Majid Al Futtaim said in a statement.

Without cinemas, filmmakers said investment in films was unlikely to flourish and the depiction of society would not move beyond the foreign portrayal of Saudis as extremist or culturally primitive.

&quot;Now our young men and women will show the world possibilities and stories worth seeing,&quot; Saudi filmmaker Aymen Tarek Jamal said on Twitter.

&quot;Congratulations to the 2030 Generation.&quot;

The reform stems partly from an economic motive to boost domestic spending on entertainment as the kingdom reels from a protracted slump in oil prices.

Saudis splurge billions of dollars annually to see movie shows and visit amusement parks in neighbouring tourist hubs like Dubai.

&quot;Opening cinemas will act as a catalyst for economic growth and diversification,&quot; Alawwad said.

&quot;By developing the broader cultural sector we will create new employment and training opportunities,&quot; the information minister said, adding the cinema industry was expected to generate 30,000 permanent jobs by 2030.

The move is part of powerful Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's far-reaching liberalisation drive that is shaking up the ultra-conservative Muslim kingdom

Saudi Arabia on Monday lifted a decades-old ban on cinemas, part of powerful Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's far-reaching liberalisation drive that is shaking up the ultra-conservative Muslim kingdom. The government said it would begin licensing cinemas immediately and the first movie theatres are expected to open next March, in a decision that could boost the Gulf state's nascent film industry. Reviving cinemas represents a paradigm shift in the kingdom, which is seeking to balance unpopular subsidy cuts in an era of low oil prices with more entertainment options, despite opposition from hardliners who vilify movie theatres as vulgar and sinful. "Commercial cinemas will be allowed to operate in the Kingdom as of early 2018, for the first time in more than 35 years," the culture and information ministry said in a statement. "This marks a watershed moment in the development of the cultural economy in the kingdom," the statement quoted Information Minister Awwad Alawwad as saying. Saudi Arabia is expected to have more than 300 cinemas -- with over 2,000 screens -- by 2030, giving rise to an industry that would contribute $24 billion to the economy, the ministry said. Like most public spaces in the kingdom, cinema halls are expected to be segregated by gender or have a separate section for families. Beautiful day Hardliners, who see cinemas as a threat to cultural and religious identity, were instrumental in shutting them down in the 1980s. Saudi Arabia's highest-ranking cleric warned in January of the "depravity" of cinemas, saying they would corrupt morals. But authorities appear to be shrugging off the threat, with some comparing Saudi Arabia's reform drive to a fast-moving bus -- either people get on board or risk being left behind. Saudis themselves appear quietly astounded by the torrid pace of social change, which includes the historic decision allowing women to drive from next June. Saudi Arabia in recent months has organised concerts, comedy shows, a Comic-Con pop culture festival and a mixed-gender national day celebration that saw people dancing in the streets to thumping electronic music for the first time. The social transformation chimes with Prince Mohammed's recent pledge to return Saudi Arabia to an "open, moderate Islam" and destroy extremist ideologies. Saudi filmmakers have long argued that a ban on cinemas does not make sense in the age of YouTube. Saudi films have been making waves abroad, using the internet to circumvent distribution channels and sometimes the stern gaze of state censors. "It is a beautiful day in #SaudiArabia!" Saudi female director Haifaa al-Mansour said on Twitter, reacting to Monday's announcement. Her film "Wadjda" made history in 2013 after it became Saudi Arabia's first Academy Award entry. The film depicts the dream of a 10-year-old girl to get a bicycle just like the boys in her conservative neighbourhood. Catalyst for economic growth The lifting of the ban represents a huge opportunity for regional movie chains that have long eyed Saudi Arabia as the Middle East's last untapped mass market. Dubai-based Majid Al Futtaim, which owns the VOX Cinemas chain, said it was looking to launch movie theatres in the kingdom. "These are exciting times and (we) will work with the kingdom to extend the footprint of our VOX Cinemas brand to Saudi Arabia in the months ahead," Majid Al Futtaim said in a statement. Without cinemas, filmmakers said investment in films was unlikely to flourish and the depiction of society would not move beyond the foreign portrayal of Saudis as extremist or culturally primitive. "Now our young men and women will show the world possibilities and stories worth seeing," Saudi filmmaker Aymen Tarek Jamal said on Twitter. "Congratulations to the 2030 Generation." The reform stems partly from an economic motive to boost domestic spending on entertainment as the kingdom reels from a protracted slump in oil prices. Saudis splurge billions of dollars annually to see movie shows and visit amusement parks in neighbouring tourist hubs like Dubai. "Opening cinemas will act as a catalyst for economic growth and diversification," Alawwad said. "By developing the broader cultural sector we will create new employment and training opportunities," the information minister said, adding the cinema industry was expected to generate 30,000 permanent jobs by 2030.

