Six out of seven phases are over for Lok Sabha elections, 2019. The fate of candidates in 90 per cent of the Parliament strength has been sealed.&nbsp;

Ground feedback, journalists and commentators differ in opinions on who is leading at the end of Phase six.

Some opinions are also coloured by their respective ideologies. Many experts claim there is a significant undercurrent, but are hesitant to call out the election outcome. The Indian voter is smart and is likely to have the last laugh on May 23, the day of the results. &nbsp;

While this election is being touted as wave-less, the 2014 verdict was clear from the onset. UPA-2, reeling under scams and a mega onslaught by Narendra Modi, was predicted to lose.&nbsp;

A year ago (in 2018), 2019 elections was a done deal. Rahul and Congress were preparing for 2024. A setback in Karnataka and losses in three Hindi heartland states put the BJP on the back foot.&nbsp;

Most opinion polls predicted a hung assembly in December 2018 and January 2019. Then in the aftermath of Pulwama and air strike 2.0, NDA’s fortunes revived. &nbsp;

The last of the polls showed NDA a few seats short of majority in April 2019. The fortunes of alliances have been swinging like a pendulum with NDA clearly ahead of others. While the BJP-led alliance is aiming to get to a majority, UPA and others are aiming to beat the NDA.&nbsp;

Many factors affect the voting behaviour of an individual. For some voters, issues are very important while for others, leadership matters; there are also those who back a particular candidate, caste, performance of government, ideology and whether he/she is a beneficiary of government scheme or not, among other motivating factors. &nbsp;&nbsp;

Also, it may not just be one factor but a combination of factors that affects voting behaviour.&nbsp;

Unemployment, corruption, price rise, farm distress and development are subjects, which feature regularly in the top 5 issues across elections in India.

While during the 2014 elections, price rise and corruption were the top 2 issues, in 2009 it was unemployment and price rise. Issues alone may not be the sole determinant of election outcomes.&nbsp;

As I travel across the country in my profession as a political consultant, many people ask me who will win the 2019 elections. For me the biggest question of 2019 election is, when one goes to vote, is he/she voting to elect a Prime Minister or elect a Member of Parliament?

In India, elections are increasingly becoming a presidential style. If more and more people go out and vote to elect a PM, BJP has the advantage. If more and more people go out and vote to elect their local representative, then it is advantage opposition, as BJP has most MPs and will have to bear the brunt of non-performance of some of them.&nbsp;

Modi’s persona has helped BJP attain a simple majority on its own, in 2014, a feat accomplished after 30 years.&nbsp;

The Centre for Study of Developing Societies (CSDS) carried out a National Election Study 2014, which asked respondents, “While voting some people give importance to the local candidate, others to the state-level leadership of the party and some others to the prime ministerial candidate. How would you describe yourself?”&nbsp;

About 28 per cent voters gave importance to PM candidate and 26 per cent to the local candidate. The PM candidate was the topmost issue. What is this percentage likely to be in 2019, will determine the end results.&nbsp;

Modi’s popularity is still intact and this is even acknowledged by his detractors.&nbsp;

A middle-aged Uber driver in Delhi tells me he has a voter ID in Aligarh. He voted and believes that BJP is winning from there. The vote is not for the candidate, but for Modi.

From relatives in Bihar to voters in Bhubaneswar to cab drivers in Shimla, most people believe Modi is the panacea of most ills: from taking on poverty to teaching Pakistan a lesson. They also believe that while state governments could be different, at the Centre there is only Modi who can deliver the goods. &nbsp;&nbsp;

On Facebook live of Lallan Top, a popular online news portal, whose reporters are travelling through the length and breadth of Uttar Pradesh, many people on camera have been heard saying, “If there was no Modi, the BJP candidates would have lost their security deposits.”

These elections are turning out to be a vote either for Modi or against Modi. Whatever seats BJP and its allies get will be primarily because of him. The party realises this and that is why it has coined slogans like ‘Modi hai to mumkin hai’, ‘Phir ek baar Modi sarkar’. Everybody, obviously, is eagerly waiting for May 23. That clearly is the D-Day.&nbsp;

&nbsp;(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the&nbsp;<a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-the-prime-minister-as-president-2748978">original article)</a>

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)&nbsp;

 
&nbsp;

Six out of seven phases are over for Lok Sabha elections, 2019. The fate of candidates in 90 per cent of the Parliament strength has been sealed. Ground feedback, journalists and commentators differ in opinions on who is leading at the end of Phase six.

