<p>Nepalese Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal &lsquo;Prachanda&rsquo; resigned yesterday, thereby, paving the way for Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba to assume the post. Pushpa Kamal Dahal &lsquo;Prachanda&rsquo; became the prime minister of a coalition government supported by Nepali Congress in August last year, after the two leaders reached an agreement to share the remaining term of 18 months among themselves. Prachanda&rsquo;s ten months tenure as the prime minister had his highs and lows but, fortunately for Nepal, mostly highs. With the Madhesi problem brewing,the next Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba may have some stiff challenges to resolve.</p>

<p><strong>Prachanda: The unchallenged leader</strong></p>

<p>Pushpa Kamal Dahal &lsquo;Prachanda&rsquo; took over as the prime minister of Nepal at the difficult times. The Madhesis of Nepal were agitated against the then Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, demanding amendment in the newly promulgated constitution. They blocked the entry of fuel and other essential supplies to Kathmandu, which has incited anti-India and anti-Madhes sentiments among the hill people, stoked by high-pitched political propaganda.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The economy was badly hurt and India-Nepal relations had met its deepest low. However, Prachanda tactfully dealt with all these challenges. As soon as he took over the office as the prime minister, he initiated dialogue with the Madhesi parties and won their confidence. He had sent his envoy to both neighbours &ndash; India and China, and normalised the relations. He visited India twice and there were visits by the heads of the states. Similarly, he visited China and his government signed the &lsquo;One Belt, One Road&rsquo; agreement taking India into confidence.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<p>Prachanda&rsquo;s tenure was highly applauded for bringing huge relief to the people by resolving the power as well as the economic crisis. Power-starved Nepal used to have power cuts for up to 18 hours per day. Similarly, Prachanda&nbsp;lifted the economy growth rate to 7.5 per cent from mere 0.8 percent, which is highest in 13 years. There was 24 per cent increment in revenue generation as well. Similarly, a total of 13.52 billion US dollar was pledged as foreign investment during the Nepal Investment Summit-2017 held by his government in March. China committed the highest investment in Nepal with its investment pledge totaling $8.3 billion. Bangladesh has committed to invest $2.4 billion, Japan and UK each pledged $1 billion, Sri Lanka $500 million and India $317 million.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Similarly, there was remarkable progress in the mega-projects, such as the construction of Kathmandu-Nijgadh Fast Track road and the Postal Highway. The latter happens to be the oldest highway of Nepal that runs across the Terai region of Nepal close to the Indo-Nepal border, from Bhadrapur in the east to Dudhaura in the west. Apart from these, there were many other areas where he could deliver relief to the people, such as completing the long-pending Melamchi Drinking Water Project and in health and education sectors.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The most remarkable achievement of Prachanda government, which was highly appreciated by all quarters was holding the first phase of the local election, which was not held since two decades. The local bodies of Nepal were without people&rsquo;s representatives for almost 14 years. However, because of the coalition partner Nepali Congress, Prachanda&#39;s government was dragged into few controversies. Particularly, the issues regarding the appointment of new Inspector General of Nepal Police (IGP) and moving impeachment proposal against Chief Justice Sushila Karki. Similarly, he failed to deliver on the promises made to the Madhesi parties regarding the amendment in the constitution before the election.&nbsp;</p>

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<p>Overall, Prachanda&rsquo;s tenure as the prime minister was highly successful. During his second inning, he came out as an experienced, matured and capable statesmen, carrying himself as the unchallenged leader.</p>

<p><strong>Challenges for Deuba</strong></p>

<p>Sher Bahadur Deuba, the Prime Minister in waiting, has lots of challenges. In next nine months, his government has to conduct three elections: the second phase of local election followed by the provincial and the federal election. The immediate task of Deuba is to hold the second phase of local election, scheduled for 14 June, which will be held in 41 districts of province 1, 2, 5 and 7. It consists of all the Madhes districts of Nepal. However, the Madhesi parties have warned that they would not only boycott the local election but also disrupt the process unless amendments to the constitution are endorsed as per their demands.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The amendments to the constitution require the two-third support of the House. However, the ruling alliance and Madhesi parties do not meet the required number. The main opposition, CPN-UML, is highly against it, making the amendment impossible. On the other head, the highly fragmented Madhesi parties have consolidated themselves.&nbsp;</p>

