A heavy soup made of pulled noodles, meat, and vegetables symbolises Central Asia’s close cultural and/or ethnic ties with China’s repressed Turkic and Hui Muslims. It also explains growing Central Asian unease with China’s re-education campaign in its north-western province of Xinjiang and its signature infrastructure and energy driven-Belt and Road initiative.

Named Ashlan Fu and introduced to Kyrgyzstan in the late 19th century by Dungans, exiled Chinese Hui Muslims who fled over the Tien Shan Mountains after a failed rebellion in 1877, the soup has become a staple of Kyrgyz cuisine.

Made of Laghman noodles, starch preserves, onion, garlic, chilli, dark vinegar, and egg, Ashlan Fu is “the best cure for a hangover,” says Aman Janserkeev, a Kyrgyz student.

It’s also indicative of the potential fallout of China’s crackdown on Turkic and increasingly Hui Muslims that amounts to the most frontal assault on Islam in post-World War Two history and of commercial terms underlying Belt and Road-related Chinese investments in Kyrgyzstan and Central Asia.

Some 150 members of Kyrgyzstan’s far-right Kyrk Choro (Forty Nights) group last month protested outside the Chinese embassy in the Kyrgyz capital of Bishkek against the inclusion of ethnic Kyrgyz in the up to one million Muslims detained in re-education camps in Xinjiang as part of the Chinese crackdown.

In a sign of the times, Kyrk Choro, a nationalist group that has gained popularity and is believed to have the support of the Kyrgyz ministries of interior and labour, migration and youth, and the National Security Committee (GKNB), focused in its protest exclusively on ethnic Kyrgyz in Chinese detention.

Acting as vigilantes, Kyrk Choro four years ago raided clubs in Bishkek in a campaign against prostitution and accused Chinese nationals of promoting vice. In a video of an attack on a karaoke club, a Kyrk Choro leader showed a receipt that featured a girl as one of the consumed items.

Yet, while standing up for the rights of ethnic Kyrgyz, Kyrk Choro has also called for Uighurs, the Turkic Muslims that populate Xinjiang, to be booted out of Bishkek’s most popular clothing bazaar and replaced by ethnic Kyrgyz.

During December’s protest, Kyrk Choro also demanded the expulsion of illegal Chinese migrants. It further insisted that the government check the documents of migrants, including those who had obtained Kyrgyz citizenship over the last decade, including 268 Chinese nationals who are in majority of Kyrgyz descent.

Kyrk Choro’s contradictory demands and claims reflect not only a global trend towards ethnic and religious nationalism with undertones of xenophobia but also concern that Belt and Road-related projects serve Chinese rather than Kyrgyz and Central Asian interests.

The Kyrgyz government recently reported that 35,215 Chinese citizens had arrived in the country in 2018, many of them as construction workers on Chinese-funded projects.

Political scientist Colleen Wood noted that social media activists were linking criticism of Chinese commercial practices with China’s crackdown in Xinjiang.

“One widely-shared image, which declares “Don’t let anyone take your land,” depicts a strong fist — adorned with a Kyrgyz flag — stopping a spindly hand — marked by a Chinese flag — from snatching factories and a field,” Wood wrote in The Diplomat.

Wood said some activists compared Chinese practice to the demarcation in 2002 of the Chinese-Kyrgyz border during which the Central Asian nation handed over 1,250 square kilometres of land to China.

Another Facebook page posted articles about Chinese mining companies operating in Kyrgyzstan, a target of Kyrgyz protesters, alongside articles depicting the intrusiveness of the crackdown in Xinjiang, according to Wood.

Ashlan Fu, the popular Dungan soup, could prove to be a litmus test of the depth of mounting anti-Chinese sentiment. &nbsp;

An Instagram account with a Stop China feed publishes xenophobic content about Chinese culinary habits as well as regular updates on the crackdown that is expanding into the autonomous region of Ningxia Hui.

Ningxia Hui recently signed a cooperation agreement on anti-terrorism with Xinjiang in a bid to learn from the crackdown on the Turkic Muslims or in the words of the Global Times, a Communist Party organ, “to learn from Xinjiang's experiences in promoting social stability.”