Six out of seven phases are over for Lok Sabha elections, 2019. The fate of candidates in 90 per cent of the Parliament strength has been sealed. Ground feedback, journalists and commentators differ in opinions on who is leading at the end of Phase six. Some opinions are also coloured by their respective ideologies. Many experts claim there is a significant undercurrent, but are hesitant to call out the election outcome. The Indian voter is smart and is likely to have the last laugh on May 23, the day of the results. While this election is being touted as wave-less, the 2014 verdict was clear from the onset. UPA-2, reeling under scams and a mega onslaught by Narendra Modi, was predicted to lose. A year ago (in 2018), 2019 elections was a done deal. Rahul and Congress were preparing for 2024. A setback in Karnataka and losses in three Hindi heartland states put the BJP on the back foot. Most opinion polls predicted a hung assembly in December 2018 and January 2019. Then in the aftermath of Pulwama and air strike 2.0, NDA’s fortunes revived. The last of the polls showed NDA a few seats short of majority in April 2019. The fortunes of alliances have been swinging like a pendulum with NDA clearly ahead of others. While the BJP-led alliance is aiming to get to a majority, UPA and others are aiming to beat the NDA. Many factors affect the voting behaviour of an individual. For some voters, issues are very important while for others, leadership matters; there are also those who back a particular candidate, caste, performance of government, ideology and whether he/she is a beneficiary of government scheme or not, among other motivating factors. Also, it may not just be one factor but a combination of factors that affects voting behaviour. Unemployment, corruption, price rise, farm distress and development are subjects, which feature regularly in the top 5 issues across elections in India. While during the 2014 elections, price rise and corruption were the top 2 issues, in 2009 it was unemployment and price rise. Issues alone may not be the sole determinant of election outcomes. As I travel across the country in my profession as a political consultant, many people ask me who will win the 2019 elections. For me the biggest question of 2019 election is, when one goes to vote, is he/she voting to elect a Prime Minister or elect a Member of Parliament? In India, elections are increasingly becoming a presidential style. If more and more people go out and vote to elect a PM, BJP has the advantage. If more and more people go out and vote to elect their local representative, then it is advantage opposition, as BJP has most MPs and will have to bear the brunt of non-performance of some of them. Modi’s persona has helped BJP attain a simple majority on its own, in 2014, a feat accomplished after 30 years. The Centre for Study of Developing Societies (CSDS) carried out a National Election Study 2014, which asked respondents, “While voting some people give importance to the local candidate, others to the state-level leadership of the party and some others to the prime ministerial candidate. How would you describe yourself?” About 28 per cent voters gave importance to PM candidate and 26 per cent to the local candidate. The PM candidate was the topmost issue. What is this percentage likely to be in 2019, will determine the end results. Modi’s popularity is still intact and this is even acknowledged by his detractors. A middle-aged Uber driver in Delhi tells me he has a voter ID in Aligarh. He voted and believes that BJP is winning from there. The vote is not for the candidate, but for Modi. From relatives in Bihar to voters in Bhubaneswar to cab drivers in Shimla, most people believe Modi is the panacea of most ills: from taking on poverty to teaching Pakistan a lesson. They also believe that while state governments could be different, at the Centre there is only Modi who can deliver the goods. On Facebook live of Lallan Top, a popular online news portal, whose reporters are travelling through the length and breadth of Uttar Pradesh, many people on camera have been heard saying, “If there was no Modi, the BJP candidates would have lost their security deposits.” These elections are turning out to be a vote either for Modi or against Modi. Whatever seats BJP and its allies get will be primarily because of him. The party realises this and that is why it has coined slogans like ‘Modi hai to mumkin hai’, ‘Phir ek baar Modi sarkar’. Everybody, obviously, is eagerly waiting for May 23. That clearly is the D-Day. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Narendra Modi’s popularity is still intact and this is even acknowledged by his detractors

The general elections 2019 is moving towards closure, with six out of seven phases already over. All eyes are now on the counting.

It is not surprising that the issue of counting of Voter Verifiable Paper Audit Trails (VVPATs) has become hot once again.&nbsp;

The decision to introduce VVPATs as a measure to make electronic voting machines (EVMs) transparent was taken in 2010 when a meeting of all political parties arrived at a consensus that this was the ultimate answer.

Finding the suggestion reasonable, the Election Commission (EC) immediately accepted it and asked the two EVM manufacturers, BEL and ECIL, to design the VVPAT machines. An independent committee of experts consisting of five professors from different IITs was tasked to oversee the design and the manufacturing process.

A series of trials were held, followed by a full-day election simulation in July 2011 in five climatically diverse cities– namely Cherrapunji, Delhi, Jaisalmer, Leh, and Thiruvananthapuram.

Since many bugs were noticed, the trial was repeated after addressing them in July 2012 at exactly the same places. Only after making sure that they were technologically sound and climatically dependable, were the VVPATs initially deployed in 20,000 polling booths successfully. Subsequently, all constituencies were equipped with VVPATs.&nbsp;

In 2013, the Supreme Court also lauded the EC’s decision to use VVPATs and directed the government to release adequate funds for their procurement for the 2019 elections. The machines that kept coming in were randomly deployed. From 2017 onwards, all state elections have been conducted with EVMs attached with VVPATs.

What was the counting procedure? Slips generated by one VVPAT in each assembly constituency were counted. Of the 1,500 machines counted so far, according to the EC, not a single mismatch was found.

In various elections, however, many VVPAT machines malfunctioned. The chief election commissioner (CEC) righty clarified that malfunctioning is different from the rigging.

During the by-elections in Bihar and UP, and the Karnataka assembly elections last year, VVPAT glitches resulted in machine replacement rates of 4 to 20 per cent.

These were largely due to issues in the print unit, which is sensitive to weather. With hardware changes introduced in the machines, the glitches came down to 2 per cent for the Chhattisgarh Assembly elections.

While the debate is going on, I had offered an out-of-the-box solution: Let the top two runners up in every constituency choose any two VVPATs to be counted. As they have the highest stake in the results, they will choose the ones they are most suspicious about.

This is analogous to the Decision Review System in the game of cricket, in which two referrals are allowed for each team. Ever since its introduction, violent disputes about the controversial decisions taken by the umpire have all but disappeared.

This would do away with a large random sample being demanded at present, as only four machines will have to be counted per constituency. In case any mismatch is detected, all machines in the constituency must be counted.

