Russia in middle of cyber attack scandal; accused of hacking high-profile firms 

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India to buy S- 400 systems from Russia amid tough sanctions from US 

While Russian President Vladimir Putin is making headlines for his two-day visit to India, he is also in the limelight for the Vladimir Putin Official Calendar 2019.&nbsp;

The Calendar has recently hit the stands and showcases the many shades of the Russian President captured in an array of photographs.&nbsp;

From January to December, the calendar captures Putin's outgoing personality. While in one of the pictures he is seen taking a dip in the chilled waters of Lake Seliger, in others he is seen fishing, riding a horse, living like the best example of a leader who is also a true outdoorsman. &nbsp;

But this is nothing new for the Russian leader. The tales of his bravado is not just peculiar to Russia but have travelled across the length and breadth of the world.

For those who don't know, flying fighters jets like the Sukhoi Su 27 or the Supersonic 52 bomber is a special craft requiring years of practice, but for the Russian President, it is certainly not outside the ambit.

In 2008, Putin was at the Ussuri national park, where he shot a tranquillizer dart at a tiger for scientists to carry out some research. The international media was thrilled by Putin's charisma and described it as a stunt.&nbsp;

Putin is also passionate about scuba diving. He has explored the depths of Lake Baikal, the deepest lake in the world in a deepwater submersible. He has also tried his hand at ice hockey and is reportedly no dilettante at the game.&nbsp;

Ever wonder what makes him so agile? It is because he is a black belt in Judo, swears by a healthy diet and pumps iron with gusto.&nbsp;

 
&nbsp;

While Russian President Vladimir Putin is making headlines for his two-day visit to India, he is also in the limelight for the Vladimir Putin Official Calendar 2019.

While Russian President Vladimir Putin is making headlines for his two-day visit to India, he is also in the limelight for the Vladimir Putin Official Calendar 2019. The Calendar has recently hit the stands and showcases the many shades of the Russian President captured in an array of photographs. From January to December, the calendar captures Putin's outgoing personality. While in one of the pictures he is seen taking a dip in the chilled waters of Lake Seliger, in others he is seen fishing, riding a horse, living like the best example of a leader who is also a true outdoorsman. But this is nothing new for the Russian leader. The tales of his bravado is not just peculiar to Russia but have travelled across the length and breadth of the world. For those who don't know, flying fighters jets like the Sukhoi Su 27 or the Supersonic 52 bomber is a special craft requiring years of practice, but for the Russian President, it is certainly not outside the ambit. In 2008, Putin was at the Ussuri national park, where he shot a tranquillizer dart at a tiger for scientists to carry out some research. The international media was thrilled by Putin's charisma and described it as a stunt. Putin is also passionate about scuba diving. He has explored the depths of Lake Baikal, the deepest lake in the world in a deepwater submersible. He has also tried his hand at ice hockey and is reportedly no dilettante at the game. Ever wonder what makes him so agile? It is because he is a black belt in Judo, swears by a healthy diet and pumps iron with gusto.

Putin's world: Russian President's 2019 calendar captures him as true outdoorsman

Russia delivers new Anti-Aircraft missiles to Syria

Russian President Vladimir Putin will visit New Delhi on Thursday and meet Prime Minister Narendra Modi to <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/russia-india-sign-deal-s-400-air-defence-systems-week-kremlin-169032">ink the deal on S-400 air defence systems</a>. President Putin will also participate in the 19th India-Russia annual bilateral summit, news agency ANI reported.&nbsp;

Putin, during his two-day visit, will oversee the signing of a $5 billion deal to supply Delhi with S-400 air defence systems, a top Kremlin aide said on Tuesday ahead of Putin's trip to India.

"The president is leaving for India on October 4," Putin's top foreign policy aide Yury Ushakov told reporters.

"The key feature of this visit will be the signing of the agreement to deliver S-400 air defence systems," he said. "The value of the contract will be more than $5 billion."

The Russian President is also expected to hold a meeting with President Kovind, besides holding other official engagements.

Moscow has been negotiating to sell the S-400 long-range surface-to-air missiles to India for months.&nbsp;

"Negotiation on S-400 air defence systems has been on for a long while and it is at a stage where it can be finalised," Minister of Defence, Nirmala Sitharaman noted last week. "We have a big legacy of buying defence equipment from Russia," she added.

Washington's change of heart&nbsp;

US Secretary of State, Mike Pompeo, during his visit to Delhi in last on the sidelines of the 2+2 Dialogue, noted that Washington <a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/our-effort-is-not-to-penalise-great-strategic-partner-like-india-says-pompeo-on-india-buying-russian-s400-defence-system-164013">does not aim to penalise a "strategic partner</a>" like India over buying S-400 missile defence system from Russia.&nbsp;

"Our effort here is not to penalise a great strategic partner like India," Pompeo said on the question of India acquiring the Russian S400 air missile defence system.

"We do understand the history of India's relationship with Russia and legacy systems," Pompeo asserted, adding, "The sanctions aren’t intended to adversely impact countries like India. They are intended to have an impact on the sanctioned country which is Russia."

The Trump administration now seems to have assumed a different stance over the Russia-India S-400 deal, warning India against the planned purchase of the surface-to-air missiles.&nbsp;

"We urge all of our allies and partners to forgo transactions with Russia that would trigger sanctions under the CAATSA," a US State Department representative said.

"The administration has indicated that a focus area for the implementation of CAATSA Section 231 is new or qualitative upgrades in capability – including the S-400 air and missile defence system."&nbsp;

(With inputs from Reuters)

 
&nbsp;

Russian President Vladimir Putin will visit New Delhi on Thursday and meet Prime Minister Narendra Modi to ink the deal on S-400 air defence systems. President Putin will also participate in the 19th India-Russia annual bilateral summit, news agency ANI reported.

