Today major states record high voter turnout on first phase of India Lok sabha Election 2019. Watch this video to know more.

India Election watch: Major states record hight voter turnout on first phase of LS election

Watch this segment of India Election Watch for latest updates of India Election as on 11th April, 2019.

India Election Watch; 11th April 2019

Voting for the first phase of Lok Sabha Election 2019 began at 7 am on Thursday, April 11.Ninety-one constituencies spread across 18 states and two union territories will vote in this initial phase. Watch video to know more.

World's largest democracy votes, Security tightened to prevent any untoward situation

Lok Sabha polls 2019: 90 crore voters eligible to vote

Voting for the first phase of Lok Sabha Election 2019 began at 7 am on Thursday, April 11.Ninety-one constituencies spread across 18 states and two union territories will vote in this initial phase. Watch video to know more

Lok Sabha polls 2019: 1,279 candidates in fray in 1st phase

Largest democratic exercise or Lok Sabha election 2019 almost ends for the first phase. Watch complete updates of the day.

Lok Sabha election 2019: Largest democratic exercise almost ends for the first phase

Congress party supremo Sonia Gandhi reaches her Constituency Rae Bareli to file nomination. Prior that she hold a 700 meteres mega road show for Lok Sabha polls. Watch video to know more.

Lok Sabha election 2019: Congress' mega show of strength at Rae Bareli

Modi Vs Rahul's vote appeal on twitter. Watch complete video to know more.

Modi Vs Rahul's vote appeal on twitter

I am cynical/practical/experienced enough to know that pre-election opinion polls can go quite wrong for at least three reasons. Voters may not truly reveal their minds and/or change their minds close to polling day.&nbsp;

The sampling methodology may go wrong or converting vote shares based on sample surveys into seats can get tricky. Last but not the least, media organisations carrying out opinion poll results in league with pollster organisations can add a bit of spice to suit their own priorities.

After discounting for all this, I do believe that in the general elections that are now underway, Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has reached a point where it will certainly not get a majority of its own like it did in 2014, and may also not be entirely home even with its National Democratic Alliance (NDA) partners.

One TV news channel that is visibly, loudly and consistently supportive of the BJP sees the NDA tally at 279, just four ahead of the half-way mark. An average of all opinion polls this week gives the NDA 277 seats in the Lok Sabha.&nbsp;

There are as many as 167 "marginal" seats where close contests will decide winners in the 543-member Lok Sabha.

It is time to ask some what-if questions. My guess is that in a scenario where the NDA is short of a clear majority, three leaders from the south will become important: Naveen Patnaik of the Biju Janata Dal from Odisha, Kalvakuntla Chandrashekhar Rao of the Telangana Rashtra Samithi and YS Jagan Mohan Reddy from the YSR Congress in Andhra Pradesh.&nbsp;

(If the Tropic of Cancer is seen as the dividing line between northern and southern India, Odisha, which is to the southeast, certainly falls in the south. It is also definitely south of the Vindhya mountain range, the traditional threshold to separate the south from the north.)

KCR, as the Telangana Chief Minister is called, is officially part of the 'Mahagatbandhan' (grand alliance) against Modi and will be needed by the BJP only if there is a significant late swing against it. With Telangana still in its honeymoon phase after he led a decades-old movement to carve the state out of the undivided Andhra Pradesh, he is perhaps the strongest ruling CM in India today, not counting Pawan Chamling of Sikkim. KCR's pro-farmer programmes are considered a role model for the rest of India.

Patnaik has been maintaining a studied equidistance from the BJP and the Congress and has had a phenomenal run in his state, having won four terms in a row to be the Odisha Chief Minister since the year 2000. His development efforts are part of the national folklore.

Jagan Reddy, only 46 years old, is yet to taste power but is seen as the front-runner in an anti-incumbency mood against Andhra CM N Chandrababu Naidu's Telugu Desam Party (TDP). He announced last week he had no ill-will against the Congress, from which his party broke off, even as he maintains that he favours anyone who grants special status to Andhra under an arrangement made when Telangana was carved out.

Jagan is perhaps the easiest for the BJP to woo since Naidu is already on the side of the anti-Modi alliance. KCR can be wooed in a desperate scenario. But Patnaik may be a harder nut to crack. It all depends on the exact break-up of the Lok Sabha that gets formed in the summer heat. Watch out in the coming days nice things to be said about these three gentlemen. They may be kingmakers, and they may even edge close to each other where the eventual verdict swings away from the current predictions.

(This article was originally published on Zee News. Read the <a href="https://zeenews.india.com/blogs/after-2019-lok-sabha-elections-the-kingmakers-are-likely-to-be-from-the-south-2194704.html">original article)</a>

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

I am cynical/practical/experienced enough to know that pre-election opinion polls can go quite wrong for at least three reasons. Voters may not truly reveal their minds and/or change their minds close to polling day.

I am cynical/practical/experienced enough to know that pre-election opinion polls can go quite wrong for at least three reasons. Voters may not truly reveal their minds and/or change their minds close to polling day. The sampling methodology may go wrong or converting vote shares based on sample surveys into seats can get tricky. Last but not the least, media organisations carrying out opinion poll results in league with pollster organisations can add a bit of spice to suit their own priorities. After discounting for all this, I do believe that in the general elections that are now underway, Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has reached a point where it will certainly not get a majority of its own like it did in 2014, and may also not be entirely home even with its National Democratic Alliance (NDA) partners. One TV news channel that is visibly, loudly and consistently supportive of the BJP sees the NDA tally at 279, just four ahead of the half-way mark. An average of all opinion polls this week gives the NDA 277 seats in the Lok Sabha. There are as many as 167 "marginal" seats where close contests will decide winners in the 543-member Lok Sabha. It is time to ask some what-if questions. My guess is that in a scenario where the NDA is short of a clear majority, three leaders from the south will become important: Naveen Patnaik of the Biju Janata Dal from Odisha, Kalvakuntla Chandrashekhar Rao of the Telangana Rashtra Samithi and YS Jagan Mohan Reddy from the YSR Congress in Andhra Pradesh. (If the Tropic of Cancer is seen as the dividing line between northern and southern India, Odisha, which is to the southeast, certainly falls in the south. It is also definitely south of the Vindhya mountain range, the traditional threshold to separate the south from the north.) KCR, as the Telangana Chief Minister is called, is officially part of the 'Mahagatbandhan' (grand alliance) against Modi and will be needed by the BJP only if there is a significant late swing against it. With Telangana still in its honeymoon phase after he led a decades-old movement to carve the state out of the undivided Andhra Pradesh, he is perhaps the strongest ruling CM in India today, not counting Pawan Chamling of Sikkim. KCR's pro-farmer programmes are considered a role model for the rest of India. Patnaik has been maintaining a studied equidistance from the BJP and the Congress and has had a phenomenal run in his state, having won four terms in a row to be the Odisha Chief Minister since the year 2000. His development efforts are part of the national folklore. Jagan Reddy, only 46 years old, is yet to taste power but is seen as the front-runner in an anti-incumbency mood against Andhra CM N Chandrababu Naidu's Telugu Desam Party (TDP). He announced last week he had no ill-will against the Congress, from which his party broke off, even as he maintains that he favours anyone who grants special status to Andhra under an arrangement made when Telangana was carved out. Jagan is perhaps the easiest for the BJP to woo since Naidu is already on the side of the anti-Modi alliance. KCR can be wooed in a desperate scenario. But Patnaik may be a harder nut to crack. It all depends on the exact break-up of the Lok Sabha that gets formed in the summer heat. Watch out in the coming days nice things to be said about these three gentlemen. They may be kingmakers, and they may even edge close to each other where the eventual verdict swings away from the current predictions. (This article was originally published on Zee News. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

After 2019 Lok Sabha elections, the kingmakers are likely to be from the south

India's general election begins with voting in first of seven phases

Pakistan's Premier Imran Khan has said he believes there may be a better chance of peace talks with India and settle the Kashmir issue if Prime Minister Narendra Modi's party BJP wins the general elections.