In March, as many as 21 opposition parties moved the Supreme Court demanding that 50 per cent of the total slips be tallied. The SC asked the Commission to increase the sample size of the tally from one booth per assembly constituency to five assembly segments of each Lok Sabha constituency “for better voter confidence and credibility of electoral process”.

The court said that the move will ensure the “greatest degree of accuracy and satisfaction” in the electoral process.

On April 24, the same 21 parties approached the SC again with a review petition, citing concerns related to the first two phases of polling and the “unreliability” of the EVMs.

On May 7, it was turned down with the court saying that “we are not inclined to modify our order”.

I wonder how these parties expected the apex to review its decision, which was taken after great deliberation, when no new facts had emerged justifying the return to the court.

Surprisingly, the issue which should have been discussed and debated is still unattended: What happens if the VVPAT count doesn’t match the EVM count? Even one mismatch is enough to create doubts about the other machines as well.

The current provision is that if there is a mismatch, the VVPAT will prevail. This is fine if the mismatch corresponds to the figures of the mock poll, which have not been deleted.

In all other mismatch cases, perhaps all machines in the constituency should then be counted. The apex court has called for “better voter confidence and credibility of the electoral process.”

If it takes time, so be it. After all, that was the purpose behind the introduction of VVPATs. This can be tried out on a pilot basis. There may not be many such cases, if at all, as evident from the experience of 1,500 machines, which didn’t throw up any mismatches, but public confidence will be ensured.&nbsp;

The Commission may convene an all-party meeting, yet again, as concerns are serious and the stakes extremely high. My experience in dealing with political parties is that with open-minded dialogue, consensus does emerge. Clarity of procedures is required before the counting day approaches. Time is running out.

(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-the-politician-and-the-machine-2748683">original article)</a>

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)&nbsp;

The general elections 2019 is moving towards closure, with six out of seven phases already over. All eyes are now on the counting. It is not surprising that the issue of counting of Voter Verifiable Paper Audit Trails (VVPATs) has become hot once again.

The general elections 2019 is moving towards closure, with six out of seven phases already over. All eyes are now on the counting. It is not surprising that the issue of counting of Voter Verifiable Paper Audit Trails (VVPATs) has become hot once again. The decision to introduce VVPATs as a measure to make electronic voting machines (EVMs) transparent was taken in 2010 when a meeting of all political parties arrived at a consensus that this was the ultimate answer. Finding the suggestion reasonable, the Election Commission (EC) immediately accepted it and asked the two EVM manufacturers, BEL and ECIL, to design the VVPAT machines. An independent committee of experts consisting of five professors from different IITs was tasked to oversee the design and the manufacturing process. A series of trials were held, followed by a full-day election simulation in July 2011 in five climatically diverse cities– namely Cherrapunji, Delhi, Jaisalmer, Leh, and Thiruvananthapuram. Since many bugs were noticed, the trial was repeated after addressing them in July 2012 at exactly the same places. Only after making sure that they were technologically sound and climatically dependable, were the VVPATs initially deployed in 20,000 polling booths successfully. Subsequently, all constituencies were equipped with VVPATs. In 2013, the Supreme Court also lauded the EC’s decision to use VVPATs and directed the government to release adequate funds for their procurement for the 2019 elections. The machines that kept coming in were randomly deployed. From 2017 onwards, all state elections have been conducted with EVMs attached with VVPATs. What was the counting procedure? Slips generated by one VVPAT in each assembly constituency were counted. Of the 1,500 machines counted so far, according to the EC, not a single mismatch was found. In various elections, however, many VVPAT machines malfunctioned. The chief election commissioner (CEC) righty clarified that malfunctioning is different from the rigging. During the by-elections in Bihar and UP, and the Karnataka assembly elections last year, VVPAT glitches resulted in machine replacement rates of 4 to 20 per cent. These were largely due to issues in the print unit, which is sensitive to weather. With hardware changes introduced in the machines, the glitches came down to 2 per cent for the Chhattisgarh Assembly elections. While the debate is going on, I had offered an out-of-the-box solution: Let the top two runners up in every constituency choose any two VVPATs to be counted. As they have the highest stake in the results, they will choose the ones they are most suspicious about. This is analogous to the Decision Review System in the game of cricket, in which two referrals are allowed for each team. Ever since its introduction, violent disputes about the controversial decisions taken by the umpire have all but disappeared. This would do away with a large random sample being demanded at present, as only four machines will have to be counted per constituency. In case any mismatch is detected, all machines in the constituency must be counted. In March, as many as 21 opposition parties moved the Supreme Court demanding that 50 per cent of the total slips be tallied. The SC asked the Commission to increase the sample size of the tally from one booth per assembly constituency to five assembly segments of each Lok Sabha constituency “for better voter confidence and credibility of electoral process”. The court said that the move will ensure the “greatest degree of accuracy and satisfaction” in the electoral process. On April 24, the same 21 parties approached the SC again with a review petition, citing concerns related to the first two phases of polling and the “unreliability” of the EVMs. On May 7, it was turned down with the court saying that “we are not inclined to modify our order”. I wonder how these parties expected the apex to review its decision, which was taken after great deliberation, when no new facts had emerged justifying the return to the court. Surprisingly, the issue which should have been discussed and debated is still unattended: What happens if the VVPAT count doesn’t match the EVM count? Even one mismatch is enough to create doubts about the other machines as well. The current provision is that if there is a mismatch, the VVPAT will prevail. This is fine if the mismatch corresponds to the figures of the mock poll, which have not been deleted. In all other mismatch cases, perhaps all machines in the constituency should then be counted. The apex court has called for “better voter confidence and credibility of the electoral process.” If it takes time, so be it. After all, that was the purpose behind the introduction of VVPATs. This can be tried out on a pilot basis. There may not be many such cases, if at all, as evident from the experience of 1,500 machines, which didn’t throw up any mismatches, but public confidence will be ensured. The Commission may convene an all-party meeting, yet again, as concerns are serious and the stakes extremely high. My experience in dealing with political parties is that with open-minded dialogue, consensus does emerge. Clarity of procedures is required before the counting day approaches. Time is running out. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

What happens if the VVPAT count doesn’t match the EVM count?

