Iran is rich in oil. It is at loggerheads with Arab nations and Israel. It is under scrutiny for its nuclear programme. Western nations had signed a deal,&nbsp;Trump walked out of it. Biden wants to re-enter it. But as Washington drags its feet, China has swooped in. &nbsp;

China has inked a 25-year agreement with Iran. It's a $400 billion deal. It could be a gamechanger.

And China's plan is not limited to Iran. The Chinese foreign minister is touring West Asia. He has many stops.&nbsp;What is China planning to do in the region? What does it mean for US&nbsp;efforts to revive the nuclear deal? What does the investment mean for Iran?

And what about India - which has invested millions of dollars in the Chabahar project?

Let's start with the agreement.&nbsp;It was signed on Saturday. Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi was in Tehran. He met with all key stakeholders including Iranian President Hassan Rouhani.

This is a sweeping agreement.&nbsp;Beijing and Tehran have not shared the details yet. Reports say it is broadly based on an 18-page draft that had leaked last year.&nbsp;We reported this last year too. 
China will invest 400 billion dollars in Iran. This will be spread out over the next 25 years.&nbsp;Where is the money going? Banking, telecommunications, ports, railways, healthcare and information technology.

China will invest across sectors. What does it get in return? Oil.&nbsp;A lot of oil.. &nbsp; 
Iran is the world's fourth largest oil producer. It holds 10 per cent of the world's proven oil reserves.&nbsp;Reports say China will receive a "regular and heavily discounted" supply of Iranian oil. It's a win-win for both sides. &nbsp;

Remember, both China and Iran face sanctions from America. So they've signed this deal. And it goes beyond economy. This is a strategic pact. &nbsp;

Last year's draft had indicated a military relationship between Iran and China.&nbsp;It had called for "deepening military cooperation"&nbsp;This included&nbsp;joint training and exercises, joint research and weapons development, and&nbsp;intelligence sharing.

So, going by the words of the Iranian foreign ministry spokesman, this is a "complete roadmap".&nbsp;It details how Iran's relationship with China could evolve in the next 25 years. The agreement itself&nbsp;is worth 400 billion dollars. It brings Iran into China's Belt and Road Initiative. China is in it for the long haul.&nbsp;

Consider&nbsp;what the Chinese foreign minister said.

"Our relations with Iran will not be affected by the current situation. They will be permanent and strategic. Iran's foreign minister Mohammad Javad Zarif called China "a&nbsp;friend for the hard times".

Both sides are already working together on various fronts.&nbsp;One is oil: China imports more than 300,000 barrels of Iranian oil every day. With this agreement, China will import more.&nbsp; The second area is technology.

Earlier, Swedish company Ericsson was building Iran's 5G&nbsp;network. It had to exit because of sanctions.

Guess who entered? Chinese tech giant Huawei. It has replaced western companies in Iran. It is apparently shipping American-made computer equipment to Iran. It is said to be running a local franchise. And it is developing Iran's 5G network.&nbsp;The cooperation is set to expand.

How does the US see this? President Joe Biden was asked this question.&nbsp;Biden says he is concerned about Iran getting close to China. The question is: what does he plan to do about it?

China is making inroads into West Asia. Before landing in Tehran, the Chinese foreign minister had already visited Saudi Arabia and Turkey.&nbsp;After Iran, he visited the UAE and Oman.

Coming back to iran, the deal with Iran has come as yet another reminder of China's great game in West Asia. It may be a newcomer to the region. But it has increasingly widened its footprint. And in some aspects,&nbsp;outflanked Western influence.&nbsp;Because the Chinese outreach has been arguably subtle and careful. For a change, Beijing is not trying to gain control through its army. It is creating a culture of economic inter-dependence. 
In 2008, West Asia received only 1% of the money China had invested globally. Today Chinese money is flowing all over the region, from Saudi Arabia to Iran. From the UAE to Turkey, and from Palestine to Israel. Chinese companies have increasingly filled the economic vaccum left by the West in recent years.&nbsp; 
They have invested in refineries, ports, airports, hotels, offices and business campuses. How could this change the geopolitical dynamics of West Asia?&nbsp;And challenge Western influence in the region?