Saudi Arabia lifts decades-long ban on cinemas

Senior Saudi Prince Miteb bin Abdullah, once seen as a leading contender to the throne, was freed after reaching an &quot;acceptable settlement agreement&quot; with authorities paying more than $1 billion, a Saudi official said on Wednesday.

Miteb, 65, son of the late King Abdullah and former head of the elite National Guard, was among dozens of royal family members, ministers and senior officials who were rounded up in a graft inquiry partly aimed at strengthening the power of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.

The official, who is involved in the anti-corruption campaign, said Miteb was released on Tuesday after reaching &quot;an acceptable settlement agreement&quot;. The amount of the settlement was not disclosed but the official said it is believed to be the equivalent of more than $1 billion.

&quot;It is understood that the settlement included admitting corruption involving known cases,&quot; the official said.

According to a Saudi official, Prince Miteb was accused of embezzlement, hiring ghost employees and awarding contracts to his own firms including a $10 billion deal for walkie talkies and bulletproof military gear worth billions of Saudi riyals.

The allegations against the others included kickbacks, inflating government contracts, extortion and bribery.

The claims could not be independently verified.

Saudi authorities had been working on striking agreements with some of those in detention, asking them to hand over assets and cash in return for their freedom.

News of the purge emerged on Nov 4 soon after King Salman decreed the creation of an anti-corruption committee led by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, his 32-year-old favourite son, also known as MbS, who has amassed power since his meteoric rise three years ago.

The new body was given broad powers to investigate cases, issue arrest warrants and travel restrictions, and seize assets.

In an interview with the New York Times published last week, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, was quoted as saying that the vast majority of about 200 businessmen and officials implicated in the crackdown were agreeing to settlements under which they would hand assets over to the government.

Apart from Miteb, the Saudi official said that at least three other people allegedly involved in corruption cases have also finalized settlement agreements.

He said the Public Prosecutor had also decided to release a number of individuals and to prosecute at least 5 individuals. The official gave no details on their identities.

Detailed charges not revealed

The authorities have not revealed detailed charges against any of the detainees. It was also unclear if Miteb was able to move freely or whether he would be put under house arrest.

Officials from Miteb&#39;s office could not immediately be reached for a comment about his release. An acquaintance of the family has said earlier on his twitter account that Miteb was receiving brothers and sons at his palace in Riyadh.

The arrest of royals and top business elite capped a frenetic almost three years of growing power by MbS. It was seen as another pre-emptive step by the crown prince to remove powerful figures as he exerts control over the world&rsquo;s leading oil exporter.

The roundup recalled the meticulously planned palace coup in June through which MbS ousted his elder cousin, Mohammed bin Nayef, as heir to the throne, interior minister and veteran head of the kingdom&#39;s formidable security apparatus.

In September, he rounded up and jailed religious and intellectual opponents.

This month&rsquo;s purge was another carefully planned swoop on 11 princes, four serving ministers, dozens of former ministers and officials, and tycoons including the kingdom&rsquo;s best-known businessman, Prince Alwaleeed bin Talal, who owns high-profile stakes in global companies like Citigroup and Twitter.

They were held at the five-star Ritz-Carlton hotel in Riyadh.

Yet many observers believe the primary target of the purge was Prince Miteb, overlord of Saudi Arabia&rsquo;s 100,000-strong National Guard, as he represented the last great power centre left standing after the toppling of former Crown Prince Mohammed bin Nayef.

By launching a war on corruption MbS combined a popular cause with the elimination of perhaps the last obstacles between him and the throne.

As the Sandhurst-trained preferred son of the late King Abdullah, Miteb was once thought to be a leading contender to the throne.

Before he was sacked by a royal decree on Nov. 4, he headed the Saudi National Guard, a pivotal power base rooted in the kingdom&rsquo;s tribes that was run by his father for five decades.

He was also the last remaining member of Abdullah&#39;s Shammar branch of the family to retain a key position at the top of the Saudi power structure, after brothers Mishaal and Turki were relieved of their posts as governors in 2015.