India Election Watch: Better chances for peace if Narendra Modi wins, says Imran Khan

PM Modi said in Gujarat rally that after Karnataka, MP has become an ATM for Congress.

India Election Watch: MP has become an ATM for Congress, says PM Modi

Congress president Rahul Gandhi files his nomination papers for the Amethi Lok Sabha seat today and also hold a road show in the constituency.

India Election Watch: Rahul Gandhi files nomination from Amethi

Phase 1 of Lok Sabha Election 2019 will be held on April 11, Thursday, on 91 seats and voters will be choosing their representatives from nearly 1,300 candidates.

India Election Watch: All you need to know about the First Phase of Voting

The Election Commission of India on Wednesday stalled the release of PM Narendra Modi, a day before it was set to hit theatres.

India Election Watch: PM Modi's Biopic won't release during polls

Rally roster for top leaders for April 10, 2019. Watch more to know.

India Election Watch: Rally roster for top leaders for April 10, 2019

Iconic pictures of Indian General Elections

Tomorrow is the first day of Lok Sabha elections 2019 of India. See how it is difficult to conduct voting in remote locations and how the preparedness is going on for tomorrow.

Preparedness started, How polling is a challenge in remote locations of India?

The BJP’s vision document for the 2019 elections is a cocktail of the old and the new, as well as an assertion of certain narratives related to national security that have resonated with the people in recent months. The old has, among other things, its commitment to the construction of a Ram temple in Ayodhya in a lawful and harmonious manner. The new has a roadmap to make India a five-trillion-dollar economy, a massive push to infrastructure, further booster shots for the Make in India campaign, employment generation ideas and a more simplified Goods and Services Tax regime. But it is the party’s position on national security which stands out, primarily because both Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his senior party colleagues have made it a key election issue. The other reason is that the BJP’s commitment in the 'Sankalp Patra' on this subject contrasts sharply with that of the Congress’s promise in its manifesto.&nbsp;

The BJP’s stand on Article 370 and Article 35A, which are exclusive to Jammu &amp; Kashmir, have been known for long. But the underlining of its commitment to scrap the two provisions becomes especially important in an election season. The party seems to have come around to the view that one of the ways to effectively tackle the problems that the state keeps throwing up at regular intervals is to divest it of the special provisions which were supposed to have helped integrate it better with the rest of India. &nbsp;

The other reason for the BJP to give the issue prominence in its vision document was to put the Congress on the defensive. The Congress had in its manifesto promised to retain Article 370. It’s position on Article 35A too is that of maintaining the status quo. However, the popular perception nationwide seems to be veering towards a rethink on these provisions, and that fits well with the BJP’s overall nationalist agenda. &nbsp;

The BJP would be pleased with the response after it set the cat among the pigeons. Both the state’s leading parties, the National Conference and the Peoples Democratic Party have reacted strongly against the promise and warned that any tinkering with the two provisions would result in India losing hold over Kashmir. This is playing straight into the BJP’s hand since the party has for long been maintaining that these parties promote soft separatism and are not just reluctant to act against separatists but also back them when the Centre acts against them. There is more than a grain of truth in the BJP’s allegation, and taking the matter to the people helps the party burnish its nationalist credentials.&nbsp;

One may wonder if such strong statements do not harm the BJP’s prospects in Kashmir valley. The first fact is that the BJP has little electoral prospects in that region. The second fact is that there is a constituency beyond Kashmir in the state — Jammu, for instance, where the BJP has a strong presence and which would be more than satisfied with the party’s position on the issue. But even more importantly, there is the larger constituency beyond the state itself which aligns with the BJP’s thoughts on the matter and can help the party garner more seats nationally.&nbsp;&nbsp;

The 'Sankalp Patra' also promises to strengthen the country’s Armed Forces, have zero tolerance to terror, and continue to give a free hand to the forces to deal with terror. Read alongside the Congress manifesto which has spoken about reviewing the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, the BJP’s vision document virtually endorses AFSPA and leaves the issue to be decided in consultation with the Armed Forces. &nbsp;

In confirmation of its belligerent stand on anti-national activities, the vision document does not, as the Congress manifesto does, speak of scrapping the sedition law. Here it’s important to note that the vision document commits the party to “taking necessary and effective steps against Left-wing extremism to eliminate this menace in the next five years”. The connection cannot be missed, given that many Maoist sympathisers have been in recent months facing the heat for their support to Left-wing extremism, and the cry for charges of sedition to be slapped against them have grown from Right-wing elements.&nbsp;

The BJP’s aggressive stance, which has been reflected in the Sankalp Patra, should not surprise those who have been following the party’s election campaign. Led by Prime Minister Modi, it has made nationalism and national security, apart from development, the fulcrum of its poll narrative. The Congress has willy nilly extended a helping hand by its soft attitude, with senior Union Minister Arun Jaitely quipping that the BJP’s vision document had not been crafted by any 'tukde-tukde' group. The party clearly believes that it has the upper hand when it comes to keeping the focus on national security and nationalism.&nbsp;

&nbsp; (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.) &nbsp; 
&nbsp;

The BJP’s vision document for the 2019 elections is a cocktail of the old and the new, as well as an assertion of certain narratives related to national security that have resonated with the people in recent months.

The BJP’s vision document for the 2019 elections is a cocktail of the old and the new, as well as an assertion of certain narratives related to national security that have resonated with the people in recent months. The old has, among other things, its commitment to the construction of a Ram temple in Ayodhya in a lawful and harmonious manner. The new has a roadmap to make India a five-trillion-dollar economy, a massive push to infrastructure, further booster shots for the Make in India campaign, employment generation ideas and a more simplified Goods and Services Tax regime. But it is the party’s position on national security which stands out, primarily because both Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his senior party colleagues have made it a key election issue. The other reason is that the BJP’s commitment in the 'Sankalp Patra' on this subject contrasts sharply with that of the Congress’s promise in its manifesto. The BJP’s stand on Article 370 and Article 35A, which are exclusive to Jammu & Kashmir, have been known for long. But the underlining of its commitment to scrap the two provisions becomes especially important in an election season. The party seems to have come around to the view that one of the ways to effectively tackle the problems that the state keeps throwing up at regular intervals is to divest it of the special provisions which were supposed to have helped integrate it better with the rest of India. The other reason for the BJP to give the issue prominence in its vision document was to put the Congress on the defensive. The Congress had in its manifesto promised to retain Article 370. It’s position on Article 35A too is that of maintaining the status quo. However, the popular perception nationwide seems to be veering towards a rethink on these provisions, and that fits well with the BJP’s overall nationalist agenda. The BJP would be pleased with the response after it set the cat among the pigeons. Both the state’s leading parties, the National Conference and the Peoples Democratic Party have reacted strongly against the promise and warned that any tinkering with the two provisions would result in India losing hold over Kashmir. This is playing straight into the BJP’s hand since the party has for long been maintaining that these parties promote soft separatism and are not just reluctant to act against separatists but also back them when the Centre acts against them. There is more than a grain of truth in the BJP’s allegation, and taking the matter to the people helps the party burnish its nationalist credentials. One may wonder if such strong statements do not harm the BJP’s prospects in Kashmir valley. The first fact is that the BJP has little electoral prospects in that region. The second fact is that there is a constituency beyond Kashmir in the state — Jammu, for instance, where the BJP has a strong presence and which would be more than satisfied with the party’s position on the issue. But even more importantly, there is the larger constituency beyond the state itself which aligns with the BJP’s thoughts on the matter and can help the party garner more seats nationally. The 'Sankalp Patra' also promises to strengthen the country’s Armed Forces, have zero tolerance to terror, and continue to give a free hand to the forces to deal with terror. Read alongside the Congress manifesto which has spoken about reviewing the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, the BJP’s vision document virtually endorses AFSPA and leaves the issue to be decided in consultation with the Armed Forces. In confirmation of its belligerent stand on anti-national activities, the vision document does not, as the Congress manifesto does, speak of scrapping the sedition law. Here it’s important to note that the vision document commits the party to “taking necessary and effective steps against Left-wing extremism to eliminate this menace in the next five years”. The connection cannot be missed, given that many Maoist sympathisers have been in recent months facing the heat for their support to Left-wing extremism, and the cry for charges of sedition to be slapped against them have grown from Right-wing elements. The BJP’s aggressive stance, which has been reflected in the Sankalp Patra, should not surprise those who have been following the party’s election campaign. Led by Prime Minister Modi, it has made nationalism and national security, apart from development, the fulcrum of its poll narrative. The Congress has willy nilly extended a helping hand by its soft attitude, with senior Union Minister Arun Jaitely quipping that the BJP’s vision document had not been crafted by any 'tukde-tukde' group. The party clearly believes that it has the upper hand when it comes to keeping the focus on national security and nationalism. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