In 2016, China published the 'Arab policy paper', its first political strategy document for West Asia.&nbsp; 
A blueprint to slowly unfurl its tentacles in the region. This paper helped sync Chinese interests with West Asia's development strategy. Beijing wanted oil, natural gas and influence. Arab countries were looking to modernise and diversify their economies.

The result was this:&nbsp;By 2017,&nbsp;China had become the largest investor in West Asia, outmanoeuvring the United States. And the biggest importer of crude oil, with half of its oil coming through West Asia.

In 2016, China's Sinopec and&nbsp;Saudi Arabia's Aramco agreed to jointly build a refinery worth 10 billion dollars.

And in Kuwait, Sinopec was involved in the construction of the largest refinery in West Asia. Several joint infrastructure projects were also launched under the Belt and Road Initiative. Like the Khalifa port in UAE,&nbsp;the Hunutlu thermal power plant in Turkey,&nbsp;the Jizan port in Saudi Arabia,&nbsp;the Attarat oil power plant in Jordan,&nbsp;port Said in Egypt&nbsp;and the Duqm port in Oman along the strategic Strait of Hormuz.

The pandemic further provided China a chance to strengthen its foothold in West Asia. Chinese vaccines have been flowing into Arab countries. In February, China promised to provide vaccine aid to Palestine, and on Sunday, China and the UAE agreed to expedite production of affordable Sinopharm vaccines.

But Chinese interest is not just limited to the Arab world or Islamic countries.

Today, Chinese money is increasingly visible even in Israel. In the tech sector, 463 deals worth 19.4 billion dollars have been struck between Tel Aviv and Beijing,&nbsp;and eight deals worth 5.9 billion dollars in the infrastructure sector.

Now, by inking a 25-year agreement with Iran, Beijing has made it amply clear&nbsp;that it is not trying to replicate Western strategy in West Asia.

Instead,&nbsp;it is putting forward a narrative of neutral engagement with all countries. It is trying to build a multi-polar order based on economic partnerships. Not only could this shape West Asia's political dynamics based on how China envisions it,&nbsp;but it could significantly erode the influence of American and European powers.

West Asia is the final frontier for global powers.&nbsp;If you have a foothold in West Asia, you have arrived on the international scene.

There are two reasons for this. One: oil. 
30% of the world's crude output comes from here.&nbsp;West Asia is the world's gas station. It is where countries go when they need a top-up. They have waged wars over a sniff of petroleum. Which brings us to the second reason:&nbsp;Power plays. 
West Asia is the land of proxy wars. Domestic groups are inevitably backed by regional powers. And these regional powers are backed by superpowers.&nbsp;Yemen is probably the biggest example.

So for countries with global ambitions, West Asia is a geopolitical board game. Which brings us to India and China.

Both countries have global ambitions. The Iran deal is China's bugle call.&nbsp;It has officially entered the arena.

But what does it mean for India? Where does the deal leave India and its strategic interests? 
Look at where India stands right now. It has maintained excellent ties with the region. The cornerstone of this relationship is neutrality.

India is not party to the West Asian cold war. For India, both Iran and Saudi Arabia are key partners.&nbsp;And for a region that has been invaded, colonised and subjected to years of foreign interference.&nbsp;Neutrality is a welcome change.

But in 2015, the Ministry of External Affairs made an important clarification.&nbsp;India's neutrality in West Asia must not be confused with passivity.&nbsp;As a developing economy, India's biggest concern is oil.

Before American sanctions,&nbsp;Iran supplied 10% of India's oil needs. In 2019, the trade was halted. Donald Trump brought the hammer down on Iran. India had no option but to comply. But Trump is not president anymore.&nbsp;His successor is a more conventional politician.&nbsp;Joe Biden helped seal the Iran nuclear deal in 2015.&nbsp;And he intends to save it at all cost.&nbsp;If Biden lifts the sanctions on Iran,&nbsp;the oil trade will resume.&nbsp;But he's unlikely to do it.&nbsp;Biden wants Iran to comply with the agreement first.&nbsp;Tehran says, remove the sanctions,&nbsp; and then we'll see.