Russian President Vladimir Putin will visit New Delhi on Thursday and meet Prime Minister Narendra Modi to ink the deal on S-400 air defence systems. President Putin will also participate in the 19th India-Russia annual bilateral summit, news agency ANI reported. Putin, during his two-day visit, will oversee the signing of a $5 billion deal to supply Delhi with S-400 air defence systems, a top Kremlin aide said on Tuesday ahead of Putin's trip to India. "The president is leaving for India on October 4," Putin's top foreign policy aide Yury Ushakov told reporters. "The key feature of this visit will be the signing of the agreement to deliver S-400 air defence systems," he said. "The value of the contract will be more than $5 billion." The Russian President is also expected to hold a meeting with President Kovind, besides holding other official engagements. Moscow has been negotiating to sell the S-400 long-range surface-to-air missiles to India for months. "Negotiation on S-400 air defence systems has been on for a long while and it is at a stage where it can be finalised," Minister of Defence, Nirmala Sitharaman noted last week. "We have a big legacy of buying defence equipment from Russia," she added. Washington's change of heart US Secretary of State, Mike Pompeo, during his visit to Delhi in last on the sidelines of the 2+2 Dialogue, noted that Washington does not aim to penalise a "strategic partner" like India over buying S-400 missile defence system from Russia. "Our effort here is not to penalise a great strategic partner like India," Pompeo said on the question of India acquiring the Russian S400 air missile defence system. "We do understand the history of India's relationship with Russia and legacy systems," Pompeo asserted, adding, "The sanctions aren’t intended to adversely impact countries like India. They are intended to have an impact on the sanctioned country which is Russia." The Trump administration now seems to have assumed a different stance over the Russia-India S-400 deal, warning India against the planned purchase of the surface-to-air missiles. "We urge all of our allies and partners to forgo transactions with Russia that would trigger sanctions under the CAATSA," a US State Department representative said. "The administration has indicated that a focus area for the implementation of CAATSA Section 231 is new or qualitative upgrades in capability – including the S-400 air and missile defence system." (With inputs from Reuters)

Putin set to ink S-400 defence deal during India visit, US warns against missile pact

Russian President Vladimir Putin will oversee the signing of a $5 billion deal this week to supply Delhi with S-400 air defence systems, a top Kremlin aide said on Tuesday ahead of Putin's trip to India.

"The president is leaving for India on October 4," Putin's top foreign policy aide Yury Ushakov told reporters.

"The key feature of this visit will be the signing of the agreement to deliver S-400 air defence systems," he said. "The value of the contract will be more than $5 billion."

Moscow has been negotiating to sell the S-400 long-range surface-to-air missiles to India for months.

The sale has irked India's defence partner Washington, which has wanted to wean India off Russian technology, and a senior Pentagon official said in August that sanctions against India would come under consideration if its purchase goes through.

India has signalled it will ask Washington for a special waiver from sanctions, though a US official last week said there is no guarantee it would do so.

Russian President Vladimir Putin will oversee the signing of a $5 billion deal this week to supply Delhi with S-400 air defence systems, a top Kremlin aide said on Tuesday ahead of Putin's trip to India.

Russian President Vladimir Putin will oversee the signing of a $5 billion deal this week to supply Delhi with S-400 air defence systems, a top Kremlin aide said on Tuesday ahead of Putin's trip to India. "The president is leaving for India on October 4," Putin's top foreign policy aide Yury Ushakov told reporters. "The key feature of this visit will be the signing of the agreement to deliver S-400 air defence systems," he said. "The value of the contract will be more than $5 billion." Moscow has been negotiating to sell the S-400 long-range surface-to-air missiles to India for months. The sale has irked India's defence partner Washington, which has wanted to wean India off Russian technology, and a senior Pentagon official said in August that sanctions against India would come under consideration if its purchase goes through. India has signalled it will ask Washington for a special waiver from sanctions, though a US official last week said there is no guarantee it would do so.

Russia, India to sign deal on S-400 air defence systems this week: Kremlin

Russian investigators looking into the origin of a hole that caused an oxygen leak on the International Space Station have said it was caused deliberately, the space agency chief said.

A first commission had delivered its report, Dmitry Rogozin, the head of the Russian space agency Roskosmos, said in televised remarks late Monday.

"It concluded that a manufacturing defect had been ruled out which is important to establish the truth."

Rogozin said the commission's main line of inquiry was that the hole had been drilled deliberately, a position that has been voiced in the past.

"Where it was made will be established by a second commission, which is at work now," he said.

The small hole in the wall of a Russian-made Soyuz space capsule docked onto the ISS was located in August and quickly sealed up.

Officials have suggested a number of possible reasons for the appearance of the hole.

A top government official has denied a Russian media report that the investigation looked at the possibility that US astronauts had drilled the hole in order to get a sick colleague sent back to Earth.

The current ISS commander, US astronaut Drew Feustel, called the suggestion that the crew was somehow involved "embarrassing".

Rogozin -- who previously oversaw the space industry as deputy prime minister -- was appointed head of Roskosmos last May, in a move analysts said would spell trouble for the embattled sector.

The official, who was placed under US sanctions over the Ukraine crisis in 2014, admitted it had become difficult to work with NASA.

"Problems with NASA have certainly appeared but not through the fault of NASA," he said, blaming unnamed American officials for telling the US space agency what to do.

He also claimed that SpaceX founder Elon Musk sought to squeeze Russia out of the space launch services market and complained about the US military drone X-37.

"Americans have this thing, the X-37," Rogozin said. "We don't understand its purposes. Rather, we do understand, but we have not received an official explanation.

"Essentially, this thing can be used as a weapons carrier."

Russian investigators looking into the origin of a hole that caused an oxygen leak on the International Space Station have said it was caused deliberately, the space agency chief said.

Russian investigators looking into the origin of a hole that caused an oxygen leak on the International Space Station have said it was caused deliberately, the space agency chief said. A first commission had delivered its report, Dmitry Rogozin, the head of the Russian space agency Roskosmos, said in televised remarks late Monday. "It concluded that a manufacturing defect had been ruled out which is important to establish the truth." Rogozin said the commission's main line of inquiry was that the hole had been drilled deliberately, a position that has been voiced in the past. "Where it was made will be established by a second commission, which is at work now," he said. The small hole in the wall of a Russian-made Soyuz space capsule docked onto the ISS was located in August and quickly sealed up. Officials have suggested a number of possible reasons for the appearance of the hole. A top government official has denied a Russian media report that the investigation looked at the possibility that US astronauts had drilled the hole in order to get a sick colleague sent back to Earth. The current ISS commander, US astronaut Drew Feustel, called the suggestion that the crew was somehow involved "embarrassing". Rogozin -- who previously oversaw the space industry as deputy prime minister -- was appointed head of Roskosmos last May, in a move analysts said would spell trouble for the embattled sector. The official, who was placed under US sanctions over the Ukraine crisis in 2014, admitted it had become difficult to work with NASA. "Problems with NASA have certainly appeared but not through the fault of NASA," he said, blaming unnamed American officials for telling the US space agency what to do. He also claimed that SpaceX founder Elon Musk sought to squeeze Russia out of the space launch services market and complained about the US military drone X-37. "Americans have this thing, the X-37," Rogozin said. "We don't understand its purposes. Rather, we do understand, but we have not received an official explanation. "Essentially, this thing can be used as a weapons carrier."