<p>There were two major mergers among the Madhesi parties last month. Nepal Democratic Forum came into being after three political parties namely, Madhesi People&rsquo;s Rights Forum (Democratic) led by Bijay Kumar Gachhadar, Yasoda Lama&#39;s Dalit Janajati Party and Janamukti party of Shiva Lal Thapa joined hands. Similarly, the major Madhesi political parties joined hands to form the Rastriya Janata Party of Nepal. The latter coalition includes, among others, Mahanta Thakur&#39;s Tarai Madhes Democratic Party, Rajendra Mahato&#39;s Sadbhawana Party and Mahendra Ray Yadav&#39;s Tarai Madhes Sadbhawana Party.&nbsp; There is also the possibility of a merger of Upendra Yadav-led Federal Socialist Forum-Nepal and Baburam Bhattarai led-Naya Shakti Party-Nepal. Currently, these two parties have a working alliance in the first phase of the local election.&nbsp;</p>

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<p>With these mergers and alliances, Madhesi parties have definitely emerged stronger. Hence, going for the second phase of the election without endorsing a constitutional amendment seems risky. On the other side, moving a constitutional amendment as well as holding an election in the coming three weeks doesn&rsquo;t sound so feasible. &nbsp;</p>

<p>Hence, Deuba doesn&rsquo;t have many choices and time is limited. He should either garner enough support for the constitutional amendment and, thereby, create a favourable environment for the Madhesi parties to participate in the election. Else, he should&nbsp;go for election, without the major Madhesi parties. However, there are very high chances that if Madhesi parties don&#39;t participate in the upcoming second phase of the local election, it will create massive violence in Madhes, the southern plains of Nepal along Indo-Nepal border. Isolating the Madhesi parties will further complicate the problem because the youths of Madhesh are deeply radicalised and voices of secession are being heard.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Under the circumstance, its most likely that Deuba would hold dialogue with the Madhesi parties, move the constitution amendment process and create a favourable environment for free and fair election. He might require postponing the election by few weeks, which should not be a problem.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Prachanda has delicately completed his tenure, which was quite successful. As far as Deuba is concerned, history has given him another chance to show himself as the capable leader. His claim to fame, for the moment, rests on holding the second phase of local election successfully, which will pave way for peace and stability in Nepal.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>


Prachanda's reign was highly successful but Deuba faces stiff challenges from the Madhesi community of Nepal