So the sanctions aren't disappearing overnight.&nbsp;Plus there's an election around the corner in Iran.&nbsp;The hardliners are eyeing the presidency.&nbsp;If they win, chances are, the deal will be abandoned.&nbsp;Which brings us back to China. Like most Chinese partners,&nbsp;Iran needs Beijing's cheque book. Not its brotherhood.&nbsp;The moderates in Iran are desperate to revive the economy. It's the only way they are going to win the elections.&nbsp;And China is willing to pay.&nbsp;

Iran and China are not natural partners.&nbsp;What unites them is their hatred for the Americans.&nbsp;Not exactly what you call shared interests.&nbsp;It's a fragile partnership.

And India should be mindful of this.&nbsp;New Delhi can utilise this thaw in US-Iran relations. It is the perfect opportunity to double down. But before that, the Chabahar port must be completed.

The port is india's trump card in Iran.&nbsp;The shipping minister says full-scale operations will start by May.&nbsp;India is developing two terminals in exchange for a decade of operational rights.&nbsp;Chabahar is India's route to Central Asia.&nbsp;It bypasses the hassle of dealing with Pakistan.&nbsp;Last year,&nbsp;&nbsp;the port was used to send 75,000 tonnes of wheat to Afghanistan.

When locusts invaded Iran, India dispatched 25 tonnes of pesticide. Again via the Chabahar port. 
This is all part of India's Central Asia outreach.&nbsp;A region sandwiched between China and West Asia...

A robust Indian presence here will be key to stemming China's rise.&nbsp;

Here's the first thing you need to know about Central Asia.&nbsp;The land is criss-crossed by pipelines.&nbsp;It is a major transit zone.&nbsp;A link between oil producers and oil consumers.&nbsp;The international north-south transport corridor aims to build on this. India, Iran, Russia and 10 Central Asian nations are part of the project.&nbsp;The vision is a 7,200 kilometre long network of roads, rail and waterways.&nbsp;All indications are that the great game is back.

But this is the 21st century edition.&nbsp;There are new players and India is one of them.&nbsp;

Central Asia isn't uncharted territory for India.&nbsp;Since the 3rd century, trade has been common.&nbsp;Both regions were key stops in the Silk Route.&nbsp;Not just goods, even Buddhism spread across the Hindu Kush.

The peoples of Central Asia and India were always friends. They just need to rekindle their relations.&nbsp;But time is of the essence.&nbsp;Central Asia is key to China's Belt and Road Initiative.&nbsp;Its leaders are enthusiastic about it. Not because of the economic prospects but the scope of corruption. On the ground - anti-China sentiments are brewing.

If Central Asia mobilises against China,&nbsp;it could block Beijing's road to West Asia.

Iran is rich in oil. It is at loggerheads with Arab nations and Israel. It is under scrutiny for its nuclear programme. Western nations had signed a deal, Trump walked out of it.