Russia finds ISS hole made deliberately: Space Chief

The tension between China and the US has intensified, following the Trump administration’s decision to impose sanctions on China for purchasing Russian jets and surface to farce missiles.

Under Section 231 of the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) of 2017, the US Department of State recently announced sanctions on the Chinese Defence Ministry’s Equipment Development Department (EDD) and its director, Li Shangfu, for buying Russian jets and missile equipment.&nbsp;

According to the statement of the US Department of State, the transactions involved the purchase of Russian Su-35 combat aircraft and S-400 surface-to-air missile system-related equipment. Consequently, the EDD will be denied US foreign export licenses, banned from making foreign exchange transactions within US jurisdictions and prohibited from using the US financial system.

Any of the EDD’s property and interests within the US will be blocked. Li will also be subjected to similar restrictions, including the fact that will also not be able to get a US visa.

On the other hand, China and Russia have strongly criticised the US action. Russia’s Deputy Foreign Minister Sergei Ryabkov said that the US was “thoughtlessly undermining” global stability, and warned it against “playing with fire”. Chinese Foreign ministry spokesman Geng Shuang said on Friday, “The US has seriously violated the basic norms of international relations and disturbed the relationship between China and the US. We strongly call on the US to remedy the mistake and cancel the sanctions. Otherwise, the US has to bear the consequences.”

One of the reasons the US imposed sanctions on China under CAATSA was to effectively respond to Russia’s meddling in the US elections, its competition with the US, its allies and its partners. Thus, while the US had already imposed several sanctions on Russia, this time the Trump administration added 33 additional persons to the CAATSA section 231 List of “Specified Persons” for being a part of or operating for or on behalf of, the defence or intelligence sectors of the Government of the Russian Federation.

Certainly, India is also closely watching this development since the sanction against China is also a signal to other countries that are in the process of buying Russian military hardware. This is evident from the fact that the US State Department has made it clear that Turkey would also be subjected to similar sanctions if it purchased S-400 missiles which are due to be delivered next year. Consequently, the CAATSA has also alarmed India because the Trump administration has not yet indicated whether it would exempt India from the US’ punitive action under this Act. 
 
Thus, in this situation, India’s increasing dependence on US arms can be used by Washington to force New Delhi to toe its line on many issues, which in turn, endangers India’s strategic autonomy. At the same time, Russia is already disturbed by expanding ties between India and the US since the two sides signed the civil nuclear agreement in 2008. In fact, the Putin government has expressed guarded disappointment about India’s efforts towards improving deference military ties with the US. This is clearly evident from a marked shift in Russia’s South policy. In 2014 Russia lifted a ban on arms supplies to Pakistan. Moscow also signed a defence agreement and technical cooperation agreement with Pakistan in 2015 for arms supplies and sold it four helicopters in August 2017.

Today, talks for purchasing Russian SU-35 fighter jets are going on along with Pakistan’s reported desire to buy T-90 tanks from Russia. On September 29, Russia has also signed a memorandum of understanding on implementing a project to build an underwater gas pipeline from Iran to Pakistan and India. At the same time, India is also worried about deepening defence ties between Russia and China, given the fact that even today, the Indian military uses Russian arms, and in fact, Russia accounted for 68 per cent of India’s arms import from 2012 to 2016. Rising tension between the US and Russia has placed India in a very volatile security situation. 
 
To effectively defuse this situation, it can be hoped that during the upcoming visit of President Vladimir Putin, the two sides will infuse a momentum into their time-tested friendship. New Delhi must ensure that Russia does not foster defence ties with other South Asian countries at the cost of India’s security.

(This article was originally published on DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-us-sanctions-on-russia-china-add-to-india-s-security-woes-2669987">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

&nbsp;

The tension between China and the US has intensified, following the Trump administration’s decision to impose sanctions on China for purchasing Russian jets and surface to farce missiles.

