In this segment, we brings to a survey report that suggests Jobs, health care are the top priorities for voters. Watch full video to know more.

India Election Watch: Jobs, health care top priorities for reveals survey

In this segment, we brings Answers to Frequently Asked Questions in Election season. Watch full video to know more.

India Election Watch: Answers to Frequently Asked Questions in Election season

Cabinet formation is proving to be a tight-rope walk for Madhya Pradesh chief minister Kamal Nath, who took over the reins of office on Monday ( December 17) after Congress party, which ended up two short of a clear majority, mustered support of 2 BSP, 1 Samajwadi Party and four Independent MLAs to form the new government in the state after 15 years of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) rule.

The supporters of senior Congress leader and scion of the erstwhile ruling family of Gwalior Jyotiraditya Scindia were determined to see their leader, who was the state Congress poll campaign committee chairman, as the next chief minister.&nbsp;

After the Congress romped home victorious, they were determined to see Scindia as chief minister but this did not happen. The Scindia supporters, who are obviously dejected, are now using every bit of their tugging power to pull as many ministerial berths and powerful portfolios as possible.

The Madhya Pradesh Congress unit has always faced the challenge of divided loyalties. During electioneering, the state party chieftains had sunk their differences to give a united fight to the BJP. Now with elections over, the Congress party’s inner-party rivalry once again has surfaced in a big way and this got demonstrated by Nath’s swearing-in&nbsp;that turned out to be a solo affair, unlike Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh.

Besides the factions loyal to Nath and Scindia, there are also powerful groups in the Madhya Pradesh Congress unit aligned to former chief minister Digvijaya Singh, former Union Minister Suresh Pachouri, former leader of Opposition in the state Assembly Ajay Singh, former State party chief Arun Yadav and former Union Minister and tribal leader Kantilal Bhuria. None of these groups is ready to concede even an iota as far as their demands vis-a-vis cabinet formation are concerned.

Carrying all these groups together and keeping the party satraps in good humour is not easy and what makes the task even more formidable for the new chief minister is that while picking his Cabinet colleagues and junior ministers, special attention also will have to be paid towards maintaining regional balance and ensuring adequate representation to different sections, including minorities.

The gigantic task of Cabinet formation remains a huge priority for the chief minister. Empty state coffers, corruption at all levels of the government and an unbridled bureaucracy also pose a big challenge. &nbsp;

Meanwhile, immediately after assuming office, Nath acted swiftly and passed the orders to waive the farmers’ loans up to Rs 2 lakh to fulfil a major pre-election promise. Responding to a poser in this regard, at his maiden press conference held after his swearing-in, Nath said since there are no ministers, he is the Cabinet. He also used this occasion to share his concern about in-migration and especially named Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, while announcing that industries would get incentives from the state government only if they reserved 70 per cent of jobs for those belonging to Madhya Pradesh.&nbsp;

A policy decision has been taken in this regard, he added. &nbsp;This one announcement has opened up the Pandora’s box as Congress party interested in a grand alliance for the 2019 Lok Sabha elections would not like to rub its allies in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. When this issue was brought to the notice of Congress President Rahul Gandhi by media-persons, he appeared flustered while replying that he would be able to respond only after gathering details.

Nath is also under attack by those trying to rope him in as an accused after the Delhi high court on Monday sentenced Congress leader Sajjan Kumar to imprisonment for life in an anti-Sikh riots case of 1984. BJP functionaries from Madhya Pradesh were seen lending support to Sikh protestors who came out gunning for Nath after the court convicted Kumar of instigating violence after Indira Gandhi was assassinated by her two Sikh bodyguards.&nbsp;

The Madhya Pradesh chief minister has described the tirade against him as politically motivated. &nbsp;There is no case or FIR against him. It is not the first time that he has been sworn-in. He took oath as a Union minister way back in 1991, Nath has asserted to steer clear of allegations and charges.&nbsp; 
 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Cabinet formation is proving to be a tight-rope walk for Madhya Pradesh chief minister Kamal Nath, who took over the reins of office on Monday ( December 17) after Congress party, which ended up two short of a clear majority, mustered support of 2 BSP, 1 Samajwadi Party and four Independent MLAs to form the new government in the state after 15 years of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) rule.

Cabinet formation is proving to be a tight-rope walk for Madhya Pradesh chief minister Kamal Nath, who took over the reins of office on Monday ( December 17) after Congress party, which ended up two short of a clear majority, mustered support of 2 BSP, 1 Samajwadi Party and four Independent MLAs to form the new government in the state after 15 years of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) rule. The supporters of senior Congress leader and scion of the erstwhile ruling family of Gwalior Jyotiraditya Scindia were determined to see their leader, who was the state Congress poll campaign committee chairman, as the next chief minister. After the Congress romped home victorious, they were determined to see Scindia as chief minister but this did not happen. The Scindia supporters, who are obviously dejected, are now using every bit of their tugging power to pull as many ministerial berths and powerful portfolios as possible. The Madhya Pradesh Congress unit has always faced the challenge of divided loyalties. During electioneering, the state party chieftains had sunk their differences to give a united fight to the BJP. Now with elections over, the Congress party’s inner-party rivalry once again has surfaced in a big way and this got demonstrated by Nath’s swearing-in that turned out to be a solo affair, unlike Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh. Besides the factions loyal to Nath and Scindia, there are also powerful groups in the Madhya Pradesh Congress unit aligned to former chief minister Digvijaya Singh, former Union Minister Suresh Pachouri, former leader of Opposition in the state Assembly Ajay Singh, former State party chief Arun Yadav and former Union Minister and tribal leader Kantilal Bhuria. None of these groups is ready to concede even an iota as far as their demands vis-a-vis cabinet formation are concerned. Carrying all these groups together and keeping the party satraps in good humour is not easy and what makes the task even more formidable for the new chief minister is that while picking his Cabinet colleagues and junior ministers, special attention also will have to be paid towards maintaining regional balance and ensuring adequate representation to different sections, including minorities. The gigantic task of Cabinet formation remains a huge priority for the chief minister. Empty state coffers, corruption at all levels of the government and an unbridled bureaucracy also pose a big challenge. Meanwhile, immediately after assuming office, Nath acted swiftly and passed the orders to waive the farmers’ loans up to Rs 2 lakh to fulfil a major pre-election promise. Responding to a poser in this regard, at his maiden press conference held after his swearing-in, Nath said since there are no ministers, he is the Cabinet. He also used this occasion to share his concern about in-migration and especially named Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, while announcing that industries would get incentives from the state government only if they reserved 70 per cent of jobs for those belonging to Madhya Pradesh. A policy decision has been taken in this regard, he added. This one announcement has opened up the Pandora’s box as Congress party interested in a grand alliance for the 2019 Lok Sabha elections would not like to rub its allies in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. When this issue was brought to the notice of Congress President Rahul Gandhi by media-persons, he appeared flustered while replying that he would be able to respond only after gathering details. Nath is also under attack by those trying to rope him in as an accused after the Delhi high court on Monday sentenced Congress leader Sajjan Kumar to imprisonment for life in an anti-Sikh riots case of 1984. BJP functionaries from Madhya Pradesh were seen lending support to Sikh protestors who came out gunning for Nath after the court convicted Kumar of instigating violence after Indira Gandhi was assassinated by her two Sikh bodyguards. The Madhya Pradesh chief minister has described the tirade against him as politically motivated. There is no case or FIR against him. It is not the first time that he has been sworn-in. He took oath as a Union minister way back in 1991, Nath has asserted to steer clear of allegations and charges. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Tightrope walk for Kamal Nath in Madhya Pradesh

Unexpected reverses suffered by the BJP-NDA combine in recent Assembly elections constrain us to speculate about their impact on India’s external relations-particularly in the neighbourhood. Ever since Narendra Modi assumed office he has set a blistering pace in diplomacy. It would only be churlish to deny him the credit for repositioning India on the international arena. He has tried to increase India’s strategic options and largely succeeded ( with the exception of setbacks in Pakistan) in projecting the image of resurgent India with a dynamic, decisive leader at the helm.&nbsp;

Now, the boat that appeared to be saying smoothly has been badly rocked. Some of his critics have long been suggesting that our PM has deliberately spent so much time abroad simply to escape any blame for minor or even major failures in domestic politics. But let’s let this pass as a legitimate pastime of frustrated opposition. However, what can’t be denied is the fact that the aura of invincibility exuded by a charismatic leader has lost much of its sparkle.&nbsp;

One can argue that it was only the campaigning by the PM that saved BJP from much worse rout and that state elections are fought, won and lost according to very different calculations then the Lok Sabha Polls but in the present context, this would appear as a half-hearted attempt at whitewashing an inglorious defeat.&nbsp;

What is more pertinent is to assess the likely reactions in Nepal, Sri Lanka, Maldives and Bhutan. If the Superman struck by Cryptonite turns out to be Clark Kent who can’t transform to cope with crises then do the smaller neighbours have to exercise restraint? Isn’t the signal going out that they can singly or jointly start flexing their puny muscles to challenge the ‘bullying, bragging and boasting ‘Big Brother’? Don’t get us wrong -we rent for a minute suggesting that India under Modi has behaved in a manner akin to what earned the Americans the prefix Ugly in the 1960s. But perceptions matter no less than reality in international relations. If Nepal, Sri Lanka and the Maldives get the impression that India is beset with domestic strife they would find justification in making the most of the opportune moment. &nbsp;

Unfortunately for India, the election knock out has coincided with accusations about fudging growth figures, erosion of credibility of institutions like the RBI, CBI and even some exceptionally controversial observation by members of the Bench in higher judiciary. Political partisanship has certainly diminished the majesty of more than one constitutional authority or institution.&nbsp;

During the election campaign, the pitch of spoken word was unnecessarily raised by both sides. Alas the BJP let loose canons like the UP CM have a free run causing serious collateral damage. The shifting of focus from development to construction of Ram temple or going on a reckless mindless renaming spree has boomeranged on BJP.&nbsp;

Lok Sabha elections are still a few months away but even this short span of time can prove detrimental to India’s national interest. Time for us to remain on high alert without making too much noise. &nbsp;&nbsp; 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) 
&nbsp;

Unexpected reverses suffered by the BJP-NDA combine in recent Assembly elections constrain us to speculate about their impact on India’s external relations-particularly in the neighbourhood.

Unexpected reverses suffered by the BJP-NDA combine in recent Assembly elections constrain us to speculate about their impact on India’s external relations-particularly in the neighbourhood. Ever since Narendra Modi assumed office he has set a blistering pace in diplomacy. It would only be churlish to deny him the credit for repositioning India on the international arena. He has tried to increase India’s strategic options and largely succeeded ( with the exception of setbacks in Pakistan) in projecting the image of resurgent India with a dynamic, decisive leader at the helm. Now, the boat that appeared to be saying smoothly has been badly rocked. Some of his critics have long been suggesting that our PM has deliberately spent so much time abroad simply to escape any blame for minor or even major failures in domestic politics. But let’s let this pass as a legitimate pastime of frustrated opposition. However, what can’t be denied is the fact that the aura of invincibility exuded by a charismatic leader has lost much of its sparkle. One can argue that it was only the campaigning by the PM that saved BJP from much worse rout and that state elections are fought, won and lost according to very different calculations then the Lok Sabha Polls but in the present context, this would appear as a half-hearted attempt at whitewashing an inglorious defeat. What is more pertinent is to assess the likely reactions in Nepal, Sri Lanka, Maldives and Bhutan. If the Superman struck by Cryptonite turns out to be Clark Kent who can’t transform to cope with crises then do the smaller neighbours have to exercise restraint? Isn’t the signal going out that they can singly or jointly start flexing their puny muscles to challenge the ‘bullying, bragging and boasting ‘Big Brother’? Don’t get us wrong -we rent for a minute suggesting that India under Modi has behaved in a manner akin to what earned the Americans the prefix Ugly in the 1960s. But perceptions matter no less than reality in international relations. If Nepal, Sri Lanka and the Maldives get the impression that India is beset with domestic strife they would find justification in making the most of the opportune moment. Unfortunately for India, the election knock out has coincided with accusations about fudging growth figures, erosion of credibility of institutions like the RBI, CBI and even some exceptionally controversial observation by members of the Bench in higher judiciary. Political partisanship has certainly diminished the majesty of more than one constitutional authority or institution. During the election campaign, the pitch of spoken word was unnecessarily raised by both sides. Alas the BJP let loose canons like the UP CM have a free run causing serious collateral damage. The shifting of focus from development to construction of Ram temple or going on a reckless mindless renaming spree has boomeranged on BJP. Lok Sabha elections are still a few months away but even this short span of time can prove detrimental to India’s national interest. Time for us to remain on high alert without making too much noise. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Domestic compulsions and foreign policy: PM Narendra Modi's balancing act

"KCR will continue to be chief minister, but play a national role," said parliamentarian and K Chandrasekhar Rao's daughter K Kavitha hours after Telangana Rashtra Samithi trounced Congress-led Mahakutami (Grand Alliance) in the Telangana Assembly elections.

"We will go wider, we will go to national politics. Tomorrow, we will certainly declare a national agenda and there is a need for a national alternative," Kavitha said.

KCR has often talked about his national ambitions and how both the BJP and Congress-led alliances have undermined the rights of states by wresting all powers with the Centre.

Rao's decision to dissolve the House in September, several months before its tenure was to end, and go for an early election&nbsp;is being seen as a masterstroke, but what kind of role KCR &nbsp;will play in uniting the anti-Congress, anti-BJP forces ahead of parliamentary elections in 2019?

While the TDP chief and KCR's Andhra Pradesh counterpart, Chandrababu Naidu, has been playing a key role in finding a common ground among the opposition forces and unifying the anti-BJP parties, including the Congress, ahead of parliamentary polls, KCR's stand has always been about creating an anti-Congress and anti-BJP coalition government at the Centre by uniting all the regional parties.

Naidu was crisscrossing the country trying to stitch together a Mahagathbandhan (Grand Alliance). Now, various political leaders who got pictures taken at the 'Naidu-sponsored' Opposition meet will not be keen to be seen with him. With Naidu’s embarrassing defeat in KCR's home-turf, whether the Andhra CM can continue to be the same unifying force that he was a few days ago is doubtful. &nbsp;

On the other hand, with Telangana firmly under his belt, KCR could very well seek greater space for himself in national politics should a non-BJP, non-Congress front materialise amid growing aspirations of regional parties eyeing a piece of New Delhi's power pie.&nbsp; 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

"KCR will continue to be chief minister, but play a national role," said parliamentarian and K Chandrasekhar Rao's daughter K Kavitha hours after Telangana Rashtra Samithi trounced Congress-led Mahakutami (Grand Alliance) in the Telangana Assembly elections.