In advance of another protest at the Chinese embassy in Bishkek scheduled for January 17, Kyrgyz first deputy prime minister Kubatbek Boronov called this week on the public not to believe anti-Chinese postings on social media.

In an acknowledgement of Kyrk Choro’s appeal, Boronov asserted that the group had denied participating in the December protest.

The government, much like Turkey and the vast majority of Muslim countries, has so far evaded taking China to task on its crackdown for fear of jeopardising its relations with the People’s Republic.

Kyrgyz President Sooronbay Jeenbekov insisted last month that “the ethnic Kyrgyz of China are citizens of China, who obey the laws of their country. How can we intervene in their domestic matters? We can’t.”

If Kazakhstan, where the issue of ethnic Kazakhs detained in China has flared up, is anything to go by, the Kyrgyz government is walking a tightrope.

Asyla Alymkulova, &nbsp;a Kyrgyz national recently established the Committee to Protect the Kyrgyz People in China after her husband, Shairbek Doolotkhan, a Chinese-born Muslim, vanished in October on a business trip to Xinjiang.

Doolotkhan’s company subsequently advised Alymkulova that her husband had been "sent away to study" in a camp.

A Kyrgyz diplomat was among representatives of 12 non-Western countries whom China in the last week invited to Xinjiang to counter criticism of the crackdown and showcase economic and social progress. A group of foreign journalists was invited separately.

Short of a reunion with her husband, there is little that is likely to convince Alymkulova or the relatives of thousands of other Central Asians, including at least 2,500 Kazakhs, that Chinese policy towards Muslims is benign and benefitting the community and the region’s progress.

That, in turn, will not make things easier for the Kyrgyz and other Muslim governments at a time that ethnic and cultural identities in a nationalistic and at times xenophobic environment are becoming prevalent. Kyrgyz attitudes towards Ashlan Fu may be the barometer.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL) 
&nbsp;

A heavy soup made of pulled noodles, meat, and vegetables symbolises Central Asia’s close cultural and/or ethnic ties with China’s repressed Turkic and Hui Muslims.