Nepalese Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’ resigned yesterday, thereby, paving the way for Nepali Congress President Sher Bahadur Deuba to assume the post. Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’ became the prime minister of a coalition government supported by Nepali Congress in August last year, after the two leaders reached an agreement to share the remaining term of 18 months among themselves. Prachanda’s ten months tenure as the prime minister had his highs and lows but, fortunately for Nepal, mostly highs. With the Madhesi problem brewing,the next Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba may have some stiff challenges to resolve. Prachanda: The unchallenged leader Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’ took over as the prime minister of Nepal at the difficult times. The Madhesis of Nepal were agitated against the then Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli, demanding amendment in the newly promulgated constitution. They blocked the entry of fuel and other essential supplies to Kathmandu, which has incited anti-India and anti-Madhes sentiments among the hill people, stoked by high-pitched political propaganda. The economy was badly hurt and India-Nepal relations had met its deepest low. However, Prachanda tactfully dealt with all these challenges. As soon as he took over the office as the prime minister, he initiated dialogue with the Madhesi parties and won their confidence. He had sent his envoy to both neighbours – India and China, and normalised the relations. He visited India twice and there were visits by the heads of the states. Similarly, he visited China and his government signed the ‘One Belt, One Road’ agreement taking India into confidence. The most remarkable achievement of Prachanda government, which was highly appreciated by all quarters was holding the first phase of the local election, which was not held since two decades × Prachanda’s tenure was highly applauded for bringing huge relief to the people by resolving the power as well as the economic crisis. Power-starved Nepal used to have power cuts for up to 18 hours per day. Similarly, Prachanda lifted the economy growth rate to 7.5 per cent from mere 0.8 percent, which is highest in 13 years. There was 24 per cent increment in revenue generation as well. Similarly, a total of 13.52 billion US dollar was pledged as foreign investment during the Nepal Investment Summit-2017 held by his government in March. China committed the highest investment in Nepal with its investment pledge totaling $8.3 billion. Bangladesh has committed to invest $2.4 billion, Japan and UK each pledged $1 billion, Sri Lanka $500 million and India $317 million. Similarly, there was remarkable progress in the mega-projects, such as the construction of Kathmandu-Nijgadh Fast Track road and the Postal Highway. The latter happens to be the oldest highway of Nepal that runs across the Terai region of Nepal close to the Indo-Nepal border, from Bhadrapur in the east to Dudhaura in the west. Apart from these, there were many other areas where he could deliver relief to the people, such as completing the long-pending Melamchi Drinking Water Project and in health and education sectors. The most remarkable achievement of Prachanda government, which was highly appreciated by all quarters was holding the first phase of the local election, which was not held since two decades. The local bodies of Nepal were without people’s representatives for almost 14 years. However, because of the coalition partner Nepali Congress, Prachanda's government was dragged into few controversies. Particularly, the issues regarding the appointment of new Inspector General of Nepal Police (IGP) and moving impeachment proposal against Chief Justice Sushila Karki. Similarly, he failed to deliver on the promises made to the Madhesi parties regarding the amendment in the constitution before the election. Prachanda lifted the economy growth rate to 7.5 per cent from mere 0.8 percent, which is highest in 13 years × Overall, Prachanda’s tenure as the prime minister was highly successful. During his second inning, he came out as an experienced, matured and capable statesmen, carrying himself as the unchallenged leader. Challenges for Deuba Sher Bahadur Deuba, the Prime Minister in waiting, has lots of challenges. In next nine months, his government has to conduct three elections: the second phase of local election followed by the provincial and the federal election. The immediate task of Deuba is to hold the second phase of local election, scheduled for 14 June, which will be held in 41 districts of province 1, 2, 5 and 7. It consists of all the Madhes districts of Nepal. However, the Madhesi parties have warned that they would not only boycott the local election but also disrupt the process unless amendments to the constitution are endorsed as per their demands. The amendments to the constitution require the two-third support of the House. However, the ruling alliance and Madhesi parties do not meet the required number. The main opposition, CPN-UML, is highly against it, making the amendment impossible. On the other head, the highly fragmented Madhesi parties have consolidated themselves. There were two major mergers among the Madhesi parties last month. Nepal Democratic Forum came into being after three political parties namely, Madhesi People’s Rights Forum (Democratic) led by Bijay Kumar Gachhadar, Yasoda Lama's Dalit Janajati Party and Janamukti party of Shiva Lal Thapa joined hands. Similarly, the major Madhesi political parties joined hands to form the Rastriya Janata Party of Nepal. The latter coalition includes, among others, Mahanta Thakur's Tarai Madhes Democratic Party, Rajendra Mahato's Sadbhawana Party and Mahendra Ray Yadav's Tarai Madhes Sadbhawana Party. There is also the possibility of a merger of Upendra Yadav-led Federal Socialist Forum-Nepal and Baburam Bhattarai led-Naya Shakti Party-Nepal. Currently, these two parties have a working alliance in the first phase of the local election. There are very high chances that if Madhesi parties don't participate in the upcoming second phase of the local election, it will create massive violence in Madhes × With these mergers and alliances, Madhesi parties have definitely emerged stronger. Hence, going for the second phase of the election without endorsing a constitutional amendment seems risky. On the other side, moving a constitutional amendment as well as holding an election in the coming three weeks doesn’t sound so feasible. Hence, Deuba doesn’t have many choices and time is limited. He should either garner enough support for the constitutional amendment and, thereby, create a favourable environment for the Madhesi parties to participate in the election. Else, he should go for election, without the major Madhesi parties. However, there are very high chances that if Madhesi parties don't participate in the upcoming second phase of the local election, it will create massive violence in Madhes, the southern plains of Nepal along Indo-Nepal border. Isolating the Madhesi parties will further complicate the problem because the youths of Madhesh are deeply radicalised and voices of secession are being heard. Under the circumstance, its most likely that Deuba would hold dialogue with the Madhesi parties, move the constitution amendment process and create a favourable environment for free and fair election. He might require postponing the election by few weeks, which should not be a problem. Prachanda has delicately completed his tenure, which was quite successful. As far as Deuba is concerned, history has given him another chance to show himself as the capable leader. His claim to fame, for the moment, rests on holding the second phase of local election successfully, which will pave way for peace and stability in Nepal.