"KCR will continue to be chief minister, but play a national role," said parliamentarian and K Chandrasekhar Rao's daughter K Kavitha hours after Telangana Rashtra Samithi trounced Congress-led Mahakutami (Grand Alliance) in the Telangana Assembly elections. "We will go wider, we will go to national politics. Tomorrow, we will certainly declare a national agenda and there is a need for a national alternative," Kavitha said. KCR has often talked about his national ambitions and how both the BJP and Congress-led alliances have undermined the rights of states by wresting all powers with the Centre. Rao's decision to dissolve the House in September, several months before its tenure was to end, and go for an early election is being seen as a masterstroke, but what kind of role KCR will play in uniting the anti-Congress, anti-BJP forces ahead of parliamentary elections in 2019? While the TDP chief and KCR's Andhra Pradesh counterpart, Chandrababu Naidu, has been playing a key role in finding a common ground among the opposition forces and unifying the anti-BJP parties, including the Congress, ahead of parliamentary polls, KCR's stand has always been about creating an anti-Congress and anti-BJP coalition government at the Centre by uniting all the regional parties. Naidu was crisscrossing the country trying to stitch together a Mahagathbandhan (Grand Alliance). Now, various political leaders who got pictures taken at the 'Naidu-sponsored' Opposition meet will not be keen to be seen with him. With Naidu’s embarrassing defeat in KCR's home-turf, whether the Andhra CM can continue to be the same unifying force that he was a few days ago is doubtful. On the other hand, with Telangana firmly under his belt, KCR could very well seek greater space for himself in national politics should a non-BJP, non-Congress front materialise amid growing aspirations of regional parties eyeing a piece of New Delhi's power pie. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Assembly election results 2018: KCR 2.0 and his national ambitions

The Bharatiya Janata Party believed it would retain Rajasthan with a clear victory. The Congress was confident that it would sweep the election. The voters of the state had a somewhat different plan, which became known on December 11.&nbsp;

The BJP was denied a simple majority and the Congress was deprived of an overwhelming win. In the days to come, both parties will find arguments to either amplify their success or underplay their failure. Facts are facts, though, and none of the two contestants can escape them.&nbsp;

Facts about the Congress. First, the party failed to capitalise on the level of discontent that existed among the electorate against the Vasundhara Raje regime. Second, the Congress seemed to have exaggerated the extent of that discontent. Third, it could not optimally exploit the departure of rebel leaders from the BJP who contested on their own, as also those who joined the Congress. Fourth, it did not succeed in forging a winnable caste equation. And last, the formidable-looking Ashok Gehlot-Sachin Pilot combination does not seem to have worked on the ground. &nbsp;

Facts about the BJP are as follows: First, it avoided a washout of the kind the party appears to be on course in Chhattisgarh. Second, it has suffered a massive dent since its 2013 grand victory. Third, it did manage to contain to some extent the damage of anti-incumbency. And fourth, while its tallest leader Vasundhara Raje has lost credibility, it’s far from being a humiliating loss.&nbsp;

But electoral politics is all about forming a government, and the Congress has the edge. Not only does it has the larger number of seats, but it also stands a better chance of winning over the support of the ‘others’ that have won — they are neither with the BJP nor with the Congress.&nbsp;

Introspection would be called for, from both sides. How is that the Congress could not decisively defeat the Vasundhara Raje regime despite the well-accepted perception that her regime had become extremely unpopular for a variety of reasons? It could be the failure of the state’s tall leaders entrusted with the task of crafting a major Congress win. Although for the record, both Pilot and Gehlot were working shoulder to shoulder to defeat the BJP, the ground situation was not apparently as rosy, with workers of the two camps working more as rivals than colleagues. Equally, it is possible that the Congress had hyped up the existing dissatisfaction of the voters with the BJP and fed that version all over, including the media. &nbsp;

Though it is early hours yet to fully understand the caste-wise voting pattern, it is clear from the results that the Congress did not gain the unqualified support of every section of the caste rainbow. Neither the Gujjars nor the Jats nor the Meenas nor the Rajputs seem to have lock, stock and barrel dumped the BJP and aligned with the Congress.&nbsp;

Perhaps only the Muslim community remained firm behind the Congress. This calls for some questions that the Congress must itself raise an answer. Why is it that it could not succeed in its caste calculations to the extent it had wanted? It had leaders from various communities right in the front ranks of the battle — Gehlot, Pilot and the new recruit, Manvendra Singh. &nbsp;

The BJP, on the other hand, can take solace in the belief that it has been beaten but not mauled. That’s no consolation, really. &nbsp;The party failed to retain an important north Indian state, a state that had given all its 26 Lok Sabha seats to the party in 2014. Although it had won decisively in the 2013 Assembly election, in five years it managed to fritter away much of the goodwill it had gained. Vasundhara Raje, who had been seen as a saviour five years ago, ended up as, to some extent, a liability for the party in Rajasthan. She earned the reputation of being aloof, even arrogant. Far from visibly seeking to redress grievances of the people, she was not even perceived to have been sympathetic to those grievances. &nbsp;

If there is a lesson here for the BJP, there is also the same lesson for the incoming regime. Get caste mathematics right, always remain connected with the people, at least appear to be doing something to reduce the sufferings of the electorate, and strengthen the party organisation. If these lessons are not learnt, then five years from now, Rajasthan will do what it has been doing since the last two decades — vote out the incumbent and bring in its rival.&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

&nbsp;&nbsp;

The Bharatiya Janata Party believed it would retain Rajasthan with a clear victory. The Congress was confident that it would sweep the election. The voters of the state had a somewhat different plan, which became known on December 11.

The Bharatiya Janata Party believed it would retain Rajasthan with a clear victory. The Congress was confident that it would sweep the election. The voters of the state had a somewhat different plan, which became known on December 11. The BJP was denied a simple majority and the Congress was deprived of an overwhelming win. In the days to come, both parties will find arguments to either amplify their success or underplay their failure. Facts are facts, though, and none of the two contestants can escape them. Facts about the Congress. First, the party failed to capitalise on the level of discontent that existed among the electorate against the Vasundhara Raje regime. Second, the Congress seemed to have exaggerated the extent of that discontent. Third, it could not optimally exploit the departure of rebel leaders from the BJP who contested on their own, as also those who joined the Congress. Fourth, it did not succeed in forging a winnable caste equation. And last, the formidable-looking Ashok Gehlot-Sachin Pilot combination does not seem to have worked on the ground. Facts about the BJP are as follows: First, it avoided a washout of the kind the party appears to be on course in Chhattisgarh. Second, it has suffered a massive dent since its 2013 grand victory. Third, it did manage to contain to some extent the damage of anti-incumbency. And fourth, while its tallest leader Vasundhara Raje has lost credibility, it’s far from being a humiliating loss. But electoral politics is all about forming a government, and the Congress has the edge. Not only does it has the larger number of seats, but it also stands a better chance of winning over the support of the ‘others’ that have won — they are neither with the BJP nor with the Congress. Introspection would be called for, from both sides. How is that the Congress could not decisively defeat the Vasundhara Raje regime despite the well-accepted perception that her regime had become extremely unpopular for a variety of reasons? It could be the failure of the state’s tall leaders entrusted with the task of crafting a major Congress win. Although for the record, both Pilot and Gehlot were working shoulder to shoulder to defeat the BJP, the ground situation was not apparently as rosy, with workers of the two camps working more as rivals than colleagues. Equally, it is possible that the Congress had hyped up the existing dissatisfaction of the voters with the BJP and fed that version all over, including the media. Though it is early hours yet to fully understand the caste-wise voting pattern, it is clear from the results that the Congress did not gain the unqualified support of every section of the caste rainbow. Neither the Gujjars nor the Jats nor the Meenas nor the Rajputs seem to have lock, stock and barrel dumped the BJP and aligned with the Congress. Perhaps only the Muslim community remained firm behind the Congress. This calls for some questions that the Congress must itself raise an answer. Why is it that it could not succeed in its caste calculations to the extent it had wanted? It had leaders from various communities right in the front ranks of the battle — Gehlot, Pilot and the new recruit, Manvendra Singh. The BJP, on the other hand, can take solace in the belief that it has been beaten but not mauled. That’s no consolation, really. The party failed to retain an important north Indian state, a state that had given all its 26 Lok Sabha seats to the party in 2014. Although it had won decisively in the 2013 Assembly election, in five years it managed to fritter away much of the goodwill it had gained. Vasundhara Raje, who had been seen as a saviour five years ago, ended up as, to some extent, a liability for the party in Rajasthan. She earned the reputation of being aloof, even arrogant. Far from visibly seeking to redress grievances of the people, she was not even perceived to have been sympathetic to those grievances. If there is a lesson here for the BJP, there is also the same lesson for the incoming regime. Get caste mathematics right, always remain connected with the people, at least appear to be doing something to reduce the sufferings of the electorate, and strengthen the party organisation. If these lessons are not learnt, then five years from now, Rajasthan will do what it has been doing since the last two decades — vote out the incumbent and bring in its rival. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Assembly election results 2018: In Rajasthan, incoming Congress regime has a lesson to learn from BJP

A gift to Rahul Gandhi, says Sachin Pilot on Rajasthan trends

The election season is reaching its climax. Today, the power corridors and media fraternity are busy discussing the fortunes of BJP and Congress in the assembly elections ahead of the results.

The common theme interwoven in almost every discussion is whether the BJP will lose, will be 'taught' a lesson and so on and so forth. The BJP, and Prime Minister Narendra Modi is being judged for every decision the government has taken in states ruled by it.

These discussions evoke a lot of interest among people because it entails the fall of a leader.

Everyone who has read comics, seen superhero movies and watched a system at its pinnacle, loves the fall of the leader. It's an emotion which generates a lot of interest among the section of people who follow politics and is astonishing for others to see someone they look up to, fall.

Leaders often take a decision or a series of decisions which lead to a downward spiral and cause reverse momentum. This is not a piece where I will be dissecting the good and bad of Narendra Modi government. This is about leadership.

Watching a big leader fall also gives a&nbsp;certain kind of pleasure to people who for decades have been suppressed. Social evils exist in every society - India is no different - and certain practices (I will call them mistakes) followed by socially elevated sections of society create and propagate these feelings.

Among the various reasons given for the failure of a leader is not giving himself/herself enough time to process things which leads to a lack of discernment and sometimes disastrous decisions. Other reasons can include immaturity, lack of knowledge, less awareness etc.

There is a streak in people who rejoice when Humpty Dumpty has a great fall, but insist that rise and fall are the part and parcel of leadership. In the end, it's history that judges better because it sees things with deeper perspective and greater hindsight. 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) 
&nbsp;

The election season is reaching its climax. Today, the power corridors and media fraternity are busy discussing the fortunes of BJP and Congress in the assembly elections ahead of the results.

The election season is reaching its climax. Today, the power corridors and media fraternity are busy discussing the fortunes of BJP and Congress in the assembly elections ahead of the results. The common theme interwoven in almost every discussion is whether the BJP will lose, will be 'taught' a lesson and so on and so forth. The BJP, and Prime Minister Narendra Modi is being judged for every decision the government has taken in states ruled by it. These discussions evoke a lot of interest among people because it entails the fall of a leader. Everyone who has read comics, seen superhero movies and watched a system at its pinnacle, loves the fall of the leader. It's an emotion which generates a lot of interest among the section of people who follow politics and is astonishing for others to see someone they look up to, fall. Leaders often take a decision or a series of decisions which lead to a downward spiral and cause reverse momentum. This is not a piece where I will be dissecting the good and bad of Narendra Modi government. This is about leadership. Watching a big leader fall also gives a certain kind of pleasure to people who for decades have been suppressed. Social evils exist in every society - India is no different - and certain practices (I will call them mistakes) followed by socially elevated sections of society create and propagate these feelings. Among the various reasons given for the failure of a leader is not giving himself/herself enough time to process things which leads to a lack of discernment and sometimes disastrous decisions. Other reasons can include immaturity, lack of knowledge, less awareness etc. There is a streak in people who rejoice when Humpty Dumpty has a great fall, but insist that rise and fall are the part and parcel of leadership. In the end, it's history that judges better because it sees things with deeper perspective and greater hindsight. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Assembly elections 2018: Ah! To comment on fluctuating fortunes

As campaigning in the five state assembly elections winds down, the day of reckoning, December 11, looms. We will have a good idea of winners and losers by early afternoon, next Tuesday.

The results in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh are especially crucial. A Congress victory in Rajasthan seems near certain, but Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh are too close to call.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi has invested personal political capital in both states. Though he has addressed fewer rallies than he did in Gujarat and Karnataka, the proximity of these assembly elections to the 2019 Lok Sabha poll gives their outcome a sharp edge.

Beyond the results though lies another critical question: has Prime Minister Narendra Modi over-extended himself? Few prime ministers after Indira Gandhi have campaigned as extensively as Modi. Rajiv Gandhi was not as enthusiastic a campaigner as his mother. Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh too were not their parties’ star electoral campaigners.

Modi was nominated as head of the BJP’s campaign committee at the controversial national executive council meeting in Goa in June 2013 which LK Advani boycotted. It was only three months later, in September 2013, that then party president Rajnath Singh succeeded in nominating Modi, against fierce opposition from the Advani camp, as the BJP’s prime ministerial candidate. As late as August 2013, it was not certain Modi would, in fact, be declared the party’s prime ministerial candidate.

As campaign chief, Modi was then barnstorming across India ahead of the 2014 Lok Sabha election. Meeting him in his chief minister’s office in Gandhinagar, I told him bluntly that if the party did not declare him the prime ministerial candidate, he should ease up on his relentless, bone-crushing campaign and let other senior leaders, including those in the Advani camp opposing him, share the burden. Weeks later, Modi was officially declared the party’s PM candidate.

That though raises a question few have asked: has being the party’s chief electoral campaigner in multiple state polls over the past five election-heavy years cut into his role as prime minister? Modi already functions as the de facto foreign minister. He holds several cabinet portfolios. He travels abroad extensively, including last week’s G20 summit in Argentina. Is even the 18-hour workday that Modi puts in seven days a week enough to do justice to all the roles he has taken upon himself?

In a recently published book (Making of New India: Transformation Under Modi Government) to which I contributed a chapter, I wrote: “One of the challenges the prime minister has faced is fulfilling his multiple roles. Modi is the BJP’s most charismatic electoral asset. He leads the country’s global diplomatic outreach. And he oversees the work of a large Union Cabinet as well as a vast bureaucracy. These roles require sharply different approaches. Election campaigning needs exceptional oratory and the ability to connect with the masses. Global diplomacy requires the ability to present India’s case to world leaders with brevity, clarity and a natural, earthy self-confidence. But the most taxing is dealing with issues at home through the cabinet, the amorphous prime minister’s office (PMO) and a swathe of department officials.”

Over the past two weeks, Modi has travelled to Buenos Aires to meet world leaders at the G20 summit, campaigned in Rajasthan, Telangana and Madhya Pradesh and reviewed progress on dozens of welfare schemes monitored by groups of ministers and secretaries.

Campaigning takes the most toll. In the absence of other vote-catchers, the onus falls on Modi. Party president Amit Shah, rather than any senior minister, takes on a supplementary role. Sushma Swaraj, Arun Jaitley, Rajnath Singh and Nirmala Sitharaman, who form the inner core of the cabinet and are members of the cabinet committee on security (CCS), have played a minimal role in campaigning for the five state assembly elections.

They are, due to health and other reasons, unlikely to campaign actively for the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. It is for this reason that Modi has called for simultaneous parliamentary and assembly elections. Almost year-around campaigning takes away far too much time and energy.

Constitutional and logistical reasons, however, make simultaneous elections virtually impossible. Modi is thus left with the prospect of dividing his time between domestic governance, foreign affairs and electioneering. As a result, much of policymaking that should belong to the cabinet is delegated to the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) and then farmed out to groups of ministers and secretaries.

In Gujarat, relying on a tightly monitored bureaucracy worked well. In labyrinthic Delhi, where intrigue lurks around every corner, it hasn’t. The contretemps in the CBI, the dissonance with the RBI and the continuing slugfest over the Rafale deal underscore how a government can be undermined.

Modi at 67 is remarkably fit but the burden of carrying so many responsibilities will eventually tell on him. If the BJP-led NDA manage to form the government in 2019, he will need to change his strategy: bring more lateral talent into the cabinet, allow younger ministers to campaign across states and impose stronger control over the bureaucracy, especially in the ministries of finance, defence and civil aviation.

In May 2014, the question was: would Modi reform intrigue-plagued Delhi or would Delhi co-opt him? That question will be answered in May 2019. 
 
(This article was originally published on DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-onerous-art-of-multi-tasking-2692659">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

&nbsp;

As campaigning in the five state assembly elections winds down, the day of reckoning, December 11, looms. We will have a good idea of winners and losers by early afternoon, next Tuesday.

