Sonam Wangchuk's connections to international funding networks did not begin with a press conference or a partnership announcement. They began, three decades ago, with a marriage.&nbsp;One thing must be stated at the outset: no document in the public domain shows a direct grant from either the Ford Foundation or George Soros's Open Society Foundations to Wangchuk's SECMOL or HIAL. The connections that exist are real and documented, but they are indirect, and some are historical. This article maps them precisely, with dates and amounts, because that is the only way the word "explained" can be honest.&nbsp;The First Wife Nobody Talks About&nbsp;In 1996, Wangchuk married Rebecca Norman, an American who had come to Ladakh to volunteer at SECMOL (Students' Educational and Cultural Movement of Ladakh). The marriage, which later ended in divorce, is rarely mentioned in the profiles of Wangchuk that dominate Indian media. Norman co-founded SECMOL with Wangchuk, taught there for years, and wrote textbooks and children's books for Ladakhi students. Her academic background, as described in published profiles, runs through Harvard and the Vermont-based School for International Training, or SIT.&nbsp;SIT is a graduate school specialising in international education, development, and social justice, which has for decades trained development practitioners and placed them in NGO ecosystems across the Global South. The Ford Foundation has funded and facilitated leadership programmes at SIT, including its Leadership for Social Justice Institute, though it is not SIT's institutional funder. Norman came to Ladakh through this pipeline, stayed, and co-built the institution that would later face foreign funding scrutiny.&nbsp;The Ford Foundation Thread&nbsp;The Ford Foundation's footprint in India is a matter of record, not speculation. Since opening its New Delhi office in 1952, its first office outside the United States, the Foundation has made over 3,600 grants totalling roughly $502 million to more than 1,200 Indian institutions.&nbsp;In April 2015, the Ministry of Home Affairs placed the Ford Foundation on its watch list, requiring prior government approval before any Indian NGO could receive its funds. And in the 1970s, the US Church Committee investigations documented that the CIA had historically used American foundation grants, including Ford Foundation channels, for soft-power operations abroad. The Foundation has consistently denied any current intelligence ties, and no credible evidence of active involvement has been established in recent decades — but the historical record is not in dispute.&nbsp;What the public record does not show is any direct Ford Foundation grant to SECMOL or HIAL. The Foundation's searchable grants database returns no entry for either organisation. The Ford connection to Wangchuk's world is the SIT pipeline through which SECMOL's co-founder arrived — an institutional and personnel link, not a money trail.&nbsp;The Soros Thread — What Is Actually On The Record&nbsp;The George Soros connection runs through a Danish organisation, and it is documented on that organisation's own website.&nbsp;DanChurchAid, one of Scandinavia's largest humanitarian organisations, publishes its donor list. That list includes George Soros's Open Society Foundations, and also Rockefeller Philanthropy Advisors, the New York nonprofit that grew out of the Rockefeller family's giving office and channels grants on behalf of its wealthy clients. Neither the amounts nor the purposes of those grants are public. DanChurchAid's money otherwise comes overwhelmingly from public institutions: the Danish government through Danida, the European Union, UN agencies, and partner churches across Scandinavia.&nbsp;India's friction with the Soros network is its own documented story. In 2016, the MHA placed Open Society Foundations on its watch list under FCRA's prior-permission category. In February 2023, Soros told the Munich Security Conference audience at Davos-adjacent events that India's government was not democratic and pledged support for what he called a democratic revival. In 2025, the Enforcement Directorate searched premises in Bengaluru linked to organisations that had allegedly received Open Society funds, in a case registered under foreign exchange law.