Iran is rich in oil. It is at loggerheads with Arab nations and Israel. It is under scrutiny for its nuclear programme. Western nations had signed a deal, Trump walked out of it. Biden wants to re-enter it. But as Washington drags its feet, China has swooped in. China has inked a 25-year agreement with Iran. It's a $400 billion deal. It could be a gamechanger. And China's plan is not limited to Iran. The Chinese foreign minister is touring West Asia. He has many stops. What is China planning to do in the region? What does it mean for US efforts to revive the nuclear deal? What does the investment mean for Iran? And what about India - which has invested millions of dollars in the Chabahar project? Let's start with the agreement. It was signed on Saturday. Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi was in Tehran. He met with all key stakeholders including Iranian President Hassan Rouhani. This is a sweeping agreement. Beijing and Tehran have not shared the details yet. Reports say it is broadly based on an 18-page draft that had leaked last year. We reported this last year too. China will invest 400 billion dollars in Iran. This will be spread out over the next 25 years. Where is the money going? Banking, telecommunications, ports, railways, healthcare and information technology. China will invest across sectors. What does it get in return? Oil. A lot of oil.. Iran is the world's fourth largest oil producer. It holds 10 per cent of the world's proven oil reserves. Reports say China will receive a "regular and heavily discounted" supply of Iranian oil. It's a win-win for both sides. Remember, both China and Iran face sanctions from America. So they've signed this deal. And it goes beyond economy. This is a strategic pact. Last year's draft had indicated a military relationship between Iran and China. It had called for "deepening military cooperation" This included joint training and exercises, joint research and weapons development, and intelligence sharing. So, going by the words of the Iranian foreign ministry spokesman, this is a "complete roadmap". It details how Iran's relationship with China could evolve in the next 25 years. The agreement itself is worth 400 billion dollars. It brings Iran into China's Belt and Road Initiative. China is in it for the long haul. Consider what the Chinese foreign minister said. "Our relations with Iran will not be affected by the current situation. They will be permanent and strategic. Iran's foreign minister Mohammad Javad Zarif called China "a friend for the hard times". Both sides are already working together on various fronts. One is oil: China imports more than 300,000 barrels of Iranian oil every day. With this agreement, China will import more. The second area is technology. Earlier, Swedish company Ericsson was building Iran's 5G network. It had to exit because of sanctions. Guess who entered? Chinese tech giant Huawei. It has replaced western companies in Iran. It is apparently shipping American-made computer equipment to Iran. It is said to be running a local franchise. And it is developing Iran's 5G network. The cooperation is set to expand. How does the US see this? President Joe Biden was asked this question. Biden says he is concerned about Iran getting close to China. The question is: what does he plan to do about it? China is making inroads into West Asia. Before landing in Tehran, the Chinese foreign minister had already visited Saudi Arabia and Turkey. After Iran, he visited the UAE and Oman. Coming back to iran, the deal with Iran has come as yet another reminder of China's great game in West Asia. It may be a newcomer to the region. But it has increasingly widened its footprint. And in some aspects, outflanked Western influence. Because the Chinese outreach has been arguably subtle and careful. For a change, Beijing is not trying to gain control through its army. It is creating a culture of economic inter-dependence. In 2008, West Asia received only 1% of the money China had invested globally. Today Chinese money is flowing all over the region, from Saudi Arabia to Iran. From the UAE to Turkey, and from Palestine to Israel. Chinese companies have increasingly filled the economic vaccum left by the West in recent years. They have invested in refineries, ports, airports, hotels, offices and business campuses. How could this change the geopolitical dynamics of West Asia? And challenge Western influence in the region? In 2016, China published the 'Arab policy paper', its first political strategy document for West Asia. A blueprint to slowly unfurl its tentacles in the region. This paper helped sync Chinese interests with West Asia's development strategy. Beijing wanted oil, natural gas and influence. Arab countries were looking to modernise and diversify their economies. The result was this: By 2017, China had become the largest investor in West Asia, outmanoeuvring the United States. And the biggest importer of crude oil, with half of its oil coming through West Asia. In 2016, China's Sinopec and Saudi Arabia's Aramco agreed to jointly build a refinery worth 10 billion dollars. And in Kuwait, Sinopec was involved in the construction of the largest refinery in West Asia. Several joint infrastructure projects were also launched under the Belt and Road Initiative. Like the Khalifa port in UAE, the Hunutlu thermal power plant in Turkey, the Jizan port in Saudi Arabia, the Attarat oil power plant in Jordan, port Said in Egypt and the Duqm port in Oman along the strategic Strait of Hormuz. The pandemic further provided China a chance to strengthen its foothold in West Asia. Chinese vaccines