The tension between China and the US has intensified, following the Trump administration’s decision to impose sanctions on China for purchasing Russian jets and surface to farce missiles. Under Section 231 of the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) of 2017, the US Department of State recently announced sanctions on the Chinese Defence Ministry’s Equipment Development Department (EDD) and its director, Li Shangfu, for buying Russian jets and missile equipment. According to the statement of the US Department of State, the transactions involved the purchase of Russian Su-35 combat aircraft and S-400 surface-to-air missile system-related equipment. Consequently, the EDD will be denied US foreign export licenses, banned from making foreign exchange transactions within US jurisdictions and prohibited from using the US financial system. Any of the EDD’s property and interests within the US will be blocked. Li will also be subjected to similar restrictions, including the fact that will also not be able to get a US visa. On the other hand, China and Russia have strongly criticised the US action. Russia’s Deputy Foreign Minister Sergei Ryabkov said that the US was “thoughtlessly undermining” global stability, and warned it against “playing with fire”. Chinese Foreign ministry spokesman Geng Shuang said on Friday, “The US has seriously violated the basic norms of international relations and disturbed the relationship between China and the US. We strongly call on the US to remedy the mistake and cancel the sanctions. Otherwise, the US has to bear the consequences.” One of the reasons the US imposed sanctions on China under CAATSA was to effectively respond to Russia’s meddling in the US elections, its competition with the US, its allies and its partners. Thus, while the US had already imposed several sanctions on Russia, this time the Trump administration added 33 additional persons to the CAATSA section 231 List of “Specified Persons” for being a part of or operating for or on behalf of, the defence or intelligence sectors of the Government of the Russian Federation. Certainly, India is also closely watching this development since the sanction against China is also a signal to other countries that are in the process of buying Russian military hardware. This is evident from the fact that the US State Department has made it clear that Turkey would also be subjected to similar sanctions if it purchased S-400 missiles which are due to be delivered next year. Consequently, the CAATSA has also alarmed India because the Trump administration has not yet indicated whether it would exempt India from the US’ punitive action under this Act. Thus, in this situation, India’s increasing dependence on US arms can be used by Washington to force New Delhi to toe its line on many issues, which in turn, endangers India’s strategic autonomy. At the same time, Russia is already disturbed by expanding ties between India and the US since the two sides signed the civil nuclear agreement in 2008. In fact, the Putin government has expressed guarded disappointment about India’s efforts towards improving deference military ties with the US. This is clearly evident from a marked shift in Russia’s South policy. In 2014 Russia lifted a ban on arms supplies to Pakistan. Moscow also signed a defence agreement and technical cooperation agreement with Pakistan in 2015 for arms supplies and sold it four helicopters in August 2017. Today, talks for purchasing Russian SU-35 fighter jets are going on along with Pakistan’s reported desire to buy T-90 tanks from Russia. On September 29, Russia has also signed a memorandum of understanding on implementing a project to build an underwater gas pipeline from Iran to Pakistan and India. At the same time, India is also worried about deepening defence ties between Russia and China, given the fact that even today, the Indian military uses Russian arms, and in fact, Russia accounted for 68 per cent of India’s arms import from 2012 to 2016. Rising tension between the US and Russia has placed India in a very volatile security situation. To effectively defuse this situation, it can be hoped that during the upcoming visit of President Vladimir Putin, the two sides will infuse a momentum into their time-tested friendship. New Delhi must ensure that Russia does not foster defence ties with other South Asian countries at the cost of India’s security. (This article was originally published on DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

US sanctions on Russia, China add to India’s security woes

By Lorenzo Carrieri 
 
On September 11, Russia launched one of the largest military exercises since 1981. Vostok 2018 (East 2018) took place in the Far East of Russia and on the Pacific Ocean. The drill involved 300,000 Russian servicemen, including 6,000 airborne troops, thousands of planes, drones and helicopters, 36,000 tanks, armoured personnel carriers and other defence vehicles, plus around 80 ships and support vessels.&nbsp;

Beyond the gigantic deployment of manpower and the massive naval build-up by the Russian Federation, China also took part, sending 3,200 troops and 900 armoured vehicles, plus a Mongolian mechanised infantry battalion.

Officially, Vostok 2018 was aimed to achieve several objectives, from checking combat readiness to deploying troops over long distances to testing and ameliorating command-and-control procedures, going through the enhancement of interoperability under a single command. But how should we interpret the impressive size of Russia’s mobilization and China’s participation?

Regarding the size of Russia’s mobilisation, Frants Klintsevich, first deputy chairman of the Defense and Security Committee of the Russian Federation’s Council, publicly stated that Vostok 2018 was meant “to cool down some hotheads.” In other words, the drills would be a response to “the unprecedented pressure that the US is exerting on Russia.” Klintsevich referred to the financial sanctions levied against Russia and the massive expansion that the United States is planning for its Air Force and Navy to keep Russia and China in check. 
 
Notably, during the exercise, the two teams competed against each other to simulate a conventional interstate war, as opposed to fighting an imaginary opponent.

That Vostok 2018 took place far from NATO’s borders is relatively unimportant. What matters is that this demonstration of military might has been noticed by NATO, which now knows that Russia is ready for a full-scale conflict. Russia’s 2014 annexation of Crimea and the war of attrition in eastern Ukraine, led by Russian-backed separatists and non-attributable hybrid forces, have heightened tensions with NATO. Plus, the memory of the 2008 five-day war between Georgia and the Russia-backed separatists in South Ossetia and Abkhazia is still vivid.

Simply put, with Vostok 2018 Russia is flexing its muscles, showcasing to both friends and foes its ability to manage logistics and command-and-control structures while conducting large-scale military operations at a high degree of coordination between land, sea and air forces.

Show of Strength

This show of strength was aimed first at the international public opinion, in a moment where changes in the balance of power on the global stage — namely, the neo-isolationist grand strategy of the Trump administration — would have increased the relative power of Moscow with regard to a perceived decline of the US-led liberal order. Think of the massive Russia military build-up in Syria to shore up Bashar al-Assad and help his regime to reverse the course of the Syrian Civil War.

In the face of a perceived Western reluctance to step in to stop the bloodbath, Putin doubled down and escalated the war. Indeed, Russia’s military role in Syria, still ongoing, consisted in a massive bombing campaign aimed at fighting ISIS. However, as many reports have signalled, Russian airstrikes have reduced many highly-populated urban areas to rubble, with the use of cluster munitions and thermobaric bombs targeting hospitals, mosques and water plants, which resulted in a high death toll among civilians. Putin’s campaign was instead meant to a two-pronged strategy: to wipe out American-backed rebels in order to rescue long-term Kremlin protégé Assad and to reposition Russia as an irreplaceable partner for resolving the conflict in Syria.

This demonstration of strength is embedded within a strategic thinking rooted and socialized in Russia’s strategic culture. Back in 1977, in a report for the US Air Force, Jack L. Snyder contended that, in case of what was then the Soviet Union, the geographical uniqueness (sheer vastness of territory to defend, lengthy borders), political (non-liberal, autocratic system) and economic variables (a rentier-economy linked to the exploitation of natural resources) would reflect the uniqueness of unilateral military and strategic solutions compared to traditional and more cooperative and flexible Westernized doctrines. With regard to this, brinkmanship, escalation dominance and the tactic of outsmarting and deceiving one’s opponents, such as massive information warfare campaigns, still remain in the playbook of Russian foreign policy.

As it often happens with Russia, military operations also speak to domestic public opinion. Indeed, Russia’s economy has been struggling to recover from a decline in investor confidence between 2015 and 2016. Besides low levels of economic diversification and thus low resilience to shocks, hard-hitting sanctions and high volatility of commodity prices took their toll on the Russian economy. In addition, a massive sell-off of the ruble has recently depreciated the currency, with inflation expected to increase.