As campaigning in the five state assembly elections winds down, the day of reckoning, December 11, looms. We will have a good idea of winners and losers by early afternoon, next Tuesday. The results in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh are especially crucial. A Congress victory in Rajasthan seems near certain, but Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh are too close to call. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has invested personal political capital in both states. Though he has addressed fewer rallies than he did in Gujarat and Karnataka, the proximity of these assembly elections to the 2019 Lok Sabha poll gives their outcome a sharp edge. Beyond the results though lies another critical question: has Prime Minister Narendra Modi over-extended himself? Few prime ministers after Indira Gandhi have campaigned as extensively as Modi. Rajiv Gandhi was not as enthusiastic a campaigner as his mother. Narasimha Rao and Manmohan Singh too were not their parties’ star electoral campaigners. Modi was nominated as head of the BJP’s campaign committee at the controversial national executive council meeting in Goa in June 2013 which LK Advani boycotted. It was only three months later, in September 2013, that then party president Rajnath Singh succeeded in nominating Modi, against fierce opposition from the Advani camp, as the BJP’s prime ministerial candidate. As late as August 2013, it was not certain Modi would, in fact, be declared the party’s prime ministerial candidate. As campaign chief, Modi was then barnstorming across India ahead of the 2014 Lok Sabha election. Meeting him in his chief minister’s office in Gandhinagar, I told him bluntly that if the party did not declare him the prime ministerial candidate, he should ease up on his relentless, bone-crushing campaign and let other senior leaders, including those in the Advani camp opposing him, share the burden. Weeks later, Modi was officially declared the party’s PM candidate. That though raises a question few have asked: has being the party’s chief electoral campaigner in multiple state polls over the past five election-heavy years cut into his role as prime minister? Modi already functions as the de facto foreign minister. He holds several cabinet portfolios. He travels abroad extensively, including last week’s G20 summit in Argentina. Is even the 18-hour workday that Modi puts in seven days a week enough to do justice to all the roles he has taken upon himself? In a recently published book (Making of New India: Transformation Under Modi Government) to which I contributed a chapter, I wrote: “One of the challenges the prime minister has faced is fulfilling his multiple roles. Modi is the BJP’s most charismatic electoral asset. He leads the country’s global diplomatic outreach. And he oversees the work of a large Union Cabinet as well as a vast bureaucracy. These roles require sharply different approaches. Election campaigning needs exceptional oratory and the ability to connect with the masses. Global diplomacy requires the ability to present India’s case to world leaders with brevity, clarity and a natural, earthy self-confidence. But the most taxing is dealing with issues at home through the cabinet, the amorphous prime minister’s office (PMO) and a swathe of department officials.” Over the past two weeks, Modi has travelled to Buenos Aires to meet world leaders at the G20 summit, campaigned in Rajasthan, Telangana and Madhya Pradesh and reviewed progress on dozens of welfare schemes monitored by groups of ministers and secretaries. Campaigning takes the most toll. In the absence of other vote-catchers, the onus falls on Modi. Party president Amit Shah, rather than any senior minister, takes on a supplementary role. Sushma Swaraj, Arun Jaitley, Rajnath Singh and Nirmala Sitharaman, who form the inner core of the cabinet and are members of the cabinet committee on security (CCS), have played a minimal role in campaigning for the five state assembly elections. They are, due to health and other reasons, unlikely to campaign actively for the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. It is for this reason that Modi has called for simultaneous parliamentary and assembly elections. Almost year-around campaigning takes away far too much time and energy. Constitutional and logistical reasons, however, make simultaneous elections virtually impossible. Modi is thus left with the prospect of dividing his time between domestic governance, foreign affairs and electioneering. As a result, much of policymaking that should belong to the cabinet is delegated to the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) and then farmed out to groups of ministers and secretaries. In Gujarat, relying on a tightly monitored bureaucracy worked well. In labyrinthic Delhi, where intrigue lurks around every corner, it hasn’t. The contretemps in the CBI, the dissonance with the RBI and the continuing slugfest over the Rafale deal underscore how a government can be undermined. Modi at 67 is remarkably fit but the burden of carrying so many responsibilities will eventually tell on him. If the BJP-led NDA manage to form the government in 2019, he will need to change his strategy: bring more lateral talent into the cabinet, allow younger ministers to campaign across states and impose stronger control over the bureaucracy, especially in the ministries of finance, defence and civil aviation. In May 2014, the question was: would Modi reform intrigue-plagued Delhi or would Delhi co-opt him? That question will be answered in May 2019. (This article was originally published on DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Onerous art of multi-tasking

Telangana caretaker chief minister and Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) chief Kalvakuntla Chandrashekar Rao stormed to power in 2014 -- albeit with a simple majority -- riding on the back of strong &nbsp;Telangana statehood emotion.

Four years after the bifurcation that sentiment has waned. KCR's attempt to rake up the Telangana sentiment by calling TDP an "Andhra party" and its chief&nbsp; "Telangana drohi"&nbsp;in the run-up to this election has failed to strike a chord with the voters who expected him to seek vote based on his record as chief minister of the state.&nbsp;

In the <a href="http://www.wionews.com/opinions/from-strong-to-sticky-wicket-why-retaining-power-in-telangana-wont-be-a-cakewalk-for-kcr-179734">first part of the article</a>, we discussed about how KCR was caught off guard by the coming together of arch rivals Congress and TDP in the state while in this part, let's look at how strong the leadership of KCR is and how several welfare schemes implemented by him such as round-the-clock power supply to households, free power to farmers, financial support schemes such as Rythu Bandhu and Rythu Bhima for farmers, KCR Kits and increased pensions for old age, widows, single women and toddy tappers, weavers would work in his favour and spur the voters to rally behind him.

The aforementioned and several other welfare schemes which covered almost each and every community and household in the state may give an edge to TRS over Congress-TDP alliance.&nbsp;

The TRS chief has sweating it out on the electoral battleground and has been attending four to eight meetings every day since Election Commission declared polls.&nbsp;

However, the lofty promises he made in 2014 and his failure to deliver on those promises may come back to haunt him as he seeks reelection.&nbsp;

Incomplete irrigation projects, reneging on his promise to make a Dalit the first CM of Telangana state, failure to sanction and construct 1 lakh 2BHK houses for homeless people, failure to meet the deadline of piped drinking water supply to every household through Mission Bhagiratha project, alleged corruption in thousands of crores in Mission Bhagiratha and Mission Kakatiya projects and the&nbsp;unviability of Kaleshwaram irrigation project in the name of redesigning are some of the things may work against KCR who also so far failed to convince the people why he dissolved the assembly six months prior to the end of his term.&nbsp;

The TRS chief, who a journalist friend in Telangana calls a modern Hitler, &nbsp;has also been often accused of nepotism and promoting ''family rule'' where five members -- KCR, his son and IT Minister KTR, daughter and Nizamabad MP Kavitha, nephew and Irrigation Minister Harish Rao and another nephew Santhosh Kumar -- called the shots.&nbsp;

Even Congress president Rahul Gandhi attacked KCR on ''family rule'' by saying that the TRS Government is working for realising the dreams of one person by trampling on the rights of all other people on land, waters and other resources.&nbsp;

While KCR poured crores on sops but failed to create jobs for the unemployed youth, says another journalist friend from the state. KCR also did not induct any woman legislator into his cabinet.

In the ongoing campaign, TRS MLAs are questioned by people on their failure to deliver on promises made in 2014. According to the vox populi, lions' share of the electorate is not happy with the TRS rule, especially in rural Telangana.&nbsp;

KCR also failed on his 12 per cent reservation to the Muslims.

Strong believer of numerology and superstitions, KCR also ignored families of true statehood martyrs and soldiers. Brazen dereliction on the part of KCR on building the memorials to honour the martyrs and statehood fighters as he promised during the last polls has angered several people in the state.&nbsp;

Several strong leaders from TRS including the sitting MLAs like BC leader Konda Sureka, SC leader Bodige Shobha who were denied the tickets, defected to the Congress. There is a potential splitting of the pro-TRS vote bank by rebels and dissidents who sought tickets but were denied. &nbsp;There is also a strong anti-incumbency wave among farmers due to forceful land acquisition.&nbsp;

A win in his own constituency, Gajwel, may not be a cakewalk for the TRS chief who won the seat in 2014 from Vanteru Pratap Reddy of the Telugu Desam Party (TDP), who has since joined the Congress, by about 20,000 votes. 
 
(This is the second part of the three-part analysis on Telangana election. The final part will be published on December 12)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

&nbsp;

Telangana caretaker chief minister and Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) chief Kalvakuntla Chandrashekar Rao stormed to power in 2014 -- albeit with a simple majority -- riding on the back of strong Telangana statehood emotion.

Telangana caretaker chief minister and Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) chief Kalvakuntla Chandrashekar Rao stormed to power in 2014 -- albeit with a simple majority -- riding on the back of strong Telangana statehood emotion. Four years after the bifurcation that sentiment has waned. KCR's attempt to rake up the Telangana sentiment by calling TDP an "Andhra party" and its chief "Telangana drohi" in the run-up to this election has failed to strike a chord with the voters who expected him to seek vote based on his record as chief minister of the state. In the first part of the article, we discussed about how KCR was caught off guard by the coming together of arch rivals Congress and TDP in the state while in this part, let's look at how strong the leadership of KCR is and how several welfare schemes implemented by him such as round-the-clock power supply to households, free power to farmers, financial support schemes such as Rythu Bandhu and Rythu Bhima for farmers, KCR Kits and increased pensions for old age, widows, single women and toddy tappers, weavers would work in his favour and spur the voters to rally behind him. The aforementioned and several other welfare schemes which covered almost each and every community and household in the state may give an edge to TRS over Congress-TDP alliance. The TRS chief has sweating it out on the electoral battleground and has been attending four to eight meetings every day since Election Commission declared polls. However, the lofty promises he made in 2014 and his failure to deliver on those promises may come back to haunt him as he seeks reelection. Incomplete irrigation projects, reneging on his promise to make a Dalit the first CM of Telangana state, failure to sanction and construct 1 lakh 2BHK houses for homeless people, failure to meet the deadline of piped drinking water supply to every household through Mission Bhagiratha project, alleged corruption in thousands of crores in Mission Bhagiratha and Mission Kakatiya projects and the unviability of Kaleshwaram irrigation project in the name of redesigning are some of the things may work against KCR who also so far failed to convince the people why he dissolved the assembly six months prior to the end of his term. The TRS chief, who a journalist friend in Telangana calls a modern Hitler, has also been often accused of nepotism and promoting ''family rule'' where five members -- KCR, his son and IT Minister KTR, daughter and Nizamabad MP Kavitha, nephew and Irrigation Minister Harish Rao and another nephew Santhosh Kumar -- called the shots. Even Congress president Rahul Gandhi attacked KCR on ''family rule'' by saying that the TRS Government is working for realising the dreams of one person by trampling on the rights of all other people on land, waters and other resources. While KCR poured crores on sops but failed to create jobs for the unemployed youth, says another journalist friend from the state. KCR also did not induct any woman legislator into his cabinet. In the ongoing campaign, TRS MLAs are questioned by people on their failure to deliver on promises made in 2014. According to the vox populi, lions' share of the electorate is not happy with the TRS rule, especially in rural Telangana. KCR also failed on his 12 per cent reservation to the Muslims. Strong believer of numerology and superstitions, KCR also ignored families of true statehood martyrs and soldiers. Brazen dereliction on the part of KCR on building the memorials to honour the martyrs and statehood fighters as he promised during the last polls has angered several people in the state. Several strong leaders from TRS including the sitting MLAs like BC leader Konda Sureka, SC leader Bodige Shobha who were denied the tickets, defected to the Congress. There is a potential splitting of the pro-TRS vote bank by rebels and dissidents who sought tickets but were denied. There is also a strong anti-incumbency wave among farmers due to forceful land acquisition. A win in his own constituency, Gajwel, may not be a cakewalk for the TRS chief who won the seat in 2014 from Vanteru Pratap Reddy of the Telugu Desam Party (TDP), who has since joined the Congress, by about 20,000 votes. (This is the second part of the three-part analysis on Telangana election. The final part will be published on December 12) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Assembly elections 2018: KCR's failure to honour his promises could prove costly

The hectic political campaign in five states has not stopped Prime Minister Modi from keeping a busy schedule on the diplomatic front.

After visiting Singapore and Maldives during the Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh campaign, the Prime Minister today is travelling to Argentina to attend the G20 summit, in the midst of campaigning for the Rajasthan and Telangana elections.

In fact, from November 23, the Prime Minister has been on the campaign trail every day. Beginning with Mizoram on the 23rd, the Prime Minister has campaigned across Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Telangana in the last six days.

November 28 saw him address two election rallies in Rajasthan, in the course of a seven-hour journey. Barely 90 minutes after landing in Delhi, the Prime Minister emplaned for Argentina.

The journey from Delhi to Buenos Aires involves two legs of nearly 12-hour duration each, with a short technical halt in Cape Town, South Africa. The total travel time to Buenos Aires is 25 hours, and consequently, the to and fro trips will involve a combined journey time of nearly 50 hours.

In between these two trips, the Prime Minister will be in Buenos Aires for just over 50 hours. This time period includes two nights. In the space of these 50 hours, the Prime Minister has over 25 scheduled engagements. These include the various sessions of the G20 summit, sideline meetings including the BRICS informal meeting, and bilateral meetings with various world leaders. Besides these scheduled engagements, the Prime Minister may engage informally with other leaders as well.

An important item on his itinerary is to attend and address a "Yoga for Peace" event in Buenos Aires.

The Prime Minister will return to India in the wee hours of December 3, only to take off again within 12 hours to resume his political campaigning in Rajasthan and Telangana for the next two days. On December 3, PM Modi will campaign in Jodhpur and Hyderabad.

The hectic political campaign in five states has not stopped Prime Minister Modi from keeping a busy schedule on the diplomatic front. After visiting Singapore and Maldives during the Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh campaign, the Prime Minister today is travelling to Argentina to attend the G20 summit, in the midst of campaigning for the Rajasthan and Telangana elections.

The hectic political campaign in five states has not stopped Prime Minister Modi from keeping a busy schedule on the diplomatic front. After visiting Singapore and Maldives during the Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh campaign, the Prime Minister today is travelling to Argentina to attend the G20 summit, in the midst of campaigning for the Rajasthan and Telangana elections. In fact, from November 23, the Prime Minister has been on the campaign trail every day. Beginning with Mizoram on the 23rd, the Prime Minister has campaigned across Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Telangana in the last six days. November 28 saw him address two election rallies in Rajasthan, in the course of a seven-hour journey. Barely 90 minutes after landing in Delhi, the Prime Minister emplaned for Argentina. The journey from Delhi to Buenos Aires involves two legs of nearly 12-hour duration each, with a short technical halt in Cape Town, South Africa. The total travel time to Buenos Aires is 25 hours, and consequently, the to and fro trips will involve a combined journey time of nearly 50 hours. In between these two trips, the Prime Minister will be in Buenos Aires for just over 50 hours. This time period includes two nights. In the space of these 50 hours, the Prime Minister has over 25 scheduled engagements. These include the various sessions of the G20 summit, sideline meetings including the BRICS informal meeting, and bilateral meetings with various world leaders. Besides these scheduled engagements, the Prime Minister may engage informally with other leaders as well. An important item on his itinerary is to attend and address a "Yoga for Peace" event in Buenos Aires. The Prime Minister will return to India in the wee hours of December 3, only to take off again within 12 hours to resume his political campaigning in Rajasthan and Telangana for the next two days. On December 3, PM Modi will campaign in Jodhpur and Hyderabad.

From Assembly polls to G20 summit, tracking PM Modi's schedule

A video purportedly showing Madhya Pradesh Congress chief Kamal Nath asking Muslim leaders to ensure as much as 90 per cent voting for his party from Muslim-dominated areas has gone viral ahead of the November 28 Assembly election in the state.

The ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has launched an attack against the main opposition party over the issue, saying it only cared for Muslim appeasement. The Congress, on the other hand, dubbed it a conspiracy by the saffron party to divide voters on communal lines. In the video, Nath is purportedly heard saying that the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the BJP have only one message for the voters — a vote for Narendra Modi means a vote for Hindus — and “agar Musalman ko vote deni hai, to Congress ko vote do (vote for the Congress if you want to vote for Muslims).”

“This is their politics….We will deal with them later…They will try to provoke you, but you will have to bear everything till the day of voting,” the Congress leader purportedly says in the video. “I request you to check the previous voting figures. Those are on the Internet…where there are (areas with) Muslim votes, how much voting took place. If it was 50-60 per cent, then why 60 per cent, why not 90 per cent. A post-mortem of this is very necessary,” he says. “If the Muslim community does not record a 90-per cent voting, we will suffer a heavy blow,” Nath further says in the video.

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false">
<div class="twitter-block" draggable="false">
<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en">
“अभी temporary जनेउ पहन रखा है ...निपट लेंगे इनसे बाद में..” 
 
The “fancy dress Hindus” are exposed yet again ..Kamalnath ji promises the Muslim clerics that the Congress will surely deal with the Hindus after the election ..for now the Muslims should stand with the Congress! <a href="https://t.co/sZJmW15h7d">pic.twitter.com/sZJmW15h7d</a>
— Sambit Patra (@sambitswaraj) <a href="https://twitter.com/sambitswaraj/status/1062598168548909056?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">November 14, 2018</a></blockquote>
<script async src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script></div>
<a class="close-mark close-div" href="#" id="jqclosemark">×</a></div>

Muslim leaders would know how much polling took place in the booths where there were “Muslim votes”, and if it was 60 per cent, what was the reason for that, he is heard saying. Commenting on the video, BJP national spokesperson Sambit Patra said, “It exposes the ‘chaal’ (conduct), ‘charitra’ (character) and ‘chehra’ (face) of the Congress. (Congress chief) Rahul Gandhi had earlier said the Congress was a party of Muslims. Kamal Nath is stating that we must get 90 per cent Muslim votes and this is nothing but polarising politics.” “They are designating booths as Muslim and Hindu…. The Congress only stands for Muslim appeasement and is not bothered about the other communities,” he added.