have been flowing into Arab countries. In February, China promised to provide vaccine aid to Palestine, and on Sunday, China and the UAE agreed to expedite production of affordable Sinopharm vaccines. But Chinese interest is not just limited to the Arab world or Islamic countries. Today, Chinese money is increasingly visible even in Israel. In the tech sector, 463 deals worth 19.4 billion dollars have been struck between Tel Aviv and Beijing, and eight deals worth 5.9 billion dollars in the infrastructure sector. Now, by inking a 25-year agreement with Iran, Beijing has made it amply clear that it is not trying to replicate Western strategy in West Asia. Instead, it is putting forward a narrative of neutral engagement with all countries. It is trying to build a multi-polar order based on economic partnerships. Not only could this shape West Asia's political dynamics based on how China envisions it, but it could significantly erode the influence of American and European powers. West Asia is the final frontier for global powers. If you have a foothold in West Asia, you have arrived on the international scene. There are two reasons for this. One: oil. 30% of the world's crude output comes from here. West Asia is the world's gas station. It is where countries go when they need a top-up. They have waged wars over a sniff of petroleum. Which brings us to the second reason: Power plays. West Asia is the land of proxy wars. Domestic groups are inevitably backed by regional powers. And these regional powers are backed by superpowers. Yemen is probably the biggest example. So for countries with global ambitions, West Asia is a geopolitical board game. Which brings us to India and China. Both countries have global ambitions. The Iran deal is China's bugle call. It has officially entered the arena. But what does it mean for India? Where does the deal leave India and its strategic interests? Look at where India stands right now. It has maintained excellent ties with the region. The cornerstone of this relationship is neutrality. India is not party to the West Asian cold war. For India, both Iran and Saudi Arabia are key partners. And for a region that has been invaded, colonised and subjected to years of foreign interference. Neutrality is a welcome change. But in 2015, the Ministry of External Affairs made an important clarification. India's neutrality in West Asia must not be confused with passivity. As a developing economy, India's biggest concern is oil. Before American sanctions, Iran supplied 10% of India's oil needs. In 2019, the trade was halted. Donald Trump brought the hammer down on Iran. India had no option but to comply. But Trump is not president anymore. His successor is a more conventional politician. Joe Biden helped seal the Iran nuclear deal in 2015. And he intends to save it at all cost. If Biden lifts the sanctions on Iran, the oil trade will resume. But he's unlikely to do it. Biden wants Iran to comply with the agreement first. Tehran says, remove the sanctions, and then we'll see. So the sanctions aren't disappearing overnight. Plus there's an election around the corner in Iran. The hardliners are eyeing the presidency. If they win, chances are, the deal will be abandoned. Which brings us back to China. Like most Chinese partners, Iran needs Beijing's cheque book. Not its brotherhood. The moderates in Iran are desperate to revive the economy. It's the only way they are going to win the elections. And China is willing to pay. Iran and China are not natural partners. What unites them is their hatred for the Americans. Not exactly what you call shared interests. It's a fragile partnership. And India should be mindful of this. New Delhi can utilise this thaw in US-Iran relations. It is the perfect opportunity to double down. But before that, the Chabahar port must be completed. The port is india's trump card in Iran. The shipping minister says full-scale operations will start by May. India is developing two terminals in exchange for a decade of operational rights. Chabahar is India's route to Central Asia. It bypasses the hassle of dealing with Pakistan. Last year, the port was used to send 75,000 tonnes of wheat to Afghanistan. When locusts invaded Iran, India dispatched 25 tonnes of pesticide. Again via the Chabahar port. This is all part of India's Central Asia outreach. A region sandwiched between China and West Asia... A robust Indian presence here will be key to stemming China's rise. Here's the first thing you need to know about Central Asia. The land is criss-crossed by pipelines. It is a major transit zone. A link between oil producers and oil consumers. The international north-south transport corridor aims to build on this. India, Iran, Russia and 10 Central Asian nations are part of the project. The vision is a 7,200 kilometre long network of roads, rail and waterways. All indications are that the great game is back. But this is the 21st century edition. There are new players and India is one of them. Central Asia isn't uncharted territory for India. Since the 3rd century, trade has been common. Both regions were key stops in the Silk Route. Not just goods, even Buddhism spread across the Hindu Kush. The peoples of Central Asia and India were always friends. They just need to rekindle their relations. But time is of the essence. Central Asia is key to China's Belt and Road Initiative. Its leaders are enthusiastic about it. Not because of the economic prospects but the scope of corruption. On the ground - anti-China sentiments are brewing. If Central Asia mobilises against China, it could block Beijing's road to West Asia.