National security BJP's 'sankalp' as party manifesto vows to repeal Articles 370 & 35A, end left-wing extremism

Curtains were drawn on the high voltage electioneering on Tuesday evening for Odisha's four Lok Sabha and 28 Assembly seats, including several naxal-hit areas, where polling is slated to be held in the first phase on April 11.

A galaxy of high profile leaders of all major political parties including BJP, Congress and Biju Janata Dal (BJD) undertook whirlwind tours of the constituencies, mostly in south Odisha, to bolster the prospects of their candidates at the hustings.

Spearheading the campaign for BJP, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and party President Amit Shah crisscrossed the poll-bound segments addressing a host of election rallies in a bid to arm the saffron party with extra strength.

Balloting in Kalahandi, Nabarangapur, Berhampur and Koraput Lok Sabha seats and 28 Assembly segments coming under these four parliamentary constituencies will be held on April 11.

A battery of other leaders also hit the campaign trail to give steam to the BJP campaign. They included Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, Jharkhand Chief Minister Raghubar Das, former Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan and many Union Ministers.

Virtually camping in the state was Union Petroleum Minister Dharmendra Pradhan, who hails from Odisha, as BJP made all out efforts to put up a formidable challenge to the BJD, which has been in power since 2000.

The Congress campaign, on the other hand, was led single-handedly by party president Rahul Gandhi who attended poll rallies in places like Koraput and Bhawanipatna besides holding special interactions with women and others. Gandhi was joined by senior leaders including Chhattisgarh Chief Minister Bhepesh Baghel and Odisha Congress chief Niranjan Patnaik.

For the ruling BJD, party president and Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik, seeking a fifth term this time, geared up and undertook extensive tours of the poll-bound areas.

Besides trading charges, the national parties like Congress and BJP hit out at the BJD government in the state accusing it of having failed to ensure development in the state despite being in power for 19 years. The BJD, on its part, accused both BJP and Congress of meting out step-motherly approach towards Odisha.

Candidates left no stone unturned to woo voters by holding large rallies, street corner meetings and road shows.

As the cacophony of electioneering fell silent at 5 pm, the candidates and their supporters readied for engaging in inter-personal canvassing.

The first phase polling will decide the electoral fate of 26 candidates, including many heavyweights, who are in the fray in four Lok Sabha seats, while there are 191 candidates in 28 Assembly seats. The state has 21 Lok Sabha and 147 Assembly seats.

Trying his luck at the hustings is Congress stalwart and former Union Minister Bhakta Charan Das who is crossing swords with BJP state unit president Basant Panda and BJD heavyweight and former state minister Pushpendra Singhdeo in Kalahandi Lok Sabha constituency.

Similarly, former Union Minister Chandra Sekhar Sahu is in the fray from Berhampur Lok Sabha seat where BJP has fielded its state unit general secretary Bhrugu Baxipatra.

State minister Ramesh Majhi is locking horns as a BJD nominee with state Congress working president and former MP Pradip Majhi in tribal-dominated Nabarangpur Lok Sabha seat.

Assembly election will witness high profile contest in several seats in the first phase with state minister S N Patro contesting from Digapahandi, Congress chief whip Tara Prasad Bahinipati from Jeypore and former minister Pradeep Panigrahi from Gopalpur.

The Election Commission, security forces including state Police and other officials have taken necessary steps to ensure free, fair and peaceful conduct of elections, an official said.

B K Sharma, who is DGP In-charge, said police has geared up to face challenges in to ensure peaceful conduct of elections in Maoist-affected areas many of which go to polls in the first phase.

Similarly, officials in-charge of polling duty along with security personnel have been mobilised to make arrangements for the polls in these constituencies.

More than 60 lakh voters are eligible to exercise their franchise in the first phase of polling to be held in 7,233 booths, the official said.&nbsp;

Curtains were drawn on the high voltage electioneering on Tuesday evening for Odisha's four Lok Sabha and 28 Assembly seats, including several naxal-hit areas, where polling is slated to be held in the first phase on April 11.

Curtains were drawn on the high voltage electioneering on Tuesday evening for Odisha's four Lok Sabha and 28 Assembly seats, including several naxal-hit areas, where polling is slated to be held in the first phase on April 11. A galaxy of high profile leaders of all major political parties including BJP, Congress and Biju Janata Dal (BJD) undertook whirlwind tours of the constituencies, mostly in south Odisha, to bolster the prospects of their candidates at the hustings. Spearheading the campaign for BJP, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and party President Amit Shah crisscrossed the poll-bound segments addressing a host of election rallies in a bid to arm the saffron party with extra strength. Balloting in Kalahandi, Nabarangapur, Berhampur and Koraput Lok Sabha seats and 28 Assembly segments coming under these four parliamentary constituencies will be held on April 11. A battery of other leaders also hit the campaign trail to give steam to the BJP campaign. They included Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, Jharkhand Chief Minister Raghubar Das, former Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan and many Union Ministers. Virtually camping in the state was Union Petroleum Minister Dharmendra Pradhan, who hails from Odisha, as BJP made all out efforts to put up a formidable challenge to the BJD, which has been in power since 2000. The Congress campaign, on the other hand, was led single-handedly by party president Rahul Gandhi who attended poll rallies in places like Koraput and Bhawanipatna besides holding special interactions with women and others. Gandhi was joined by senior leaders including Chhattisgarh Chief Minister Bhepesh Baghel and Odisha Congress chief Niranjan Patnaik. For the ruling BJD, party president and Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik, seeking a fifth term this time, geared up and undertook extensive tours of the poll-bound areas. Besides trading charges, the national parties like Congress and BJP hit out at the BJD government in the state accusing it of having failed to ensure development in the state despite being in power for 19 years. The BJD, on its part, accused both BJP and Congress of meting out step-motherly approach towards Odisha. Candidates left no stone unturned to woo voters by holding large rallies, street corner meetings and road shows. As the cacophony of electioneering fell silent at 5 pm, the candidates and their supporters readied for engaging in inter-personal canvassing. The first phase polling will decide the electoral fate of 26 candidates, including many heavyweights, who are in the fray in four Lok Sabha seats, while there are 191 candidates in 28 Assembly seats. The state has 21 Lok Sabha and 147 Assembly seats. Trying his luck at the hustings is Congress stalwart and former Union Minister Bhakta Charan Das who is crossing swords with BJP state unit president Basant Panda and BJD heavyweight and former state minister Pushpendra Singhdeo in Kalahandi Lok Sabha constituency. Similarly, former Union Minister Chandra Sekhar Sahu is in the fray from Berhampur Lok Sabha seat where BJP has fielded its state unit general secretary Bhrugu Baxipatra. State minister Ramesh Majhi is locking horns as a BJD nominee with state Congress working president and former MP Pradip Majhi in tribal-dominated Nabarangpur Lok Sabha seat. Assembly election will witness high profile contest in several seats in the first phase with state minister S N Patro contesting from Digapahandi, Congress chief whip Tara Prasad Bahinipati from Jeypore and former minister Pradeep Panigrahi from Gopalpur. The Election Commission, security forces including state Police and other officials have taken necessary steps to ensure free, fair and peaceful conduct of elections, an official said. B K Sharma, who is DGP In-charge, said police has geared up to face challenges in to ensure peaceful conduct of elections in Maoist-affected areas many of which go to polls in the first phase. Similarly, officials in-charge of polling duty along with security personnel have been mobilised to make arrangements for the polls in these constituencies. More than 60 lakh voters are eligible to exercise their franchise in the first phase of polling to be held in 7,233 booths, the official said.