State BJP spokesperson Rajnish Agrawal said the ruling party had filed a complaint with the Election Commission (EC) as the video was an attempt to polarise voters. State Congress leader and the party’s in-charge for EC affairs, J P Dhanopia, said, “The BJP had made a complaint to the EC about a month ago about the same video. Now they are circulating its second part as part of a conspiracy to polarise the voters on communal lines.”

A video purportedly showing Madhya Pradesh Congress chief Kamal Nath asking Muslim leaders to ensure as much as 90 per cent voting for his party from Muslim-dominated areas has gone viral ahead of the November 28 Assembly election in the state.

A video purportedly showing Madhya Pradesh Congress chief Kamal Nath asking Muslim leaders to ensure as much as 90 per cent voting for his party from Muslim-dominated areas has gone viral ahead of the November 28 Assembly election in the state. The ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has launched an attack against the main opposition party over the issue, saying it only cared for Muslim appeasement. The Congress, on the other hand, dubbed it a conspiracy by the saffron party to divide voters on communal lines. In the video, Nath is purportedly heard saying that the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the BJP have only one message for the voters — a vote for Narendra Modi means a vote for Hindus — and “agar Musalman ko vote deni hai, to Congress ko vote do (vote for the Congress if you want to vote for Muslims).” “This is their politics….We will deal with them later…They will try to provoke you, but you will have to bear everything till the day of voting,” the Congress leader purportedly says in the video. “I request you to check the previous voting figures. Those are on the Internet…where there are (areas with) Muslim votes, how much voting took place. If it was 50-60 per cent, then why 60 per cent, why not 90 per cent. A post-mortem of this is very necessary,” he says. “If the Muslim community does not record a 90-per cent voting, we will suffer a heavy blow,” Nath further says in the video. “अभी temporary जनेउ पहन रखा है ...निपट लेंगे इनसे बाद में..” The “fancy dress Hindus” are exposed yet again ..Kamalnath ji promises the Muslim clerics that the Congress will surely deal with the Hindus after the election ..for now the Muslims should stand with the Congress! pic.twitter.com/sZJmW15h7d — Sambit Patra (@sambitswaraj) November 14, 2018 × Muslim leaders would know how much polling took place in the booths where there were “Muslim votes”, and if it was 60 per cent, what was the reason for that, he is heard saying. Commenting on the video, BJP national spokesperson Sambit Patra said, “It exposes the ‘chaal’ (conduct), ‘charitra’ (character) and ‘chehra’ (face) of the Congress. (Congress chief) Rahul Gandhi had earlier said the Congress was a party of Muslims. Kamal Nath is stating that we must get 90 per cent Muslim votes and this is nothing but polarising politics.” “They are designating booths as Muslim and Hindu…. The Congress only stands for Muslim appeasement and is not bothered about the other communities,” he added. State BJP spokesperson Rajnish Agrawal said the ruling party had filed a complaint with the Election Commission (EC) as the video was an attempt to polarise voters. State Congress leader and the party’s in-charge for EC affairs, J P Dhanopia, said, “The BJP had made a complaint to the EC about a month ago about the same video. Now they are circulating its second part as part of a conspiracy to polarise the voters on communal lines.”

MP Assembly polls: Kamal Nath's video seeking 90% voting in Muslim areas goes viral

With the conclusion of the second and final phase of polling in BJP ruled Chhattisgarh on Tuesday (20 November), all eyes are now on the central Indian state of Madhya Pradesh, also under BJP rule for last 15 years, where polling will be held on November 28 .

The contest is triangular in Chhattisgarh between the ruling BJP, Congress and the BSP-JCC alliance.&nbsp;

In Madhya Pradesh also the main battle is between the BJP and the Congress. The BSP and Samajwadi Party are also in the fray and would be angling for about a dozen seats, mainly constituencies in districts bordering Uttar Pradesh. There are also small pockets where the Aam Aadmi Party candidates have positioned themselves among the top three contenders.

The huge people’s movement against reservation, which has been built in the state since 2016 by Samanya Pichda Alpsankhyaalyan Samaj (Sapaks Samaj), had received a shot in the arm by the massive public response to the call for Bharat Bandh against the amendment to the SC/ST Atrocities Act on September 6 this year.&nbsp;

This had given an indication of the emergence of a third force in MP politics but its punch and edge got dissipated within no time. A major reason for this is the vertical split in Sapaks Samaj and the controversy over the registration of a political party by the name of “Sapaks Party” by the Election Commission. A Division bench, headed by the Chief Justice of Madhya Pradesh high court, heard a writ petition in this matter on Monday (19 November) and reserved for order its verdict in this matter. Also there were about two dozen newly registered and untested political parties, lacking the basic leadership but claiming to represent those opposed to the reservation on caste lines. 
 
They suddenly popped up like mushroom but nothing has been heard of them after a futile bid by popular Kathavachak Devkinandan Thakur to bring them under a single umbrella by ensuring all parties opposed to the Atrocities Act unite and settle for “single banner and same election symbol” in every constituency.

In Madhya Pradesh, the state BJP unit will be taking its poll campaign to another level on Wednesday (November 21) by lighting lotus shaped “diyas” (lamps), symbolising BJP’s election symbol, in homes across the state. This has a religious connotation as the BJP has named its novel form of the campaign as Kamal Diwali. It will be observed with the same enthusiasm as Diwali, the festival of lights.

Kamal Diwali will be a demonstration of BJP’s reach and support base prior to polling, now only a week away. It will also help in ensuring the BJP workers at the booth level are in the alert mode to help mobilise votes on D-day. BJP’s target is to reach out and cover at least 60000 villages through Kamal Diwali.

Not to be left behind will be the Congress party. Its workers will be going from booth-to-booth and door-to-door to present cotton wicks to the voters to light the “Badlav ki Baati” (lamps for change).

In the final run-up to elections, leaders from both sides – BJP and Congress – are following the no-holds-barred approach when it comes to lashing out at each other.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi was at his piercing best at his election rallies at Jhabua and Rewa, two far corners of Madhya Pradesh, on Tuesday. Targeting the Congress and holding it responsible for spreading corruption, the Prime Minister said that he was forced to go ahead with demonetisation to strike at the termite of corruption. Taking a dig at the Nehru-Gandhi family, he cited the example of the Moghuls and the ruling class in ancient and pre-history days and said four generations down the line their rule fell into decay.

From the Congress side, while former Congress president Arun Yadav is locked in a bitter fight with State Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan in Budhni, State Congress President Kamal Nath, along with party satraps Jyotiraditya Scindia, Ajay Singh, Digvijaya Singh and Suresh Pachouri are holding the fort, countering every attack from the BJP side by throwing shot for shot and galvanising support for their party candidates in their respective areas of influence.&nbsp;

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

 
&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

With the conclusion of the second and final phase of polling in BJP ruled Chhattisgarh on Tuesday (20 November), all eyes are now on the central Indian state of Madhya Pradesh, also under BJP rule for last 15 years, where polling will be held on November 28 .

With the conclusion of the second and final phase of polling in BJP ruled Chhattisgarh on Tuesday (20 November), all eyes are now on the central Indian state of Madhya Pradesh, also under BJP rule for last 15 years, where polling will be held on November 28 . The contest is triangular in Chhattisgarh between the ruling BJP, Congress and the BSP-JCC alliance. In Madhya Pradesh also the main battle is between the BJP and the Congress. The BSP and Samajwadi Party are also in the fray and would be angling for about a dozen seats, mainly constituencies in districts bordering Uttar Pradesh. There are also small pockets where the Aam Aadmi Party candidates have positioned themselves among the top three contenders. The huge people’s movement against reservation, which has been built in the state since 2016 by Samanya Pichda Alpsankhyaalyan Samaj (Sapaks Samaj), had received a shot in the arm by the massive public response to the call for Bharat Bandh against the amendment to the SC/ST Atrocities Act on September 6 this year. This had given an indication of the emergence of a third force in MP politics but its punch and edge got dissipated within no time. A major reason for this is the vertical split in Sapaks Samaj and the controversy over the registration of a political party by the name of “Sapaks Party” by the Election Commission. A Division bench, headed by the Chief Justice of Madhya Pradesh high court, heard a writ petition in this matter on Monday (19 November) and reserved for order its verdict in this matter. Also there were about two dozen newly registered and untested political parties, lacking the basic leadership but claiming to represent those opposed to the reservation on caste lines. They suddenly popped up like mushroom but nothing has been heard of them after a futile bid by popular Kathavachak Devkinandan Thakur to bring them under a single umbrella by ensuring all parties opposed to the Atrocities Act unite and settle for “single banner and same election symbol” in every constituency. In Madhya Pradesh, the state BJP unit will be taking its poll campaign to another level on Wednesday (November 21) by lighting lotus shaped “diyas” (lamps), symbolising BJP’s election symbol, in homes across the state. This has a religious connotation as the BJP has named its novel form of the campaign as Kamal Diwali. It will be observed with the same enthusiasm as Diwali, the festival of lights. Kamal Diwali will be a demonstration of BJP’s reach and support base prior to polling, now only a week away. It will also help in ensuring the BJP workers at the booth level are in the alert mode to help mobilise votes on D-day. BJP’s target is to reach out and cover at least 60000 villages through Kamal Diwali. Not to be left behind will be the Congress party. Its workers will be going from booth-to-booth and door-to-door to present cotton wicks to the voters to light the “Badlav ki Baati” (lamps for change). In the final run-up to elections, leaders from both sides – BJP and Congress – are following the no-holds-barred approach when it comes to lashing out at each other. Prime Minister Narendra Modi was at his piercing best at his election rallies at Jhabua and Rewa, two far corners of Madhya Pradesh, on Tuesday. Targeting the Congress and holding it responsible for spreading corruption, the Prime Minister said that he was forced to go ahead with demonetisation to strike at the termite of corruption. Taking a dig at the Nehru-Gandhi family, he cited the example of the Moghuls and the ruling class in ancient and pre-history days and said four generations down the line their rule fell into decay. From the Congress side, while former Congress president Arun Yadav is locked in a bitter fight with State Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan in Budhni, State Congress President Kamal Nath, along with party satraps Jyotiraditya Scindia, Ajay Singh, Digvijaya Singh and Suresh Pachouri are holding the fort, countering every attack from the BJP side by throwing shot for shot and galvanising support for their party candidates in their respective areas of influence. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

In final run-up to MP elections, war of words intensifies between Congress and BJP

The Congress Sunday said the party led 'grand alliance' in Telangana would emerge victorious in the December 7 assembly polls by winning 80 seats and form the next government.

Addressing a press conference here, Rajiv Shukla, the Congress party's national spokesperson, attacked caretaker Chief Minister K Chandrasekhar Rao over going back on his promise to make a Scheduled Caste leader as Chief Minister after formation of a separate Telangana state.

Rao had also not fulfilled his promise to provide one lakh overnment jobs,two BHK houses, farmers' issues, education and the health sector, among others, he said.

"There are some fake surveys (on TRS victory)...Our survey says the Congress led alliance will get 80 seats. Definitely Congress will form the government in Telangana," he said.

Shukla said people have realised that the chief minister has made false promises and now wanted a change.

The Congress leader alleged that both Prime Minister Narendra Modi and KCR (as Rao is popularly known as) were masters in cheating people by making false promises.

"Their big promises are visible only on hoardings, in newspapers and television channels.

There is a nexus and understanding between Modi and KCR and their thinking is same and they have a similar mindset, Shukla charged.

The Congress, TDP, Telangana Jana Samithi (TJS) and CPI announced the formation of a pre poll grand alliance and discussions on seat sharing are on between them, but are yet to be finalised.

"Ticket finalisation and release of manifesto will be done very soon," Shukla said to a query.

Shukla claimed that when he was Minister of State for Parliamentary Affairs (in the UPA government), KCR had told him that he would merge TRS with Congress and make a Dalit the Chief Minister.

But after Telangana came into being, he did not fulfill both the promises.

The credit for creating a separate Telangana state goes to Sonia Gandhi, (former Prime Minister) Manmohan Singh and the Congress government, he said.

Shukla also slammed KCR, stating that he and his party TRS had supported BJP on the elections to the post of President, Vice-President and even NDA's demonetisation and GST move. PTI VVKAPR

The Congress Sunday said the party led 'grand alliance' in Telangana would emerge victorious in the December 7 assembly polls by winning 80 seats and form the next government.

The Congress Sunday said the party led 'grand alliance' in Telangana would emerge victorious in the December 7 assembly polls by winning 80 seats and form the next government. Addressing a press conference here, Rajiv Shukla, the Congress party's national spokesperson, attacked caretaker Chief Minister K Chandrasekhar Rao over going back on his promise to make a Scheduled Caste leader as Chief Minister after formation of a separate Telangana state. Rao had also not fulfilled his promise to provide one lakh overnment jobs,two BHK houses, farmers' issues, education and the health sector, among others, he said. "There are some fake surveys (on TRS victory)...Our survey says the Congress led alliance will get 80 seats. Definitely Congress will form the government in Telangana," he said. Shukla said people have realised that the chief minister has made false promises and now wanted a change. The Congress leader alleged that both Prime Minister Narendra Modi and KCR (as Rao is popularly known as) were masters in cheating people by making false promises. "Their big promises are visible only on hoardings, in newspapers and television channels. There is a nexus and understanding between Modi and KCR and their thinking is same and they have a similar mindset, Shukla charged. The Congress, TDP, Telangana Jana Samithi (TJS) and CPI announced the formation of a pre poll grand alliance and discussions on seat sharing are on between them, but are yet to be finalised. "Ticket finalisation and release of manifesto will be done very soon," Shukla said to a query. Shukla claimed that when he was Minister of State for Parliamentary Affairs (in the UPA government), KCR had told him that he would merge TRS with Congress and make a Dalit the Chief Minister. But after Telangana came into being, he did not fulfill both the promises. The credit for creating a separate Telangana state goes to Sonia Gandhi, (former Prime Minister) Manmohan Singh and the Congress government, he said. Shukla also slammed KCR, stating that he and his party TRS had supported BJP on the elections to the post of President, Vice-President and even NDA's demonetisation and GST move. PTI VVKAPR

'Grand alliance' will win December 7 Telangana assembly polls: Congress

The Election Commission of India (ECI) has identified 32 polling stations in Mizoram as 'critical' and 38 'vulnerable locations', the state's Joint Chief Electoral Officer Zorammuana said Sunday.

The state will have a total of 1,164 polling stations for the November 28 Assembly polls.

Along with the state armed police, 40 companies of Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) would also be deployed in critical polling stations and also in those at vulnerable locations, Zorammuana told PTI.

While the training for poll officials is on, the state election machinery is preparing to conduct free, fair and peaceful polls as was done in the past.

Meanwhile, poll campaign in the state is in full swing with candidates including Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla, former chief minister and opposition MNF president Zoramthanga campaigning not only in their respective constituencies but also in other parts of the state.

Public meetings, joint platforms and door-to-door canvassing were being held in almost all the places.

The Election Commission of India (ECI) has identified 32 polling stations in Mizoram as 'critical' and 38 'vulnerable locations', the state's Joint Chief Electoral Officer Zorammuana said Sunday.

The Election Commission of India (ECI) has identified 32 polling stations in Mizoram as 'critical' and 38 'vulnerable locations', the state's Joint Chief Electoral Officer Zorammuana said Sunday. The state will have a total of 1,164 polling stations for the November 28 Assembly polls. Along with the state armed police, 40 companies of Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) would also be deployed in critical polling stations and also in those at vulnerable locations, Zorammuana told PTI. While the training for poll officials is on, the state election machinery is preparing to conduct free, fair and peaceful polls as was done in the past. Meanwhile, poll campaign in the state is in full swing with candidates including Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla, former chief minister and opposition MNF president Zoramthanga campaigning not only in their respective constituencies but also in other parts of the state. Public meetings, joint platforms and door-to-door canvassing were being held in almost all the places.

Election Commission identifies 32 polling stations in Mizoram as 'critical'

Prime Minister Narendra Modi Friday accused the Congress of backing ‘urban Maoists’ who he said have ruined the lives of poor Adivasi youth.

Addressing his first election rally for the state Assembly polls scheduled later this month, Modi also said Congress makes “fun” of adivasis (tribals). “I don’t know why Congress makes fun of adivasis. Once I had gone for a rally in North-East India and wore a traditional adivasi headgear but Congress leaders made fun of it. This was an insult of adivasi culture,” he said.