&nbsp;The DanChurchAid Connection — With The Dates Left In&nbsp;Here is where precision matters most, because this connection is real, documented, and old.In 1994, SECMOL itself launched Operation New Hope, its flagship campaign to reform government schooling in Ladakh, run with the Education Department, local government bodies, and village communities. In 1995, Operation New Hope won the Operation Days Work grant, money raised by Danish school students who donate a day's wages each year to a chosen cause. That grant supported Ladakh's school reform from 1996 to 2001, and DanChurchAid administered it, continuing some support after 2001.&nbsp;SECMOL's own website lists DanChurchAid among its past funders. SECMOL withdrew from school reform work in 2007. The documented Danish connection, in other words, is roughly a quarter-century old, education-focused, and publicly disclosed by SECMOL itself. It ended long before the funding period the government is now scrutinising, and the 2025 cancellation order, as reported, does not mention DanChurchAid or Denmark at all.&nbsp;What The Government Actually Found&nbsp;On September 25, 2025, a day after protest violence in Leh, the Ministry of Home Affairs cancelled SECMOL's FCRA licence with immediate effect. The reported grounds were specific: Rs 3.5 lakh deposited by Wangchuk into SECMOL's FCRA account in violation of Section 17; Rs 3.35 lakh claimed as foreign contribution but not reflected in the account, violating Section 18; and Rs 54,600 in local funds mixed into the FCRA account, which the law prohibits. Reports also cited undeclared bank accounts, nine personal accounts associated with Wangchuk, most reportedly undeclared.&nbsp;The foreign transfer flagged as against "national interest" came from a Swedish organisation: Rs 4.93 lakh — roughly $6,000, for educational programmes touching on migration, climate change, food security and sovereignty. That is the transfer at the centre of the "foreign hand" framing, and readers deserve the number.Wangchuk's wife, Gitanjali J Angmo, said the government had "idiotically misinterpreted" SECMOL's reply to the show-cause notice. SECMOL characterised the violations as accounting and procedural errors, not deliberate diversion.&nbsp;HIAL And The Rs 6.5 Crore Claim&nbsp;Wangchuk's other institution, the Himalayan Institute of Alternatives Ladakh (HIAL), was reported to have received foreign remittances exceeding Rs 1.5 crore without FCRA registration, a more serious matter, since accepting foreign funds without registration is a criminal violation rather than an administrative one.Reports on the day of the cancellation, citing unnamed official sources, also claimed that Rs 6.5 crore had moved from HIAL to Wangchuk's private firm, Sheshyon Innovations. That claim has not, so far, appeared in any published order or chargesheet. It remains an allegation attributed to anonymous officials, and Wangchuk's side has not provided a detailed public accounting of the transaction.&nbsp;What The Pattern Suggests — And What It Does Not Prove&nbsp;Taken together, the record shows this: Wangchuk's institutions were internationally networked from their founding. An American co-founder arrived through a Ford Foundation-linked training pipeline in the early 1990s. Danish students' wages, administered by a humanitarian giant whose own donor list includes George Soros's foundation and a Rockefeller-family advisory house, funded SECMOL's school reform campaign from 1996 into the 2000s. Decades later, the Indian government found that foreign money was still flowing into Wangchuk's organisations in ways FCRA prohibits, in a Union Territory bordering both China and Pakistan, the site of the 2020 Galwan clash in which 20 Indian soldiers died, where Wangchuk's demand for Sixth Schedule protections would reshape control over land and governance.&nbsp;What the record does not show is a direct Soros or Ford grant to Wangchuk's organisations, any mention of DanChurchAid in the 2025 action, or proof that his activism is directed from abroad. The flagged Swedish transfer was Rs 4.93 lakh. The alleged violations are serious but modest in scale, and the most dramatic claim, the Rs 6.5 crore transfer, rests on anonymous sourcing.&nbsp;Both halves of that record are true at once. Wangchuk's network grew inside Western funding ecosystems whose largest names India's government formally distrusts, and the proven case against him, so far, is measured in lakhs, not crores. Whether it amounts to a national security concern, a paperwork failure, or something in between is now for India's courts to decide.