A heavy soup made of pulled noodles, meat, and vegetables symbolises Central Asia’s close cultural and/or ethnic ties with China’s repressed Turkic and Hui Muslims. It also explains growing Central Asian unease with China’s re-education campaign in its north-western province of Xinjiang and its signature infrastructure and energy driven-Belt and Road initiative. Named Ashlan Fu and introduced to Kyrgyzstan in the late 19th century by Dungans, exiled Chinese Hui Muslims who fled over the Tien Shan Mountains after a failed rebellion in 1877, the soup has become a staple of Kyrgyz cuisine. Made of Laghman noodles, starch preserves, onion, garlic, chilli, dark vinegar, and egg, Ashlan Fu is “the best cure for a hangover,” says Aman Janserkeev, a Kyrgyz student. It’s also indicative of the potential fallout of China’s crackdown on Turkic and increasingly Hui Muslims that amounts to the most frontal assault on Islam in post-World War Two history and of commercial terms underlying Belt and Road-related Chinese investments in Kyrgyzstan and Central Asia. Some 150 members of Kyrgyzstan’s far-right Kyrk Choro (Forty Nights) group last month protested outside the Chinese embassy in the Kyrgyz capital of Bishkek against the inclusion of ethnic Kyrgyz in the up to one million Muslims detained in re-education camps in Xinjiang as part of the Chinese crackdown. In a sign of the times, Kyrk Choro, a nationalist group that has gained popularity and is believed to have the support of the Kyrgyz ministries of interior and labour, migration and youth, and the National Security Committee (GKNB), focused in its protest exclusively on ethnic Kyrgyz in Chinese detention. Acting as vigilantes, Kyrk Choro four years ago raided clubs in Bishkek in a campaign against prostitution and accused Chinese nationals of promoting vice. In a video of an attack on a karaoke club, a Kyrk Choro leader showed a receipt that featured a girl as one of the consumed items. Yet, while standing up for the rights of ethnic Kyrgyz, Kyrk Choro has also called for Uighurs, the Turkic Muslims that populate Xinjiang, to be booted out of Bishkek’s most popular clothing bazaar and replaced by ethnic Kyrgyz. During December’s protest, Kyrk Choro also demanded the expulsion of illegal Chinese migrants. It further insisted that the government check the documents of migrants, including those who had obtained Kyrgyz citizenship over the last decade, including 268 Chinese nationals who are in majority of Kyrgyz descent. Kyrk Choro’s contradictory demands and claims reflect not only a global trend towards ethnic and religious nationalism with undertones of xenophobia but also concern that Belt and Road-related projects serve Chinese rather than Kyrgyz and Central Asian interests. The Kyrgyz government recently reported that 35,215 Chinese citizens had arrived in the country in 2018, many of them as construction workers on Chinese-funded projects. Political scientist Colleen Wood noted that social media activists were linking criticism of Chinese commercial practices with China’s crackdown in Xinjiang. “One widely-shared image, which declares “Don’t let anyone take your land,” depicts a strong fist — adorned with a Kyrgyz flag — stopping a spindly hand — marked by a Chinese flag — from snatching factories and a field,” Wood wrote in The Diplomat. Wood said some activists compared Chinese practice to the demarcation in 2002 of the Chinese-Kyrgyz border during which the Central Asian nation handed over 1,250 square kilometres of land to China. Another Facebook page posted articles about Chinese mining companies operating in Kyrgyzstan, a target of Kyrgyz protesters, alongside articles depicting the intrusiveness of the crackdown in Xinjiang, according to Wood. Ashlan Fu, the popular Dungan soup, could prove to be a litmus test of the depth of mounting anti-Chinese sentiment. An Instagram account with a Stop China feed publishes xenophobic content about Chinese culinary habits as well as regular updates on the crackdown that is expanding into the autonomous region of Ningxia Hui. Ningxia Hui recently signed a cooperation agreement on anti-terrorism with Xinjiang in a bid to learn from the crackdown on the Turkic Muslims or in the words of the Global Times, a Communist Party organ, “to learn from Xinjiang's experiences in promoting social stability.” In advance of another protest at the Chinese embassy in Bishkek scheduled for January 17, Kyrgyz first deputy prime minister Kubatbek Boronov called this week on the public not to believe anti-Chinese postings on social media. In an acknowledgement of Kyrk Choro’s appeal, Boronov asserted that the group had denied participating in the December protest. The government, much like Turkey and the vast majority of Muslim countries, has so far evaded taking China to task on its crackdown for fear of jeopardising its relations with the People’s Republic. Kyrgyz President Sooronbay Jeenbekov insisted last month that “the ethnic Kyrgyz of China are citizens of China, who obey the laws of their country. How can we intervene in their domestic matters? We can’t.” If Kazakhstan, where the issue of ethnic Kazakhs detained in China has flared up, is anything to go by, the Kyrgyz government is walking a tightrope. Asyla Alymkulova, a Kyrgyz national recently established the Committee to Protect the Kyrgyz People in China after her husband, Shairbek Doolotkhan, a Chinese-born Muslim, vanished in October on a business trip to Xinjiang. Doolotkhan’s company subsequently advised Alymkulova that her husband had been "sent away to study" in a camp. A Kyrgyz diplomat was among representatives of 12 non-Western countries whom China in the last week invited to Xinjiang to counter criticism of the crackdown and showcase economic and social progress. A group of foreign journalists was invited separately. Short of a reunion with her husband, there is little that is likely to convince Alymkulova or the relatives of thousands of other Central Asians, including at least 2,500 Kazakhs, that Chinese policy towards Muslims is benign and benefitting the community and the region’s progress. That, in turn, will not make things easier for the Kyrgyz and other Muslim governments at a time that ethnic and cultural identities in a nationalistic and at times xenophobic environment are becoming prevalent. Kyrgyz attitudes towards Ashlan Fu may be the barometer. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Turkic-Chinese soup: A barometer of anti-Chinese sentiment

Malaysia has freed from detention 11 ethnic Uighur Muslims who fled to the southeast Asian nation after a Thai jailbreak last year, and sent them to Turkey, their lawyer said on Thursday, in disregard of China's request to hand them to Beijing.

The move is likely to strain ties with China, already tested since Mahathir Mohamad became prime minister after a stunning election victory in May and cancelled more than $20 billion worth of projects awarded to Chinese companies.