Mr. Modi said he will not rest till he fulfils late Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s dreams for a prosperous Chhattisgarh, adding the Congress-led government did not do enough to develop the Naxal-infested Bastar region citing the Maoist menace as an excuse. “The urban Maoists who live in air conditioned homes in the cities, look clean and whose children study abroad, remote control the adivasi children in the Naxal dominated areas,” Mr Modi said.

“I want to ask the Congress why it supports the urban Maoists when the government takes action against them and come to Bastar and speak against Naxalism,” he said.

Describing Naxals as “monsters with evil mindset”, the Prime Minister said earlier governments did not do enough for the development of Bastar region. “Will you forgive such people? These people will not win Chhattisgarh. I appeal to you to ensure that BJP wins all seats in the Bastar region. If anyone else wins, it will be a blot on Bastar’s dreams,” he added.

Modi said no other Prime Minister visited Bastar as often as he did. “I have not come empty handed but given you some scheme and development programme. We are working hard to eradicate unemployment, poverty and hunger from the region. Previously there were resources but nothing happened,” he said.

Modi said he wanted to serve the people of Chhattisgarh and fulfil Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s dreams of a prosperous state. “I will not rest till I fulfil his dreams. Chhattisgarh is now 18 years old. There are different dreams and aspirations of 18-year-olds now,” he said.

Congress speaks of Dalits, deprived sections and tribals but the party considers them as vote banks and not as human beings, he said.

“Do you want a government which works or one which stops development works,” he said.

Modi said his government has never discriminated among people. “Previous governments did that. Our government works for the development of all,” he said.

Elections to the 90-member Chhattisgarh Assembly will be held in two phases on November 12 and November 20.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi Friday accused the Congress of backing ‘urban Maoists’ who he said have ruined the lives of poor Adivasi youth. Addressing his first election rally for the state Assembly polls scheduled later this month, Modi also said Congress makes “fun” of adivasis (tribals).

Prime Minister Narendra Modi Friday accused the Congress of backing ‘urban Maoists’ who he said have ruined the lives of poor Adivasi youth. Addressing his first election rally for the state Assembly polls scheduled later this month, Modi also said Congress makes “fun” of adivasis (tribals). “I don’t know why Congress makes fun of adivasis. Once I had gone for a rally in North-East India and wore a traditional adivasi headgear but Congress leaders made fun of it. This was an insult of adivasi culture,” he said. Mr. Modi said he will not rest till he fulfils late Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s dreams for a prosperous Chhattisgarh, adding the Congress-led government did not do enough to develop the Naxal-infested Bastar region citing the Maoist menace as an excuse. “The urban Maoists who live in air conditioned homes in the cities, look clean and whose children study abroad, remote control the adivasi children in the Naxal dominated areas,” Mr Modi said. “I want to ask the Congress why it supports the urban Maoists when the government takes action against them and come to Bastar and speak against Naxalism,” he said. Describing Naxals as “monsters with evil mindset”, the Prime Minister said earlier governments did not do enough for the development of Bastar region. “Will you forgive such people? These people will not win Chhattisgarh. I appeal to you to ensure that BJP wins all seats in the Bastar region. If anyone else wins, it will be a blot on Bastar’s dreams,” he added. Modi said no other Prime Minister visited Bastar as often as he did. “I have not come empty handed but given you some scheme and development programme. We are working hard to eradicate unemployment, poverty and hunger from the region. Previously there were resources but nothing happened,” he said. Modi said he wanted to serve the people of Chhattisgarh and fulfil Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s dreams of a prosperous state. “I will not rest till I fulfil his dreams. Chhattisgarh is now 18 years old. There are different dreams and aspirations of 18-year-olds now,” he said. Congress speaks of Dalits, deprived sections and tribals but the party considers them as vote banks and not as human beings, he said. “Do you want a government which works or one which stops development works,” he said. Modi said his government has never discriminated among people. “Previous governments did that. Our government works for the development of all,” he said. Elections to the 90-member Chhattisgarh Assembly will be held in two phases on November 12 and November 20.

Chhattisgarh assembly polls 2018: PM accuses Congress of supporting 'urban Naxals'

Mizoram Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) S B Shashank, whose removal has been demanded by the chief minister and several NGOs, said he would leave for New Delhi on Wednesday after being summoned by the Election Commission.

Shashank said he would meet the poll panel on Thursday in the national capital.

Meanwhile, hundreds of members of the Young Mizo Association (YMA) continued their picketing in front of the CEO's office from 8am.

The chairman of the NGO Coordination Committee, Vanlalruata, said the picketing would be called off only after the departure of Shashank.

The meeting of a visiting Election Commission team, state government officials and leaders of the NGO Coordination Committee on the current standoff on Tuesday night remained inconclusive as the team sent by Election Commission said that the final call would be made by the poll panel.

The team members said that they would submit their findings to the commission.

Vanlalruata said that Shashank should be transferred from Mizoram and the Bru voters in the Tripura relief camps should exercise their franchise in their respective polling stations in Mizoram.

Thousands of people from the Bru community fled Mizoram in the late 1990s following ethnic clashes. They have been lodged in relief camps in Tripura.

The protesters are also protesting the removal of the state's principal secretary (Home) Lalnunmawia Chuaungo, a native of the state and Gujarat-cadre IAS officer.

The state observed a bandh on Tuesday in response to a call by the Mizoram Merchants' Association (MiMA) to extend support to the agitation.

Earlier on Monday, Chief Minister Lal thanhawla had written to Prime Minister Narendra Modi that "as people have lost faith in him, the only solution for smooth conduct of the Assembly elections 2018 would be removal of CEO S B Shashank from office forthwith."

Election to the 40-member Mizoram Assembly is scheduled for November 28.

Mizoram Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) S B Shashank, whose removal has been demanded by the chief minister and several NGOs, said he would leave for New Delhi on Wednesday after being summoned by the Election Commission.

Mizoram Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) S B Shashank, whose removal has been demanded by the chief minister and several NGOs, said he would leave for New Delhi on Wednesday after being summoned by the Election Commission. Shashank said he would meet the poll panel on Thursday in the national capital. Meanwhile, hundreds of members of the Young Mizo Association (YMA) continued their picketing in front of the CEO's office from 8am. The chairman of the NGO Coordination Committee, Vanlalruata, said the picketing would be called off only after the departure of Shashank. The meeting of a visiting Election Commission team, state government officials and leaders of the NGO Coordination Committee on the current standoff on Tuesday night remained inconclusive as the team sent by Election Commission said that the final call would be made by the poll panel. The team members said that they would submit their findings to the commission. Vanlalruata said that Shashank should be transferred from Mizoram and the Bru voters in the Tripura relief camps should exercise their franchise in their respective polling stations in Mizoram. Thousands of people from the Bru community fled Mizoram in the late 1990s following ethnic clashes. They have been lodged in relief camps in Tripura. The protesters are also protesting the removal of the state's principal secretary (Home) Lalnunmawia Chuaungo, a native of the state and Gujarat-cadre IAS officer. The state observed a bandh on Tuesday in response to a call by the Mizoram Merchants' Association (MiMA) to extend support to the agitation. Earlier on Monday, Chief Minister Lal thanhawla had written to Prime Minister Narendra Modi that "as people have lost faith in him, the only solution for smooth conduct of the Assembly elections 2018 would be removal of CEO S B Shashank from office forthwith." Election to the 40-member Mizoram Assembly is scheduled for November 28.

Mizoram CEO to leave for Delhi on summons by Election Commission

With assembly and general elections a few months away, politics and politicking are taking a centre stage in India. The past few days have been significant in subtle ways. &nbsp;

First of all, a staunch supporter of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the BJP, Yoga guru and FMCG tycoon Ramdev has said that he is not going to support any political party in the coming elections.&nbsp;

Ramdev’s statement reflects the growing public resentment against the central government for rising fuel prices and inflation. Petrol and diesel prices are at more than Rs 80 and Rs 70 in most states in India and it is having a cascading effect on the prices of essential commodities, which in turn is causing severe hardship to people who are already reeling under an economic slump. &nbsp;

Secondly, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat both appear to be operating in tandem in softening the hard Hindutva edges that people associate with the present government. Bhagwat emphasised that RSS doesn't support a ‘mukt’ Bharat, referring obliquely to BJP’s promise of a ‘Congress-mukt Bharat’. Bhagwat, in fact, said that the RSS welcomes even those who oppose the outfit. 
 
PM Modi too did his own outreach towards minorities by meeting the spiritual head of the influential Bohra Muslims in Indore. &nbsp;At this meeting, Modi praised the Bohras for their patriotism subtly indicating that all are welcome in the BJP irrespective of religion.&nbsp;

Finally, as elections draw nearer in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, Congress and BJP are gearing up and fine-tuning election campaign strategies.

In Madhya Pradesh, traditional infighting between Congress factions is yet to cease and the public, though, wanting a change from the BJP, remains wary of this factionalism. Rahul Gandhi on Monday launched the Congress’s election campaign from capital Bhopal.

The Kailash Mansarovar-returned Gandhi scion led a roadshow of thousands of supporters through the winding streets of old Bhopal and even stopped at a famous tea shop. But most noteworthy was the positioning of Gandhi and Congress&nbsp;posters and cutouts in the city showed Rahul in a Janeu&nbsp;offering holy water on a Shivling against the backdrop of Kailash mountain, considered sacred for millions of Hindus.

Projecting Rahul Gandhi as a devout 'Shiv-bhakt' might be expedient for the Congress but it is also alienating some of its supporters who are neither Hindu nor supporters of overt religiosity in politics.&nbsp;

However it seems the Congress has made up its mind- it would do anything, even emulate the BJP to win back its former stronghold.&nbsp; 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

As elections draw nearer in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, Congress and BJP are gearing up and fine-tuning election campaign strategies.

With assembly and general elections a few months away, politics and politicking are taking a centre stage in India. The past few days have been significant in subtle ways. First of all, a staunch supporter of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the BJP, Yoga guru and FMCG tycoon Ramdev has said that he is not going to support any political party in the coming elections. Ramdev’s statement reflects the growing public resentment against the central government for rising fuel prices and inflation. Petrol and diesel prices are at more than Rs 80 and Rs 70 in most states in India and it is having a cascading effect on the prices of essential commodities, which in turn is causing severe hardship to people who are already reeling under an economic slump. Secondly, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat both appear to be operating in tandem in softening the hard Hindutva edges that people associate with the present government. Bhagwat emphasised that RSS doesn't support a ‘mukt’ Bharat, referring obliquely to BJP’s promise of a ‘Congress-mukt Bharat’. Bhagwat, in fact, said that the RSS welcomes even those who oppose the outfit. PM Modi too did his own outreach towards minorities by meeting the spiritual head of the influential Bohra Muslims in Indore. At this meeting, Modi praised the Bohras for their patriotism subtly indicating that all are welcome in the BJP irrespective of religion. Finally, as elections draw nearer in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, Congress and BJP are gearing up and fine-tuning election campaign strategies. In Madhya Pradesh, traditional infighting between Congress factions is yet to cease and the public, though, wanting a change from the BJP, remains wary of this factionalism. Rahul Gandhi on Monday launched the Congress’s election campaign from capital Bhopal. The Kailash Mansarovar-returned Gandhi scion led a roadshow of thousands of supporters through the winding streets of old Bhopal and even stopped at a famous tea shop. But most noteworthy was the positioning of Gandhi and Congress posters and cutouts in the city showed Rahul in a Janeu offering holy water on a Shivling against the backdrop of Kailash mountain, considered sacred for millions of Hindus. Projecting Rahul Gandhi as a devout 'Shiv-bhakt' might be expedient for the Congress but it is also alienating some of its supporters who are neither Hindu nor supporters of overt religiosity in politics. However it seems the Congress has made up its mind- it would do anything, even emulate the BJP to win back its former stronghold. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: Politicking begins in full earnest ahead of elections

The Telangana Police is making elaborate security arrangements for the coming assembly polls and chalking out strategies to foil any attempts by Maoists to disrupt the democratic exercise.

"Entire police machinery is geared up to conduct free, fair and peaceful polls," Additional Director General of Police (Law and Order) Jitender told PTI.

Nearly 55,000 police personnel would be deployed to ensure peaceful polling, while 24 companies of Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) had already arrived, he said.

Police officers have been sensitised to the possible plans of Maoists to carry out blasts and killings to trigger violence as has been their practice in the past.

Replying to a query, Jitender said, candidates have been asked to inform the police in advance about their campaign programmes in Maoist-hit areas so that security could be strengthened.

Noting that there was some presence of ultras in the areas such as Kothagudem and Bhupalpally, bordering Maharashtra and Chhattisgarh, the official said it was a matter of concern for the police.

Out of 32,500 plus polling stations, around 5,000 have been identified as sensitive and hyper-sensitive.

Central paramilitary troops have been conducting flag marches and covering critical places and were engaged in confidence-building measures, he added.&nbsp;

The Telangana Police is making elaborate security arrangements for the coming assembly polls and chalking out strategies to foil any attempts by Maoists to disrupt the democratic exercise.

The Telangana Police is making elaborate security arrangements for the coming assembly polls and chalking out strategies to foil any attempts by Maoists to disrupt the democratic exercise. "Entire police machinery is geared up to conduct free, fair and peaceful polls," Additional Director General of Police (Law and Order) Jitender told PTI. Nearly 55,000 police personnel would be deployed to ensure peaceful polling, while 24 companies of Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) had already arrived, he said. Police officers have been sensitised to the possible plans of Maoists to carry out blasts and killings to trigger violence as has been their practice in the past. Replying to a query, Jitender said, candidates have been asked to inform the police in advance about their campaign programmes in Maoist-hit areas so that security could be strengthened. Noting that there was some presence of ultras in the areas such as Kothagudem and Bhupalpally, bordering Maharashtra and Chhattisgarh, the official said it was a matter of concern for the police. Out of 32,500 plus polling stations, around 5,000 have been identified as sensitive and hyper-sensitive. Central paramilitary troops have been conducting flag marches and covering critical places and were engaged in confidence-building measures, he added.

Telangana police gears up for assembly polls: Additional Director General of Police

Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan will conduct elections to their legislative assemblies over the next seven weeks. Chhattisgarh will be the first to switch on the electronic voting machines (November 12) and will be followed by MP (November 28) and Rajasthan (December 7). The elections to these states are politically significant. They are equally significant from the perspective of (1) economic development, (2) diversity of livelihoods, (3) incomes of households, and (4) the impact of governance on development, rural livelihoods, urban livelihoods and incomes. 
 
The results will answer three questions pertinent to electoral outcomes and economic governance. Chhattisgarh, MP and Rajasthan are not similar to one another. They have serious dissimilarities, though they have been historically and erroneously grouped as India’s economic laggards.

The three states share three significant similarities. First, they have no coastline. Second, their rural households are in a tight range between 73.27 per cent and 74.53 per cent of the total households. By contrast, rural households constitute 67.69 per cent of India’s total households. This rural bias has weighed down heavily and for long on them. Third, all three states have incumbent governments constituted by the same party that governs India now.

The three questions pertinent to electoral outcomes and economic governance will be presented through this summarised assessment of the performance of the incumbent governments of the three states. This assessment is based on the proportion of households with annual incomes (1) below Rs 75,000, (2) between Rs 75,000 and Rs 2,00,000, (3) between Rs 2,00,000 and Rs 3,00,000, (4) between Rs 3,00,000 and Rs 4,00,000, and (5) above Rs 4,00,000.

Each state’s performance is compared with India’s performance. The data are not adjusted for inflation, population growth and migration since such adjustment is unnecessary for cross-sectional comparison.

The first assessment: All three states have performed discernibly better than all of India in the two periods 2011 to 2014 and 2014 to 2017. All three states had accelerated development between 2014 and 2017. There was a 141 per cent growth in the number of rural and urban households that moved from the below-poverty group to the middle-income group across India. By contrast, Chhattisgarh moved 235 per cent more from the below-poverty group to the middle-income group. MP moved 237 per cent more; Rajasthan moved 210 per cent more. The curative impact on the causes of poverty has been comprehensive in the three states.

The first question: Are accelerated poverty reduction and income growth the results when the states and India have incumbent governments constituted by the same party?

The second assessment: All three states have performed discernibly better than all of India in the two periods 2011 to 2014 and 2014 to 2017 in pushing rural households into prosperity. All of India posted a 780 per cent growth in the number of rural households with annual incomes above Rs 4,00,000. By contrast, Chhattisgarh moved 819 per cent more from the middle-income group to the above Rs 4,00,000 group; Madhya Pradesh moved 947 per cent more; Rajasthan moved 921 per cent more. The second question: Is the objective of accomplishing rural prosperity better served when the states and India have incumbent governments constituted by the same party?