From his first wife's SIT education to Karuna Foundation's Ford Foundation ties to SECMOL's FCRA cancellation — here is how Sonam Wangchuk's network connects to Western funding institutions.

Sonam Wangchuk's connections to international funding networks did not begin with a press conference or a partnership announcement. They began, three decades ago, with a marriage. One thing must be stated at the outset: no document in the public domain shows a direct grant from either the Ford Foundation or George Soros's Open Society Foundations to Wangchuk's SECMOL or HIAL. The connections that exist are real and documented, but they are indirect, and some are historical. This article maps them precisely, with dates and amounts, because that is the only way the word "explained" can be honest. The First Wife Nobody Talks About In 1996, Wangchuk married Rebecca Norman, an American who had come to Ladakh to volunteer at SECMOL (Students' Educational and Cultural Movement of Ladakh). The marriage, which later ended in divorce, is rarely mentioned in the profiles of Wangchuk that dominate Indian media. Norman co-founded SECMOL with Wangchuk, taught there for years, and wrote textbooks and children's books for Ladakhi students. Her academic background, as described in published profiles, runs through Harvard and the Vermont-based School for International Training, or SIT. SIT is a graduate school specialising in international education, development, and social justice, which has for decades trained development practitioners and placed them in NGO ecosystems across the Global South. The Ford Foundation has funded and facilitated leadership programmes at SIT, including its Leadership for Social Justice Institute, though it is not SIT's institutional funder. Norman came to Ladakh through this pipeline, stayed, and co-built the institution that would later face foreign funding scrutiny. The Ford Foundation Thread The Ford Foundation's footprint in India is a matter of record, not speculation. Since opening its New Delhi office in 1952, its first office outside the United States, the Foundation has made over 3,600 grants totalling roughly $502 million to more than 1,200 Indian institutions. In April 2015, the Ministry of Home Affairs placed the Ford Foundation on its watch list, requiring prior government approval before any Indian NGO could receive its funds. And in the 1970s, the US Church Committee investigations documented that the CIA had historically used American foundation grants, including Ford Foundation channels, for soft-power operations abroad. The Foundation has consistently denied any current intelligence ties, and no credible evidence of active involvement has been established in recent decades — but the historical record is not in dispute. What the public record does not show is any direct Ford Foundation grant to SECMOL or HIAL. The Foundation's searchable grants database returns no entry for either organisation. The Ford connection to Wangchuk's world is the SIT pipeline through which SECMOL's co-founder arrived — an institutional and personnel link, not a money trail. The Soros Thread — What Is Actually On The Record The George Soros connection runs through a Danish organisation, and it is documented on that organisation's own website. DanChurchAid, one of Scandinavia's largest humanitarian organisations, publishes its donor list. That list includes George Soros's Open Society Foundations, and also Rockefeller Philanthropy Advisors, the New York nonprofit that grew out of the Rockefeller family's giving office and channels grants on behalf of its wealthy clients. Neither the amounts nor the purposes of those grants are public. DanChurchAid's money otherwise comes overwhelmingly from public institutions: the Danish government through Danida, the European Union, UN agencies, and partner churches across Scandinavia. India's friction with the Soros network is its own documented story. In 2016, the MHA placed Open Society Foundations on its watch list under FCRA's prior-permission category. In February 2023, Soros told the Munich Security Conference audience at Davos-adjacent events that India's government was not democratic and pledged support for what he called a democratic revival. In 2025, the Enforcement Directorate searched premises in Bengaluru linked to organisations that had allegedly received Open Society funds, in a case registered under foreign exchange law. The DanChurchAid Connection — With The Dates Left In Here is where precision matters most, because this connection is real, documented, and old. In 1994, SECMOL itself launched Operation New Hope, its flagship campaign to reform government schooling in Ladakh, run with the Education Department, local government bodies, and village communities. In 1995, Operation New Hope won the Operation Days Work grant, money raised by Danish school students who donate a day's wages each year to a chosen cause. That grant supported Ladakh's school reform from 1996 to 2001, and DanChurchAid administered it, continuing some support after 2001. SECMOL's own website lists DanChurchAid among its past funders. SECMOL withdrew from school reform work in 2007. The documented Danish connection, in other words, is roughly a quarter-century old, education-focused, and publicly disclosed by SECMOL itself. It ended long before the funding period the government is now scrutinising, and the 2025 cancellation order, as reported, does not mention DanChurchAid or Denmark at all. What The Government Actually Found On September 25, 2025, a day after protest violence in Leh, the Ministry of Home Affairs cancelled SECMOL's FCRA licence with immediate effect. The reported grounds were specific: Rs 3.5 lakh deposited by Wangchuk into SECMOL's FCRA account in violation of Section 17; Rs 3.35 lakh claimed as foreign contribution but not reflected in the account, violating Section 18; and Rs 54,600 in local funds mixed into the FCRA account, which the law prohibits. Reports also cited undeclared bank accounts, nine personal accounts associated with Wangchuk, most reportedly undeclared. The foreign transfer flagged as against "national interest" came from a Swedish organisation: Rs 4.93 lakh — roughly $6,000, for educational programmes touching on migration, climate change, food security and sovereignty. That is the transfer at the centre of the "foreign hand" framing, and readers deserve the number. Wangchuk's wife, Gitanjali J Angmo, said the government had "idiotically misinterpreted" SECMOL's reply to the show-cause notice. SECMOL characterised the violations as accounting and procedural errors, not deliberate diversion. HIAL And The Rs 6.5 Crore Claim Wangchuk's other institution, the Himalayan Institute of Alternatives Ladakh (HIAL), was reported to have received foreign remittances exceeding Rs 1.5 crore without FCRA registration, a more serious matter, since accepting foreign funds without registration is a criminal violation rather than an administrative one. Reports on the day of the cancellation, citing unnamed official sources, also claimed that Rs 6.5 crore had moved from HIAL to Wangchuk's private firm, Sheshyon Innovations. That claim has not, so far, appeared in any published order or chargesheet. It remains an allegation attributed to anonymous officials, and Wangchuk's side has not provided a detailed public accounting of the transaction. What The Pattern Suggests — And What It Does Not Prove Taken together, the record shows this: Wangchuk's institutions were internationally networked from their founding. An American co-founder arrived through a Ford Foundation-linked training pipeline in the early 1990s. Danish students' wages, administered by a humanitarian giant whose own donor list includes George Soros's foundation and a Rockefeller-family advisory house, funded SECMOL's school reform campaign from 1996 into the 2000s. Decades later, the Indian government found that foreign money was still flowing into Wangchuk's organisations in ways FCRA prohibits, in a Union Territory bordering both China and Pakistan, the site of the 2020 Galwan clash in which 20 Indian soldiers died, where Wangchuk's demand for Sixth Schedule protections would reshape control over land and governance. What the record does not show is a direct Soros or Ford grant to Wangchuk's organisations, any mention of DanChurchAid in the 2025 action, or proof that his activism is directed from abroad. The flagged Swedish transfer was Rs 4.93 lakh. The alleged violations are serious but modest in scale, and the most dramatic claim, the Rs 6.5 crore transfer, rests on anonymous sourcing. Both halves of that record are true at once. Wangchuk's network grew inside Western funding ecosystems whose largest names India's government formally distrusts, and the proven case against him, so far, is measured in lakhs, not crores. Whether it amounts to a national security concern, a paperwork failure, or something in between is now for India's courts to decide.