The elections are almost over. After exhaustive campaigning of more than seven weeks, the D-Day is approaching fast for all the political parties. So how did this election pan out? What's at stake? And which issues dominated the campaign? Here are the big takeaways from the seven-phase-long marathon election exercise:

Unabashed Hindutva

Unlike 2014, when the punch line was 'Gujarat model' and 'Sabka Saath Sabka Vikas'. 2019 election was untamed and unabashed Hindutva. The ruling party crossed certain lines which were not to be seen post-Babri Masjid demolition.&nbsp;

Most politicians, accused in the demolition row, went on to enjoy successful careers but none of them was charged under terror laws. The Ayodhya agitation remained a matter of faith and criminal cases revolved around the issue of law and order. Meanwhile, Pragya Singh was charged under terror laws and even then BJP gave her the ticket. The idea was to send a clear message that &nbsp;BJP’s first commitment remains the idea of undivided Hindu vote. It is for this reason, BJP by giving a ticket to Pragya Singh Thakur crossed the Rubicon where the idea of Hindu victimhood was enshrined on Pragya's living body.

This a big change from Vajpayee’s politics which looked for moderation once BJP acquired power. Throughout elections, BJP ensured that core voter remains mobilised on Hindutva even if a section of the middle class feels alienated. The question is whether mobilisation on the line of hard Hindutva ends up creating a stronger counter mobilisation or not? If the former stays strong then, BJP will be unaffected in Uttar Pradesh and if latter is the truth then BJP’s number, overall, will come down substantially in Lok Sabha.

For Modi or Against Modi but Only Modi

This is the first election which, in a small way, mimics 1989 election when Congress projected Rajiv Gandhi as the tallest leader and every other Opposition leader as an opportunist who by coming together wanted to defeat Congress party.&nbsp;

Well, Congress lost the election and rest remains history. The fact is that this election has only revolved around Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Even the major Opposition party, Congress, has not once said that Rahul Gandhi is the Prime Ministerial candidate. In almost all the interview, he has given, Rahul Gandhi has only spoken about ways to stop Modi but not once, he or his party has claimed that they have the capacity to cross 200 plus seats. The best bet for the Congress is to break into triple digits and ensure that Modi does not become the Prime Minister. The bottom line of the political discourse through the month has been that you can love Modi or hate Modi, but you cannot ignore Modi. So, people will either vote for Modi or against Modi, but he remains the cornerstone of the discourse.

Harvest Areas

Many political pundits ignore this aspect of politics. Generally, the focus remains on constituencies which a party can win. BJP, like Congress in past, has focused on constituencies it has not won before and has drawn a list of 150 such seats. Not only BJP has focused on the non-traditional seats, but it has also doubled its efforts in non-traditional areas like Kerala, West Bengal and Odisha, this time around. In case, BJP gets a simple majority on its own, the performance in these areas would require closer examination.&nbsp;

Congress surge in 2009 also took place on similar lines. Congress was able to win seats which they had not won in the past 20 years in both Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh. Mandsaur Lok Sabha constituency in Madhya Pradesh and constituencies like Ballia and Maharajganj in Uttar Pradesh are examples in case.&nbsp;

Congress president Rahul Gandhi too made an attempt to repeat the same in 2012 assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh by identifying tough seats but failed for the lack of clear leadership in the state. Congress has failed to reinvent its self in states which it has lost to regional parties. The latest example is that of Telangana and Andhra Pradesh. BJP, on the other hand, has organisationally expanded into unchartered waters like North East and swept states like Tripura and Assam

Priyanka’s Launch

She was the surprise package and help for much occupied Rahul Gandhi. It is difficult to say as to how much impact she has had on the electorate, but she definitely chewed into the media space of BJP. My personal opinion is that her campaign had no impact in the Eastern Uttar Pradesh, but she did provide much-required publicity to the Congress Party. She was able to enthuse party workers in Uttar Pradesh and create a positive during her campaign. In fact, she generated more publicity than Rahul Gandhi during her tours in Uttar Pradesh.

Agriculture is Back

After two long decades, agriculture as an electoral issue is back on the drawing table. From 1991 onwards, agriculture faded away from active public discourse with the emerging middle class and economic liberalisation. Even the tag lines reflected the new mood which ranged from Shining India to 'Congress ka Hath Aam Aadmi Ke Saath' to 'Singh is King' to 'Sabka Saath Sabka Vikas'. After shocking defeat in Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan, BJP had to go back to the drawing room and ended up announcing massive subsidies to counter Congress whose campaign was only around waiver of farmers debt. It led to a large number of editorials being written on the farming community and new policy, required to end the agricultural crisis.

Regional Parties: Restoration of Balance?