Also read: <a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/china-says-us-seeks-to-disturb-xinjiang-policies-170904">China says </a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/china-says-us-seeks-to-disturb-xinjiang-policies-170904">US</a><a href="http://www.wionews.com/world/china-says-us-seeks-to-disturb-xinjiang-policies-170904"> seeks to 'disturb' Xinjiang policies</a>

Prosecutors in Muslim-majority Malaysia dropped charges against the Uighurs on humanitarian grounds and they arrived in Turkey after flying out of Kuala Lumpur on Tuesday, their lawyer, Fahmi Moin, said.

"The charges were withdrawn because the attorney general's chambers agreed to the (appeal) from our side," he told Reuters.

Malaysia's immigration department, home ministry and the attorney general's office did not immediately respond to requests for comment. China's foreign ministry did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

The men were detained and charged with illegally entering Malaysia after last November's daring prison break, by punching holes in a prison wall and using blankets as ladders.

In February, Reuters reported that Malaysia was under great pressure from China to deport the men there, citing sources. Some Western missions sought to dissuade it from sending them to China, which has been accused of persecuting Uighurs.

Beijing accuses separatist extremists among the Uighur minority of plotting attacks on China's Han majority in the restive far western region of Xinjiang and elsewhere.

China has been accused of rights abuses in Xinjiang, torture of Uighur detainees and tight controls on their religion and culture. It denies wrongdoing.

Over the years, hundreds, possibly thousands, of Uighurs have escaped the unrest by travelling clandestinely via Southeast Asia to Turkey.

The Uighurs in Malaysia were part of a group of more than 200 detained in Thailand in 2014.

Although they identified themselves as Turkish citizens and asked to be sent to Turkey, more than 100 were forcibly returned to China in July 2015, sparking international condemnation.

In February, Malaysia said it was considering China's request to extradite the 11 men. In the past, it has sent some detained Uighurs to China.

Their detention came as Malaysia drew closer to China under former prime minister Najib Razak, but 93-year-old Mahathir, in his second stint as premier, has been vocal in backing Muslim communities against persecution.

He recently criticised Aung San Suu Kyi, the de facto leader of neighbouring Myanmar, over the Nobel peace laureate's handling of the Rohingya crisis, saying, "We don't really support her anymore."

Malaysia has freed from detention 11 ethnic Uighur Muslims who fled to the southeast Asian nation after a Thai jailbreak last year, and sent them to Turkey, their lawyer said on Thursday, in disregard of China's request to hand them to Beijing.

Malaysia has freed from detention 11 ethnic Uighur Muslims who fled to the southeast Asian nation after a Thai jailbreak last year, and sent them to Turkey, their lawyer said on Thursday, in disregard of China's request to hand them to Beijing. The move is likely to strain ties with China, already tested since Mahathir Mohamad became prime minister after a stunning election victory in May and cancelled more than $20 billion worth of projects awarded to Chinese companies. Also read: China says US seeks to 'disturb' Xinjiang policies Prosecutors in Muslim-majority Malaysia dropped charges against the Uighurs on humanitarian grounds and they arrived in Turkey after flying out of Kuala Lumpur on Tuesday, their lawyer, Fahmi Moin, said. "The charges were withdrawn because the attorney general's chambers agreed to the (appeal) from our side," he told Reuters. Malaysia's immigration department, home ministry and the attorney general's office did not immediately respond to requests for comment. China's foreign ministry did not immediately respond to a request for comment. The men were detained and charged with illegally entering Malaysia after last November's daring prison break, by punching holes in a prison wall and using blankets as ladders. In February, Reuters reported that Malaysia was under great pressure from China to deport the men there, citing sources. Some Western missions sought to dissuade it from sending them to China, which has been accused of persecuting Uighurs. Beijing accuses separatist extremists among the Uighur minority of plotting attacks on China's Han majority in the restive far western region of Xinjiang and elsewhere. China has been accused of rights abuses in Xinjiang, torture of Uighur detainees and tight controls on their religion and culture. It denies wrongdoing. Over the years, hundreds, possibly thousands, of Uighurs have escaped the unrest by travelling clandestinely via Southeast Asia to Turkey. The Uighurs in Malaysia were part of a group of more than 200 detained in Thailand in 2014. Although they identified themselves as Turkish citizens and asked to be sent to Turkey, more than 100 were forcibly returned to China in July 2015, sparking international condemnation. In February, Malaysia said it was considering China's request to extradite the 11 men. In the past, it has sent some detained Uighurs to China. Their detention came as Malaysia drew closer to China under former prime minister Najib Razak, but 93-year-old Mahathir, in his second stint as premier, has been vocal in backing Muslim communities against persecution. He recently criticised Aung San Suu Kyi, the de facto leader of neighbouring Myanmar, over the Nobel peace laureate's handling of the Rohingya crisis, saying, "We don't really support her anymore."