Behind the activist halo is a network of foreign funding connections, to the Ford Foundation, George Soros and a string of Western institutions that the Indian government says crossed legal lines. Here is how the connections are structured and what the evidence actually shows.

Sonam Wangchuk's connection with George Soros and Ford Foundation explained!

The Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) on Thursday (Sep 25) cancelled the FCRA license of climate activist Sonam Wangchuk’s organisation. This decision came a day after four people were killed in police firing during protests in Leh, where protesters are demanding for statehood. The ministry said Wangchuk’s “provocative statements” had triggered the violence. Back in July this year, the CBI had begun a preliminary probe into alleged violations of the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA) by Wangchuk’s NGO, the Students Educational and Cultural Movement of Ladakh (SECMOL).<h2>What is the FCRA?</h2>The FCRA was first introduced in 1976, during the Emergency, to stop foreign powers from influencing India’s internal matters by funding different organisations. Concerns about such interference were raised even earlier in Parliament in 1969.&nbsp;In 2010, the UPA government replaced the old law with a new version to regulate the use of foreign donations and prevent their misuse of these donations against national interests. Later, the BJP government amended it again in 2020, giving the Centre more powers to monitor and control the flow of foreign funds to NGOs.&nbsp;Under the FCRA, any person or NGO that wants to receive foreign donations must:<ul><li>Register under the Act</li><li>Open a bank account at the State Bank of India in Delhi for these funds</li><li>Use the money only for the stated purpose and as per the rules of the Act</li><li>They must also file annual reports and cannot transfer these funds to another NGO</li></ul>In 2022, the rules were further updated by the government. The list of compoundable offences (those that can be settled with penalties) was expanded from 7 to 12. Families receiving contributions under Rs 10 lakh from relatives abroad no longer need to inform the government.&nbsp;&nbsp;Another change allowed individuals and organisations usually barred under the FCRA, like political parties or election candidates, to receive money from relatives abroad. They will not face prosecution if they fail to report it within 90 days, but they must pay 5 per cent of the total amount they received.<h2>When can an FCRA license be cancelled?</h2>The government can cancel an NGO’s FCRA license if -&nbsp;<ul><li>The registration application contains false information</li><li>The NGO violates any conditions of the certificate</li><li>The NGO has not done meaningful social work for two years in a row</li><li>It becomes inactive or defunct</li></ul>It can also be cancelled when an audit finds irregularities in the finances of an NGO in terms of misuse of foreign funds. &nbsp;