For the first time after 1996, regional parties can play a big role in making of the new government. In likely hood, NDA++ is expected to form the government but regional players will have a strong say. DMK, TMC, YSRCP, TRS, BJD and SP-BSP alliance will play an important role in the formation of the government in New Delhi. SP-BSP can be a deal breaker and YSRCP and TRS may end up providing oxygen to NDA, if it falls short of majority though, as of now, TRS is campaigning for a Federal Front. 
 
This list can grow if&nbsp;BJD also decides to support BJP but the fact remains that regional parties will have a lot say in this election.

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

The elections are almost over. After exhaustive campaigning of more than seven weeks, the D-Day is approaching fast for all the political parties. So how did this election pan out?

The elections are almost over. After exhaustive campaigning of more than seven weeks, the D-Day is approaching fast for all the political parties. So how did this election pan out? What's at stake? And which issues dominated the campaign? Here are the big takeaways from the seven-phase-long marathon election exercise: Unabashed Hindutva Unlike 2014, when the punch line was 'Gujarat model' and 'Sabka Saath Sabka Vikas'. 2019 election was untamed and unabashed Hindutva. The ruling party crossed certain lines which were not to be seen post-Babri Masjid demolition. Most politicians, accused in the demolition row, went on to enjoy successful careers but none of them was charged under terror laws. The Ayodhya agitation remained a matter of faith and criminal cases revolved around the issue of law and order. Meanwhile, Pragya Singh was charged under terror laws and even then BJP gave her the ticket. The idea was to send a clear message that BJP’s first commitment remains the idea of undivided Hindu vote. It is for this reason, BJP by giving a ticket to Pragya Singh Thakur crossed the Rubicon where the idea of Hindu victimhood was enshrined on Pragya's living body. This a big change from Vajpayee’s politics which looked for moderation once BJP acquired power. Throughout elections, BJP ensured that core voter remains mobilised on Hindutva even if a section of the middle class feels alienated. The question is whether mobilisation on the line of hard Hindutva ends up creating a stronger counter mobilisation or not? If the former stays strong then, BJP will be unaffected in Uttar Pradesh and if latter is the truth then BJP’s number, overall, will come down substantially in Lok Sabha. For Modi or Against Modi but Only Modi This is the first election which, in a small way, mimics 1989 election when Congress projected Rajiv Gandhi as the tallest leader and every other Opposition leader as an opportunist who by coming together wanted to defeat Congress party. Well, Congress lost the election and rest remains history. The fact is that this election has only revolved around Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Even the major Opposition party, Congress, has not once said that Rahul Gandhi is the Prime Ministerial candidate. In almost all the interview, he has given, Rahul Gandhi has only spoken about ways to stop Modi but not once, he or his party has claimed that they have the capacity to cross 200 plus seats. The best bet for the Congress is to break into triple digits and ensure that Modi does not become the Prime Minister. The bottom line of the political discourse through the month has been that you can love Modi or hate Modi, but you cannot ignore Modi. So, people will either vote for Modi or against Modi, but he remains the cornerstone of the discourse. Harvest Areas Many political pundits ignore this aspect of politics. Generally, the focus remains on constituencies which a party can win. BJP, like Congress in past, has focused on constituencies it has not won before and has drawn a list of 150 such seats. Not only BJP has focused on the non-traditional seats, but it has also doubled its efforts in non-traditional areas like Kerala, West Bengal and Odisha, this time around. In case, BJP gets a simple majority on its own, the performance in these areas would require closer examination. Congress surge in 2009 also took place on similar lines. Congress was able to win seats which they had not won in the past 20 years in both Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh. Mandsaur Lok Sabha constituency in Madhya Pradesh and constituencies like Ballia and Maharajganj in Uttar Pradesh are examples in case. Congress president Rahul Gandhi too made an attempt to repeat the same in 2012 assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh by identifying tough seats but failed for the lack of clear leadership in the state. Congress has failed to reinvent its self in states which it has lost to regional parties. The latest example is that of Telangana and Andhra Pradesh. BJP, on the other hand, has organisationally expanded into unchartered waters like North East and swept states like Tripura and Assam Priyanka’s Launch She was the surprise package and help for much occupied Rahul Gandhi. It is difficult to say as to how much impact she has had on the electorate, but she definitely chewed into the media space of BJP. My personal opinion is that her campaign had no impact in the Eastern Uttar Pradesh, but she did provide much-required publicity to the Congress Party. She was able to enthuse party workers in Uttar Pradesh and create a positive during her campaign. In fact, she generated more publicity than Rahul Gandhi during her tours in Uttar Pradesh. Agriculture is Back After two long decades, agriculture as an electoral issue is back on the drawing table. From 1991 onwards, agriculture faded away from active public discourse with the emerging middle class and economic liberalisation. Even the tag lines reflected the new mood which ranged from Shining India to 'Congress ka Hath Aam Aadmi Ke Saath' to 'Singh is King' to 'Sabka Saath Sabka Vikas'. After shocking defeat in Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan, BJP had to go back to the drawing room and ended up announcing massive subsidies to counter Congress whose campaign was only around waiver of farmers debt. It led to a large number of editorials being written on the farming community and new policy, required to end the agricultural crisis. Regional Parties: Restoration of Balance? For the first time after 1996, regional parties can play a big role in making of the new government. In likely hood, NDA++ is expected to form the government but regional players will have a strong say. DMK, TMC, YSRCP, TRS, BJD and SP-BSP alliance will play an important role in the formation of the government in New Delhi. SP-BSP can be a deal breaker and YSRCP and TRS may end up providing oxygen to NDA, if it falls short of majority though, as of now, TRS is campaigning for a Federal Front. This list can grow if BJD also decides to support BJP but the fact remains that regional parties will have a lot say in this election. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Lok Sabha polls 2019: Five key takeaways

India's famed political family - the Gandhis cast their vote in capital New Delhi in the penultimate phase of the mammoth Indian elections on Sunday (May 12).