The third assessment: Chhattisgarh and MP have dazzled by building a strong rural middle-income group. All of India posted a 759 per cent growth in the number of rural households that moved to the middle-income group from below Rs 75,000. By contrast, Chhattisgarh moved 1,438 per cent more to the middle-income group; MP moved 1,412 per cent more. Rajasthan moved merely 728 per cent more, which is lower than India’s 759 per cent. This performance pertains to the rural middle-income group. However, Rajasthan has posted a 722 per cent growth in the number of urban households that moved to the above Rs 4,00,000 group. By contrast, all of India has posted a 394 per cent growth in the urban households that moved to the above Rs 4,00,000 group. Rajasthan has strengthened its base for manufacturing, mining and tourism-cum-hospitality since 2014. It has facilitated the economic migration of households from rural-agrarian activities to urban-industrial and urban-services activities. Rajasthan has outperformed all of India in enabling its households to move to lower income risk and higher value addition.

Economic variety and heterogeneity are strengths. They reduce the riskiness of household incomes and the aggregate economic risk of the state. Moreover, Rajasthan comprises five different agro-climatic zones (ACZs) that are exposed to higher event risk and failure. By contrast, Chhattisgarh and MP comprise merely one ACZ and three ACZs. Rural incomes in Rajasthan are by nature risky. The third question: How should incumbent governments create, orchestrate and communicate economic policy when the state needs more economic variety and heterogeneous vigour? Is economic migration wrong? It is apt that the three questions will be answered on the same day, December 11, 2018. 
&nbsp;

(This article was originally published on DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-three-states-one-empirical-test-and-one-decisive-answer-2681406">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) 
&nbsp;

Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan will conduct elections to their legislative assemblies over the next seven weeks. Chhattisgarh will be the first to switch on the electronic voting machines (November 12) and will be followed by MP (November 28) and Rajasthan (December 7).

Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan will conduct elections to their legislative assemblies over the next seven weeks. Chhattisgarh will be the first to switch on the electronic voting machines (November 12) and will be followed by MP (November 28) and Rajasthan (December 7). The elections to these states are politically significant. They are equally significant from the perspective of (1) economic development, (2) diversity of livelihoods, (3) incomes of households, and (4) the impact of governance on development, rural livelihoods, urban livelihoods and incomes. The results will answer three questions pertinent to electoral outcomes and economic governance. Chhattisgarh, MP and Rajasthan are not similar to one another. They have serious dissimilarities, though they have been historically and erroneously grouped as India’s economic laggards. The three states share three significant similarities. First, they have no coastline. Second, their rural households are in a tight range between 73.27 per cent and 74.53 per cent of the total households. By contrast, rural households constitute 67.69 per cent of India’s total households. This rural bias has weighed down heavily and for long on them. Third, all three states have incumbent governments constituted by the same party that governs India now. The three questions pertinent to electoral outcomes and economic governance will be presented through this summarised assessment of the performance of the incumbent governments of the three states. This assessment is based on the proportion of households with annual incomes (1) below Rs 75,000, (2) between Rs 75,000 and Rs 2,00,000, (3) between Rs 2,00,000 and Rs 3,00,000, (4) between Rs 3,00,000 and Rs 4,00,000, and (5) above Rs 4,00,000. Each state’s performance is compared with India’s performance. The data are not adjusted for inflation, population growth and migration since such adjustment is unnecessary for cross-sectional comparison. The first assessment: All three states have performed discernibly better than all of India in the two periods 2011 to 2014 and 2014 to 2017. All three states had accelerated development between 2014 and 2017. There was a 141 per cent growth in the number of rural and urban households that moved from the below-poverty group to the middle-income group across India. By contrast, Chhattisgarh moved 235 per cent more from the below-poverty group to the middle-income group. MP moved 237 per cent more; Rajasthan moved 210 per cent more. The curative impact on the causes of poverty has been comprehensive in the three states. The first question: Are accelerated poverty reduction and income growth the results when the states and India have incumbent governments constituted by the same party? The second assessment: All three states have performed discernibly better than all of India in the two periods 2011 to 2014 and 2014 to 2017 in pushing rural households into prosperity. All of India posted a 780 per cent growth in the number of rural households with annual incomes above Rs 4,00,000. By contrast, Chhattisgarh moved 819 per cent more from the middle-income group to the above Rs 4,00,000 group; Madhya Pradesh moved 947 per cent more; Rajasthan moved 921 per cent more. The second question: Is the objective of accomplishing rural prosperity better served when the states and India have incumbent governments constituted by the same party? The third assessment: Chhattisgarh and MP have dazzled by building a strong rural middle-income group. All of India posted a 759 per cent growth in the number of rural households that moved to the middle-income group from below Rs 75,000. By contrast, Chhattisgarh moved 1,438 per cent more to the middle-income group; MP moved 1,412 per cent more. Rajasthan moved merely 728 per cent more, which is lower than India’s 759 per cent. This performance pertains to the rural middle-income group. However, Rajasthan has posted a 722 per cent growth in the number of urban households that moved to the above Rs 4,00,000 group. By contrast, all of India has posted a 394 per cent growth in the urban households that moved to the above Rs 4,00,000 group. Rajasthan has strengthened its base for manufacturing, mining and tourism-cum-hospitality since 2014. It has facilitated the economic migration of households from rural-agrarian activities to urban-industrial and urban-services activities. Rajasthan has outperformed all of India in enabling its households to move to lower income risk and higher value addition. Economic variety and heterogeneity are strengths. They reduce the riskiness of household incomes and the aggregate economic risk of the state. Moreover, Rajasthan comprises five different agro-climatic zones (ACZs) that are exposed to higher event risk and failure. By contrast, Chhattisgarh and MP comprise merely one ACZ and three ACZs. Rural incomes in Rajasthan are by nature risky. The third question: How should incumbent governments create, orchestrate and communicate economic policy when the state needs more economic variety and heterogeneous vigour? Is economic migration wrong? It is apt that the three questions will be answered on the same day, December 11, 2018. (This article was originally published on DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Three states, one empirical test and one decisive answer

An FIR has been filed against sitting BJP MLA Sanjay Patil by electoral authorities for violating the model code of conduct by exploiting religious sentiments, an official said.

The Model Code of Conduct flying squad for the May 12 assembly polls filed the FIR" on Thursday night, its nodal officer Roogi said.

Patil had violated the model code of conduct by exploiting religious sentiments through his speech, he added.

In a potentially controversial remark, Patil had said that electoral contest in Karnataka was "not about roads and drinking water, but Hindu and Muslim religions".

Patil, Belagavi (Rural) MLA and BJP candidate, is seen making the purported remarks in a video shot in his constituency.

It was not known when the video, which went viral, was shot.

"This election is not about roads, drainage or drinking water. This election is about Hindu and Muslim religions," he told the crowd.

"Keeping a hand on my chest I say loudly, this is Bharat, this is the country of Hindus and this is the country where (Lord) Ram was born. We are prepared to do anything to construct Ram mandir in Ayodhya," Patil purportedly said in the footage.

Patil also told the crowd that the Congress favoured constructing a mosque in Ayodhya instead of a Ram temple.

The Model Code of Conduct flying squad for the May 12 assembly polls filed the FIR" on Thursday night, its nodal officer Roogi said.

An FIR has been filed against sitting BJP MLA Sanjay Patil by electoral authorities for violating the model code of conduct by exploiting religious sentiments, an official said. The Model Code of Conduct flying squad for the May 12 assembly polls filed the FIR" on Thursday night, its nodal officer Roogi said. Patil had violated the model code of conduct by exploiting religious sentiments through his speech, he added. In a potentially controversial remark, Patil had said that electoral contest in Karnataka was "not about roads and drinking water, but Hindu and Muslim religions". Patil, Belagavi (Rural) MLA and BJP candidate, is seen making the purported remarks in a video shot in his constituency. It was not known when the video, which went viral, was shot. "This election is not about roads, drainage or drinking water. This election is about Hindu and Muslim religions," he told the crowd. "Keeping a hand on my chest I say loudly, this is Bharat, this is the country of Hindus and this is the country where (Lord) Ram was born. We are prepared to do anything to construct Ram mandir in Ayodhya," Patil purportedly said in the footage. Patil also told the crowd that the Congress favoured constructing a mosque in Ayodhya instead of a Ram temple.

FIR filed against BJP candidate for exploiting religious sentiments: Official

Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah and state JD(S) chief H D Kumaraswamy today filed their nominations for the May 12 state assembly polls.

The chief minister's son Yatindra, set to make his electoral debut from Varuna, represented by his father since 2008 and sitting JD(S) MLA G T Deve Gowda, who will take on Siddaramaiah in Chamundeshwari, are the others who filed their papers.&nbsp

Siddaramaiah filed his nomination even as speculation is rife about him choosing Badami at Bagalkote in north Karnataka as a second constituency, considered 'safer' than Chamundeshwari.

He along with his son visited the Siddarameshwara temple at his native village of Siddaramanahundi, and the famous Chamundeshwari temple on Chamundi hill in Mysuru.

Siddaramaiah has won five times and tasted defeat twice in Chamundeshwari, from where he has been announced as the candidate by the Congress high command.

He has been representing Varuna constituency in Mysuru since 2008, which has now been allotted to his son Yatindra.

Retaining Karnataka is very crucial for the Congress as it is the second major state after Punjab, where it is in power.

Though, Congress has not announced its chief ministerial candidate, the party has said Siddaramaiah will be the party's face during the polls.

Kumaraswamy, a former chief minister, filed his nominations from two constituencies Ramanagara and Channapatna accompanied by his wife Anitha and supporters.

Presently representing Ramanagara, Kumaraswamy is looking for retaining the constituency.

His wife had lost in Channapatna in 2013.

JDS supremo H D Deve Gowda's older son and Kumaraswamy's brother H D Revanna too filed his nomination from Holenarsipura in Hassan district, considered as party bastion.

Karnataka Home Minister Ramalinga Reddy from Bengaluru's BTM layout and senior BJP leader Suresh Kumar from Rajaji Nagar also filed their nominations.

Siddaramaiah filed his nomination even as speculation is rife about him choosing Badami at Bagalkote in north Karnataka as a second constituency, considered 'safer' than Chamundeshwari.

Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah and state JD(S) chief H D Kumaraswamy today filed their nominations for the May 12 state assembly polls. The chief minister's son Yatindra, set to make his electoral debut from Varuna, represented by his father since 2008 and sitting JD(S) MLA G T Deve Gowda, who will take on Siddaramaiah in Chamundeshwari, are the others who filed their papers. Siddaramaiah filed his nomination even as speculation is rife about him choosing Badami at Bagalkote in north Karnataka as a second constituency, considered 'safer' than Chamundeshwari. He along with his son visited the Siddarameshwara temple at his native village of Siddaramanahundi, and the famous Chamundeshwari temple on Chamundi hill in Mysuru. Siddaramaiah has won five times and tasted defeat twice in Chamundeshwari, from where he has been announced as the candidate by the Congress high command. He has been representing Varuna constituency in Mysuru since 2008, which has now been allotted to his son Yatindra. Retaining Karnataka is very crucial for the Congress as it is the second major state after Punjab, where it is in power. Though, Congress has not announced its chief ministerial candidate, the party has said Siddaramaiah will be the party's face during the polls. Kumaraswamy, a former chief minister, filed his nominations from two constituencies Ramanagara and Channapatna accompanied by his wife Anitha and supporters. Presently representing Ramanagara, Kumaraswamy is looking for retaining the constituency. His wife had lost in Channapatna in 2013. JDS supremo H D Deve Gowda's older son and Kumaraswamy's brother H D Revanna too filed his nomination from Holenarsipura in Hassan district, considered as party bastion. Karnataka Home Minister Ramalinga Reddy from Bengaluru's BTM layout and senior BJP leader Suresh Kumar from Rajaji Nagar also filed their nominations.

Siddaramaiah, JD(S) chief Kumaraswamy file nominations for Karnataka polls

The Bharatiya Janata Party on Monday released the second list of its candidates for the upcoming Karnataka elections.

The second list for the Karnataka assembly polls&nbsp;includes 82 candidates.&nbsp;

On April 8, the party had released its<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/bjp-announces-first-list-of-candidates-for-karnataka-elections-129221">&nbsp;first list including 72 candidates</a>.

BJP's chief ministerial candidate BS Yeddyurappa will contest the elections from the Shikaripura constituency.

Rival party&nbsp;<a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/congress-releases-list-of-218-candidates-for-karnataka-polls-130629">Congress had released a list of 218 candidates for the Karnataka polls </a>on Sunday.&nbsp;

Elections in Karnataka will be held on May 12 in&nbsp;a single phase.

<img alt="bjp2.JPG" data-entity-type="" data-entity-uuid="" height="582" src="http://images.wionews.com/iniline-images/news/bjp2.JPG" width="614" />

<img alt="BJP 3.JPG" data-entity-type="" data-entity-uuid="" height="862" src="http://images.wionews.com/iniline-images/news/BJP%203.JPG" width="611" />

<img alt="bjp4_0.JPG" data-entity-type="" data-entity-uuid="" height="734" src="http://images.wionews.com/iniline-images/news/bjp4_0.JPG" width="619" />

On April 8, the party had released its first list including 72 candidates

The Bharatiya Janata Party on Monday released the second list of its candidates for the upcoming Karnataka elections. The second list for the Karnataka assembly polls includes 82 candidates. On April 8, the party had released its first list including 72 candidates. BJP's chief ministerial candidate BS Yeddyurappa will contest the elections from the Shikaripura constituency. Rival party Congress had released a list of 218 candidates for the Karnataka polls on Sunday. Elections in Karnataka will be held on May 12 in a single phase.

Karnataka assembly elections: BJP releases second list of 82 candidates

The Election Commission of India on Tuesday announced the Assembly election dates for Karnataka.

Elections in Karnataka will be held on May 12 in&nbsp;single phase.

Addressing the media in New Delhi, Chief Election Commissioner OP Rawat said that the Model Code of Conduct has kicked in from today (March 26).

"Model Code of Conduct for the elections will come into effect immediately. The eco-friendly material should be used for all propaganda exercise. Use of loudspeakers will be regulated so that people can sleep at night. Loudspeakers won't be allowed from 10 pm to 6 am," said CEC Om Prakash Rawat.

Rawat further said that counting of votes and results for the state will be declared on May 15.

The election will be held to elect members of the 224 constituencies in the Congress-ruled state. Chief Election Commissioner OP Rawat said that the total number of electorate in Karnataka is 4.96 crores.

"Total number of polling stations in the state is 56,696 which is an increase of 9 percent from last Assembly elections," Rawat said.

In February, the chief electoral officer had announced that nearly 60 lakh people have enrolled as new voters across Karnataka ahead of the 15th Assembly elections, due in early May.

"The number of new voters across the state has increased by 60 lakh, taking the total number of the electorate to 4.96 crore as per the tentative electoral rolls as against 4.36 crore voters in 2013 Assembly elections," state Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) Sanjiv Kumar said.

According to the tentative electoral rolls, the number of male voters is 2.51 crore and female voters 2.44 crore. The tenure of Karnataka Assembly ends in May 2018.

While the ruling Congress Party is trying to retain power in Karnataka, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is leaving no stone unturned to seize the southern state.

In the run-up to the polls, extensive campaigning has been witnessed by both aforementioned parties, as both Congress and BJP frontrunners have been making numerous visits to the state to garner support for their respective parties.

The Karnataka assembly tenure ends May 2018

The Election Commission of India on Tuesday announced the Assembly election dates for Karnataka. Elections in Karnataka will be held on May 12 in single phase. Addressing the media in New Delhi, Chief Election Commissioner OP Rawat said that the Model Code of Conduct has kicked in from today (March 26). "Model Code of Conduct for the elections will come into effect immediately. The eco-friendly material should be used for all propaganda exercise. Use of loudspeakers will be regulated so that people can sleep at night. Loudspeakers won't be allowed from 10 pm to 6 am," said CEC Om Prakash Rawat. Rawat further said that counting of votes and results for the state will be declared on May 15. The election will be held to elect members of the 224 constituencies in the Congress-ruled state. Chief Election Commissioner OP Rawat said that the total number of electorate in Karnataka is 4.96 crores. "Total number of polling stations in the state is 56,696 which is an increase of 9 percent from last Assembly elections," Rawat said. In February, the chief electoral officer had announced that nearly 60 lakh people have enrolled as new voters across Karnataka ahead of the 15th Assembly elections, due in early May. "The number of new voters across the state has increased by 60 lakh, taking the total number of the electorate to 4.96 crore as per the tentative electoral rolls as against 4.36 crore voters in 2013 Assembly elections," state Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) Sanjiv Kumar said. According to the tentative electoral rolls, the number of male voters is 2.51 crore and female voters 2.44 crore. The tenure of Karnataka Assembly ends in May 2018. While the ruling Congress Party is trying to retain power in Karnataka, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is leaving no stone unturned to seize the southern state. In the run-up to the polls, extensive campaigning has been witnessed by both aforementioned parties, as both Congress and BJP frontrunners have been making numerous visits to the state to garner support for their respective parties.