 In July, the CBI had initiated a preliminary inquiry into alleged violations of the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA) by Wangchuk’s NGO, Students Educational and Cultural Movement of Ladakh (SECMOL).

The Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) on Thursday (Sep 25) cancelled the FCRA license of climate activist Sonam Wangchuk’s organisation. This decision came a day after four people were killed in police firing during protests in Leh, where protesters are demanding for statehood. The ministry said Wangchuk’s “provocative statements” had triggered the violence. Back in July this year, the CBI had begun a preliminary probe into alleged violations of the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA) by Wangchuk’s NGO, the Students Educational and Cultural Movement of Ladakh (SECMOL). What is the FCRA? The FCRA was first introduced in 1976, during the Emergency, to stop foreign powers from influencing India’s internal matters by funding different organisations. Concerns about such interference were raised even earlier in Parliament in 1969. In 2010, the UPA government replaced the old law with a new version to regulate the use of foreign donations and prevent their misuse of these donations against national interests. Later, the BJP government amended it again in 2020, giving the Centre more powers to monitor and control the flow of foreign funds to NGOs. Under the FCRA, any person or NGO that wants to receive foreign donations must: Register under the Act Open a bank account at the State Bank of India in Delhi for these funds Use the money only for the stated purpose and as per the rules of the Act They must also file annual reports and cannot transfer these funds to another NGO In 2022, the rules were further updated by the government. The list of compoundable offences (those that can be settled with penalties) was expanded from 7 to 12. Families receiving contributions under Rs 10 lakh from relatives abroad no longer need to inform the government. Another change allowed individuals and organisations usually barred under the FCRA, like political parties or election candidates, to receive money from relatives abroad. They will not face prosecution if they fail to report it within 90 days, but they must pay 5 per cent of the total amount they received. When can an FCRA license be cancelled? The government can cancel an NGO’s FCRA license if - The registration application contains false information The NGO violates any conditions of the certificate The NGO has not done meaningful social work for two years in a row It becomes inactive or defunct It can also be cancelled when an audit finds irregularities in the finances of an NGO in terms of misuse of foreign funds.

&nbsp;In July, the CBI had initiated a preliminary inquiry into alleged violations of the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA) by Wangchuk’s NGO, Students Educational and Cultural Movement of Ladakh (SECMOL).

MHA revokes Sonam Wangchuk’s NGO’s FCRA license - What is it and when can it be cancelled?

The Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) has started looking into possible violations of the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA) by organisations linked to Sonam Wangchuk, the Ladakh-based educationist and climate activist. According to officials, irregularities were found in the accounts of the Himalayan Institute of Alternatives, Ladakh (HIAL), the Students’ Educational and Cultural Movement of Ladakh (SECMOL), and Wangchuk’s private company, Sheshyon Innovations Pvt Ltd (SIPL). The concerns mainly involve foreign contributions and fund transfers.&nbsp;This comes shortly after violent protests in Leh over the demand for Ladakh’s statehood, in which four people were killed and many injured. The Union Home Ministry said that the clashes happened after “provocative speeches and statements” by Wangchuk, who had been on a hunger strike since Sep 10. He ended the strike following the violent protest.<h2>What are the findings on HIAL?</h2>According to some reports, the donations to HIAL have rapidly increased from ₹6 crore in 2023–24 to over ₹15 crore in 2024–25. HIAL is also said to have received over ₹1.5 crore in foreign funds without a valid FCRA licence. A transfer of around ₹6.5 crore from HIAL to Sheshyon Innovations has also been spotted during the investigation.<h2>What are the issues with Sheshyon Innovations</h2>Sheshyon Innovations, in which Wangchuk and his wife are directors, has reported a fall in profits in 2024-25 compared to the previous year. The company has maintained three accounts, in which two are undeclared, and reportedly received ₹6.5 crore from HIAL, including foreign funds. A new account opened by the Sheshyon in 2023 has raised suspicion of being used to excess funds without proper paperwork.<h2>On getting foreign funds in personal accounts</h2>Wangchuk is also said to have nine personal accounts, of which eight are not declared. Between 2018 and 2024, these accounts allegedly received foreign transfers worth ₹1.68 crore. Between 2021 and 2024, around ₹3.23 crore was reportedly sent abroad, raising possible concerns under money-laundering rules.&nbsp;<h2>What are the regulatory concerns on this matter</h2>Despite its FCRA registration being denied in 2020, HIAL allegedly received ₹1.63 crore in foreign remittances through an HDFC bank account, but its audited reports claimed “nil” foreign earnings in 2020-21 and 2021-22, though actual inflows were ₹23 lakh and ₹47.6 lakh. These transfers of money may lead to violations under the Companies Act and the Indian Penal Code.