Miteb bin Abdullah was once seen as a leading contender to the throne

Senior Saudi Prince Miteb bin Abdullah, once seen as a leading contender to the throne, was freed after reaching an "acceptable settlement agreement" with authorities paying more than $1 billion, a Saudi official said on Wednesday. Miteb, 65, son of the late King Abdullah and former head of the elite National Guard, was among dozens of royal family members, ministers and senior officials who were rounded up in a graft inquiry partly aimed at strengthening the power of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. The official, who is involved in the anti-corruption campaign, said Miteb was released on Tuesday after reaching "an acceptable settlement agreement". The amount of the settlement was not disclosed but the official said it is believed to be the equivalent of more than $1 billion. "It is understood that the settlement included admitting corruption involving known cases," the official said. According to a Saudi official, Prince Miteb was accused of embezzlement, hiring ghost employees and awarding contracts to his own firms including a $10 billion deal for walkie talkies and bulletproof military gear worth billions of Saudi riyals. The allegations against the others included kickbacks, inflating government contracts, extortion and bribery. The claims could not be independently verified. Saudi authorities had been working on striking agreements with some of those in detention, asking them to hand over assets and cash in return for their freedom. News of the purge emerged on Nov 4 soon after King Salman decreed the creation of an anti-corruption committee led by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, his 32-year-old favourite son, also known as MbS, who has amassed power since his meteoric rise three years ago. The new body was given broad powers to investigate cases, issue arrest warrants and travel restrictions, and seize assets. In an interview with the New York Times published last week, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, was quoted as saying that the vast majority of about 200 businessmen and officials implicated in the crackdown were agreeing to settlements under which they would hand assets over to the government. Apart from Miteb, the Saudi official said that at least three other people allegedly involved in corruption cases have also finalized settlement agreements. He said the Public Prosecutor had also decided to release a number of individuals and to prosecute at least 5 individuals. The official gave no details on their identities. Detailed charges not revealed The authorities have not revealed detailed charges against any of the detainees. It was also unclear if Miteb was able to move freely or whether he would be put under house arrest. Officials from Miteb's office could not immediately be reached for a comment about his release. An acquaintance of the family has said earlier on his twitter account that Miteb was receiving brothers and sons at his palace in Riyadh. The arrest of royals and top business elite capped a frenetic almost three years of growing power by MbS. It was seen as another pre-emptive step by the crown prince to remove powerful figures as he exerts control over the world’s leading oil exporter. The roundup recalled the meticulously planned palace coup in June through which MbS ousted his elder cousin, Mohammed bin Nayef, as heir to the throne, interior minister and veteran head of the kingdom's formidable security apparatus. In September, he rounded up and jailed religious and intellectual opponents. This month’s purge was another carefully planned swoop on 11 princes, four serving ministers, dozens of former ministers and officials, and tycoons including the kingdom’s best-known businessman, Prince Alwaleeed bin Talal, who owns high-profile stakes in global companies like Citigroup and Twitter. They were held at the five-star Ritz-Carlton hotel in Riyadh. Yet many observers believe the primary target of the purge was Prince Miteb, overlord of Saudi Arabia’s 100,000-strong National Guard, as he represented the last great power centre left standing after the toppling of former Crown Prince Mohammed bin Nayef. By launching a war on corruption MbS combined a popular cause with the elimination of perhaps the last obstacles between him and the throne. As the Sandhurst-trained preferred son of the late King Abdullah, Miteb was once thought to be a leading contender to the throne. Before he was sacked by a royal decree on Nov. 4, he headed the Saudi National Guard, a pivotal power base rooted in the kingdom’s tribes that was run by his father for five decades. He was also the last remaining member of Abdullah's Shammar branch of the family to retain a key position at the top of the Saudi power structure, after brothers Mishaal and Turki were relieved of their posts as governors in 2015.

Senior Saudi prince freed in $1 billion settlement agreement: Official

Saudi Arabia pursued a sweeping purge of the kingdom&#39;s upper ranks on Sunday, saying it would freeze the accounts of dozens of princes, ministers and a tycoon arrested as the crown prince cements his hold on power.

Prominent billionaire Al-Waleed bin Talal was among the princes arrested late Saturday, a government source told AFP, immediately after a new anti-corruption commission headed by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman was established by royal decree.

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/saudi-billionaire-prince-alwaleed-detained-in-corruption-inquiry-23544" target="_blank">Also read: Saudi billionaire Prince Alwaleed detained in corruption inquiry</a>

Separately, the head of the Saudi National Guard, once a leading contender to the throne, as well as the navy chief and the economy minister were replaced in a series of high-profile sackings that sent shock waves through the kingdom.

The dramatic shake-up comes at a time of unprecedented social and economic transformation in ultra-conservative Saudi Arabia, as Prince Mohammed steps up his reform drive for a post-oil era.

Saudi-owned Al Arabiya television reported that 11 princes, four current ministers and dozens of ex-ministers were arrested as the commission launched a probe into old cases such as floods that devastated the Red Sea city of Jeddah in 2009.&nbsp;

The government official gave AFP a list of 14 of the most high-profile names including Prince Al-Waleed, ranked among the richest men in the world.

The information ministry separately said the bank accounts of those arrested will be &quot;frozen&quot; and any assets related to the corruption cases will be registered as state property.