Thus, in the wake of the recent protests caused by the sluggish economy and the raising of retirement age, Russia’s leadership needs to demonstrate that the extensive — and expensive — military modernization of the last years delivered some tangible results.

Enter China 
 
Regarding China’s participation, simply stating that Vostok 2018 aimed at reducing China’s and Russia’s diplomatic isolation would be a euphemism. Rather, it demonstrates the steady strengthening of the Sino-Russian bilateral relationship. In accordance with the narrative used on previous occasions, Chinese officials even referred to the joint drills as evidence of a “strategic partnership” between the two countries. Although this is more a diplomatic statement than an analytical account of the state of bilateral affairs, the economic and geopolitical trajectories of Russia and China are converging, and Vostok 2018 is both a symptom of this trend and a way of invigorating it.

Put simply, Russia and China chose to temporarily set their conflicting interests apart to handle a greater challenge: the United States. With Vostok 2018 and the decision to jointly develop new military technologies, Russia and China are signalling to each other and their competitors that, at least in the medium term, they will remain politically aligned and keep supporting each other on regional and global issues.

As for the economic momentum, China’s outlook is much better than Russia’s. However, the two countries are still interdependent. On the one hand, China desperately needs Russian oil and gas. On the other, Russia needs the revenues originated by the export of its raw materials. In 2014, the two countries concluded a 30-year gas deal worth roughly $400 billion. In addition, bilateral trade flows across their shared border have increased by seven times since 2002.

While China inches closer to Russia, Beijing is at odds with the US as the two countries are locked in a trade war the consequences of which could spark a ripple effect on the global economy. The Trump White House is accusing China of unfair practices such as industrial espionage, intellectual property theft and unfair competition resulting from adopting a dumping pricing policy and currency manipulation. A trade war could end up making China worse off. Indeed, in its attempt to fix macroeconomic imbalances, such as an unchecked credit-fueled growth and consequent high corporate leverage ratio, the rise of US-China tensions might hold back investors and affect growth. In this sense, both Russia and China see sanctions and tariffs as the demonstration that the US-led free-trade regime operates on a logic of coercion where reluctant states are bullied into line by threat of exclusion from the trade, credit and key political forums.

Nevertheless, as aspiring global powers, both Russia and China are trying to upgrade their roles on the global stage and carve out their respective spheres of influence, in the post-Soviet space and in the South China Sea. Although their aspirations clash with America’s model of a liberal international order, Russia and China propose the paradigm that is better suited to their national interests. As long as their territorial ambitions do not overlap, the two countries will support each other’s foreign policies and visions of the international order.

It must be noted that the participation of China in the Vostok 2018 drills does not necessarily mean that Russia and China will form a military alliance or develop a proper strategic partnership as a series of unsolved frictions still undermine mutual trust. First, Russia is exporting weapons to Vietnam, which is at odds with China over its South China Sea policy, and to India, one of China’s greatest regional competitors. Second, both Russia and China recently implemented massive programs of military modernization and are willing to expand their clout. Third, Russia’s economy is dwarfed by China’s, and far from gaining steam. From this perspective, Russia might have invited China to Vostok 2018 in order to mitigate the concerns caused by troop build-up along the Chinese border and to promote mutual trust amongst allies.

Vostok 2018 testifies that we are going to witness an increasing economic, diplomatic, geopolitical and military alignment between Russia and China, at least as long as the two are united by a shared rivalry with the United States. 
 
(Lorenzo Carrieri is a postgraduate student&nbsp;at the School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins) 
 
(This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the <a href="https://www.fairobserver.com/region/europe/russia-china-vostok-2018-us-trade-war-sanctions-international-security-global-economy-news-91821/">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

By Lorenzo Carrieri On September 11, Russia launched one of the largest military exercises since 1981. Vostok 2018 (East 2018) took place in the Far East of Russia and on the Pacific Ocean.