Opinion: Appeasing Nepal's Madhesi community will be biggest challenge for PM Deuba

<p>Nepal held local level polls on Sunday, the first since 1997 and a key step in the country&#39;s rocky transition to democracy over a decade since the end of the civil war.</p>

<p>Around a third of registered voters across three provinces were eligible to cast their vote, with the rest of the country due to vote in a month&#39;s time.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The vote has been split into two phases because of unrest in the southern plains bordering India, where the minority Madhesi ethnic group is refusing to take part until an amendment to the constitution is passed.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Local representatives were last elected in 1997 and their five-year terms expired at the height of the brutal Maoist insurgency.&nbsp;</p>

<p>The 10-year war ended in 2006 and the country began a fraught transition from a Hindu monarchy to a secular federal republic, which has seen it cycle through nine governments.</p>

<p>The long gap between polls has left an institutional void at the local level, which has seen graft become a way of life in Nepal, hampering the delivery of basic services as well as the recovery from a devastating 2015 earthquake.</p>

<p>&quot;It is difficult to expect much from our politicians -- they have always been selfish and not worked for the people -- but I hope that with this election things will change,&quot; housewife Shova Maharjan, 41, told AFP after casting her vote in the capital.</p>

<p>With nearly 70 per cent of the population aged under 35, many were voting for their local representatives for the first time.&nbsp;</p>

<p>Polls opened at 7:00 am (0115 GMT) and closed at 5:00 pm, with each voter casting their ballot for seven local representatives: mayor, deputy mayor, ward chairman and four ward committee members.</p>

<p>The ballot paper in the capital Kathmandu -- one of the largest constituencies -- was around one metre long (three feet) to accommodate the 878 candidates.</p>

<p>Nearly 50,000 candidates were standing for election across 283 local municipalities in the first phase, with many registered as independents or with a number of small reformist parties hoping to grab some votes from the traditional political heavyweights.</p>

<p>While the youth vote is seen as key in undermining the grip of the three main political parties, the elderly were also out in force, including an 105-year-old man who cast his ballot in Gorkha, the epicentre of the devastating 2015 earthquake, according to the election commission.</p>

<p><strong>&#39;Drawn-out peace process&#39;</strong></p>

<p>There were sporadic reports of violence on Sunday with one person killed when police opened fire on a group attempting to raid a polling station in Dolakha district, 180 kilometres (110 miles) northwest of the capital Kathmandu, police told AFP.</p>

<p>A bomb was also found early Sunday morning outside the house of a mayoral candidate for the main opposition CPN-UML party in Bhaktapur, 15 kilometres (nine miles) east of Kathmandu. It was diffused without incident.</p>

<p>The remaining four provinces, considered potential flashpoints for election-related violence, will vote in the second phase on June 14.</p>

<p>But with results expected from Sunday&#39;s vote later this week, observers have expressed concern that the first phase will influence the outcome of the second.</p>

<p>As part of the deal that ended the civil war, a new constitution was written and finally adopted in September 2015, nearly a decade after the end of the conflict.</p>

<p>The charter mandated that local elections, followed by provincial and then national elections, be held by January 2018 -- the final step in the drawn-out peace process.</p>

<p>But the constitution sparked protests by the Madhesi community -- who say the document leaves them politically marginalised -- and led to a months-long blockade of the India-Nepal border in 2015 that caused&nbsp;a crippling shortage of goods across the country.</p>

<p>The Madhesi threatened to boycott the local polls unless the constitution is rewritten. This forced the government to split the vote into two phases.</p>

<p>The government has promised a vote on an amendment to the constitution after Sunday&#39;s election, but the fragile ruling coalition is struggling to get a majority in parliament to pass the bill.</p>

<p>(AFP)</p>


Nearly 50,000 candidates are vying for the positions of mayor, deputy mayor, ward chairman and ward member in 283 local municipalities