According to officials, irregularities were found in the accounts of HIAL, the Students’ Educational and Cultural Movement of Ladakh (SECMOL), and Sonam Wangchuk's private company, SIPL. This comes after the Centre accused Wangchuk of inciting violence in the Ladakh protest.

The Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) has started looking into possible violations of the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA) by organisations linked to Sonam Wangchuk, the Ladakh-based educationist and climate activist. According to officials, irregularities were found in the accounts of the Himalayan Institute of Alternatives, Ladakh (HIAL), the Students’ Educational and Cultural Movement of Ladakh (SECMOL), and Wangchuk’s private company, Sheshyon Innovations Pvt Ltd (SIPL). The concerns mainly involve foreign contributions and fund transfers. This comes shortly after violent protests in Leh over the demand for Ladakh’s statehood, in which four people were killed and many injured. The Union Home Ministry said that the clashes happened after “provocative speeches and statements” by Wangchuk, who had been on a hunger strike since Sep 10. He ended the strike following the violent protest. What are the findings on HIAL? According to some reports, the donations to HIAL have rapidly increased from ₹6 crore in 2023–24 to over ₹15 crore in 2024–25. HIAL is also said to have received over ₹1.5 crore in foreign funds without a valid FCRA licence. A transfer of around ₹6.5 crore from HIAL to Sheshyon Innovations has also been spotted during the investigation. What are the issues with Sheshyon Innovations Sheshyon Innovations, in which Wangchuk and his wife are directors, has reported a fall in profits in 2024-25 compared to the previous year. The company has maintained three accounts, in which two are undeclared, and reportedly received ₹6.5 crore from HIAL, including foreign funds. A new account opened by the Sheshyon in 2023 has raised suspicion of being used to excess funds without proper paperwork. On getting foreign funds in personal accounts Wangchuk is also said to have nine personal accounts, of which eight are not declared. Between 2018 and 2024, these accounts allegedly received foreign transfers worth ₹1.68 crore. Between 2021 and 2024, around ₹3.23 crore was reportedly sent abroad, raising possible concerns under money-laundering rules. What are the regulatory concerns on this matter Despite its FCRA registration being denied in 2020, HIAL allegedly received ₹1.63 crore in foreign remittances through an HDFC bank account, but its audited reports claimed “nil” foreign earnings in 2020-21 and 2021-22, though actual inflows were ₹23 lakh and ₹47.6 lakh. These transfers of money may lead to violations under the Companies Act and the Indian Penal Code.

According to officials, irregularities were found in the accounts of HIAL, the Students’ Educational and Cultural Movement of Ladakh (SECMOL), and Sonam Wangchuk's private company, SIPL. This comes after the Centre accused Wangchuk of inciting violence in the Ladakh protest.

Sonam Wangchuk-linked accounts under CBI scanner over financial irregularities amid Ladakh protests

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Sonam Wangchuk's connection with George Soros and Ford Foundation explained!

MHA revokes Sonam Wangchuk’s NGO’s FCRA license - What is it ?

Sonam Wangchuk-linked accounts under CBI scanner amid Ladakh protests