What is the real story behind China's $400 billion deal with Iran?

With hardly a week to go for polling day on April 6th&nbsp;in the southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu, WION caught up with actor-turned-politician Khushbu Sundar, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)&nbsp;candidate for Thousand Lights constituency in Chennai. Her background in cinema has made her&nbsp;a household name, and after more than a decade in politics, she is now making her poll debut as a BJP candidate for the assembly. Later this week, Home Minister Amit Shah is expected to campaign for her.&nbsp;&nbsp;

WION: How is the response to BJP’s campaign in Thousand Lights constituency ?

Khushbu Sundar: There’s a very good response for our campaign, women want me to win and they’re confident that I’ll solve their issues as a woman. Their love towards me is evident from the way they have gathered in large numbers. They (opposition) said BJP would never make it, but now there’s a clear wave of change in people’s minds.&nbsp;

WION: Are minority votes in Tamil Nadu a major challenge?&nbsp;

Khushbu Sundar: The BJP won the largest mandate of 303 parliamentary seats in 2019, and this was not possible without minorities voting for us. As far as the women in minority communities are concerned, they say that Prime Minister Narendra Modi is akin to an elder brother and a source of strength for them. The opposition parties are indulging in fake propaganda.&nbsp;

WION: As a woman leader, how do you see the recent misogynistic comments by opposition leaders?

Khushbu Sundar: On the one hand, the opposition claims that they will help women and keep them safe, but now they themselves are saying deplorable things about women. How can such people enable a same environment for women?&nbsp;

WION: The DMK (whose candidate you are taking on) says this seat is their stronghold. Do you foresee a blockbuster on your electoral debut ?

Khushbu Sundar: We are sure of the people being with us. We must recall that DMK President MK Stalin who contested here, jumped to Kolathur constituency 10 years back. He had done so based on doubts of losing here. Our ally AIADMK has won here many times, DMK themselves are claiming that this seat is their stronghold. The finest example of this is MK Stalin, who left for another seat.&nbsp;

WION: There are allegations that actors will forget their constituencies and people after elections. How do you respond ?&nbsp;

Khushbu Sundar: I have seen that these comments have come from a dynast, who is looking at things through his perspective. They are the ones who promise development, safety, roads, employment, water supply and end up neglecting their constituencies. They better brush up their history lessons and recollect Tamil Nadu’s political history where all tall leaders Karunanidhi, MG Ramachandran and J Jayalalithaa have had a cinema industry background.&nbsp;

With hardly a week to go for polling day on April 6th in the southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu, WION caught up with actor-turned-politician Khushbu Sundar, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) candidate for Thousand Lights constituency in Chennai.

With hardly a week to go for polling day on April 6th in the southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu, WION caught up with actor-turned-politician Khushbu Sundar, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) candidate for Thousand Lights constituency in Chennai. Her background in cinema has made her a household name, and after more than a decade in politics, she is now making her poll debut as a BJP candidate for the assembly. Later this week, Home Minister Amit Shah is expected to campaign for her. WION: How is the response to BJP’s campaign in Thousand Lights constituency ? Khushbu Sundar: There’s a very good response for our campaign, women want me to win and they’re confident that I’ll solve their issues as a woman. Their love towards me is evident from the way they have gathered in large numbers. They (opposition) said BJP would never make it, but now there’s a clear wave of change in people’s minds. WION: Are minority votes in Tamil Nadu a major challenge? Khushbu Sundar: The BJP won the largest mandate of 303 parliamentary seats in 2019, and this was not possible without minorities voting for us. As far as the women in minority communities are concerned, they say that Prime Minister Narendra Modi is akin to an elder brother and a source of strength for them. The opposition parties are indulging in fake propaganda. WION: As a woman leader, how do you see the recent misogynistic comments by opposition leaders? Khushbu Sundar: On the one hand, the opposition claims that they will help women and keep them safe, but now they themselves are saying deplorable things about women. How can such people enable a same environment for women? WION: The DMK (whose candidate you are taking on) says this seat is their stronghold. Do you foresee a blockbuster on your electoral debut ? Khushbu Sundar: We are sure of the people being with us. We must recall that DMK President MK Stalin who contested here, jumped to Kolathur constituency 10 years back. He had done so based on doubts of losing here. Our ally AIADMK has won here many times, DMK themselves are claiming that this seat is their stronghold. The finest example of this is MK Stalin, who left for another seat. WION: There are allegations that actors will forget their constituencies and people after elections. How do you respond ? Khushbu Sundar: I have seen that these comments have come from a dynast, who is looking at things through his perspective. They are the ones who promise development, safety, roads, employment, water supply and end up neglecting their constituencies. They better brush up their history lessons and recollect Tamil Nadu’s political history where all tall leaders Karunanidhi, MG Ramachandran and J Jayalalithaa have had a cinema industry background.