&quot;The suspects are being granted the same rights and treatment as any other Saudi citizen,&quot; attorney general Sheikh Saud al-Mojeb said in a statement, adding that a number of investigations had been initiated.

&quot;A suspect&#39;s position or status does not influence the firm and fair application of justice.&quot;&nbsp;

&#39;A new era&#39; 
Shares in Kingdom Holding, 95 percent of which is owned by Prince Al-Waleed, fell sharply as the Saudi stock exchange opened Sunday after reports of his arrest.&nbsp;

In a statement Kingdom Holding said it was &quot;aware&quot; of Saturday&#39;s developments but insisted that it was &quot;business as usual&quot; after the chief executive of the company was assured of support from the government.

Saudi Finance Minister Mohammed al-Jadaan said the crackdown &quot;heralds a new era and policy of transparency, clarity and accountability&quot;.&nbsp;

The kingdom&#39;s top council of clerics also lauded the anti-corruption efforts as &quot;important&quot;, essentially giving religious backing to the crackdown.

An aviation source told AFP that security forces had grounded private jets at airports, possibly to prevent high-profile figures from leaving the country.

There was fevered speculation on social media that the arrested figures were being held at Riyadh&#39;s Ritz Carlton, a palatial hotel originally planned as a palace for guests of the royal family.

The hotel appeared to be closed off to the public on Sunday and its website said the property was fully booked.

In another development, state television announced the death of Prince Mansour bin Moqren, the deputy governor of Asir province and son of a former crown prince, in a helicopter crash near the southern border with Yemen. It did not reveal the cause of the crash.&nbsp;

The purge comes less than two weeks after Prince Mohammed welcomed thousands of global business leaders to Riyadh for an investment summit, showcasing his reform drive that has shaken up the kingdom.

&quot;The breadth and scale of the arrests appears to be unprecedented in modern Saudi history,&quot; said Kristian Ulrichsen, a fellow at the Baker Institute for Public Policy at Rice University.

&quot;The reported detention of Prince Al-Waleed bin Talal... would send shock waves through the domestic and international business community,&quot; Ulrichsen told AFP.

Meteoric rise 
The crackdown follows a wave of arrests of influential clerics and activists in September as the 32-year-old prince, often known as MBS, consolidates his hold on power.

Analysts said many of those detained were resistant to Prince Mohammed&#39;s aggressive foreign policy that includes the boycott of Gulf neighbour Qatar as well as some of his bold policy reforms, including privatising state assets and cutting subsidies.

The latest purge saw Prince Miteb bin Abdullah sacked as the head of the National Guard, an elite internal security force. His removal consolidates the crown prince&#39;s control of the kingdom&#39;s security institutions.

To analysts, Prince Mohammed&#39;s meteoric rise has seemed almost Shakespearean in its aggression and calculation. In June, he edged out a 58-year-old cousin, Prince Mohammed bin Nayef, to become heir to the throne.

Already viewed as the de facto ruler controlling all the major levers of government, from defence to the economy, the prince is widely seen to be stamping out traces of internal dissent before a formal transfer of power from his 81-year-old father King Salman.

At the same time, he has projected himself as a liberal reformer in the ultra-conservative kingdom with a series of bold moves including the decision allowing women to drive from next June. 
&nbsp;

The kingdom said it would freeze the accounts of the princes, ministers and one tycoon