By Lorenzo Carrieri On September 11, Russia launched one of the largest military exercises since 1981. Vostok 2018 (East 2018) took place in the Far East of Russia and on the Pacific Ocean. The drill involved 300,000 Russian servicemen, including 6,000 airborne troops, thousands of planes, drones and helicopters, 36,000 tanks, armoured personnel carriers and other defence vehicles, plus around 80 ships and support vessels. Beyond the gigantic deployment of manpower and the massive naval build-up by the Russian Federation, China also took part, sending 3,200 troops and 900 armoured vehicles, plus a Mongolian mechanised infantry battalion. Officially, Vostok 2018 was aimed to achieve several objectives, from checking combat readiness to deploying troops over long distances to testing and ameliorating command-and-control procedures, going through the enhancement of interoperability under a single command. But how should we interpret the impressive size of Russia’s mobilization and China’s participation? Regarding the size of Russia’s mobilisation, Frants Klintsevich, first deputy chairman of the Defense and Security Committee of the Russian Federation’s Council, publicly stated that Vostok 2018 was meant “to cool down some hotheads.” In other words, the drills would be a response to “the unprecedented pressure that the US is exerting on Russia.” Klintsevich referred to the financial sanctions levied against Russia and the massive expansion that the United States is planning for its Air Force and Navy to keep Russia and China in check. Notably, during the exercise, the two teams competed against each other to simulate a conventional interstate war, as opposed to fighting an imaginary opponent. That Vostok 2018 took place far from NATO’s borders is relatively unimportant. What matters is that this demonstration of military might has been noticed by NATO, which now knows that Russia is ready for a full-scale conflict. Russia’s 2014 annexation of Crimea and the war of attrition in eastern Ukraine, led by Russian-backed separatists and non-attributable hybrid forces, have heightened tensions with NATO. Plus, the memory of the 2008 five-day war between Georgia and the Russia-backed separatists in South Ossetia and Abkhazia is still vivid. Simply put, with Vostok 2018 Russia is flexing its muscles, showcasing to both friends and foes its ability to manage logistics and command-and-control structures while conducting large-scale military operations at a high degree of coordination between land, sea and air forces. Show of Strength This show of strength was aimed first at the international public opinion, in a moment where changes in the balance of power on the global stage — namely, the neo-isolationist grand strategy of the Trump administration — would have increased the relative power of Moscow with regard to a perceived decline of the US-led liberal order. Think of the massive Russia military build-up in Syria to shore up Bashar al-Assad and help his regime to reverse the course of the Syrian Civil War. In the face of a perceived Western reluctance to step in to stop the bloodbath, Putin doubled down and escalated the war. Indeed, Russia’s military role in Syria, still ongoing, consisted in a massive bombing campaign aimed at fighting ISIS. However, as many reports have signalled, Russian airstrikes have reduced many highly-populated urban areas to rubble, with the use of cluster munitions and thermobaric bombs targeting hospitals, mosques and water plants, which resulted in a high death toll among civilians. Putin’s campaign was instead meant to a two-pronged strategy: to wipe out American-backed rebels in order to rescue long-term Kremlin protégé Assad and to reposition Russia as an irreplaceable partner for resolving the conflict in Syria. This demonstration of strength is embedded within a strategic thinking rooted and socialized in Russia’s strategic culture. Back in 1977, in a report for the US Air Force, Jack L. Snyder contended that, in case of what was then the Soviet Union, the geographical uniqueness (sheer vastness of territory to defend, lengthy borders), political (non-liberal, autocratic system) and economic variables (a rentier-economy linked to the exploitation of natural resources) would reflect the uniqueness of unilateral military and strategic solutions compared to traditional and more cooperative and flexible Westernized doctrines. With regard to this, brinkmanship, escalation dominance and the tactic of outsmarting and deceiving one’s opponents, such as massive information warfare campaigns, still remain in the playbook of Russian foreign policy. As it often happens with Russia, military operations also speak to domestic public opinion. Indeed, Russia’s economy has been struggling to recover from a decline in investor confidence between 2015 and 2016. Besides low levels of economic diversification and thus low resilience to shocks, hard-hitting sanctions and high volatility of commodity prices took their toll on the Russian economy. In addition, a massive sell-off of the ruble has recently depreciated the currency, with inflation expected to increase. Thus, in the wake of the recent protests caused by the sluggish economy and the raising of retirement age, Russia’s leadership needs to demonstrate that the extensive — and expensive — military modernization of the last years delivered some tangible results. Enter China Regarding China’s participation, simply stating that Vostok 2018 aimed at reducing China’s and Russia’s diplomatic isolation would be a euphemism. Rather, it demonstrates the steady strengthening of the Sino-Russian bilateral relationship. In accordance with the narrative used on previous occasions, Chinese officials even referred to the joint drills as evidence of a “strategic partnership” between the two countries. Although this is more a diplomatic statement than an analytical account of the state of bilateral affairs, the economic and geopolitical trajectories of Russia and China are converging, and Vostok 2018 is both a symptom of this trend and a way of invigorating it. Put simply, Russia and China chose to temporarily set their conflicting interests apart to handle a greater challenge: the United States. With Vostok 2018 and the decision to jointly develop new military technologies, Russia and China are signalling to each other and their competitors that, at least in the medium term, they will remain politically aligned and keep supporting each other on regional and global issues. As for the economic momentum, China’s outlook is much better than Russia’s. However, the two countries are still interdependent. On the one hand, China desperately needs Russian oil and gas. On the other, Russia needs the revenues originated by the export of its raw materials. In 2014, the two countries concluded a 30-year gas deal worth roughly $400 billion. In addition, bilateral trade flows across their shared border have increased by seven times since 2002. While China inches closer to Russia, Beijing is at odds with the US as the two countries are locked in a trade war the consequences of which could spark a ripple effect on the global economy. The Trump White House is accusing China of unfair practices such as industrial espionage, intellectual property theft and unfair competition resulting from adopting a dumping pricing policy and currency manipulation. A trade war could end up making China worse off. Indeed, in its attempt to fix macroeconomic imbalances, such as an unchecked credit-fueled growth and consequent high corporate leverage ratio, the rise of US-China tensions might hold back investors and affect growth. In this sense, both Russia and China see sanctions and tariffs as the demonstration that the US-led free-trade regime operates on a logic of coercion where reluctant states are bullied into line by threat of exclusion from the trade, credit and key political forums. Nevertheless, as aspiring global powers, both Russia and China are trying to upgrade their roles on the global stage and carve out their respective spheres of influence, in the post-Soviet space and in the South China Sea. Although their aspirations clash with America’s model of a liberal international order, Russia and China propose the paradigm that is better suited to their national interests. As long as their territorial ambitions do not overlap, the two countries will support each other’s foreign policies and visions of the international order. It must be noted that the participation of China in the Vostok 2018 drills does not necessarily mean that Russia and China will form a military alliance or develop a proper strategic partnership as a series of unsolved frictions still undermine mutual trust. First, Russia is exporting weapons to Vietnam, which is at odds with China over its South China Sea policy, and to India, one of China’s greatest regional competitors. Second, both Russia and China recently implemented massive programs of military modernization and are willing to expand their clout. Third, Russia’s economy is dwarfed by China’s, and far from gaining steam. From this perspective, Russia might have invited China to Vostok 2018 in order to mitigate the concerns caused by troop build-up along the Chinese border and to promote mutual trust amongst allies. Vostok 2018 testifies that we are going to witness an increasing economic, diplomatic, geopolitical and military alignment between Russia and China, at least as long as the two are united by a shared rivalry with the United States. (Lorenzo Carrieri is a postgraduate student at the School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins) (This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Russia and China draw closer over rivalry with the US

Ferrari's Formula One title contender Sebastian&nbsp;Vettel&nbsp;set the pace in first practice for the Russian Grand Prix on Friday with a quarter of the 20-car starting grid already facing penalties for Sunday's race.

The German lapped the Sochi circuit with a best time of one minute 34.488 seconds, with Red Bull's Max Verstappen a mere 0.050 slower and championship leader Lewis Hamilton third for Mercedes.

Hamilton, 0.330 off the pace but on the slower soft tyre rather than the hypersoft used by&nbsp;Vetteland Verstappen, leads his fellow four-times world champion by 40 points with six races remaining.

Vettel&nbsp;is running out of time to rein in Hamilton, who has seven victories to his credit this season including four of the last five.