Defying China, Malaysia releases Uighur detainees

Pakistan has refrained from raising the issues surrounding Uighur Muslims in its meeting with China's top diplomat earlier in the week, even after worldwide criticism of China's alleged abuse of Uighur Muslims in the Xinjiang Province.

According to Arab News, Pakistan's Minister for Religious Affairs and Interfaith Harmony, Noorul Haq Qadri said that the Uighur issue was not discussed.

Pakistan's reluctance to raising the issue of the Uighur community, in spite of widespread criticism, could be seen as a result of its growing proximity to China.

Qadri further said that the meeting focused on measures for the constitution of an exchange program for moderate Islamic scholars, adding that a Memorandum of Understanding would soon be signed on the exchange of scholars.

So far, no official statement pertaining to the meeting has been issued by the Chinese Embassy in Islamabad

Divulging excerpts from the meeting, Ministry spokesperson Imran Siddique told Arab News, " China's enemy is Pakistan's enemy and that Pakistan has also taken a clear stance on the economic corridor and maintained that Islamabad will not compromise on the project."

The Uighurs are a majority in the Xinjiang province, situated in the western part of China and is officially designated as an autonomous region.

Many international human rights organisations have accused China of cracking down on the Uighurs by sending them to mass detention camps, interfering in their religious activities and sending the minority community to undergo forceful re-education or indoctrination.&nbsp;

Pakistan has refrained from raising the issues surrounding Uighur Muslims in its meeting with China's top diplomat earlier in the week, even after worldwide criticism of China's alleged abuse of Uighur Muslims in the Xinjiang Province.

Pakistan has refrained from raising the issues surrounding Uighur Muslims in its meeting with China's top diplomat earlier in the week, even after worldwide criticism of China's alleged abuse of Uighur Muslims in the Xinjiang Province. According to Arab News, Pakistan's Minister for Religious Affairs and Interfaith Harmony, Noorul Haq Qadri said that the Uighur issue was not discussed. Pakistan's reluctance to raising the issue of the Uighur community, in spite of widespread criticism, could be seen as a result of its growing proximity to China. Qadri further said that the meeting focused on measures for the constitution of an exchange program for moderate Islamic scholars, adding that a Memorandum of Understanding would soon be signed on the exchange of scholars. So far, no official statement pertaining to the meeting has been issued by the Chinese Embassy in Islamabad Divulging excerpts from the meeting, Ministry spokesperson Imran Siddique told Arab News, " China's enemy is Pakistan's enemy and that Pakistan has also taken a clear stance on the economic corridor and maintained that Islamabad will not compromise on the project." The Uighurs are a majority in the Xinjiang province, situated in the western part of China and is officially designated as an autonomous region. Many international human rights organisations have accused China of cracking down on the Uighurs by sending them to mass detention camps, interfering in their religious activities and sending the minority community to undergo forceful re-education or indoctrination.

Pakistan refrains from raising Uighur issue with China

Every autumn on the mountainous Karakoram Highway, part of the ancient Silk Road, groups of Pakistani merchants living in China&#39;s far west would wave goodbye to their Chinese wives and cross the border to spend winter in their home country.

As the snow piled high, the men would stay in touch with their families by phone, longing for the spring thaw that would allow them to be reunited in Xinjiang.

But last year many of their calls suddenly went unanswered.

Their families, they learned, had disappeared into a growing network of shadowy &quot;re-education centres&quot; that have swept up the region&#39;s Uighur Muslim minority over fears of Islamic militancy crossing the border from Pakistan.

&quot;My wife and kids were taken away by the Chinese authorities in March last year and I haven&#39;t heard from them since,&quot; said Iqbal, a Pakistani businessman who declined to give his surname over concern about his family&#39;s safety.