Saudi Arabia pursued a sweeping purge of the kingdom's upper ranks on Sunday, saying it would freeze the accounts of dozens of princes, ministers and a tycoon arrested as the crown prince cements his hold on power. Prominent billionaire Al-Waleed bin Talal was among the princes arrested late Saturday, a government source told AFP, immediately after a new anti-corruption commission headed by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman was established by royal decree. Also read: Saudi billionaire Prince Alwaleed detained in corruption inquiry Separately, the head of the Saudi National Guard, once a leading contender to the throne, as well as the navy chief and the economy minister were replaced in a series of high-profile sackings that sent shock waves through the kingdom. The dramatic shake-up comes at a time of unprecedented social and economic transformation in ultra-conservative Saudi Arabia, as Prince Mohammed steps up his reform drive for a post-oil era. Saudi-owned Al Arabiya television reported that 11 princes, four current ministers and dozens of ex-ministers were arrested as the commission launched a probe into old cases such as floods that devastated the Red Sea city of Jeddah in 2009. The government official gave AFP a list of 14 of the most high-profile names including Prince Al-Waleed, ranked among the richest men in the world. The information ministry separately said the bank accounts of those arrested will be "frozen" and any assets related to the corruption cases will be registered as state property. "The suspects are being granted the same rights and treatment as any other Saudi citizen," attorney general Sheikh Saud al-Mojeb said in a statement, adding that a number of investigations had been initiated. "A suspect's position or status does not influence the firm and fair application of justice." 'A new era' Shares in Kingdom Holding, 95 percent of which is owned by Prince Al-Waleed, fell sharply as the Saudi stock exchange opened Sunday after reports of his arrest. In a statement Kingdom Holding said it was "aware" of Saturday's developments but insisted that it was "business as usual" after the chief executive of the company was assured of support from the government. Saudi Finance Minister Mohammed al-Jadaan said the crackdown "heralds a new era and policy of transparency, clarity and accountability". The kingdom's top council of clerics also lauded the anti-corruption efforts as "important", essentially giving religious backing to the crackdown. An aviation source told AFP that security forces had grounded private jets at airports, possibly to prevent high-profile figures from leaving the country. There was fevered speculation on social media that the arrested figures were being held at Riyadh's Ritz Carlton, a palatial hotel originally planned as a palace for guests of the royal family. The hotel appeared to be closed off to the public on Sunday and its website said the property was fully booked. In another development, state television announced the death of Prince Mansour bin Moqren, the deputy governor of Asir province and son of a former crown prince, in a helicopter crash near the southern border with Yemen. It did not reveal the cause of the crash. The purge comes less than two weeks after Prince Mohammed welcomed thousands of global business leaders to Riyadh for an investment summit, showcasing his reform drive that has shaken up the kingdom. "The breadth and scale of the arrests appears to be unprecedented in modern Saudi history," said Kristian Ulrichsen, a fellow at the Baker Institute for Public Policy at Rice University. "The reported detention of Prince Al-Waleed bin Talal... would send shock waves through the domestic and international business community," Ulrichsen told AFP. Meteoric rise The crackdown follows a wave of arrests of influential clerics and activists in September as the 32-year-old prince, often known as MBS, consolidates his hold on power. Analysts said many of those detained were resistant to Prince Mohammed's aggressive foreign policy that includes the boycott of Gulf neighbour Qatar as well as some of his bold policy reforms, including privatising state assets and cutting subsidies. The latest purge saw Prince Miteb bin Abdullah sacked as the head of the National Guard, an elite internal security force. His removal consolidates the crown prince's control of the kingdom's security institutions. To analysts, Prince Mohammed's meteoric rise has seemed almost Shakespearean in its aggression and calculation. In June, he edged out a 58-year-old cousin, Prince Mohammed bin Nayef, to become heir to the throne. Already viewed as the de facto ruler controlling all the major levers of government, from defence to the economy, the prince is widely seen to be stamping out traces of internal dissent before a formal transfer of power from his 81-year-old father King Salman. At the same time, he has projected himself as a liberal reformer in the ultra-conservative kingdom with a series of bold moves including the decision allowing women to drive from next June.

Saudi Arabia: Dozens of princes, ministers arrested in massive purge

Saudi authorities detained a billionaire global investor and the head of the National Guard as part of an anti-corruption purge that consolidates Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman&#39;s hold on power.

Prince Alwaleed bin Talal, who owns investment firm Kingdom Holding, was among 11 princes, four ministers and tens of former ministers detained, two senior Saudi officials told Reuters on Sunday.

A top security official, Prince Miteb bin Abdullah, was detained and replaced as minister of the powerful National Guard by Prince Khaled bin Ayyaf. This consolidates Prince Mohammed&#39;s bin Salman&#39;s control of security institutions which had previously been headed by separate branches of the ruling family.

News of the purge came in the early hours of Sunday after King Salman decreed the creation of an anti-corruption committee chaired by his 32-year-old son Prince Mohammed, who has amassed power since rising from obscurity less than three years ago.

The new body was given broad powers to investigate cases, issue arrest warrants, and travel restrictions and freeze assets.

&quot;The homeland will not exist unless corruption is uprooted and the corrupt are held accountable,&quot; the royal decree said.

Analysts said the goal of the purge went beyond corruption and aimed to remove potential opposition to Prince Mohammed as he pushes an ambitious and controversial reform agenda.

In September he announced that a ban on women driving would be lifted and he is trying to break decades of conservative tradition by promoting public entertainment and visits by foreign tourists.

In economic policy, he has slashed state spending in some areas and plans a big sale of state assets.

&quot;The most recent crackdown breaks with the tradition of consensus within the ruling family whose secretive inner workings are equivalent to those of the Kremlin at the time of the Soviet Union,&quot; wrote James Dorsey, a senior fellow at Singapore&#39;s S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies.

&quot;Prince Mohammed, rather than forging alliances, is extending his iron grip to the ruling family, the military, and the National Guard to counter what appears to be more widespread opposition within the family as well as the military to his reforms and the Yemen war,&quot; Dorsey said.