Nepal held local level polls on Sunday, the first since 1997 and a key step in the country's rocky transition to democracy over a decade since the end of the civil war. Around a third of registered voters across three provinces were eligible to cast their vote, with the rest of the country due to vote in a month's time. The vote has been split into two phases because of unrest in the southern plains bordering India, where the minority Madhesi ethnic group is refusing to take part until an amendment to the constitution is passed. Local representatives were last elected in 1997 and their five-year terms expired at the height of the brutal Maoist insurgency. The 10-year war ended in 2006 and the country began a fraught transition from a Hindu monarchy to a secular federal republic, which has seen it cycle through nine governments. The long gap between polls has left an institutional void at the local level, which has seen graft become a way of life in Nepal, hampering the delivery of basic services as well as the recovery from a devastating 2015 earthquake. "It is difficult to expect much from our politicians -- they have always been selfish and not worked for the people -- but I hope that with this election things will change," housewife Shova Maharjan, 41, told AFP after casting her vote in the capital. With nearly 70 per cent of the population aged under 35, many were voting for their local representatives for the first time. Polls opened at 7:00 am (0115 GMT) and closed at 5:00 pm, with each voter casting their ballot for seven local representatives: mayor, deputy mayor, ward chairman and four ward committee members. The ballot paper in the capital Kathmandu -- one of the largest constituencies -- was around one metre long (three feet) to accommodate the 878 candidates. Nearly 50,000 candidates were standing for election across 283 local municipalities in the first phase, with many registered as independents or with a number of small reformist parties hoping to grab some votes from the traditional political heavyweights. While the youth vote is seen as key in undermining the grip of the three main political parties, the elderly were also out in force, including an 105-year-old man who cast his ballot in Gorkha, the epicentre of the devastating 2015 earthquake, according to the election commission. 'Drawn-out peace process' There were sporadic reports of violence on Sunday with one person killed when police opened fire on a group attempting to raid a polling station in Dolakha district, 180 kilometres (110 miles) northwest of the capital Kathmandu, police told AFP. A bomb was also found early Sunday morning outside the house of a mayoral candidate for the main opposition CPN-UML party in Bhaktapur, 15 kilometres (nine miles) east of Kathmandu. It was diffused without incident. The remaining four provinces, considered potential flashpoints for election-related violence, will vote in the second phase on June 14. But with results expected from Sunday's vote later this week, observers have expressed concern that the first phase will influence the outcome of the second. As part of the deal that ended the civil war, a new constitution was written and finally adopted in September 2015, nearly a decade after the end of the conflict. The charter mandated that local elections, followed by provincial and then national elections, be held by January 2018 -- the final step in the drawn-out peace process. But the constitution sparked protests by the Madhesi community -- who say the document leaves them politically marginalised -- and led to a months-long blockade of the India-Nepal border in 2015 that caused a crippling shortage of goods across the country. The Madhesi threatened to boycott the local polls unless the constitution is rewritten. This forced the government to split the vote into two phases. The government has promised a vote on an amendment to the constitution after Sunday's election, but the fragile ruling coalition is struggling to get a majority in parliament to pass the bill. (AFP)