Tamil Nadu polls: BJP’s Khushbu Sundar confident of victory, dismisses criticism of her cinema background

Hindus are positively influencing various important areas of Bangladesh including politics, economy and culture. Although there is a religious minority, they are in harmony with Muslims.

Hindus positively influence Bangladesh's important areas

Bangladesh declared its independence on March 26, 1971. The Indo-Pakistani War of 1971 was a decisive win for India. What was the role of the Indian Navy? Why was Mukti Bahini formed? Five decades later, we bring you the untold stories on WION Wideangle

WION Wideangle: Bangladesh liberation war: Untold stories

Bangladesh's Foreign minister AK Abdul Momen has expressed his delight that 'PM of the Biggest Democracy' is taking part in the country's 50th Independence anniversary celebration. Speaking exclusively to our Diplomatic correspondent Sidhant Sibal, Momen said, 'Our relationship with India was rock solid.'

Delighted that PM of biggest Democracy joining our independence celebration: Bangladesh FM

Lieutenant Colonel (Retd) Quazi Sazzad Ali Zahir is a Mujti jodhas, or Mukti Bahini war veteran, in the Bangladesh Liberation War. Bangladesh government awarded him the title of Bir Protik for his bravery in the war and India honoured him its fourth highest civilian award, the Padma Shri, in 2021.&nbsp;

Speaking to WION Principal Diplomatic Correspondent Sidhant Sibal, he remembered how Pakistan establishment mistreated people of then East Pakistan, and thought that Bangalis cannot fight.

Zahir, who played a key role in the posthumous honouring of Indian soldiers who fought in Bangladesh Liberation War against Pakistan, also described how he carried dead bodies of Indian soldiers during the war.

He said he collected every information he could on Pakistani forces, “put all information in my boot, with a lot of efforts... I walked to India and handed over (information) to Indian authorities. They spoke to me and got all information. When they won, they told me it was a great victory.”

“I honour Indian soldiers and hold them in high esteem,” he said.

“I have felt the urge to write about battlefield stories based on Indian Army. I have carried Indian soldiers' dead bodies in my hands. Blood of Indian soldiers is and will continue flowing in our rivers. Our history is tied to bloodshed We must honour the bloodshed.”

He noted&nbsp;that Indian army is the only one that went to a different country&nbsp;"and helped us, but not one case of rape, murder or loot.”

“Look at Pakistan, our women were murdered, raped by them.”

Remembering the days under Pakistani rule, Zahar said, “Our language was taken away and Urdu became the language. They took away our budget and democratic rights. We were under the martial law. They started the genocide. Why did Pakistan conduct a genocide? They thought Bengalis cannot fight.”

“You will be surprised, Pakistanis addressed us as "Naukar" (servant). But we were not servants. That is when we fought, India helped us in that,” he said.

Reminiscing about how he spent his time after independence, he said, “After the killing of Mujibur Rahman, pro-Pakistan elements came back to power, freedom fighters were killed and put in jail. I was in a bad shape and I devoted myself to writing and teaching.”