An economist at a big Gulf bank, who declined to be named because of political sensitivities, said nobody in Saudi Arabia believed corruption was at the root of the purge.

&quot;It&#39;s about consolidating power and frustration that reforms haven&#39;t been happening fast enough,&quot; the economist said.

ALARM BELLS

The round-up sets alarm bells ringing across the region and beyond. It also recalls the palace coup in June through which Mohammad bin Salman ousted his elder cousin, Mohammad bin Nayef, as heir to the throne and interior minister.

MbS, as he is known, was widely expected to follow through by, at the least, removing Prince Miteb bin Abdallah from leadership of the National Guard, a pivotal power-base rooted in the kingdom&#39;s tribes.

Other detainees include former finance minister Ibrahim al-Assaf, a board member of national oil giant Saudi Aramco; economy minister Adel Fakieh, who once played a major role in drafting reforms; former Riyadh governor Prince Turki bin Abdullah and Khalid al-Tuwaijiri, who headed the Royal Court under the late King Abdullah.

Prince Alwaleed is one of Saudi Arabia&#39;s best-known international businessmen as an investor in firms such as Citigroup and Twitter.

Bakr bin Laden, chairman of the big Saudi Binladin construction group, and Alwaleed al-Ibrahim, owner of the MBC television network, were also detained.

Some detainees were believed to be held at the opulent Ritz-Carlton hotel in the diplomatic quarter of Riyadh, sources in contact with the government told Reuters. The hotel and an adjacent facility were the site of an international conference promoting Saudi Arabia as an investment destination last month.

The detentions followed a crackdown in September on political opponents of Saudi Arabia&#39;s rulers that saw some 30 clerics, intellectuals and activists detained.

Prince Alwaleed, a flamboyant character, has sometimes used his prominence as an investor to aim barbs at the kingdom&#39;s rulers.

In December 2015, Prince Alwaleed called U.S. President Donald Trump, who was then a candidate, a &quot;disgrace to all America&quot; and demanded on his Twitter account that he withdraw from the election.

Trump responded by tweeting: &quot;Dopey Prince @Alwaleed_Talal wants to control our U.S. politicians with daddy&rsquo;s money. Can&#39;t do it when I get elected.&quot;

In November 2016 Prince Alwaleed put aside the clash with Trump and embraced him as the U.S. president-elect, saying he was heartened by reports that Trump had appeared to delete online references to his proposed ban on Muslims.

Saudi authorities detained a billionaire global investor and the head of the National Guard as part of an anti-corruption purge that consolidates Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's hold on power.

Saudi authorities detained a billionaire global investor and the head of the National Guard as part of an anti-corruption purge that consolidates Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's hold on power. Prince Alwaleed bin Talal, who owns investment firm Kingdom Holding, was among 11 princes, four ministers and tens of former ministers detained, two senior Saudi officials told Reuters on Sunday. A top security official, Prince Miteb bin Abdullah, was detained and replaced as minister of the powerful National Guard by Prince Khaled bin Ayyaf. This consolidates Prince Mohammed's bin Salman's control of security institutions which had previously been headed by separate branches of the ruling family. News of the purge came in the early hours of Sunday after King Salman decreed the creation of an anti-corruption committee chaired by his 32-year-old son Prince Mohammed, who has amassed power since rising from obscurity less than three years ago. The new body was given broad powers to investigate cases, issue arrest warrants, and travel restrictions and freeze assets. "The homeland will not exist unless corruption is uprooted and the corrupt are held accountable," the royal decree said. Analysts said the goal of the purge went beyond corruption and aimed to remove potential opposition to Prince Mohammed as he pushes an ambitious and controversial reform agenda. In September he announced that a ban on women driving would be lifted and he is trying to break decades of conservative tradition by promoting public entertainment and visits by foreign tourists. In economic policy, he has slashed state spending in some areas and plans a big sale of state assets. "The most recent crackdown breaks with the tradition of consensus within the ruling family whose secretive inner workings are equivalent to those of the Kremlin at the time of the Soviet Union," wrote James Dorsey, a senior fellow at Singapore's S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies. "Prince Mohammed, rather than forging alliances, is extending his iron grip to the ruling family, the military, and the National Guard to counter what appears to be more widespread opposition within the family as well as the military to his reforms and the Yemen war," Dorsey said. An economist at a big Gulf bank, who declined to be named because of political sensitivities, said nobody in Saudi Arabia believed corruption was at the root of the purge. "It's about consolidating power and frustration that reforms haven't been happening fast enough," the economist said. ALARM BELLS The round-up sets alarm bells ringing across the region and beyond. It also recalls the palace coup in June through which Mohammad bin Salman ousted his elder cousin, Mohammad bin Nayef, as heir to the throne and interior minister. MbS, as he is known, was widely expected to follow through by, at the least, removing Prince Miteb bin Abdallah from leadership of the National Guard, a pivotal power-base rooted in the kingdom's tribes. Other detainees include former finance minister Ibrahim al-Assaf, a board member of national oil giant Saudi Aramco; economy minister Adel Fakieh, who once played a major role in drafting reforms; former Riyadh governor Prince Turki bin Abdullah and Khalid al-Tuwaijiri, who headed the Royal Court under the late King Abdullah. Prince Alwaleed is one of Saudi Arabia's best-known international businessmen as an investor in firms such as Citigroup and Twitter. Bakr bin Laden, chairman of the big Saudi Binladin construction group, and Alwaleed al-Ibrahim, owner of the MBC television network, were also detained. Some detainees were believed to be held at the opulent Ritz-Carlton hotel in the diplomatic quarter of Riyadh, sources in contact with the government told Reuters. The hotel and an adjacent facility were the site of an international conference promoting Saudi Arabia as an investment destination last month. The detentions followed a crackdown in September on political opponents of Saudi Arabia's rulers that saw some 30 clerics, intellectuals and activists detained. Prince Alwaleed, a flamboyant character, has sometimes used his prominence as an investor to aim barbs at the kingdom's rulers. In December 2015, Prince Alwaleed called U.S. President Donald Trump, who was then a candidate, a "disgrace to all America" and demanded on his Twitter account that he withdraw from the election. Trump responded by tweeting: "Dopey Prince @Alwaleed_Talal wants to control our U.S. politicians with daddy’s money. Can't do it when I get elected." In November 2016 Prince Alwaleed put aside the clash with Trump and embraced him as the U.S. president-elect, saying he was heartened by reports that Trump had appeared to delete online references to his proposed ban on Muslims.