India's Gandhi family members vote in New Delhi

As campaigning for the sixth phase of Lok Sabha elections in 59 constituencies ended Friday evening, over 10.17 crore voters across seven states will decide the fate of 979 candidates by casting their votes on May 12.

Phase 6: 10 Cr Indian voters to cast their vote on May 12

Watch this segment to know Lok Sabha elections related latest news.

Lok Sabha elections 2019: Watch latest election news

The leaders of opposition parties are reportedly contemplating a meeting between May 19 (the last phase of polling) and May 23 (when the results will be announced). The meeting will be held to decide the Prime Ministerial candidate of the national-level alliance - 'Mahagathbandhan'.

On the other hand, there has been another significant development, wherein Telangana Rashtra Samiti chief K Chandrashekhar Rao (KCR) revived his efforts to stitch a&nbsp;'third front'.

KCR met CPM leader and Kerala chief minister Pinarayi Vijayan to discuss&nbsp;the&nbsp;'national political scenario'. 
 
Vijayan, after the meeting, said&nbsp;that neither Congress nor BJP will get absolute majority and regional parties will play a key role in the formation of government at the Centre.

However, it's unlikely that Vijayan will back the federal front as CPM is a foe of BJP.

Rao is also scheduled to meet DMK chief Stalin on May 13, though reports say Stalin has turned down his proposal owing to his campaign schedule for the May 19 by-polls.

It's to be noted that DMK has an alliance with the Congress in Tamil Nadu and Stalin has already extended his support to the 'Mahagathbandhan.&nbsp;

He had also recommended Rahul Gandhi's name as the Mahagathbandhan's Prime Ministerial candidate.

Also, Congress has, time and again, accused KCR as the B-team of NDA. According to the party, KCR has been trying to forge a third front to help BJP, in case, the saffron party falls short of numbers.

Furthermore, there are reports which suggest KCR has reportedly asked JD(S) leader and Karnataka chief minister H D Kumaraswamy to help him strike a deal with the Congress. The Karnataka chief minister appears as a facilitator here because JD(S) and Congress alliance is in power in Karnataka and the Mahagathbandhan too has Kumaraswamy's backing.

KCR has probably realised that any alliance without Congress party's participation won't work. Congress is the main opposition party and Rahul Gandhi has emerged as a credible and confident leader. 
 
It's worth noting here that in the Assembly elections, Congress pulled off stunning victories in the three Hindi heartland states under the leadership of Rahul Gandhi

It may be recalled that KCR's arch rival and Andhra Pradesh chief minister, Chandrababu Naidu, too has realised the importance of Congress party's presence in the Mahagathbandhan. 
 
Keeping aside three decades of rivalry, Naidu had reached out to Rahul Gandhi and both the leaders stressed the need to come together to 'save democracy'.

At the national level, most opposition parties have already extended their support to Mahagathbandhan to take on BJP. Congress too is likely to join this national-level alliance.&nbsp;

Last year, KCR had approached several party leaders not aligned with Congress and BJP, including Odisha chief minister Naveen Patnaik, TMC chief Mamata Banerjee, Samajwadi Party president Akhilesh Yadav and Karnataka chief minister H D Kumaraswamy.

However, his effort had hit the speed bumps after most parties chose Mahagathbandhan over his federal front. So far, only YSR Congress chief YS Jaganmohan Reddy has openly backed him.

Mahagathbandhan, an idea floated by Mamata Banerjee and promoted by Chandrababu Naidu, also has the support of seasoned political leaders like Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) chief Sharad Pawar and National Conference (NC) chief Farooq Abdullah.

KCR's idea of a non-Congress front is too weak to take on BJP. And the only way he can garner the support of all like-minded opposition parties, to keep&nbsp;the BJP-led NDA out of power, is by seeking Congress's cooperation. 
 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.) 
&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

The leaders of opposition parties are reportedly contemplating a meeting between May 19 (the last phase of polling) and May 23 (when the results will be announced).