Karnataka Assembly elections to be held on May 12, results on May 15

&nbsp;

After an impressive win in Tripura and Nagaland Assembly polls, prime minister Narendra Modi thanked people for reposing faith in the positive and development-oriented agenda of the NDA and added that people do not have time or respect for negative, disruptive and disconnected politics of any kind.

&nbsp;

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false">
<div class="twitter-block" draggable="false">
<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en">
People of Meghalaya, Nagaland and Tripura have spoken! 
 
I thank the people of these states for supporting the good governance agenda and &lsquo;Act East Policy&rsquo; of <a href="https://twitter.com/BJP4India?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@BJP4India</a> &amp; our valued allies. We remain committed to working towards fulfilling the dreams &amp; aspirations of the people.
&mdash; Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) <a href="https://twitter.com/narendramodi/status/969878792754774016?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">March 3, 2018</a></blockquote>
<script async src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script></div>
<a class="close-mark close-div" href="#" id="jqclosemark">&times;</a></div>

&nbsp;In a series of tweets on the outcome of assembly polls in Tripura, Nagaland and Meghalaya, he said the victory of the BJP in Tripura is not an ordinary electoral victory. 
&quot;This journey from Shunya&nbsp;to Shikhar&nbsp;(zero to top) has been made possible due to a solid development agenda and the strength of our organisation. I bow to every BJP karyakarta for working assiduously on the ground for years,&quot; the prime minister said.

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false">
<div class="twitter-block" draggable="false">
<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en">
Thank you Nagaland for supporting <a href="https://twitter.com/BJP4Nagaland?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@BJP4Nagaland</a> and our valued ally. I assure my sisters and brothers of Nagaland that we will continue to work for the progress and prosperity of Nagaland. I applaud the tireless work of the local BJP unit.
&mdash; Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) <a href="https://twitter.com/narendramodi/status/969880265869807616?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">March 3, 2018</a></blockquote>
<script async src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script></div>
<a class="close-mark close-div" href="#" id="jqclosemark">&times;</a></div>

&#39;&#39;The victory in Tripura is as much an ideological one,&quot; he said and added &quot;It is a win for democracy over brute force and intimidation. Today peace and non-violence has&nbsp;prevailed over fear.&quot;

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false">
<div class="twitter-block" draggable="false">
<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en">
The historic victory in Tripura is as much an ideological one. It is a win for democracy over brute force and intimidation. Today peace and non-violence has prevailed over fear. We will provide Tripura the good government that the state deserves.
&mdash; Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) <a href="https://twitter.com/narendramodi/status/969879780542722048?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">March 3, 2018</a></blockquote>
<script async src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script></div>
<a class="close-mark close-div" href="#" id="jqclosemark">&times;</a></div>

He also said ,&nbsp;&quot;2018 Tripura election will be remembered as an epoch-making one! What my sisters and brothers of Tripura have done is extraordinary. No words will be enough to thank them for the phenomenal support towards @BJP4Tripura. We will leave no stone unturned in transforming Tripura.&#39;&#39;

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false">
<div class="twitter-block" draggable="false">
<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en">
2018 Tripura election will be remembered as an epoch-making one! What my sisters and brothers of Tripura have done is extraordinary. No words will be enough to thank them for the phenomenal support towards <a href="https://twitter.com/BJP4Tripura?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@BJP4Tripura</a>. We will leave no stone unturned in transforming Tripura.
&mdash; Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) <a href="https://twitter.com/narendramodi/status/969879055007797248?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">March 3, 2018</a></blockquote>
<script async src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script></div>
<a class="close-mark close-div" href="#" id="jqclosemark">&times;</a></div>

He thanked the people of Nagaland for supporting BJP and its allies.&nbsp;&quot;I assure my sisters and brothers of Nagaland that we will continue to work for the progress and prosperity of Nagaland. I applaud the tireless work of the local BJP unit,&quot; he said.

He said the welfare of Meghalaya is of utmost importance for his government.&nbsp;&nbsp;

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false">
<div class="twitter-block" draggable="false">
<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en">
The victory of <a href="https://twitter.com/BJP4Tripura?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@BJP4Tripura</a> is not an ordinary electoral victory. This journey from &lsquo;Shunya&rsquo; to &lsquo;Shikhar&rsquo; has been made possible due to a solid development agenda and the strength of our organisation. I bow to every BJP Karyakarta for working assiduously on the ground for years.
&mdash; Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) <a href="https://twitter.com/narendramodi/status/969879384772395008?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">March 3, 2018</a></blockquote>
<script async src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script></div>
<a class="close-mark close-div" href="#" id="jqclosemark">&times;</a></div>

BJP made a historic win in Tripura as they won twenty-eight seats with lead&nbsp;in seven seats in the 60-member Tripura Assembly, while its ally Indigenous People&#39;s Front of Tripura has won seven seats and is ahead in one other.

BJP made a historic win in Tripura as they won twenty-eight seats while leading in seven seats in the 60-member Tripura Assembly

After an impressive win in Tripura and Nagaland Assembly polls, prime minister Narendra Modi thanked people for reposing faith in the positive and development-oriented agenda of the NDA and added that people do not have time or respect for negative, disruptive and disconnected politics of any kind. People of Meghalaya, Nagaland and Tripura have spoken! I thank the people of these states for supporting the good governance agenda and ‘Act East Policy’ of @BJP4India & our valued allies. We remain committed to working towards fulfilling the dreams & aspirations of the people. — Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) March 3, 2018 × In a series of tweets on the outcome of assembly polls in Tripura, Nagaland and Meghalaya, he said the victory of the BJP in Tripura is not an ordinary electoral victory. "This journey from Shunya to Shikhar (zero to top) has been made possible due to a solid development agenda and the strength of our organisation. I bow to every BJP karyakarta for working assiduously on the ground for years," the prime minister said. Thank you Nagaland for supporting @BJP4Nagaland and our valued ally. I assure my sisters and brothers of Nagaland that we will continue to work for the progress and prosperity of Nagaland. I applaud the tireless work of the local BJP unit. — Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) March 3, 2018 × ''The victory in Tripura is as much an ideological one," he said and added "It is a win for democracy over brute force and intimidation. Today peace and non-violence has prevailed over fear." The historic victory in Tripura is as much an ideological one. It is a win for democracy over brute force and intimidation. Today peace and non-violence has prevailed over fear. We will provide Tripura the good government that the state deserves. — Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) March 3, 2018 × He also said , "2018 Tripura election will be remembered as an epoch-making one! What my sisters and brothers of Tripura have done is extraordinary. No words will be enough to thank them for the phenomenal support towards @BJP4Tripura. We will leave no stone unturned in transforming Tripura.'' 2018 Tripura election will be remembered as an epoch-making one! What my sisters and brothers of Tripura have done is extraordinary. No words will be enough to thank them for the phenomenal support towards @BJP4Tripura. We will leave no stone unturned in transforming Tripura. — Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) March 3, 2018 × He thanked the people of Nagaland for supporting BJP and its allies. "I assure my sisters and brothers of Nagaland that we will continue to work for the progress and prosperity of Nagaland. I applaud the tireless work of the local BJP unit," he said. He said the welfare of Meghalaya is of utmost importance for his government. The victory of @BJP4Tripura is not an ordinary electoral victory. This journey from ‘Shunya’ to ‘Shikhar’ has been made possible due to a solid development agenda and the strength of our organisation. I bow to every BJP Karyakarta for working assiduously on the ground for years. — Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) March 3, 2018 × BJP made a historic win in Tripura as they won twenty-eight seats with lead in seven seats in the 60-member Tripura Assembly, while its ally Indigenous People's Front of Tripura has won seven seats and is ahead in one other.

Assembly polls: 'It is a win for democracy over brute force and intimidation,' says Modi

The BJP and its ally IPFT were set to end the Left Front&#39;s 25-year-rule in Tripura with a strong showing in the Assembly polls, while Meghalaya seemed to be headed for a hung House.

In Nagaland, a close finish was on the cards, according to available trends.

The BJP-Indigenous People&#39;s Front of Tripura (IPFT) alliance captured six seats in Tripura and was leading in 35 seats, according to an EC source.

The BJP and IPFT won three seats each. The saffron party was leading in 30 seats and the IPFT was ahead in five seats.

The CPI(M) won one seat and was leading in 17 seats.

Chief Minister Manik Sarkar was ahead in Dhanpur seat while the BJP state president Biplab Kumar Deb was leading in Banamlipur. 
 
Election in 59 seats for the 60-member Assembly was held on February 18. Polling was countermanded in one seat due to death of a CPI(M) candidate.

According to the trends available till 2PM from Meghalaya -- Congress won 11 seats and was leading in another nine constituencies.

Chief Minister and Congress candidate Mukul Sangma won from both Ampati and Songsak constituencies, EC sources said.

National People&#39;s Party captured three seats and was ahead in 16. The BJP was leading in two seats in Meghalaya.

The United Democratic Party captured two seats and was ahead in four other constituencies.

The People&#39;s Democratic Front won one seat and was leading in three. The Nationalist Congress Party was leading in one, while the Hill State People&#39;s Democratic Party bagged one seat and was ahead in another seat.

The Khun Hynniewtrep National Awakening Movement also won one seat, while the People&#39;s Democratic Front secured a seat and was leading in three constituencies. Independent candidates won two seats and were leading in two other constituencies.

According to the results and trends available from 47 of the 60 constituencies in Nagaland till 2 PM, the ruling Naga People&#39;s Front (NPF) captured four seats and was leading in 18 constituencies.

BJP ally Nationalist Democratic Progressive Party (NDPP) won three seats and leading in 13 seats, while the BJP was leading in seven constituencies.

The National People&#39;s Party was ahead in three seats and the JD(U) in one. Independents were leading in two seats.

Commenting on the trends in three states, Union minister Kiren Rijiju said that they indicated a new political direction which would have an effect on national politics as well.

&quot;We are confident of forming government in all three states&quot;, he said.

BJP leader Ram Madhav said, &quot;Seeing the early trends, I feel that in Tripura BJP is going to do very well. In Nagaland too, our alliance is doing very well and Congress is trailing in Meghalaya&quot;.

&quot;The results of North East are going to be very good for BJP&quot;, he said.

The BJP-Indigenous People's Front of Tripura (IPFT) alliance captured six seats in Tripura and was leading in 35 seats, according to an EC source

The BJP and its ally IPFT were set to end the Left Front's 25-year-rule in Tripura with a strong showing in the Assembly polls, while Meghalaya seemed to be headed for a hung House. In Nagaland, a close finish was on the cards, according to available trends. The BJP-Indigenous People's Front of Tripura (IPFT) alliance captured six seats in Tripura and was leading in 35 seats, according to an EC source. The BJP and IPFT won three seats each. The saffron party was leading in 30 seats and the IPFT was ahead in five seats. The CPI(M) won one seat and was leading in 17 seats. Chief Minister Manik Sarkar was ahead in Dhanpur seat while the BJP state president Biplab Kumar Deb was leading in Banamlipur. Election in 59 seats for the 60-member Assembly was held on February 18. Polling was countermanded in one seat due to death of a CPI(M) candidate. According to the trends available till 2PM from Meghalaya -- Congress won 11 seats and was leading in another nine constituencies. Chief Minister and Congress candidate Mukul Sangma won from both Ampati and Songsak constituencies, EC sources said. National People's Party captured three seats and was ahead in 16. The BJP was leading in two seats in Meghalaya. The United Democratic Party captured two seats and was ahead in four other constituencies. The People's Democratic Front won one seat and was leading in three. The Nationalist Congress Party was leading in one, while the Hill State People's Democratic Party bagged one seat and was ahead in another seat. The Khun Hynniewtrep National Awakening Movement also won one seat, while the People's Democratic Front secured a seat and was leading in three constituencies. Independent candidates won two seats and were leading in two other constituencies. According to the results and trends available from 47 of the 60 constituencies in Nagaland till 2 PM, the ruling Naga People's Front (NPF) captured four seats and was leading in 18 constituencies. BJP ally Nationalist Democratic Progressive Party (NDPP) won three seats and leading in 13 seats, while the BJP was leading in seven constituencies. The National People's Party was ahead in three seats and the JD(U) in one. Independents were leading in two seats. Commenting on the trends in three states, Union minister Kiren Rijiju said that they indicated a new political direction which would have an effect on national politics as well. "We are confident of forming government in all three states", he said. BJP leader Ram Madhav said, "Seeing the early trends, I feel that in Tripura BJP is going to do very well. In Nagaland too, our alliance is doing very well and Congress is trailing in Meghalaya". "The results of North East are going to be very good for BJP", he said.

BJP breaches 'Red Fort' in Tripura, set to end 25-year Left rule

BJP chief Amit Shah said today his party&#39;s victories in the Left&#39;s citadel Tripura and Nagaland were an endorsement of Prime Minister Narendra Modi&#39;s leadership by the people of the Northeast.

A jubilant Shah said the BJP&#39;s golden era would be when its wrests West Bengal, Odisha and Karnataka from rival parties.

&quot;It is a day of joy for me and crores of BJP workers. The victory of the BJP is important in many ways....It is an endorsement of the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi by the people of the Northeast,&quot; he told a press conference.

The BJP and its ally IPFT were close to securing a majority in Tripura having together won 28 seats in the 60-member House. They were leading in 15 more. Elections were held in the state for 59 seats due to the death of a CPI-M candidate.

In Nagaland, the BJP and its ally NDPP have won 13 seats and are leading in 14. The ruling Naga People&#39;s Front, with which the BJP parted ways just before the elections, has won 13 seats and was leading in 12 others in the 60-member Assembly. In Nagaland too, elections were held for only 59 seats as NDPP leaders Neiphiu Rio was declared elected unopposed.

Meghalaya appeared set to have a hung Assembly.

Shah ruled out the possibility of the BJP, whose NDA partner National People&#39;s Party has won 19 seats, engaging in horse-trading in Meghalaya. The two NDA allies had, however, contested the elections separately. BJP has won two seats in the state where the Congress has won 19 seats so far and was ahead in two.

&quot;Where is the question of &#39;tod-phod&#39; (horse-trading). The Congress does not have a majority there,&quot; he said.

Amit Shah said the BJP's golden era would be when its wrests West Bengal, Odisha and Karnataka from rival parties

BJP chief Amit Shah said today his party's victories in the Left's citadel Tripura and Nagaland were an endorsement of Prime Minister Narendra Modi's leadership by the people of the Northeast. A jubilant Shah said the BJP's golden era would be when its wrests West Bengal, Odisha and Karnataka from rival parties. "It is a day of joy for me and crores of BJP workers. The victory of the BJP is important in many ways....It is an endorsement of the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi by the people of the Northeast," he told a press conference. The BJP and its ally IPFT were close to securing a majority in Tripura having together won 28 seats in the 60-member House. They were leading in 15 more. Elections were held in the state for 59 seats due to the death of a CPI-M candidate. In Nagaland, the BJP and its ally NDPP have won 13 seats and are leading in 14. The ruling Naga People's Front, with which the BJP parted ways just before the elections, has won 13 seats and was leading in 12 others in the 60-member Assembly. In Nagaland too, elections were held for only 59 seats as NDPP leaders Neiphiu Rio was declared elected unopposed. Meghalaya appeared set to have a hung Assembly. Shah ruled out the possibility of the BJP, whose NDA partner National People's Party has won 19 seats, engaging in horse-trading in Meghalaya. The two NDA allies had, however, contested the elections separately. BJP has won two seats in the state where the Congress has won 19 seats so far and was ahead in two. "Where is the question of 'tod-phod' (horse-trading). The Congress does not have a majority there," he said.

Tripura, Nagaland victories endorsement of Modi's leadership, says Amit Shah

The Congress has sent its top guns to Meghalaya to explore possibilities of government formation there after its losses in two other northeastern states of Tripura and Nagaland.