Saudi billionaire Prince Alwaleed detained in corruption inquiry

Saudi Arabia will allow women into sports stadiums for the first time from next year, authorities said Sunday, in a landmark move opening up three previously male-only venues to families.

The ultra-conservative kingdom, which has some of the world&#39;s tightest restrictions on women, has long barred women from sports arenas by strict rules on segregation of the sexes in public.

The announcement is in line with powerful Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman&#39;s ambitious reforms shaking up the kingdom, including the historic decision to allow women to drive from next June.

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false">
<div class="row">
<div class="article-blockquote">
<div class="col-sm-10 col-sm-offset-1 blockquote-content quoteshare">
<blockquote>
<h5>Starting the preparation of three stadiums in Riyadh, Jeddah and Dammam to be ready to accommodate families from early 2018,&#39; the General Sports Authority said on Twitter</h5>
</blockquote>
</div>

<div class="col-sm-1 blockquote-content">
<div class="share-blockquote"><a class="twitter popup" href="http://twitter.com/intent/tweet?text=Starting the preparation of three stadiums in Riyadh, Jeddah and Dammam to be ready to accommodate families from early 2018,' the General Sports Authority said on Twitter" target="_blank">&nbsp;</a></div>
</div>
<a class="close-mark close-div" href="#" id="jqquoteclosemark">&times;</a></div>
</div>
</div>

&quot;Starting the preparation of three stadiums in Riyadh, Jeddah and Dammam to be ready to accommodate families from early 2018,&quot; the General Sports Authority said on Twitter.

Restaurants, cafes and video screens would be set up inside the venues, the authority added.

&nbsp;Last month hundreds of women were allowed to enter a sports stadium in Riyadh, used mostly for football matches, in a one-off event to celebrate Saudi Arabia&#39;s national day.

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/saudi-arabia-becomes-the-first-country-to-grant-citizenship-to-a-robot-22983" target="_blank">Also read:&nbsp;Saudi Arabia becomes </a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/saudi-arabia-becomes-the-first-country-to-grant-citizenship-to-a-robot-22983" target="_blank">first</a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/saudi-arabia-becomes-the-first-country-to-grant-citizenship-to-a-robot-22983" target="_blank"> country to grant citizenship to robot</a>

Sunday&#39;s announcement implies that women in Saudi Arabia will be allowed for the first time to attend sporting events inside stadiums alongside men.

Under the country&#39;s guardianship system, a male family member normally the father, husband or brother&nbsp;must grant permission for a woman&#39;s study, travel and other activities. But the kingdom appears to be relaxing some norms as part of its sweeping &quot;Vision 2030&quot; plan for economic and social reforms as it prepares for a post-oil era.&nbsp;Last month a royal decree said women would be allowed to drive. The kingdom is also expected to lift a public ban on cinemas and has encouraged mixed-gender celebrations something unseen before.