The leaders of opposition parties are reportedly contemplating a meeting between May 19 (the last phase of polling) and May 23 (when the results will be announced). The meeting will be held to decide the Prime Ministerial candidate of the national-level alliance - 'Mahagathbandhan'. On the other hand, there has been another significant development, wherein Telangana Rashtra Samiti chief K Chandrashekhar Rao (KCR) revived his efforts to stitch a 'third front'. KCR met CPM leader and Kerala chief minister Pinarayi Vijayan to discuss the 'national political scenario'. Vijayan, after the meeting, said that neither Congress nor BJP will get absolute majority and regional parties will play a key role in the formation of government at the Centre. However, it's unlikely that Vijayan will back the federal front as CPM is a foe of BJP. Rao is also scheduled to meet DMK chief Stalin on May 13, though reports say Stalin has turned down his proposal owing to his campaign schedule for the May 19 by-polls. It's to be noted that DMK has an alliance with the Congress in Tamil Nadu and Stalin has already extended his support to the 'Mahagathbandhan. He had also recommended Rahul Gandhi's name as the Mahagathbandhan's Prime Ministerial candidate. Also, Congress has, time and again, accused KCR as the B-team of NDA. According to the party, KCR has been trying to forge a third front to help BJP, in case, the saffron party falls short of numbers. Furthermore, there are reports which suggest KCR has reportedly asked JD(S) leader and Karnataka chief minister H D Kumaraswamy to help him strike a deal with the Congress. The Karnataka chief minister appears as a facilitator here because JD(S) and Congress alliance is in power in Karnataka and the Mahagathbandhan too has Kumaraswamy's backing. KCR has probably realised that any alliance without Congress party's participation won't work. Congress is the main opposition party and Rahul Gandhi has emerged as a credible and confident leader. It's worth noting here that in the Assembly elections, Congress pulled off stunning victories in the three Hindi heartland states under the leadership of Rahul Gandhi It may be recalled that KCR's arch rival and Andhra Pradesh chief minister, Chandrababu Naidu, too has realised the importance of Congress party's presence in the Mahagathbandhan. Keeping aside three decades of rivalry, Naidu had reached out to Rahul Gandhi and both the leaders stressed the need to come together to 'save democracy'. At the national level, most opposition parties have already extended their support to Mahagathbandhan to take on BJP. Congress too is likely to join this national-level alliance. Last year, KCR had approached several party leaders not aligned with Congress and BJP, including Odisha chief minister Naveen Patnaik, TMC chief Mamata Banerjee, Samajwadi Party president Akhilesh Yadav and Karnataka chief minister H D Kumaraswamy. However, his effort had hit the speed bumps after most parties chose Mahagathbandhan over his federal front. So far, only YSR Congress chief YS Jaganmohan Reddy has openly backed him. Mahagathbandhan, an idea floated by Mamata Banerjee and promoted by Chandrababu Naidu, also has the support of seasoned political leaders like Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) chief Sharad Pawar and National Conference (NC) chief Farooq Abdullah. KCR's idea of a non-Congress front is too weak to take on BJP. And the only way he can garner the support of all like-minded opposition parties, to keep the BJP-led NDA out of power, is by seeking Congress's cooperation. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

No takers for federal front: Has KCR realised his idea of a non-Congress front is too weak to take on BJP?

Watch this segment to know latest updates of Lok Sabha elections 2019.

Congress General Secretary Priyanka Gandhi Vadra and Congress North East Delhi candidate Sheila Dikshit holded a roadshow in Delhi on Wednesday. Watch this video to know more.

Priyanka Gandhi & PM Modi's war of words

Supreme Court of India dismisses second plea against Rahul Gandhi, Petition sought to debar Congress President from contesting elections. Watch this video to know more.

SC dismisses second plea against Rahul Gandhi

The fate of thousands of candidates in Odisha has been sealed in EVM machines. The state witnessed simultaneous elections for both Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha in four phases from April 11 to April 29. &nbsp;

The triangular contest, including the Congress, has left political pundits scratching their heads in what is being termed a different election this time.

Nabina, as chief minister Naveen Patnaik is fondly called, is facing an uphill election in 2019, battling 19 years of anti-incumbency and a resurgent BJP.

There is a frenzy about Modi in the state; the Balakot air strike 2.0 has made him a hero among the youth. The state, which has exhibited similar voting patterns in the last three polls, is openly saying that we want Modi at the Centre and Nabina in the state.

Odisha is ranked 25th on the country’s human development index (HDI). It’s BPL families account for 1.5 times the national average. Roughly, 82 per cent of the population avails of the Rs 1 per kg rice scheme. &nbsp;

Corruption exists in all departments, while the condition of hospitals is poor - the image of a man carrying his dead wife on his shoulders is still fresh in people’s minds.

Despite all this, Naveen Patnaik has been voted for continuously by the people. Intelligentsia in urban centres like Bhubaneswar criticise him, but don’t go out to vote. His health is a big issue, but voters don’t seem to mind.

People are not asking questions about who his successor will be. Nor is the opposition raising this issue, lest it creates a sympathy wave in his favour.

The Chief Minister is a case study. He was parachuted, doesn’t know Odiya, prefers working through bureaucrats and is considered a God who has been sent to take people out of distress. He has crushed dissent — Pyari Babu, Bijoy Mohapatra, Dilip Ray, Baijayant Panda and Damodar Rout are shining examples.

He feels people vote for Naveen and not the candidate. He changed 17 out of 21 Lok Sabha candidates this time, a record in itself. He is considered revengeful by opponents. In a bid to deny Bijoy Mohapatra entry into the Assembly, it is alleged that he gave ticket to a 82-year-old, who was already in the hospital.

The BJP tasted blood in the panchayat elections in 2017, when its vote share almost doubled. Nabina didn’t campaign in those elections, leading to doubts about his health.

That is why this time, BJD strategists ensured that he campaigns in a bus so that people see him hale and hearty. A video of his fitness regime was also released, which backfired.

BJP lost the momentum gained during panchayat polls, mainly due to the unpopularity of Union minister Dharmendra Pradhan among the party rank and file. He is considered arrogant. To negate his unpopularity and push BJP’s chances, Jay Panda, who is popular among the young and educated, was inducted and made vice-president.

BJP poached leaders from the BJD left right and centre. Around 85 senior BJD leaders have joined BJP, many of them awarded with tickets to both Assembly and parliamentary elections.