Last July, he headed to China to find them, but was turned away at the border. Authorities &quot;said my wife was in &#39;training&#39; and the government was taking care of my kids&quot;, he told AFP.

&quot;I begged them to let me talk to my daughters, but they refused.&quot;

Iqbal is one of dozens of merchants from Gilgit-Baltistan who return to Pakistan for visa reasons or to run their businesses and have been unable to contact their Uighur families living in China, according to Javed Hussain, a member of the local assembly for the Pakistani region that borders Xinjiang.

Earlier this month, the delegates passed a unanimous resolution protesting the &quot;illegal detention&quot; of the men&#39;s families.

&quot;The Chinese authorities should at least allow the men to meet their wives and children,&quot; Hussain said.

&quot;China is our friend and this incident will leave a bad taste.&quot;

China&#39;s foreign ministry said that the &quot;two sides are maintaining communication about problems related to interactions between both countries&#39; people&quot;, while Pakistan&#39;s said the issue was being &quot;actively discussed with the government of China&quot;.

&#39;Eliminating extremism&#39;&nbsp;

Like many of the men, Iqbal&#39;s family lived in Kashgar, an ancient city along the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a trade route connecting China&#39;s far west to the Arabian Sea port of Gwadar.

In recent years, China has heavily pushed its relationship with Pakistan, investing tens of billions of dollars in CPEC infrastructure projects in the country, and Beijing has upgraded the treacherous mountain road connecting Gilgit-Baltistan to Xinjiang.

But China has had difficulty reconciling its desire for development with fears that Uighur separatists will import violence from Pakistan.

Chinese authorities have long linked their crackdown on Xinjiang&#39;s Muslims to international counter-terrorism, arguing that separatists are bent on joining foreign extremists like Al-Qaeda.

Uighurs have been tied to mass stabbings and bombings that left dozens dead in recent years across the country. Riots and clashes with the government killed hundreds more.

Over the past year, China has turned to increasingly drastic methods to eliminate what it describes as the &quot;three forces&quot;: terrorists, religious extremists and separatists.

In 2017, the government flooded Xinjiang with tens of thousands of security personnel, with police stations on nearly every block in urban areas and tough regulations to &quot;eliminate extremism&quot;.

This included the increased use of compulsory &quot;re-education&quot; for anyone suspected of harbouring separatist sympathies.

&nbsp;Threat&#39; from Pakistan&nbsp;

Iqbal and the other Pakistani men believe their wives -- and even business associates -- have been targeted because they received calls and messages from Pakistan.

&quot;Any communication from Pakistan is considered a threat,&quot; said Qurban, a businessman who has worked in Kashgar for over 30 years.

&quot;One of my employees, a Uighur, was picked up two years back just because he was in touch with me when I went to Pakistan.&quot;

Chinese authorities have denied the existence of re-education centres.

But regulations against extremism adopted by Xinjiang last March call for authorities to step up political re-education.

In Kashgar alone, more than 120,000 people -- about three percent of the area&#39;s population -- were being held in the facilities in January, according to Radio Free Asia.

An AFP review of state media reports and government documents verified the existence of at least 30 such centres and almost 4,000 cases of people being sent to them.

Regulations posted on a local website in Xinjiang&#39;s Hejing county explained that even minor transgressions of strict religious regulations can be punished with up to three months in a centre.

Ali, a businessman who lost contact with his wife in December, said she had been taken by authorities to do a &quot;sort of training where they teach them about Communism and prepare them to be patriotic citizens&quot;.

&quot;My wife told me that Chinese police had come to her house and asked her about the calls from Pakistan and asked her to explain her links with ETIM,&quot; said Ali, referring to the East Turkestan Islamic Movement, a militant group China has accused of attempting to foment Uighur separatism.

He plans to cross the border in May to find his family, but has been told his children are in the custody of the Chinese government and doesn&#39;t know if he will see them again.