&nbsp;&#39;Moderate&#39; Saudi Arabia&nbsp;

&quot;First women driving, now stadiums. What&#39;s next? Nightclubs?&quot; said one Saudi Twitter user, echoing a deluge of social media comments expressing surprise over the accelerating pace of reforms.

<a href="http://www.wionews.com/videos/saudi-arabia-to-allow-women-to-drive-5457" target="_blank">WATCH:&nbsp;Saudi Arabia to allow women to drive</a>

In a rare public appearance last week Prince Mohammed pledged a &quot;moderate&quot; Saudi Arabia, long seen as an exporter of a brand of puritanical Islam espoused by jihadists worldwide.

Mohammed bin Salman, as he is well known, promised his kingdom will return to &quot;what we were before&nbsp;a country of moderate Islam that is tolerant of all religions and to the world&quot;.

His comment, while unveiling plans for a $500-billion development zone, chimes with his public image of a bold liberal reformer in a conservative country where more than half the population is under 25. 
But his vision for a new Saudi Arabia is fraught with risks and could trigger a backlash from conservatives, analysts warn.

&quot;Despite the bold statements, it is important to remember that the dominance of conservative thought since the late 1970&#39;s cannot be quickly reversed,&quot; said analysis firm Eurasia Group.&nbsp;

&quot;Ultraconservative and radical elements continue to pose risks.&quot;

The government appears to have clipped the wings of the once-feared religious police long accused of harassing the public with rigid Islamic mores&nbsp;who have all but disappeared from big cities. 
Some conservative clerics&nbsp;who for years staunchly opposed more social liberties for women have backpedaled and come out in favour of the decree allowing them to drive.&nbsp;

The announcement is in line with powerful Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's ambitious reforms shaking up the kingdom

Saudi Arabia will allow women into sports stadiums for the first time from next year, authorities said Sunday, in a landmark move opening up three previously male-only venues to families. The ultra-conservative kingdom, which has some of the world's tightest restrictions on women, has long barred women from sports arenas by strict rules on segregation of the sexes in public. The announcement is in line with powerful Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's ambitious reforms shaking up the kingdom, including the historic decision to allow women to drive from next June. Starting the preparation of three stadiums in Riyadh, Jeddah and Dammam to be ready to accommodate families from early 2018,' the General Sports Authority said on Twitter × "Starting the preparation of three stadiums in Riyadh, Jeddah and Dammam to be ready to accommodate families from early 2018," the General Sports Authority said on Twitter. Restaurants, cafes and video screens would be set up inside the venues, the authority added. Last month hundreds of women were allowed to enter a sports stadium in Riyadh, used mostly for football matches, in a one-off event to celebrate Saudi Arabia's national day. Also read: Saudi Arabia becomes first country to grant citizenship to robot Sunday's announcement implies that women in Saudi Arabia will be allowed for the first time to attend sporting events inside stadiums alongside men. Under the country's guardianship system, a male family member normally the father, husband or brother must grant permission for a woman's study, travel and other activities. But the kingdom appears to be relaxing some norms as part of its sweeping "Vision 2030" plan for economic and social reforms as it prepares for a post-oil era. Last month a royal decree said women would be allowed to drive. The kingdom is also expected to lift a public ban on cinemas and has encouraged mixed-gender celebrations something unseen before. 'Moderate' Saudi Arabia "First women driving, now stadiums. What's next? Nightclubs?" said one Saudi Twitter user, echoing a deluge of social media comments expressing surprise over the accelerating pace of reforms. WATCH: Saudi Arabia to allow women to drive In a rare public appearance last week Prince Mohammed pledged a "moderate" Saudi Arabia, long seen as an exporter of a brand of puritanical Islam espoused by jihadists worldwide. Mohammed bin Salman, as he is well known, promised his kingdom will return to "what we were before a country of moderate Islam that is tolerant of all religions and to the world". His comment, while unveiling plans for a $500-billion development zone, chimes with his public image of a bold liberal reformer in a conservative country where more than half the population is under 25. But his vision for a new Saudi Arabia is fraught with risks and could trigger a backlash from conservatives, analysts warn. "Despite the bold statements, it is important to remember that the dominance of conservative thought since the late 1970's cannot be quickly reversed," said analysis firm Eurasia Group. "Ultraconservative and radical elements continue to pose risks." The government appears to have clipped the wings of the once-feared religious police long accused of harassing the public with rigid Islamic mores who have all but disappeared from big cities. Some conservative clerics who for years staunchly opposed more social liberties for women have backpedaled and come out in favour of the decree allowing them to drive.

Saudi Arabia to allow women into sports stadiums