Lok Sabha polls 2019: High voltage campaigning for first phase election ends

Watch 'India Election Watch' to get the deep details and knowledge of India's election.

India Election Watch; 08th April, 2019

Congress launched it's election campaign slogan as 'Ab Hoga NYAY'

Jyotiraditya Scindia says, ''Lower tax is best way to increase revenue''

It's 'Phir Ek Baar Modi Sarkar' Vs 'Ab Hoga NYAY'

BJP’s manifesto was nationalism unplugged. The manifesto reflected the core agenda of RSS, which has been promoting cultural nationalism since its inception. The coming of age could only happen during Narendra Modi’s tenure as he allowed the vision to be incorporated and propagated unapologetically during his tenure as the Prime Minister.

At the launch ceremony, speaker after speaker spoke about national unity and how BJP was committed to the idea of national renewal, tough security response and enhanced prestige abroad. This theme was visible after 2014 but very few understood the intent of BJP that it wanted to contest 2019 Lok Sabha elections on it.&nbsp;

If it would not have been the failure of BJP in Chhattisgarh, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, BJP would not have introduced direct subsidy to distressed farmers and neither state BJP governments would have waived electricity bills and loans taken by the farmer nor taken such a populist turn.

This particular event brought both BJP and Congress together barring the issue of nationalism. Both parties have committed themselves to a large welfare architecture which is going to trouble middle class even more. Both have become very loud in their commitment towards popular politics. For the PM to say Antyodaya is the philosophy reflects strong pro-poor sentiments. NYAY is also one such arrow from the quiver of populist politics. The only difference is that Congress manifesto is restrained when it comes to national security and nationalism-based politics and that of BJP is very aggressive and does not refrain from taking on strong regional sentiments of North East and Kashmir. It helps BJP in rest of India.

BJP’s manifesto looks more in tune with the India of 1970 under former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. A famous leader who taught a lesson to Pakistan but held the promise of keeping the nation together. She ran the country with an iron hand and the party was subservient to her. Her strength bordered on being dictatorial and ran a left-leaning economy. Congress, on the other hand, barring the model of a strong leader is also committing itself to running a left-leaning economy which would be high on welfare schemes.

Both BJP and Congress of today are a strong departure from the turn India took in 1991. Narasimha Rao, Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Manmohan Singh were reformers and committed to economic liberalisation. All three Prime Ministers fought the populist narrative that business is a bad word and capitalism cannot do good for the poor. Even if they failed in parts, they did not create a subsidy monster.

It was Sonia Gandhi who forced Manmohan Singh’s hand after 2008 that Congress started to reflect party sensibilities of the 1970s. Even Modi who started with a promise of reform and minimum governance gave in to the populism which continues to wreak Indian politics. Till today, there exists no consensus on land acquisition bill which continues to lie in cold storage after suit boot kee sarkar jibe.

The only differentiator which BJP has with Congress is on national security and aggressive politics against internal insurgencies and Pakistan. It is for this reason, BJP has made nationalism a pivotal issue against Congress.

Not only it blunts the charge of Congress that RSS never participated in the freedom struggle, but it also helps BJP bridge the caste politics. It is for this reason that Ram Temple, Article 370, 35 A, Pakistan and internal insurgencies have all come together as one issue.&nbsp;

Both manifestos claim that they have presented a competing vision of India but remain similar when it comes to promoting statism. The lines have also blurred on Hinduism. Both parties compete for the same space. BJP’s vision is hard nationalism laced with Hindutva married to a welfare state whereas Congress vision is that of soft Hindutva married to a vigorous welfare state. We will know only on May 23 as to which brand sold well.

&nbsp;(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.) &nbsp; 
&nbsp;

BJP’s manifesto was nationalism unplugged. The manifesto reflected the core agenda of RSS, which has been promoting cultural nationalism since its inception. The coming of age could only happen during Narendra Modi’s tenure as he allowed the vision to be incorporated and propagated unapologetically during his tenure as the Prime Minister.

BJP’s manifesto was nationalism unplugged. The manifesto reflected the core agenda of RSS, which has been promoting cultural nationalism since its inception. The coming of age could only happen during Narendra Modi’s tenure as he allowed the vision to be incorporated and propagated unapologetically during his tenure as the Prime Minister. At the launch ceremony, speaker after speaker spoke about national unity and how BJP was committed to the idea of national renewal, tough security response and enhanced prestige abroad. This theme was visible after 2014 but very few understood the intent of BJP that it wanted to contest 2019 Lok Sabha elections on it. If it would not have been the failure of BJP in Chhattisgarh, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, BJP would not have introduced direct subsidy to distressed farmers and neither state BJP governments would have waived electricity bills and loans taken by the farmer nor taken such a populist turn. This particular event brought both BJP and Congress together barring the issue of nationalism. Both parties have committed themselves to a large welfare architecture which is going to trouble middle class even more. Both have become very loud in their commitment towards popular politics. For the PM to say Antyodaya is the philosophy reflects strong pro-poor sentiments. NYAY is also one such arrow from the quiver of populist politics. The only difference is that Congress manifesto is restrained when it comes to national security and nationalism-based politics and that of BJP is very aggressive and does not refrain from taking on strong regional sentiments of North East and Kashmir. It helps BJP in rest of India. BJP’s manifesto looks more in tune with the India of 1970 under former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. A famous leader who taught a lesson to Pakistan but held the promise of keeping the nation together. She ran the country with an iron hand and the party was subservient to her. Her strength bordered on being dictatorial and ran a left-leaning economy. Congress, on the other hand, barring the model of a strong leader is also committing itself to running a left-leaning economy which would be high on welfare schemes. Both BJP and Congress of today are a strong departure from the turn India took in 1991. Narasimha Rao, Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Manmohan Singh were reformers and committed to economic liberalisation. All three Prime Ministers fought the populist narrative that business is a bad word and capitalism cannot do good for the poor. Even if they failed in parts, they did not create a subsidy monster. It was Sonia Gandhi who forced Manmohan Singh’s hand after 2008 that Congress started to reflect party sensibilities of the 1970s. Even Modi who started with a promise of reform and minimum governance gave in to the populism which continues to wreak Indian politics. Till today, there exists no consensus on land acquisition bill which continues to lie in cold storage after suit boot kee sarkar jibe. The only differentiator which BJP has with Congress is on national security and aggressive politics against internal insurgencies and Pakistan. It is for this reason, BJP has made nationalism a pivotal issue against Congress. Not only it blunts the charge of Congress that RSS never participated in the freedom struggle, but it also helps BJP bridge the caste politics. It is for this reason that Ram Temple, Article 370, 35 A, Pakistan and internal insurgencies have all come together as one issue. Both manifestos claim that they have presented a competing vision of India but remain similar when it comes to promoting statism. The lines have also blurred on Hinduism. Both parties compete for the same space. BJP’s vision is hard nationalism laced with Hindutva married to a welfare state whereas Congress vision is that of soft Hindutva married to a vigorous welfare state. We will know only on May 23 as to which brand sold well. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Lok Sabha polls 2019: High on populism, both BJP and Congress manifestos compete for same space