When Sheikh Hasina was elected to power, he said, “I got hope from this government. Five years back, Hasina invited a few of us authors and writers for a lunch in her house.”

It was at this time that Zahir mooted the idea of honouring Indian soldiers. “She asked for some opinions on developing Bangladesh. I told her a little injustice has been made. I told her you have honoured the Mukti Bahini but you have not honoured an important part of Mukti Bahini- the Indian soldiers.”

"She asked me to write it down on paper", Zahir remembered, adding that the prime minister gave approval in three days and put in charge of the project.

Hasinia, he noted, had personally delivered the first awards to families of Indian martyrs of the Bangladesh war, at a ceremony in New Delhi.

“She was very pleased. It was an emotional programme. I visited so many martyr families in order to write about them. No country has honoured the soldiers of another nation. Americans or British were not honoured by French or Germans. Every nation should follow this trend,” he said.

Lieutenant Colonel (Retd) Quazi Sazzad Ali Zahir is a Mujti jodhas, or Mukti Bahini war veteran, in the Bangladesh Liberation War. Bangladesh government awarded him the title of Bir Protik for his bravery in the war and India honoured him its fourth highest civilian award, the Padma Shri, in 2021.

Lieutenant Colonel (Retd) Quazi Sazzad Ali Zahir is a Mujti jodhas, or Mukti Bahini war veteran, in the Bangladesh Liberation War. Bangladesh government awarded him the title of Bir Protik for his bravery in the war and India honoured him its fourth highest civilian award, the Padma Shri, in 2021. Speaking to WION Principal Diplomatic Correspondent Sidhant Sibal, he remembered how Pakistan establishment mistreated people of then East Pakistan, and thought that Bangalis cannot fight. Zahir, who played a key role in the posthumous honouring of Indian soldiers who fought in Bangladesh Liberation War against Pakistan, also described how he carried dead bodies of Indian soldiers during the war. He said he collected every information he could on Pakistani forces, “put all information in my boot, with a lot of efforts... I walked to India and handed over (information) to Indian authorities. They spoke to me and got all information. When they won, they told me it was a great victory.” “I honour Indian soldiers and hold them in high esteem,” he said. “I have felt the urge to write about battlefield stories based on Indian Army. I have carried Indian soldiers' dead bodies in my hands. Blood of Indian soldiers is and will continue flowing in our rivers. Our history is tied to bloodshed We must honour the bloodshed.” He noted that Indian army is the only one that went to a different country "and helped us, but not one case of rape, murder or loot.” “Look at Pakistan, our women were murdered, raped by them.” Remembering the days under Pakistani rule, Zahar said, “Our language was taken away and Urdu became the language. They took away our budget and democratic rights. We were under the martial law. They started the genocide. Why did Pakistan conduct a genocide? They thought Bengalis cannot fight.” “You will be surprised, Pakistanis addressed us as "Naukar" (servant). But we were not servants. That is when we fought, India helped us in that,” he said. Reminiscing about how he spent his time after independence, he said, “After the killing of Mujibur Rahman, pro-Pakistan elements came back to power, freedom fighters were killed and put in jail. I was in a bad shape and I devoted myself to writing and teaching.” When Sheikh Hasina was elected to power, he said, “I got hope from this government. Five years back, Hasina invited a few of us authors and writers for a lunch in her house.” It was at this time that Zahir mooted the idea of honouring Indian soldiers. “She asked for some opinions on developing Bangladesh. I told her a little injustice has been made. I told her you have honoured the Mukti Bahini but you have not honoured an important part of Mukti Bahini- the Indian soldiers.” "She asked me to write it down on paper", Zahir remembered, adding that the prime minister gave approval in three days and put in charge of the project. Hasinia, he noted, had personally delivered the first awards to families of Indian martyrs of the Bangladesh war, at a ceremony in New Delhi. “She was very pleased. It was an emotional programme. I visited so many martyr families in order to write about them. No country has honoured the soldiers of another nation. Americans or British were not honoured by French or Germans. Every nation should follow this trend,” he said.

Pakistanis addressed us as servants: A Bangladesh war veteran remembers

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