Nepal votes in first local elections in 20 years

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>In less than three months after becoming prime minister in May 2014, Narendra Modi had visited Nepal and addressed its Constituent Assembly. Nepal was then in the process of finalising its Constitution in the backdrop of the Madhesi demand to have a greater say and representation in the policymaking process. Modi offered some advice to members of the Constituent Assembly, saying that a consensual and not majority-driven approach was needed to shape the Constitution; that the Constitution integrated the nation&rsquo;s past, present and history. The prime minister hastened to underline that India did not wish to interfere in the affairs of its neighbour but merely to support it.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Neither did Modi forget to applaud the nation for preferring the ballot over the bullet. In this case, the prime minister was, of course, referring to the Pushpa Kamal Dahal &lsquo;Prachanda&rsquo;-led communist party&rsquo;s discontinuation of the 10-year long People&rsquo;s War and its decision to join the national mainstream politics.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>That now seems so long ago. Nepal is still struggling to frame a Constitution acceptable to the Madhesi groups. Prachanda is now the prime minister of Nepal. When Modi made his speech, Prachanda&nbsp;was on the Opposition and had vigorously applauded the Indian prime minister&#39;s exhortations. He was then on the Madhesi side, having aligned with them after giving up the armed struggle. Prachanda&nbsp;understood and appreciated their concerns and seemed to know the solution almost as well as the agitated Madhesis did. And yet, today, he too like his immediate predecessors, finds himself in the dock for not having done the needful.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<p>The prominent Madhesi political outfits, now accumulated under the banner of the United Madhesi Democratic Front (UDMF), have withdrawn support from the Prachanda regime. They have threatened to disrupt the local body elections that are being held after a gap of two decades. Further, UDMF has pledged to intensify their agitation in support of their demand for changes in the Constitution, thus, squarely pitting themselves against their one-time ally.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>A desperate attempt was made to cool tempers with the registration of a joint amendment proposal to the Constitution, presented by Prachanda&rsquo;s CPN (Maoist Centre), the Nepali Congress, the Madhesi Front and the Rastriya Prajatantra Party, but that has not gone beyond the initial stage. Both Prachanda and the UDMF have blamed each other for being unreasonable and rigid.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>India is caught in a bind. It has traditionally backed the Madhesis, to the extent that it has been accused by assorted politicians in Nepal of not just inciting the Madhesis but also interfering in that country&rsquo;s internal affairs. Last year&rsquo;s memory of the blockade is still fresh in the minds of people on both sides of the open border. Kathmandu, which then had a government led by KPS OIi, had openly accused New Delhi of inflaming passions and backing the blockade put up by agitating Madhesi mobs.&nbsp;</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>New Delhi is apprehensive of yet another bout of violent protests by the Madhesi groups but is also acutely aware of Prachanda&rsquo;s failure</h5>
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<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>A bunch of Nepalese politicians, probably to deflect attention from their failure to effectively address the grievances of the Madhesi community, sought to build a strong anti-India sentiment. They did succeed to the extent of undoing the goodwill that Modi&rsquo;s visits had created. But that failed to settle their internal problem. New Delhi is apprehensive of yet another bout of violent protests by the Madhesi groups but is also acutely aware of Prachanda&rsquo;s failure so far to tackle the matter to the satisfaction of all. It would have preferred to keep away but it cannot because unrest in Nepal has ramifications for India.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>Prime Minister Prachanda has added to the dilemma by calling up Modi and seeking his help in the conduct of the local body polls. The Indian prime minister has assured of support. It&rsquo;s unclear what form that support is supposed to take, but it cannot be in the shape of any direct intervention. The UDMF is understandably upset at New Delhi&rsquo;s readiness to extend cooperation because it had expected India to use its leverage to persuade the Prachanda regime to accept at least a few of their key demands straightaway. Given this background, the Madhesis are unlikely to now heed any word of advice from India.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>New Delhi has issues other than the Madhesi problem to contend with, vis-a-vis Nepal. It does not want to alienate Kathmandu at a time when China is making big pushes into that country, luring Kathmandu with road and rail projects. During the blockade period of nearly four months, Nepal had turned to Beijing for the supply of essential goods, and China had readily obliged. Though the extent of material help Beijing can give to Nepal, and in time, is severely limited by geographical constraints, the fact that Kathmandu is drawing closer to the China orbit, is not something that New Delhi can be comfortable with.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

<p>The problem, though, is: Regardless of the support India extends to the Prachanda government &mdash; and to that which may come in its place &mdash; it will neither be able to cut itself off from the Madhesi issue nor be able to pre-empt the feeling that when it comes to the crunch, New Delhi will stand by the Madhesis. The historical and cultural baggage is far too big to be ignored. Besides, a strong section of the Indian political class, despite having a soft corner for the Prachanda-led communists, is deeply aligned with the Madhesi cause and is likely to pressure the government to walk the middle path.</p>

<p>&nbsp;</p>

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<h5>Over the decades, various Nepalese politicians and even the intelligentsia there have accused India&rsquo;s R&amp;AW of fomenting trouble in the Himalayan kingdom.</h5>
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<p>Allegations of Indian interference have been levelled before &mdash; even during the times of monarchy &mdash; and they will be made time and again. The monarchy, it may be recalled, had rebuffed the Indian representative Karan Singh when he had gone to Nepal with a message from the Indian leadership to see reason and step aside in 2006. King Gyanendra did quit, ending a 14-month long direct reign, but not before snubbing Karan Singh and accusing India of forcing his hand.&nbsp;</p>

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<p>Organisations in Nepal, fighting for an end to the monarchy, should have been grateful for the Indian intervention. Many were, but there was dismay among the Nepali Congress and the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist Leninist), who believed that New Delhi had supported Prachanda&rsquo;s outfit at the cost of their own. Over the decades, various Nepalese politicians and even the intelligentsia there have accused India&rsquo;s R&amp;AW of fomenting trouble in the Himalayan kingdom.</p>

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<p>The present argument is that the Madhesi grouping should allow local body elections to be held in a peaceful and fair manner and then use the goodwill so generated to coax the Prachanda government into acceding to its demands. Disruptions at this stage would only worsen the situation and delay a resolution. Prachanda has already promised a solution following the by-polls. But the Madhesis seem to have lost all faith in the Nepalese prime minister. These are anxious moments for India.</p>