Verstappen turns 21 on Sunday but his chances of becoming the first 20-year-old to take a pole position became non-existent when he was one of five drivers listed with confirmed engine penalties.

The Dutch driver would normally have to start from the back of the grid but where exactly he will line up remained uncertain due to the number of similar penalties handed out.

Verstappen's Australian team mate Daniel Ricciardo, Toro Rosso's Pierre Gasly and Brendon Hartley as well as McLaren's Fernando Alonso were also hit with grid drops to the back of the field.

Vettel&nbsp;took pole in Sochi last year but victory went to Hamilton's team mate Valtteri Bottas with Mercedes still unbeaten in Russia since the race's debut in 2014.

Ricciardo was fifth fastest, behind Bottas, but sat out much of the session with mechanics working on his car on an otherwise uneventful morning.

Italian reserve Antonio Giovinazzi, who will step up to the Sauber race seat next season, took Marcus Ericsson's car for the opening practice while British teenager Lando Norris gained experience ahead of his McLaren debut next year.

Giovinazzi was 10th fastest, with 18-year-old Norris -- who went off but avoided the barriers -- 13th.

McLaren regular Stoffel Vandoorne, who is ceding his place to the Briton at the end of the year, was 16th.

Renault gave Russian F2 driver Artem Markelov (15th) a run in Carlos Sainz's car while Canadian Nicholas Latifi (17th) was in Sergio Perez's Force India.

Ferrari's Formula One title contender Sebastian Vettel set the pace in first practice for the Russian Grand Prix on Friday with a quarter of the 20-car starting grid already facing penalties for Sunday's race.

Ferrari's Formula One title contender Sebastian Vettel set the pace in first practice for the Russian Grand Prix on Friday with a quarter of the 20-car starting grid already facing penalties for Sunday's race. The German lapped the Sochi circuit with a best time of one minute 34.488 seconds, with Red Bull's Max Verstappen a mere 0.050 slower and championship leader Lewis Hamilton third for Mercedes. Hamilton, 0.330 off the pace but on the slower soft tyre rather than the hypersoft used by Vetteland Verstappen, leads his fellow four-times world champion by 40 points with six races remaining. Vettel is running out of time to rein in Hamilton, who has seven victories to his credit this season including four of the last five. Verstappen turns 21 on Sunday but his chances of becoming the first 20-year-old to take a pole position became non-existent when he was one of five drivers listed with confirmed engine penalties. The Dutch driver would normally have to start from the back of the grid but where exactly he will line up remained uncertain due to the number of similar penalties handed out. Verstappen's Australian team mate Daniel Ricciardo, Toro Rosso's Pierre Gasly and Brendon Hartley as well as McLaren's Fernando Alonso were also hit with grid drops to the back of the field. Vettel took pole in Sochi last year but victory went to Hamilton's team mate Valtteri Bottas with Mercedes still unbeaten in Russia since the race's debut in 2014. Ricciardo was fifth fastest, behind Bottas, but sat out much of the session with mechanics working on his car on an otherwise uneventful morning. Italian reserve Antonio Giovinazzi, who will step up to the Sauber race seat next season, took Marcus Ericsson's car for the opening practice while British teenager Lando Norris gained experience ahead of his McLaren debut next year. Giovinazzi was 10th fastest, with 18-year-old Norris -- who went off but avoided the barriers -- 13th. McLaren regular Stoffel Vandoorne, who is ceding his place to the Briton at the end of the year, was 16th. Renault gave Russian F2 driver Artem Markelov (15th) a run in Carlos Sainz's car while Canadian Nicholas Latifi (17th) was in Sergio Perez's Force India.

Motor racing: Sebastian Vettel fastest in Russia as grid penalties mount up

Russian President Vladimir Putin will pay an official visit to India from October 4-5, reported news agency ANI quoting official sources in the ministry of external affairs on Friday.

Putin will be here to participate in the 19th India-Russia annual bilateral summit, the report added quoting the source.&nbsp;

During the visit President Putin will hold official talks with Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and also have a meeting with the President of India Ram Nath Kovind, besides holding other official engagements.

Russia is expected to sign a deal to supply advanced S-400 surface-to-air missile systems to India during Putin's visit.&nbsp;

Russian President Vladimir Putin will pay an official visit to India from October 4-5, reported news agency ANI quoting official sources in the ministry of external affairs on Friday.

Russian President Vladimir Putin will pay an official visit to India from October 4-5, reported news agency ANI quoting official sources in the ministry of external affairs on Friday. Putin will be here to participate in the 19th India-Russia annual bilateral summit, the report added quoting the source. During the visit President Putin will hold official talks with Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and also have a meeting with the President of India Ram Nath Kovind, besides holding other official engagements. Russia is expected to sign a deal to supply advanced S-400 surface-to-air missile systems to India during Putin's visit.

Russian President Vladimir Putin to visit India from October 4-5

Moscow has scoffed at a report by a respected investigative group claiming that one of the suspects in the poisoning of ex-spy Sergei Skripal was a highly decorated colonel in Russian military intelligence.

Bellingcat, the British based investigative group, said Wednesday that the real name of Ruslan Boshirov is Anatoly Chepiga, a military intelligence colonel decorated with the country's top award, the Hero of Russia.

Russian foreign ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova dismissed the report, saying it was timed to coincide with the address at the UN Security Council of British Prime Minister Theresa May.

"There is no proof -- so they are continuing their information campaign whose main task is to divert attention from the main question: WHAT HAPPENED IN SALISBURY?" Zakharova wrote on Facebook late Wednesday.

"The question remains: when will any proof be provided of involvement of anyone in the Salisbury poisoning, as London calls it?" Speaking on Wednesday, May attacked Moscow over the poisoning Skripal and his daughter Yulia with Novichok, a nerve agent designed in the Soviet era, in March.

"Russia has only sought to obfuscate through desperate fabrication," she said. Bellingcat said Chepiga, 39, graduated from the Far-Eastern Military Command Academy in the far eastern city of Blagoveshchensk, one of the country's top training grounds for marine commandos and special forces.

He fought in Chechnya and possibly Ukraine and was bestowed the Hero of Russia award in 2014 for "conducting a peace-keeping mission," a likely reference to the Ukraine conflict.