A&nbsp;great revolution is never the fault of the people, but of the government, the famous German writer JW von Goethe had said. Gurcharan&nbsp;Das, noted Indian author and former head of Proctor and Gamble India, recently pointed out a problem that voters across India may face during the upcoming Lok Sabha elections. Disillusioned by a string of factors that form a major chunk of the entire election process, the voter in 2019 might be finally left with only a limited choice. While the NOTA&nbsp;will be an option, the bigger mathematics is who shall rise to power after standard tenets of the median voter theorem are taken care of. As April 11 nears, the question that haunts many citizens is whether the political entrepreneurship stymied and muted in our country.

To start with, the Election Commission of India (ECI) data suggests that currently there are 7 national parties in India. The eligibility to become one is to win at least 2 per cent seats in the Lok Sabha (LS), the upper house of the Indian Parliament. In addition, they have to win at least win four Lok Sabha seats. The national parties also have to get the recognition as a state party in at least four states. While one can debate whether these cut-offs need a revisiting or if these restrictions are prohibitive, seven national parties for a country of 1.33 billion seem less. It immediately suggests that a market power is being exercised by the dominant ones rather than the ones on the fringes. What heightens the curiosity is that 1999, and also the last LS polls, saw the classification of a national party, namely the Nationalist Congress&nbsp;&nbsp;Party.&nbsp;

Since then, we have had 5 national elections and the story gradually turned to state parties. The ECI data suggests that there are&nbsp;55 such parties today, with 14 new entrants from 2010 to 2019. Eight state parties entering in the 2000s, 10 in the 1990s, 7 in the 1980s, 5&nbsp;&nbsp;in the 1970s, 3 in the 1960s, and 3 more post-Independence, the rest&nbsp;&nbsp;pre-1947.&nbsp;

And even without going into their survival probabilities,&nbsp;one can see competition from even the less-recognised bunch of regional parties. Clearly, as we get familiar with the Indian politics which is now highly decentralised, we see the national competition is being substituted by a sub-national flavour.&nbsp;

Another point to take away from here is the potentially average conversion ratio of a state party to a national party, which is declining over the years.

So what explains the trend? The micro-foundations of entrepreneurship and pathways related to politics as a career could provide a starting answer. There are no estimates, but one wonders if it has become costlier to pursue active politics as a&nbsp;&nbsp;career opportunity. In addition, the controversial and fuzzy electoral bonds are perfect instruments as entry barriers for incumbents. Also, with the 1991 liberalisation, India has seen the advent of market forces, such that the role of the state as a social planner has become more corrective in nature (when there are market distortions), rather than being directive.&nbsp;

Yet, since puzzlingly&nbsp;&nbsp;India’s crony capitalism and chaebol point to an unsteady system in existence where marginal returns to becoming a politician, potentially&nbsp;exists within one’s ethical compass on the edge. That may explain entry&nbsp;of criminals and contentious religious leaders, but the successful entry from the average middle class remains a far cry. In fact, India’s growing middle class, predominantly young and aspirations, may no longer be beholden to a behavioural mind set of thinking of the state as the go-to secure fallback for livelihood and even as an influencer of life. They want to move on, and over the years, Infosys or the current&nbsp;&nbsp;Flipkart-generation may prioritise the value of bazaars in guiding life’s satisfaction.&nbsp;

Normatively this may be fine, but one wonders if this comes at the cost of turning the oblivious to inequalities that market forces are bringing forth and the negative externalities created tomorrow even in their private lives with their short-term thinking.&nbsp;&nbsp;For those who are sensitive to these trade-offs, the way to solve India’s ills seem to be becoming agrarian entrepreneurs, embedding oneself in rural India, blending in innovation, technology and new business models to solve the ills afflicting life beyond metros.

One wishes that many of them, indeed, endogenously or exogenous, turn into political entrepreneurs and would advance governance and public policy in India. A final point can be drawn from Imran Khan, the current&nbsp;&nbsp;Pakistani Prime Minister, interviewed last year on the Australian TV&nbsp;&nbsp;programme for 60 minutes.&nbsp;&nbsp;His was an observation that could be equally true for much of South Asia when he noted that maybe Pakistan needs a revolution. Today, with smart phones in their hand and aspirations in their mind, India’s youth may prioritize WhatsApp, malls,&nbsp;&nbsp;Instagram. But if they have the foresight (even selfish ones for that matter are fine), they should also ponder taking their future in their hands.&nbsp;&nbsp;From being amnesiac here, to the death anniversary of Bhagat&nbsp;&nbsp;Singh last week was not exactly a great sign to this regard, but one would like to remain hopeful that tomorrow young India will still be inspired by him and that will spur political competition.

Speaking in recent months to prominent healthcare leaders and entrepreneurs in&nbsp;&nbsp;India, former North American diplomats and faculty colleagues, this idea, as to whether India needs a revolution intriguingly keeps coming back in conversations. But to be substantive about it, it would be wiser to create conditions and incentives guiding Indian youth towards a&nbsp;&nbsp;systematic approach here to foster revolution with national political rivalry. The emergence of a Jignesh Mevani, Alpesh Thakor, Hardik Patel,&nbsp;&nbsp;Kanhaiya Kumar, Sheila Rashid or Shah Faesal is good regionally, but maybe India’s national parties need the animal spirits of competition to stay rooted to their broader social welfare mission. That could give&nbsp;&nbsp;India its newest revolution (with political entrepreneurship), beyond its digital or fin-tech revolution.

(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-a-stymied-political-career-2736699">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)&nbsp;&nbsp;

A great revolution is never the fault of the people, but of the government, the famous German writer JW von Goethe had said. Gurcharan Das, noted Indian author and former head of Proctor and Gamble India, recently pointed out a problem that voters across India may face during the upcoming Lok Sabha elections.