&quot;They never tell you anything, they just say your family will come back to you when they finish their training.&quot;

The Pakistani merchants living in Xinjiang would return home every winter. Last spring, they were not allowed to enter China

Every autumn on the mountainous Karakoram Highway, part of the ancient Silk Road, groups of Pakistani merchants living in China's far west would wave goodbye to their Chinese wives and cross the border to spend winter in their home country. As the snow piled high, the men would stay in touch with their families by phone, longing for the spring thaw that would allow them to be reunited in Xinjiang. But last year many of their calls suddenly went unanswered. Their families, they learned, had disappeared into a growing network of shadowy "re-education centres" that have swept up the region's Uighur Muslim minority over fears of Islamic militancy crossing the border from Pakistan. "My wife and kids were taken away by the Chinese authorities in March last year and I haven't heard from them since," said Iqbal, a Pakistani businessman who declined to give his surname over concern about his family's safety. Last July, he headed to China to find them, but was turned away at the border. Authorities "said my wife was in 'training' and the government was taking care of my kids", he told AFP. "I begged them to let me talk to my daughters, but they refused." Iqbal is one of dozens of merchants from Gilgit-Baltistan who return to Pakistan for visa reasons or to run their businesses and have been unable to contact their Uighur families living in China, according to Javed Hussain, a member of the local assembly for the Pakistani region that borders Xinjiang. Earlier this month, the delegates passed a unanimous resolution protesting the "illegal detention" of the men's families. "The Chinese authorities should at least allow the men to meet their wives and children," Hussain said. "China is our friend and this incident will leave a bad taste." China's foreign ministry said that the "two sides are maintaining communication about problems related to interactions between both countries' people", while Pakistan's said the issue was being "actively discussed with the government of China". 'Eliminating extremism' Like many of the men, Iqbal's family lived in Kashgar, an ancient city along the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a trade route connecting China's far west to the Arabian Sea port of Gwadar. In recent years, China has heavily pushed its relationship with Pakistan, investing tens of billions of dollars in CPEC infrastructure projects in the country, and Beijing has upgraded the treacherous mountain road connecting Gilgit-Baltistan to Xinjiang. But China has had difficulty reconciling its desire for development with fears that Uighur separatists will import violence from Pakistan. Chinese authorities have long linked their crackdown on Xinjiang's Muslims to international counter-terrorism, arguing that separatists are bent on joining foreign extremists like Al-Qaeda. Uighurs have been tied to mass stabbings and bombings that left dozens dead in recent years across the country. Riots and clashes with the government killed hundreds more. Over the past year, China has turned to increasingly drastic methods to eliminate what it describes as the "three forces": terrorists, religious extremists and separatists. In 2017, the government flooded Xinjiang with tens of thousands of security personnel, with police stations on nearly every block in urban areas and tough regulations to "eliminate extremism". This included the increased use of compulsory "re-education" for anyone suspected of harbouring separatist sympathies. Threat' from Pakistan Iqbal and the other Pakistani men believe their wives -- and even business associates -- have been targeted because they received calls and messages from Pakistan. "Any communication from Pakistan is considered a threat," said Qurban, a businessman who has worked in Kashgar for over 30 years. "One of my employees, a Uighur, was picked up two years back just because he was in touch with me when I went to Pakistan." Chinese authorities have denied the existence of re-education centres. But regulations against extremism adopted by Xinjiang last March call for authorities to step up political re-education. In Kashgar alone, more than 120,000 people -- about three percent of the area's population -- were being held in the facilities in January, according to Radio Free Asia. An AFP review of state media reports and government documents verified the existence of at least 30 such centres and almost 4,000 cases of people being sent to them. Regulations posted on a local website in Xinjiang's Hejing county explained that even minor transgressions of strict religious regulations can be punished with up to three months in a centre. Ali, a businessman who lost contact with his wife in December, said she had been taken by authorities to do a "sort of training where they teach them about Communism and prepare them to be patriotic citizens". "My wife told me that Chinese police had come to her house and asked her about the calls from Pakistan and asked her to explain her links with ETIM," said Ali, referring to the East Turkestan Islamic Movement, a militant group China has accused of attempting to foment Uighur separatism. He plans to cross the border in May to find his family, but has been told his children are in the custody of the Chinese government and doesn't know if he will see them again. "They never tell you anything, they just say your family will come back to you when they finish their training."

Pakistanis distressed as China 're-educates' Uighur wives

China will step up a campaign against religious extremism in the far western region of Xinjiang on Saturday by implementing a range of measures, including prohibiting &quot;abnormal&quot; beards, the wearing of veils in public places and the refusal to watch state television.