Evidently, the Indian-origin Madhesi community in Nepal has lost faith in Prime Minister Prachanda

In less than three months after becoming prime minister in May 2014, Narendra Modi had visited Nepal and addressed its Constituent Assembly. Nepal was then in the process of finalising its Constitution in the backdrop of the Madhesi demand to have a greater say and representation in the policymaking process. Modi offered some advice to members of the Constituent Assembly, saying that a consensual and not majority-driven approach was needed to shape the Constitution; that the Constitution integrated the nation’s past, present and history. The prime minister hastened to underline that India did not wish to interfere in the affairs of its neighbour but merely to support it. Neither did Modi forget to applaud the nation for preferring the ballot over the bullet. In this case, the prime minister was, of course, referring to the Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’-led communist party’s discontinuation of the 10-year long People’s War and its decision to join the national mainstream politics. That now seems so long ago. Nepal is still struggling to frame a Constitution acceptable to the Madhesi groups. Prachanda is now the prime minister of Nepal. When Modi made his speech, Prachanda was on the Opposition and had vigorously applauded the Indian prime minister's exhortations. He was then on the Madhesi side, having aligned with them after giving up the armed struggle. Prachanda understood and appreciated their concerns and seemed to know the solution almost as well as the agitated Madhesis did. And yet, today, he too like his immediate predecessors, finds himself in the dock for not having done the needful. Both Prachanda and the UDMF have blamed each other for being unreasonable and rigid. × The prominent Madhesi political outfits, now accumulated under the banner of the United Madhesi Democratic Front (UDMF), have withdrawn support from the Prachanda regime. They have threatened to disrupt the local body elections that are being held after a gap of two decades. Further, UDMF has pledged to intensify their agitation in support of their demand for changes in the Constitution, thus, squarely pitting themselves against their one-time ally. A desperate attempt was made to cool tempers with the registration of a joint amendment proposal to the Constitution, presented by Prachanda’s CPN (Maoist Centre), the Nepali Congress, the Madhesi Front and the Rastriya Prajatantra Party, but that has not gone beyond the initial stage. Both Prachanda and the UDMF have blamed each other for being unreasonable and rigid. India is caught in a bind. It has traditionally backed the Madhesis, to the extent that it has been accused by assorted politicians in Nepal of not just inciting the Madhesis but also interfering in that country’s internal affairs. Last year’s memory of the blockade is still fresh in the minds of people on both sides of the open border. Kathmandu, which then had a government led by KPS OIi, had openly accused New Delhi of inflaming passions and backing the blockade put up by agitating Madhesi mobs. New Delhi is apprehensive of yet another bout of violent protests by the Madhesi groups but is also acutely aware of Prachanda’s failure × A bunch of Nepalese politicians, probably to deflect attention from their failure to effectively address the grievances of the Madhesi community, sought to build a strong anti-India sentiment. They did succeed to the extent of undoing the goodwill that Modi’s visits had created. But that failed to settle their internal problem. New Delhi is apprehensive of yet another bout of violent protests by the Madhesi groups but is also acutely aware of Prachanda’s failure so far to tackle the matter to the satisfaction of all. It would have preferred to keep away but it cannot because unrest in Nepal has ramifications for India. Prime Minister Prachanda has added to the dilemma by calling up Modi and seeking his help in the conduct of the local body polls. The Indian prime minister has assured of support. It’s unclear what form that support is supposed to take, but it cannot be in the shape of any direct intervention. The UDMF is understandably upset at New Delhi’s readiness to extend cooperation because it had expected India to use its leverage to persuade the Prachanda regime to accept at least a few of their key demands straightaway. Given this background, the Madhesis are unlikely to now heed any word of advice from India. New Delhi has issues other than the Madhesi problem to contend with, vis-a-vis Nepal. It does not want to alienate Kathmandu at a time when China is making big pushes into that country, luring Kathmandu with road and rail projects. During the blockade period of nearly four months, Nepal had turned to Beijing for the supply of essential goods, and China had readily obliged. Though the extent of material help Beijing can give to Nepal, and in time, is severely limited by geographical constraints, the fact that Kathmandu is drawing closer to the China orbit, is not something that New Delhi can be comfortable with. The problem, though, is: Regardless of the support India extends to the Prachanda government — and to that which may come in its place — it will neither be able to cut itself off from the Madhesi issue nor be able to pre-empt the feeling that when it comes to the crunch, New Delhi will stand by the Madhesis. The historical and cultural baggage is far too big to be ignored. Besides, a strong section of the Indian political class, despite having a soft corner for the Prachanda-led communists, is deeply aligned with the Madhesi cause and is likely to pressure the government to walk the middle path. Over the decades, various Nepalese politicians and even the intelligentsia there have accused India’s R&AW of fomenting trouble in the Himalayan kingdom. × Allegations of Indian interference have been levelled before — even during the times of monarchy — and they will be made time and again. The monarchy, it may be recalled, had rebuffed the Indian representative Karan Singh when he had gone to Nepal with a message from the Indian leadership to see reason and step aside in 2006. King Gyanendra did quit, ending a 14-month long direct reign, but not before snubbing Karan Singh and accusing India of forcing his hand. Organisations in Nepal, fighting for an end to the monarchy, should have been grateful for the Indian intervention. Many were, but there was dismay among the Nepali Congress and the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist Leninist), who believed that New Delhi had supported Prachanda’s outfit at the cost of their own. Over the decades, various Nepalese politicians and even the intelligentsia there have accused India’s R&AW of fomenting trouble in the Himalayan kingdom. The present argument is that the Madhesi grouping should allow local body elections to be held in a peaceful and fair manner and then use the goodwill so generated to coax the Prachanda government into acceding to its demands. Disruptions at this stage would only worsen the situation and delay a resolution. Prachanda has already promised a solution following the by-polls. But the Madhesis seem to have lost all faith in the Nepalese prime minister. These are anxious moments for India.