A great revolution is never the fault of the people, but of the government, the famous German writer JW von Goethe had said. Gurcharan Das, noted Indian author and former head of Proctor and Gamble India, recently pointed out a problem that voters across India may face during the upcoming Lok Sabha elections. Disillusioned by a string of factors that form a major chunk of the entire election process, the voter in 2019 might be finally left with only a limited choice. While the NOTA will be an option, the bigger mathematics is who shall rise to power after standard tenets of the median voter theorem are taken care of. As April 11 nears, the question that haunts many citizens is whether the political entrepreneurship stymied and muted in our country. To start with, the Election Commission of India (ECI) data suggests that currently there are 7 national parties in India. The eligibility to become one is to win at least 2 per cent seats in the Lok Sabha (LS), the upper house of the Indian Parliament. In addition, they have to win at least win four Lok Sabha seats. The national parties also have to get the recognition as a state party in at least four states. While one can debate whether these cut-offs need a revisiting or if these restrictions are prohibitive, seven national parties for a country of 1.33 billion seem less. It immediately suggests that a market power is being exercised by the dominant ones rather than the ones on the fringes. What heightens the curiosity is that 1999, and also the last LS polls, saw the classification of a national party, namely the Nationalist Congress Party. Since then, we have had 5 national elections and the story gradually turned to state parties. The ECI data suggests that there are 55 such parties today, with 14 new entrants from 2010 to 2019. Eight state parties entering in the 2000s, 10 in the 1990s, 7 in the 1980s, 5 in the 1970s, 3 in the 1960s, and 3 more post-Independence, the rest pre-1947. And even without going into their survival probabilities, one can see competition from even the less-recognised bunch of regional parties. Clearly, as we get familiar with the Indian politics which is now highly decentralised, we see the national competition is being substituted by a sub-national flavour. Another point to take away from here is the potentially average conversion ratio of a state party to a national party, which is declining over the years. So what explains the trend? The micro-foundations of entrepreneurship and pathways related to politics as a career could provide a starting answer. There are no estimates, but one wonders if it has become costlier to pursue active politics as a career opportunity. In addition, the controversial and fuzzy electoral bonds are perfect instruments as entry barriers for incumbents. Also, with the 1991 liberalisation, India has seen the advent of market forces, such that the role of the state as a social planner has become more corrective in nature (when there are market distortions), rather than being directive. Yet, since puzzlingly India’s crony capitalism and chaebol point to an unsteady system in existence where marginal returns to becoming a politician, potentially exists within one’s ethical compass on the edge. That may explain entry of criminals and contentious religious leaders, but the successful entry from the average middle class remains a far cry. In fact, India’s growing middle class, predominantly young and aspirations, may no longer be beholden to a behavioural mind set of thinking of the state as the go-to secure fallback for livelihood and even as an influencer of life. They want to move on, and over the years, Infosys or the current Flipkart-generation may prioritise the value of bazaars in guiding life’s satisfaction. Normatively this may be fine, but one wonders if this comes at the cost of turning the oblivious to inequalities that market forces are bringing forth and the negative externalities created tomorrow even in their private lives with their short-term thinking. For those who are sensitive to these trade-offs, the way to solve India’s ills seem to be becoming agrarian entrepreneurs, embedding oneself in rural India, blending in innovation, technology and new business models to solve the ills afflicting life beyond metros. One wishes that many of them, indeed, endogenously or exogenous, turn into political entrepreneurs and would advance governance and public policy in India. A final point can be drawn from Imran Khan, the current Pakistani Prime Minister, interviewed last year on the Australian TV programme for 60 minutes. His was an observation that could be equally true for much of South Asia when he noted that maybe Pakistan needs a revolution. Today, with smart phones in their hand and aspirations in their mind, India’s youth may prioritize WhatsApp, malls, Instagram. But if they have the foresight (even selfish ones for that matter are fine), they should also ponder taking their future in their hands. From being amnesiac here, to the death anniversary of Bhagat Singh last week was not exactly a great sign to this regard, but one would like to remain hopeful that tomorrow young India will still be inspired by him and that will spur political competition. Speaking in recent months to prominent healthcare leaders and entrepreneurs in India, former North American diplomats and faculty colleagues, this idea, as to whether India needs a revolution intriguingly keeps coming back in conversations. But to be substantive about it, it would be wiser to create conditions and incentives guiding Indian youth towards a systematic approach here to foster revolution with national political rivalry. The emergence of a Jignesh Mevani, Alpesh Thakor, Hardik Patel, Kanhaiya Kumar, Sheila Rashid or Shah Faesal is good regionally, but maybe India’s national parties need the animal spirits of competition to stay rooted to their broader social welfare mission. That could give India its newest revolution (with political entrepreneurship), beyond its digital or fin-tech revolution. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Lok Sabha polls 2019: Voters might be left with only limited choice

Senior BJP leader Nirmala Sitharaman Saturday urged people to assess the Congress' five years in the opposition, claiming it was creating chaos to stop the government from doing good work.

She said the amount of 72,000 per year, promised by the Congress to the poor under its NYAY scheme, was half of what the Narendra Modi government is giving away currently to poor citizens through direct subsidy transfers.

While addressing professionals and intellectuals of the city here as part of BJP's Lok Sabha campaign, she said, though PM Modi was ready to reply to the Congress' questions in Parliament, leaders in the opposition created chaos and did not allow him to do so.

"Before 2014, the BJP was in opposition and it campaigned to uproot a corrupt government. Now, we are in power while Congress is in opposition. You should compare our performance as opposition and that of the Congress," she said.

"As an opposition party, we used to raise questions in the Parliament. But, we never made any baseless allegations. Now, though Modi ji was ready to give answers, he was not allowed by the opposition leaders who created chaos in the Parliament. This is today's opposition. They are trying to stop us from doing good work," she claimed.

"This is what the opposition has become. You have to think about this too," Sitharaman told the gathering.

On the minimum income guarantee scheme promised by the Congress, Sitharaman said "The Rs 72,000, which Congress is promising to give, is less than what Modiji is giving right now to the needy citizens through direct subsidy transfers."

She said because of the efforts of Modi, no country had criticised India for its February 26 Balakot air strike.

"Pakistan is already in the grey list of the Financial Action Task Force for not taking sufficient action against terror outfits. Now, it may be added in the black list of FATF," she said.

"Even Pakistan has admitted that they are on the verge of being blacklisted because of India's campaign. Why did such things not happen earlier? Because Modi hai to mumkin hai (With Modi, it is possible)," said the BJP leader.

When queried on National Conference president Farooq Abdullah's allegation that the Modi government was lying about the shooting down of a Pakistani F-16 in the aerial engagement on February 27, she said the Indian Air Force had already presented proof to establish it.

"There are many who are spreading such misinformation. Those who are questioning our army are part of the bhajan mandli of the Congress. What more I can say when some Indians are saying such things. It is painful" she said.

Responding to a question about Rahul Gandhi's allegations of irregularities in the Rafale deal and the involvement of Anil Ambani, Sitharaman dared the Congress chief to provide proof.

"Just show a simple proof to validate your allegation that Rs 30,000 crore was given to him (Ambani). If you can't show that proof, you do not have any right to say that the PM is a thief. I challenge you to show proof. If you cannot, you must stop levelling false and baseless allegations," she said.

The Congress allegations have been refuted routinely by the Centre as well as Ambani.

She was here to campaign for BJP national president Amit Shah who is contesting from Gandhinagar Lok Sabha seat.

Senior BJP leader Nirmala Sitharaman Saturday urged people to assess the Congress' five years in the opposition, claiming it was creating chaos to stop the government from doing good work.