The BJP wrested Tripura, the last Left bastion, and received invitation to be part of the government in Nagaland, while Meghalaya elected a hung Assembly.

Elections were held in 59 seats in all three states due to different reasons despite them having 60-member assemblies and results were announced today.

The Congress emerged as the single largest party in Meghalaya with 21 seats. The party&#39;s senior leaders Ahmed Patel and Kamal Nath left for Shillong this morning to work out possible tie-ups with Independents in to form a government.

No comments were issued by the Congress on its losses as party president Rahul Gandhi is out of the country. It did not win a single seat Tripura and Nagaland.

The Congress defended Gandhi&#39;s visit to Italy over the weekend, saying he had every right to meet his grandmother.

The party&#39;s leader Mukul Wasnik was also present in Shillong, where all the leaders held talks with the local leadership, other parties and Independents.

The Congress&#39; move comes in the wake of criticism in the past that the party was caught &quot;napping&quot; in Goa and Manipur, where despite emerging as the single-largest party it failed to form governments.

Sources said that Patel and Nath soon after reaching Shillong in the afternoon held discussions with party leaders, including outgoing chief minister Mukul Sangma.

Both the leaders claimed that the Congress would form government in Meghalaya and was working towards it.

The Congress was in power in Meghalaya for five years and it hoped to get a majority this time too, which did not happen, Wasnik said.

No party has got majority and parties with the same ideology should work together to form a government, he said.

Meghalaya is one of the five states currently held by the Congress. The other states are Punjab, Karnataka and Mizoram, and Union territory Puducherry.&nbsp;

The BJP wrested Tripura, the last Left bastion, and received an invitation to be part of the government in Nagaland, while Meghalaya elected a hung Assembly

The Congress has sent its top guns to Meghalaya to explore possibilities of government formation there after its losses in two other northeastern states of Tripura and Nagaland. The BJP wrested Tripura, the last Left bastion, and received invitation to be part of the government in Nagaland, while Meghalaya elected a hung Assembly. Elections were held in 59 seats in all three states due to different reasons despite them having 60-member assemblies and results were announced today. The Congress emerged as the single largest party in Meghalaya with 21 seats. The party's senior leaders Ahmed Patel and Kamal Nath left for Shillong this morning to work out possible tie-ups with Independents in to form a government. No comments were issued by the Congress on its losses as party president Rahul Gandhi is out of the country. It did not win a single seat Tripura and Nagaland. The Congress defended Gandhi's visit to Italy over the weekend, saying he had every right to meet his grandmother. The party's leader Mukul Wasnik was also present in Shillong, where all the leaders held talks with the local leadership, other parties and Independents. The Congress' move comes in the wake of criticism in the past that the party was caught "napping" in Goa and Manipur, where despite emerging as the single-largest party it failed to form governments. Sources said that Patel and Nath soon after reaching Shillong in the afternoon held discussions with party leaders, including outgoing chief minister Mukul Sangma. Both the leaders claimed that the Congress would form government in Meghalaya and was working towards it. The Congress was in power in Meghalaya for five years and it hoped to get a majority this time too, which did not happen, Wasnik said. No party has got majority and parties with the same ideology should work together to form a government, he said. Meghalaya is one of the five states currently held by the Congress. The other states are Punjab, Karnataka and Mizoram, and Union territory Puducherry.

Congress sends top guns to Meghalaya in bid to form government

The Tripura Assembly election results were a &quot;blow&quot; to the Left Front, which was expecting to retain power in the north-eastern state, at least with a thin majority, CPI general secretary Suravaram Sudhakar Reddy said today.

The veteran leader termed the poll outcome in Tripura, a Communist bastion, &quot;bad&quot; for the CPI(M)-led Left Front, which had been in power in the state for the last 25 years.

The BJP and its state ally, the Indigenous People&#39;s Front of Tripura (IPFT), are set to form the next government in Tripura, after securing a majority in the 60-member Assembly in the February 18 election, the results of which were announced today.

&quot;We did not expect this kind of results in Tripura. We were expecting the Left Front to win, at least with a thin majority,&quot; Reddy told PTI.

&quot;Ultimately, the BJP manipulated, it is very unfortunate,&quot; he alleged.

Asked to elaborate on his allegation of manipulation against the BJP, the CPI leader claimed, &quot;Eleven per cent of the EVMs did not work on the polling day, which created doubts.&quot;

Reddy, however, acknowledged that anti-incumbency could have played a role in the north-eastern state after the long period of Left rule.

&quot;It is a blow to the Left Front. We will analyse the reasons for the defeat thoroughly,&quot; he added.

Claiming that the BJP spent money &quot;like anything&quot;, the CPI leader said, &quot;In a small state, (they) carried out a big campaign. The entire Congress shifted to the BJP. The BJP does not have a base of its own (in Tripura).

&quot;Actually, almost all the BJP candidates are Congress people. The Congress had got more than 30 per cent of the votes earlier (in the previous election).&quot;

Asked about the Left parties steadily losing electoral ground in different parts of the country, Reddy admitted that it was a &quot;big challenge&quot; for the Left.

&quot;But we do think that this is a not going to be a permanent thing. It is a temporary phase (of electoral setbacks to the Left parties). More than politics, manipulation is working (in elections).

&quot;At the same time, the economy is bad, misery and poverty are increasing. So, people are unhappy and angry with the government,&quot; he said.

The veteran leader termed the poll outcome in Tripura, a Communist bastion, 'bad' for the CPI(M)-led Left Front, which had been in power in the state for the last 25 years

The Tripura Assembly election results were a "blow" to the Left Front, which was expecting to retain power in the north-eastern state, at least with a thin majority, CPI general secretary Suravaram Sudhakar Reddy said today. The veteran leader termed the poll outcome in Tripura, a Communist bastion, "bad" for the CPI(M)-led Left Front, which had been in power in the state for the last 25 years. The BJP and its state ally, the Indigenous People's Front of Tripura (IPFT), are set to form the next government in Tripura, after securing a majority in the 60-member Assembly in the February 18 election, the results of which were announced today. "We did not expect this kind of results in Tripura. We were expecting the Left Front to win, at least with a thin majority," Reddy told PTI. "Ultimately, the BJP manipulated, it is very unfortunate," he alleged. Asked to elaborate on his allegation of manipulation against the BJP, the CPI leader claimed, "Eleven per cent of the EVMs did not work on the polling day, which created doubts." Reddy, however, acknowledged that anti-incumbency could have played a role in the north-eastern state after the long period of Left rule. "It is a blow to the Left Front. We will analyse the reasons for the defeat thoroughly," he added. Claiming that the BJP spent money "like anything", the CPI leader said, "In a small state, (they) carried out a big campaign. The entire Congress shifted to the BJP. The BJP does not have a base of its own (in Tripura). "Actually, almost all the BJP candidates are Congress people. The Congress had got more than 30 per cent of the votes earlier (in the previous election)." Asked about the Left parties steadily losing electoral ground in different parts of the country, Reddy admitted that it was a "big challenge" for the Left. "But we do think that this is a not going to be a permanent thing. It is a temporary phase (of electoral setbacks to the Left parties). More than politics, manipulation is working (in elections). "At the same time, the economy is bad, misery and poverty are increasing. So, people are unhappy and angry with the government," he said.

Tripura poll results 'blow' to Left Front: CPI

Battling the void left by the departure of several senior leaders in the run-up to the 2017 assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh, the Mayawati-led BSP has gone back to the drawing board to build a second rung of leadership as it prepares for the Lok Sabha polls next year.

Almost 150 leaders had quit the BSP around the assembly polls and several of them are now BJP MLAs, a senior leader, who quit the BSP, had said recently.

The work for reorganising the party right from the booth level to the top is going on with the party chief holding meetings on a regular basis, a BSP leader said requesting anonymity.

&quot;The work is going on to bring the second line of leadership from among the cadres, who have been working with dedication since long, and prepare for the general elections early next year,&quot; he said.

The party is focussing on tapping the energy and the enthusiasm of the young workers who are associated with the BSP mission and ideology, and are hard-working, he said.

&quot;They are being given importance in the set-up. The young leaders are apt in communication in the present day scenario and convey the party message while motivating voters, especially of their own age group,&quot; he said.

Before the last assembly elections, the BSP was hit hard by the exodus of its senior leaders. Leaders like Naseemudin Siddiqui, Brijesh Pathak and Swami Prasad Maurya, who had become the party faces, are no longer with the BSP.

While Pathak and Maurya joined the BJP before the elections and are now ministers in the Yogi Adityanath-led government, Siddiqui, who was regarded as the Muslim face of the BSP and once the confidant of the party chief, recently joined the Congress.

&quot;Booth committees will be reorganised and members of backward, upper caste and Muslim communities, besides the Dalits, will most likely get adequate representation in the committees...Missionary workers will be adjusted in the organisation and they will get priority in ticket allocation,&quot; he said.

The BSP chief has also directed the leaders to organise cadre camps across the state for collecting feedback to gauge the mood of the people and gather information about the workers active on the ground.

Also, on the cards is the strengthening of the organisation in the states which go to polls this year, with Mayawati holding meetings with leaders from Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh to review preparations.

She has held a series of meetings with the party&#39;s state units and also visited Karnataka where the BSP has entered into a pre-poll alliance with the Janata Dal (S), which also shows a marked change in the party&#39;s thinking.

The party supremo is meeting with the leaders of different state units separately, he said.

After the BSP entered into a pre-poll alliance in Karnataka, the party cadres are keen on knowing about any such plan for the Lok Sabha elections. But the plan, if any, will only be decided at the eleventh hour, he said.

&#39;The party chief had made known her views that her party will go into a pre-poll alliance only when the offer made to her is a concrete one as well as honourable. Else, the BSP will go alone and there is no change in it as of now,&quot; he said.

But keeping in mind electoral losses, there are chances of such an alliance as the elections draw nearer since all the major parties are realising the need for unity to check the saffron march, he said.&nbsp;

Almost 150 leaders had quit the BSP around the assembly polls and several of them are now BJP MLAs, a senior leader, who quit the BSP, had said recently.

Battling the void left by the departure of several senior leaders in the run-up to the 2017 assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh, the Mayawati-led BSP has gone back to the drawing board to build a second rung of leadership as it prepares for the Lok Sabha polls next year. Almost 150 leaders had quit the BSP around the assembly polls and several of them are now BJP MLAs, a senior leader, who quit the BSP, had said recently. The work for reorganising the party right from the booth level to the top is going on with the party chief holding meetings on a regular basis, a BSP leader said requesting anonymity. "The work is going on to bring the second line of leadership from among the cadres, who have been working with dedication since long, and prepare for the general elections early next year," he said. The party is focussing on tapping the energy and the enthusiasm of the young workers who are associated with the BSP mission and ideology, and are hard-working, he said. "They are being given importance in the set-up. The young leaders are apt in communication in the present day scenario and convey the party message while motivating voters, especially of their own age group," he said. Before the last assembly elections, the BSP was hit hard by the exodus of its senior leaders. Leaders like Naseemudin Siddiqui, Brijesh Pathak and Swami Prasad Maurya, who had become the party faces, are no longer with the BSP. While Pathak and Maurya joined the BJP before the elections and are now ministers in the Yogi Adityanath-led government, Siddiqui, who was regarded as the Muslim face of the BSP and once the confidant of the party chief, recently joined the Congress. "Booth committees will be reorganised and members of backward, upper caste and Muslim communities, besides the Dalits, will most likely get adequate representation in the committees...Missionary workers will be adjusted in the organisation and they will get priority in ticket allocation," he said. The BSP chief has also directed the leaders to organise cadre camps across the state for collecting feedback to gauge the mood of the people and gather information about the workers active on the ground. Also, on the cards is the strengthening of the organisation in the states which go to polls this year, with Mayawati holding meetings with leaders from Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh to review preparations. She has held a series of meetings with the party's state units and also visited Karnataka where the BSP has entered into a pre-poll alliance with the Janata Dal (S), which also shows a marked change in the party's thinking. The party supremo is meeting with the leaders of different state units separately, he said. After the BSP entered into a pre-poll alliance in Karnataka, the party cadres are keen on knowing about any such plan for the Lok Sabha elections. But the plan, if any, will only be decided at the eleventh hour, he said. 'The party chief had made known her views that her party will go into a pre-poll alliance only when the offer made to her is a concrete one as well as honourable. Else, the BSP will go alone and there is no change in it as of now," he said. But keeping in mind electoral losses, there are chances of such an alliance as the elections draw nearer since all the major parties are realising the need for unity to check the saffron march, he said.

Hit by exodus, BSP scouts for leaders among workers

Cultural moorings and political traditions are taken for granted by mainland perceptions. Landing in Nagaland on Sunday could change the idea of the uniqueness of North East for many people in mainland India. Nagaland is a predominantly Christian state. Church has an important place in the society. Though Church burst into national imagination on the issue of Hindutva and beef but it&#39;s influence on the day-to-day life is undeniable and inextricably linked with the larger Naga identity. Sunday is one manifestation of it with which no one plays around.

For an average Indian, state sleeps on Sunday and civil society has fun on that day. Sundays are the days when people hit the street. It is exactly the opposite in Nagaland. Sunday is the day of Church and family. It is not limited to a particular area. Towns after towns shut down. Markets are closed. Very few shops would open. Some may come to life in the evening but that too is like a trickle in an ocean. So landing in Nagaland on Sunday can be a shock as one can be found wanting for life on the street.

Such is the importance of Sunday that mainstream parties avoid keeping big rallies on Sunday in Nagaland which is exactly the opposite in mainland. Sunday is the day in India to catch eyeballs but Nagaland would beat the norm. Political candidates ensure door to door interaction on Sunday and not mega rallies. Sunday which is important to Christianity in Nagaland impacts both politics and public culture. I&#39;m sure that it is not the case in Europe and North America but it has acquired a unique combative quality in Nagaland which pits itself against mainland influence.

Sunday in Nagaland is a metaphor for unique nature of North East in the Indian political life. National awareness and electoral-political integration are accompanied with cultural distrust in Nagaland. It is in this contradiction lies the heart of Nagaland&#39;s politics. Congress despite being more open to Naga way of life is in political ICU and BJP which continues with hard Hindutva politics in the mainland has become a force in Nagaland and also ensured a good alliance for elections.

Though bottom line remains that Nagaland like many North East states has a different political rhythm and requires accommodation at a time when the premium is on integration.

Nagaland, like many Northeast states, has a different political rhythm

Cultural moorings and political traditions are taken for granted by mainland perceptions. Landing in Nagaland on Sunday could change the idea of the uniqueness of North East for many people in mainland India. Nagaland is a predominantly Christian state. Church has an important place in the society. Though Church burst into national imagination on the issue of Hindutva and beef but it's influence on the day-to-day life is undeniable and inextricably linked with the larger Naga identity. Sunday is one manifestation of it with which no one plays around. For an average Indian, state sleeps on Sunday and civil society has fun on that day. Sundays are the days when people hit the street. It is exactly the opposite in Nagaland. Sunday is the day of Church and family. It is not limited to a particular area. Towns after towns shut down. Markets are closed. Very few shops would open. Some may come to life in the evening but that too is like a trickle in an ocean. So landing in Nagaland on Sunday can be a shock as one can be found wanting for life on the street. Such is the importance of Sunday that mainstream parties avoid keeping big rallies on Sunday in Nagaland which is exactly the opposite in mainland. Sunday is the day in India to catch eyeballs but Nagaland would beat the norm. Political candidates ensure door to door interaction on Sunday and not mega rallies. Sunday which is important to Christianity in Nagaland impacts both politics and public culture. I'm sure that it is not the case in Europe and North America but it has acquired a unique combative quality in Nagaland which pits itself against mainland influence. Sunday in Nagaland is a metaphor for unique nature of North East in the Indian political life. National awareness and electoral-political integration are accompanied with cultural distrust in Nagaland. It is in this contradiction lies the heart of Nagaland's politics. Congress despite being more open to Naga way of life is in political ICU and BJP which continues with hard Hindutva politics in the mainland has become a force in Nagaland and also ensured a good alliance for elections. Though bottom line remains that Nagaland like many North East states has a different political rhythm and requires accommodation at a time when the premium is on integration.

Nagaland and the importance of Sunday

assembly-polls

Assembly Polls, News on Assembly Polls, stories on Assembly Polls, articles on Assembly Polls, Assembly Polls stories at Wion, Assembly Polls news, Assembly Polls latest news