Prachanda and Madhesi: India is troubled by the political crisis in Nepal

<p>Nepal police today arrested a prominent Madhesi activist who has been advocating an independent Madhes, for allegedly committing &quot;organised crime against the state&quot;.</p>

<p>CK Raut, who is active in the tarai demanding that the southern plains be separated from Nepal, was arrested at a time when the government was being criticised for doing nothing to those who have been openly talking about disintegrating the country.</p>

<p>Following complaints, Siraha district police office had written to the Dhanusha district police, asking the latter to arrest Raut on the charge of &quot;organised crime against the state&quot;, My Republica reported.</p>

<p>Dhanusha District Police chief SP Lalmani Acharya said that Raut will be handed over to Siraha police soon.</p>

<p>United under banner of Alliance for Independent Madhes (AIM), Raut and his supporters have been organising gatherings in various parts of the country advocating an independent Madhes.</p>

<p>At a function organised on the premises of Pashupati Adarsha Higher Secondary School on January 18, Raut had spoken for about 11 minutes in which he had publicly stated that the tarai should seceded from Nepal.</p>

<p>Issuing a statement, Raut&#39;s supporters have also confirmed his arrest. &quot;Nepali state has yet again shown its racist color by arresting Dr Raut from Janakpur in an undemocratic manner,&quot; said a statement issued by Kailash Mahato.</p>

<p>A scientist by profession, Raut holds a PhD from Cambridge University and had worked in the US.</p>

<p>(PTI)</p>


The arrest comes at a time when the government has been criticised for not doing enough against those advocating secessionism

Nepal police today arrested a prominent Madhesi activist who has been advocating an independent Madhes, for allegedly committing "organised crime against the state". CK Raut, who is active in the tarai demanding that the southern plains be separated from Nepal, was arrested at a time when the government was being criticised for doing nothing to those who have been openly talking about disintegrating the country. Following complaints, Siraha district police office had written to the Dhanusha district police, asking the latter to arrest Raut on the charge of "organised crime against the state", My Republica reported. Dhanusha District Police chief SP Lalmani Acharya said that Raut will be handed over to Siraha police soon. United under banner of Alliance for Independent Madhes (AIM), Raut and his supporters have been organising gatherings in various parts of the country advocating an independent Madhes. At a function organised on the premises of Pashupati Adarsha Higher Secondary School on January 18, Raut had spoken for about 11 minutes in which he had publicly stated that the tarai should seceded from Nepal. Issuing a statement, Raut's supporters have also confirmed his arrest. "Nepali state has yet again shown its racist color by arresting Dr Raut from Janakpur in an undemocratic manner," said a statement issued by Kailash Mahato. A scientist by profession, Raut holds a PhD from Cambridge University and had worked in the US. (PTI)

Nepal: Prominent Madhesi rights activist arrested

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