Senior BJP leader Nirmala Sitharaman Saturday urged people to assess the Congress' five years in the opposition, claiming it was creating chaos to stop the government from doing good work. She said the amount of 72,000 per year, promised by the Congress to the poor under its NYAY scheme, was half of what the Narendra Modi government is giving away currently to poor citizens through direct subsidy transfers. While addressing professionals and intellectuals of the city here as part of BJP's Lok Sabha campaign, she said, though PM Modi was ready to reply to the Congress' questions in Parliament, leaders in the opposition created chaos and did not allow him to do so. "Before 2014, the BJP was in opposition and it campaigned to uproot a corrupt government. Now, we are in power while Congress is in opposition. You should compare our performance as opposition and that of the Congress," she said. "As an opposition party, we used to raise questions in the Parliament. But, we never made any baseless allegations. Now, though Modi ji was ready to give answers, he was not allowed by the opposition leaders who created chaos in the Parliament. This is today's opposition. They are trying to stop us from doing good work," she claimed. "This is what the opposition has become. You have to think about this too," Sitharaman told the gathering. On the minimum income guarantee scheme promised by the Congress, Sitharaman said "The Rs 72,000, which Congress is promising to give, is less than what Modiji is giving right now to the needy citizens through direct subsidy transfers." She said because of the efforts of Modi, no country had criticised India for its February 26 Balakot air strike. "Pakistan is already in the grey list of the Financial Action Task Force for not taking sufficient action against terror outfits. Now, it may be added in the black list of FATF," she said. "Even Pakistan has admitted that they are on the verge of being blacklisted because of India's campaign. Why did such things not happen earlier? Because Modi hai to mumkin hai (With Modi, it is possible)," said the BJP leader. When queried on National Conference president Farooq Abdullah's allegation that the Modi government was lying about the shooting down of a Pakistani F-16 in the aerial engagement on February 27, she said the Indian Air Force had already presented proof to establish it. "There are many who are spreading such misinformation. Those who are questioning our army are part of the bhajan mandli of the Congress. What more I can say when some Indians are saying such things. It is painful" she said. Responding to a question about Rahul Gandhi's allegations of irregularities in the Rafale deal and the involvement of Anil Ambani, Sitharaman dared the Congress chief to provide proof. "Just show a simple proof to validate your allegation that Rs 30,000 crore was given to him (Ambani). If you can't show that proof, you do not have any right to say that the PM is a thief. I challenge you to show proof. If you cannot, you must stop levelling false and baseless allegations," she said. The Congress allegations have been refuted routinely by the Centre as well as Ambani. She was here to campaign for BJP national president Amit Shah who is contesting from Gandhinagar Lok Sabha seat.

Defence minister Sitharaman slams Congress' role as opposition party

All the BJP and Congress candidates, except five, who are in the fray for the 26 Lok Sabha seats in Gujarat, are'crorepatis', revealed the affidavits submitted by them with their nomination papers.

Four of the five candidates, whose total assets are less than one crore rupees, belong to the tribal community.

Some of the richest candidates from these two major parties include Congress's Mehsana nominee, Ambalal Patel, who has declared assets worth Rs 69.9 crore.

BJP candidate and sitting MP from Navsari, Chandrakant Patel, has declared assets worth Rs 44.6 crore.

Poonam Maadam, BJP MP from Jamnagar, who is seeking her re-election from the same seat, has declared assets worth Rs 42.7 crore.

BJP's Shardaben Patel, who is pitted against Ambalal Patel in Mehsana, has shown assets worth Rs 44 crore.

Ramesh Dhaduk, the BJP candidate who replaced sitting MP Vitthal Radadiya on Porbandar seat, has declared assets worth Rs 35.75 crore.

Three candidates of the Congress and two BJP nominees have declared assets less than Rs one crore.

Mansukh Vasava, the sitting BJP MP from Bharuch, who is seeking his re-election for the sixth time, has declared assets worth Rs 68.35 lakh.

Congress candidate Sherkhan Pathan, who is pitted against Vasava, has declared assets of Rs 33.4 lakh.

Naresh Maheshwari, the Congress candidate from Kutch, has declared total assets of Rs 38.13 lakh.

BJP nominee Gitaben Rathva, who is contesting the election from a tribal-reserved seat of Chhota Udepur, has declared assets worth Rs 86.3 lakh.

Jitu Chaudhary, the Congress candidate from tribal-reserved seat of Valsad, has declared total assets of Rs 66.1 lakh.

Total assets include both movable and immovable assets belonging to the candidates, their spouses, and dependents, as declared in the affidavits submitted along with the nomination papers to the returning officer.

Total 573 candidates are in the fray for the 26 Lok Sabha seats in Gujarat, where elections will be held on April 23.

Both the major parties- the Congress as well as the BJP- have fielded candidates from all the 26 seats.&nbsp;

All the BJP and Congress candidates, except five, who are in the fray for the 26 Lok Sabha seats in Gujarat, are'crorepatis', revealed the affidavits submitted by them with their nomination papers.

All the BJP and Congress candidates, except five, who are in the fray for the 26 Lok Sabha seats in Gujarat, are'crorepatis', revealed the affidavits submitted by them with their nomination papers. Four of the five candidates, whose total assets are less than one crore rupees, belong to the tribal community. Some of the richest candidates from these two major parties include Congress's Mehsana nominee, Ambalal Patel, who has declared assets worth Rs 69.9 crore. BJP candidate and sitting MP from Navsari, Chandrakant Patel, has declared assets worth Rs 44.6 crore. Poonam Maadam, BJP MP from Jamnagar, who is seeking her re-election from the same seat, has declared assets worth Rs 42.7 crore. BJP's Shardaben Patel, who is pitted against Ambalal Patel in Mehsana, has shown assets worth Rs 44 crore. Ramesh Dhaduk, the BJP candidate who replaced sitting MP Vitthal Radadiya on Porbandar seat, has declared assets worth Rs 35.75 crore. Three candidates of the Congress and two BJP nominees have declared assets less than Rs one crore. Mansukh Vasava, the sitting BJP MP from Bharuch, who is seeking his re-election for the sixth time, has declared assets worth Rs 68.35 lakh. Congress candidate Sherkhan Pathan, who is pitted against Vasava, has declared assets of Rs 33.4 lakh. Naresh Maheshwari, the Congress candidate from Kutch, has declared total assets of Rs 38.13 lakh. BJP nominee Gitaben Rathva, who is contesting the election from a tribal-reserved seat of Chhota Udepur, has declared assets worth Rs 86.3 lakh. Jitu Chaudhary, the Congress candidate from tribal-reserved seat of Valsad, has declared total assets of Rs 66.1 lakh. Total assets include both movable and immovable assets belonging to the candidates, their spouses, and dependents, as declared in the affidavits submitted along with the nomination papers to the returning officer. Total 573 candidates are in the fray for the 26 Lok Sabha seats in Gujarat, where elections will be held on April 23. Both the major parties- the Congress as well as the BJP- have fielded candidates from all the 26 seats.

Gujarat Lok Sabha polls: All BJP, Congress candidates except 5 are crorepatis

Priyanka Gandhi Vadra became the latest member of India's storied Nehru-Gandhi dynasty to enter politics in January, but the boost she brings the opposition campaign may not turn the tide against Prime Minister Narendra Modi, polls show.

After years of speculation, the charismatic Vadra joined Congress to help its leader, her brother Rahul, in general elections that begin next week, pitching the party and regional groups against Modi.

Congress hopes the fourth-generation siblings of a dynasty that ruled India for decades after independence from Britain in 1947 and is still revered by many will help energise its ranks and counter Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

In the run-up to the election that starts on Thursday, the 47-year-old Vadra has spent hours campaigning in cars, trucks and even a boat, to woo voters in Uttar Pradesh, which sends more lawmakers to parliament than any other Indian state.

Reuters followed her at two roadshows where she smiled, waved, and shook hands, occasionally wading into crowds as her security detail scrambled along. Her father and grandmother, both former prime ministers, were assassinated.

Thousands of people lined the streets for several kilometres, waving Congress flags and chanting her name.

"There is support for Congress because of Priyanka," said Mahesh Gupta, a shopkeeper in the temple town of Ayodhya, where she visited a shrine in late March.

Gupta, who referred to Vadra by her first name, as many Indians do, voted for Modi in the last election, but said he was considering Congress after seeing her campaign.

Vadra, a marquee campaigner for Congress, chose Ayodhya as one of her first tours to take on the BJP in its own bastion.