Bellingcat said it was "highly likely" that Russian President Vladimir Putin knows Chepiga because he personally hands out these awards.

Only a handful of such awards are given each year, often posthumously.

Citing a former Russian military officer, Bellingcat said it was very surprising that a highly decorated officer holding the rank of colonel was sent into the field.

It "would imply that 'the job was ordered at the highest level,'" the group quoted its source as saying.

This month Putin said that the two men suspected by Britain of poisoning the Skripals were "civilians." In an eyebrow-raising interview with the Kremlin-backed RT channel, Boshirov and Alexander Petrov said they went to Salisbury as tourists, sparking ridicule in Russia and abroad.

Some observers have speculated the two intelligence agents have been effectively thrown under the bus by their superiors for failing in their mission.

"From hero to zero," Bellingcat said on Twitter as it released its report.

Moscow has scoffed at a report by a respected investigative group claiming that one of the suspects in the poisoning of ex-spy Sergei Skripal was a highly decorated colonel in Russian military intelligence.

Moscow has scoffed at a report by a respected investigative group claiming that one of the suspects in the poisoning of ex-spy Sergei Skripal was a highly decorated colonel in Russian military intelligence. Bellingcat, the British based investigative group, said Wednesday that the real name of Ruslan Boshirov is Anatoly Chepiga, a military intelligence colonel decorated with the country's top award, the Hero of Russia. Russian foreign ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova dismissed the report, saying it was timed to coincide with the address at the UN Security Council of British Prime Minister Theresa May. "There is no proof -- so they are continuing their information campaign whose main task is to divert attention from the main question: WHAT HAPPENED IN SALISBURY?" Zakharova wrote on Facebook late Wednesday. "The question remains: when will any proof be provided of involvement of anyone in the Salisbury poisoning, as London calls it?" Speaking on Wednesday, May attacked Moscow over the poisoning Skripal and his daughter Yulia with Novichok, a nerve agent designed in the Soviet era, in March. "Russia has only sought to obfuscate through desperate fabrication," she said. Bellingcat said Chepiga, 39, graduated from the Far-Eastern Military Command Academy in the far eastern city of Blagoveshchensk, one of the country's top training grounds for marine commandos and special forces. He fought in Chechnya and possibly Ukraine and was bestowed the Hero of Russia award in 2014 for "conducting a peace-keeping mission," a likely reference to the Ukraine conflict. Bellingcat said it was "highly likely" that Russian President Vladimir Putin knows Chepiga because he personally hands out these awards. Only a handful of such awards are given each year, often posthumously. Citing a former Russian military officer, Bellingcat said it was very surprising that a highly decorated officer holding the rank of colonel was sent into the field. It "would imply that 'the job was ordered at the highest level,'" the group quoted its source as saying. This month Putin said that the two men suspected by Britain of poisoning the Skripals were "civilians." In an eyebrow-raising interview with the Kremlin-backed RT channel, Boshirov and Alexander Petrov said they went to Salisbury as tourists, sparking ridicule in Russia and abroad. Some observers have speculated the two intelligence agents have been effectively thrown under the bus by their superiors for failing in their mission. "From hero to zero," Bellingcat said on Twitter as it released its report.

Moscow dismisses report publishing identity of Skripal suspect

Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny was detained Monday on his release from prison after serving a 30-day sentence for an unauthorised protest, his spokesperson said.&nbsp;

"Alexei Navalny was detained outside the detention centre," Kira Yarmysh wrote on Twitter, adding that the politician was taken to a central Moscow police station.

Yarmysh said Navalny was accused of violating a different protest law and faces up to 20 days in prison. He is due to appear in court later on Monday, she said.&nbsp;

Navalny was in jail for a month for a protest he organised on January 28, violating Russia's strict laws which forbid any public event without city hall's authorisation.&nbsp;

He accused authorities of sending him to prison to keep him from holding a protest on September 9 against the government's retirement age hike that coincided with local elections.&nbsp;

Thousands of Russians across the country turned up to the protest and police arrested 150 people nationwide.

The opposition politician has criticised the pension reform that has led to a rare outburst of public anger in Russia and a dip in President Vladimir Putin's approval ratings.&nbsp;

Navalny has called some of the biggest protests in Russia in recent years. His anti-corruption rhetoric is especially popular among younger people who follow his online channels and blogs.

He was barred from taking part in Russia's presidential election in March and served a month in prison in June after organising demonstrations ahead of Putin's fourth inauguration in May.&nbsp;

He was freed from prison the same day the World Cup started in Russia.&nbsp;

The Yale-educated lawyer has faced a string of charges since he became the leading opposition figure in Russia, campaigning against Putin's rule at mass demonstrations in 2011 and 2012.&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny was detained Monday on his release from prison after serving a 30-day sentence for an unauthorised protest, his spokesperson said.

Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny was detained Monday on his release from prison after serving a 30-day sentence for an unauthorised protest, his spokesperson said. "Alexei Navalny was detained outside the detention centre," Kira Yarmysh wrote on Twitter, adding that the politician was taken to a central Moscow police station. Yarmysh said Navalny was accused of violating a different protest law and faces up to 20 days in prison. He is due to appear in court later on Monday, she said. Navalny was in jail for a month for a protest he organised on January 28, violating Russia's strict laws which forbid any public event without city hall's authorisation. He accused authorities of sending him to prison to keep him from holding a protest on September 9 against the government's retirement age hike that coincided with local elections. Thousands of Russians across the country turned up to the protest and police arrested 150 people nationwide. The opposition politician has criticised the pension reform that has led to a rare outburst of public anger in Russia and a dip in President Vladimir Putin's approval ratings. Navalny has called some of the biggest protests in Russia in recent years. His anti-corruption rhetoric is especially popular among younger people who follow his online channels and blogs. He was barred from taking part in Russia's presidential election in March and served a month in prison in June after organising demonstrations ahead of Putin's fourth inauguration in May. He was freed from prison the same day the World Cup started in Russia. The Yale-educated lawyer has faced a string of charges since he became the leading opposition figure in Russia, campaigning against Putin's rule at mass demonstrations in 2011 and 2012.

Russian opposition leader Navalny detained after prison release

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