Hundreds of people have died in recent years in Xinjiang, home to the Muslim Uighur people, in unrest blamed by Beijing on Islamist militants and separatists, though rights groups say the violence is more a reaction to repressive Chinese policies.

The government strongly denies committing any abuses in Xinjiang and insists the legal, cultural and religious rights of Uighurs, a Turkic ethnic group, are fully protected.

While China officially guarantees freedom of religion, authorities have issued a series of measures in the past few years to tackle what it sees as a rise in religious extremism.

New legislation, passed by Xinjiang lawmakers on Wednesday and published on the region&#39;s official news website, widens existing rules and will come into effect on April 1.

Workers in public spaces like stations and airports will be required to &quot;dissuade&quot; those who fully cover their bodies, including veiling their faces, from entering, and to report them to the police, the rules state.

It will be banned to &quot;reject or refuse radio, television and other public facilities and services&quot;, marrying using religious rather than legal procedures and &quot;using the name of Halal to meddle in the secular life of others&quot;.

&quot;Parents should use good moral conduct to influence their children, educate them to revere science, pursue culture, uphold ethnic unity and refuse and oppose extremism,&quot; the rules say.

The document also bans not allowing children to attend regular school, not abiding by family planning policies, deliberately damaging legal documents and &quot;abnormal growing of beards and naming of children to exaggerate religious fervour&quot;.

A number of bans on select &quot;extremist behaviours&quot; had previously been introduced in some places in Xinjiang, including stopping people with head scarves, veils and long beards from boarding buses in at least one city.

The new rules expand the list and apply them to the whole region.

While Uighurs have traditionally practiced a more relaxed form of Islam, the popularity of veils for women in particular has grown in recent years in what experts say is an expression of opposition to Chinese controls.

After a period of relative calm, there has been a rise in violence in recent months in the Xinjiang&#39;s southern Uighur heartland and a large increase in security.

Chinese President Xi Jinping called for a &quot;great wall of iron&quot; to safeguard Xinjiang during the annual meeting of China&#39;s parliament earlier this month.

(Reuters)

Beijing says the measures will help combat Islamist extremism

China will step up a campaign against religious extremism in the far western region of Xinjiang on Saturday by implementing a range of measures, including prohibiting "abnormal" beards, the wearing of veils in public places and the refusal to watch state television. Hundreds of people have died in recent years in Xinjiang, home to the Muslim Uighur people, in unrest blamed by Beijing on Islamist militants and separatists, though rights groups say the violence is more a reaction to repressive Chinese policies. The government strongly denies committing any abuses in Xinjiang and insists the legal, cultural and religious rights of Uighurs, a Turkic ethnic group, are fully protected. While China officially guarantees freedom of religion, authorities have issued a series of measures in the past few years to tackle what it sees as a rise in religious extremism. New legislation, passed by Xinjiang lawmakers on Wednesday and published on the region's official news website, widens existing rules and will come into effect on April 1. Workers in public spaces like stations and airports will be required to "dissuade" those who fully cover their bodies, including veiling their faces, from entering, and to report them to the police, the rules state. It will be banned to "reject or refuse radio, television and other public facilities and services", marrying using religious rather than legal procedures and "using the name of Halal to meddle in the secular life of others". "Parents should use good moral conduct to influence their children, educate them to revere science, pursue culture, uphold ethnic unity and refuse and oppose extremism," the rules say. The document also bans not allowing children to attend regular school, not abiding by family planning policies, deliberately damaging legal documents and "abnormal growing of beards and naming of children to exaggerate religious fervour". A number of bans on select "extremist behaviours" had previously been introduced in some places in Xinjiang, including stopping people with head scarves, veils and long beards from boarding buses in at least one city. The new rules expand the list and apply them to the whole region. While Uighurs have traditionally practiced a more relaxed form of Islam, the popularity of veils for women in particular has grown in recent years in what experts say is an expression of opposition to Chinese controls. After a period of relative calm, there has been a rise in violence in recent months in the Xinjiang's southern Uighur heartland and a large increase in security. Chinese President Xi Jinping called for a "great wall of iron" to safeguard Xinjiang during the annual meeting of China's parliament earlier this month. (Reuters)

China bans beards, veils, & refusal to watch state TV in Xinjiang

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