Even so, in the face of the formidable political machine of the BJP which also rules the state, Congress may be unable to capitalise on her appeal, pollsters and some party leaders said.

Vadra's campaigning was getting attention for Congress it would not have got otherwise, but it did not look like the party was making gains, said Milan Vaishnav, an analyst at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

"Many in Congress say the Priyanka play is more about building up the party for 2022 assembly elections and beyond," he said, referring to state elections in Uttar Pradesh.

Last month, polling agencies CVoter and CNX separately estimated Congress would win just 4 of the 80 seats up for grabs in the state, doubling its tally since the last general election in 2014.

That year's sweep of 71 seats for the BJP paved the way for Modi's clear majority in India’s 545-member Lok Sabha.

A broader poll published by a newspaper on Friday showed Modi's approval ratings across India were higher even than in 2014 when he was making a bid for power.

The poll, by the newspaper CSDS-Lokniti, showed 43 per cent of respondents wanted Modi as the next prime minister, with 24 per cent for Congress leader Rahul Gandhi.

Vote wisely

For years, Vadra helped manage elections for her brother and mother, former Congress president Sonia Gandhi, in their own constituencies, but was reluctant to get into politics herself.

A mother of two, she is married to businessman Robert Vadra and has long been seen as a natural politician with strong speaking skills and an ability to easily connect with people.

One afternoon last week, her 12-car convoy sped past lush fields and small settlements, kicking up a cloud of dust before stopping at the village of Atka in the Ayodhya district.

The saree-clad Vadra jumped out of her car and settled down on the ground surrounded by a group of women, many veiled and others smiling.

"If someone doesn’t work for you, how will you teach them a lesson?" she asked, imploring them to vote wisely. "Vote for those who want to work for you."

CVoter, which has run a daily opinion poll since January, said Congress support in Uttar Pradesh has dropped off after jumping 10 percentage points in the days following the news that Vadra had taken a party post.

Late in March, about 8.9 per cent of state voters backed Congress, a far cry from the 43.4 per cent supporting the BJP and the 44 per cent behind an alliance of two major regional parties.

However, even with Vadra's hectic campaigning, Congress is struggling to get its message of welfare to voters, party officials said.

Six voters in Uttar Pradesh said they had not heard of a Congress election promise for a programme to give India's poorest families monthly handouts of 6,000 rupees.

"They brought her in at a very wrong time," said one Congress official, who declined to be identified because he was not authorised to speak formally to media.

A better time would have been December, just days after Congress won power in three key states, giving her more time to prepare, he added. Others in the party have said it should have been years earlier.

The BJP has dismissed Vadra's formal entry into politics as inconsequential and Modi said it only showed that for some "the family is the party".

Vadra's office did not respond to a request from Reuters for an interview.

But Congress will seize on momentum building against the BJP, said Kamal Nath, a top Congress leader and chief minister of Madhya Pradesh.

"You have to time everything," he told Reuters. "You don't want to peak out too fast."

Priyanka Gandhi Vadra became the latest member of India's storied Nehru-Gandhi dynasty to enter politics in January, but the boost she brings the opposition campaign may not turn the tide against Prime Minister Narendra Modi, polls show.

Priyanka Gandhi Vadra became the latest member of India's storied Nehru-Gandhi dynasty to enter politics in January, but the boost she brings the opposition campaign may not turn the tide against Prime Minister Narendra Modi, polls show. After years of speculation, the charismatic Vadra joined Congress to help its leader, her brother Rahul, in general elections that begin next week, pitching the party and regional groups against Modi. Congress hopes the fourth-generation siblings of a dynasty that ruled India for decades after independence from Britain in 1947 and is still revered by many will help energise its ranks and counter Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). In the run-up to the election that starts on Thursday, the 47-year-old Vadra has spent hours campaigning in cars, trucks and even a boat, to woo voters in Uttar Pradesh, which sends more lawmakers to parliament than any other Indian state. Reuters followed her at two roadshows where she smiled, waved, and shook hands, occasionally wading into crowds as her security detail scrambled along. Her father and grandmother, both former prime ministers, were assassinated. Thousands of people lined the streets for several kilometres, waving Congress flags and chanting her name. "There is support for Congress because of Priyanka," said Mahesh Gupta, a shopkeeper in the temple town of Ayodhya, where she visited a shrine in late March. Gupta, who referred to Vadra by her first name, as many Indians do, voted for Modi in the last election, but said he was considering Congress after seeing her campaign. Vadra, a marquee campaigner for Congress, chose Ayodhya as one of her first tours to take on the BJP in its own bastion. Even so, in the face of the formidable political machine of the BJP which also rules the state, Congress may be unable to capitalise on her appeal, pollsters and some party leaders said. Vadra's campaigning was getting attention for Congress it would not have got otherwise, but it did not look like the party was making gains, said Milan Vaishnav, an analyst at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. "Many in Congress say the Priyanka play is more about building up the party for 2022 assembly elections and beyond," he said, referring to state elections in Uttar Pradesh. Last month, polling agencies CVoter and CNX separately estimated Congress would win just 4 of the 80 seats up for grabs in the state, doubling its tally since the last general election in 2014. That year's sweep of 71 seats for the BJP paved the way for Modi's clear majority in India’s 545-member Lok Sabha. A broader poll published by a newspaper on Friday showed Modi's approval ratings across India were higher even than in 2014 when he was making a bid for power. The poll, by the newspaper CSDS-Lokniti, showed 43 per cent of respondents wanted Modi as the next prime minister, with 24 per cent for Congress leader Rahul Gandhi. Vote wisely For years, Vadra helped manage elections for her brother and mother, former Congress president Sonia Gandhi, in their own constituencies, but was reluctant to get into politics herself. A mother of two, she is married to businessman Robert Vadra and has long been seen as a natural politician with strong speaking skills and an ability to easily connect with people. One afternoon last week, her 12-car convoy sped past lush fields and small settlements, kicking up a cloud of dust before stopping at the village of Atka in the Ayodhya district. The saree-clad Vadra jumped out of her car and settled down on the ground surrounded by a group of women, many veiled and others smiling. "If someone doesn’t work for you, how will you teach them a lesson?" she asked, imploring them to vote wisely. "Vote for those who want to work for you." CVoter, which has run a daily opinion poll since January, said Congress support in Uttar Pradesh has dropped off after jumping 10 percentage points in the days following the news that Vadra had taken a party post. Late in March, about 8.9 per cent of state voters backed Congress, a far cry from the 43.4 per cent supporting the BJP and the 44 per cent behind an alliance of two major regional parties. However, even with Vadra's hectic campaigning, Congress is struggling to get its message of welfare to voters, party officials said. Six voters in Uttar Pradesh said they had not heard of a Congress election promise for a programme to give India's poorest families monthly handouts of 6,000 rupees. "They brought her in at a very wrong time," said one Congress official, who declined to be identified because he was not authorised to speak formally to media. A better time would have been December, just days after Congress won power in three key states, giving her more time to prepare, he added. Others in the party have said it should have been years earlier. The BJP has dismissed Vadra's formal entry into politics as inconsequential and Modi said it only showed that for some "the family is the party". Vadra's office did not respond to a request from Reuters for an interview. But Congress will seize on momentum building against the BJP, said Kamal Nath, a top Congress leader and chief minister of Madhya Pradesh. "You have to time everything," he told Reuters. "You don't want to peak out too fast."

Priyanka Gandhi in uphill battle against BJP in eastern Uttar Pradesh

congress

Congress, News on Congress, stories on Congress, articles on Congress, Congress stories at Wion, Congress news, Congress latest news