BJP has successfully projected itself as an alternative to BJD. The contest is now between the two parties. The saffron party, as per opinion polls, is expected to win 12-14 Lok Sabha seats in the state. This translates to 48-56 seats in the Vidhan Sabha, going up to 72. The historical Lok Sabha to Vidhan Sabha multiple for BJP is 6.

Odisha has never witnessed split voting. The party which wins in the Lok Sabha usually goes on to win the Vidhan Sabha elections as well. People mostly press for the same symbol button twice, except in some urban areas like Puri and Cuttack.

Congress and BJP usually score well in the Lok Sabha, as compared to the Assembly, because of the national character of parties. The rural population may find it difficult to differentiate between the two separate EVMs for Parliament and the assembly. In some booths, the Lok Sabha EVM is kept first and the Assembly second, and vice versa. This presents a unique situation.

The state is similar to Chhattisgarh, at least in the western part. Farm loan waiver and high MSP for paddy were a hit with the public. But the Congress failed to capitalise. Internal fighting and delay in announcement of tickets could cost the party heavily.

BJD has benefited from split of votes in the last three elections. The anti-BJD votes is captured by both the BJP and Congress. This time, Naveen was seen as struggling under pressure for the first time. BJD candidates who threatened to quit if denied tickets were accommodated, some of whom were accused of involvement in the chit fund scam.

To negate anti-incumbency, Navin introduced the Kalia scheme, which disbursed funds to farmers. Many have got the first instalment, but several others have not, leading to resentment. There were allegations that money was given only to BJD workers. The Election Commission stopped the second instalment, adding fuel to the fire.

BJP is banking on the Modi magic. In 2014, while most of the country was gripped by the Modi wave, Odisha remained untouched.

Modi did address just one rally in the state but people did not quite know him. This time, it’s different. He is considered a strong PM who gave a befitting reply to Pakistan. His images splash through all State-owned petrol pumps, which has helped his cause. The party hopes to break into BJD’s citadel and compensate partly for losses expected in the Hindi heartland.&nbsp;

Odisha has also witnessed unique alliances on a seat by seat basis. There were reports of Congress and BJP candidates making a deal to swap votes on many seats.&nbsp;

In the end, it may well boil down to rebels, party men sabotaging prospects and influencers. If BJP wins maximum seats in the Lok Sabha, there could be surprises in the Assembly as well. It is safe to discount the possibility of different winners in the two elections. 
&nbsp;

(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the<a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-bjp-may-do-a-tripura-in-odisha-2746978"> original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.) 
&nbsp;

&nbsp;

The fate of thousands of candidates in Odisha has been sealed in EVM machines. The state witnessed simultaneous elections for both Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha in four phases from April 11 to April 29.

The fate of thousands of candidates in Odisha has been sealed in EVM machines. The state witnessed simultaneous elections for both Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha in four phases from April 11 to April 29. The triangular contest, including the Congress, has left political pundits scratching their heads in what is being termed a different election this time. Nabina, as chief minister Naveen Patnaik is fondly called, is facing an uphill election in 2019, battling 19 years of anti-incumbency and a resurgent BJP. There is a frenzy about Modi in the state; the Balakot air strike 2.0 has made him a hero among the youth. The state, which has exhibited similar voting patterns in the last three polls, is openly saying that we want Modi at the Centre and Nabina in the state. Odisha is ranked 25th on the country’s human development index (HDI). It’s BPL families account for 1.5 times the national average. Roughly, 82 per cent of the population avails of the Rs 1 per kg rice scheme. Corruption exists in all departments, while the condition of hospitals is poor - the image of a man carrying his dead wife on his shoulders is still fresh in people’s minds. Despite all this, Naveen Patnaik has been voted for continuously by the people. Intelligentsia in urban centres like Bhubaneswar criticise him, but don’t go out to vote. His health is a big issue, but voters don’t seem to mind. People are not asking questions about who his successor will be. Nor is the opposition raising this issue, lest it creates a sympathy wave in his favour. The Chief Minister is a case study. He was parachuted, doesn’t know Odiya, prefers working through bureaucrats and is considered a God who has been sent to take people out of distress. He has crushed dissent — Pyari Babu, Bijoy Mohapatra, Dilip Ray, Baijayant Panda and Damodar Rout are shining examples. He feels people vote for Naveen and not the candidate. He changed 17 out of 21 Lok Sabha candidates this time, a record in itself. He is considered revengeful by opponents. In a bid to deny Bijoy Mohapatra entry into the Assembly, it is alleged that he gave ticket to a 82-year-old, who was already in the hospital. The BJP tasted blood in the panchayat elections in 2017, when its vote share almost doubled. Nabina didn’t campaign in those elections, leading to doubts about his health. That is why this time, BJD strategists ensured that he campaigns in a bus so that people see him hale and hearty. A video of his fitness regime was also released, which backfired. BJP lost the momentum gained during panchayat polls, mainly due to the unpopularity of Union minister Dharmendra Pradhan among the party rank and file. He is considered arrogant. To negate his unpopularity and push BJP’s chances, Jay Panda, who is popular among the young and educated, was inducted and made vice-president. BJP poached leaders from the BJD left right and centre. Around 85 senior BJD leaders have joined BJP, many of them awarded with tickets to both Assembly and parliamentary elections. BJP has successfully projected itself as an alternative to BJD. The contest is now between the two parties. The saffron party, as per opinion polls, is expected to win 12-14 Lok Sabha seats in the state. This translates to 48-56 seats in the Vidhan Sabha, going up to 72. The historical Lok Sabha to Vidhan Sabha multiple for BJP is 6. Odisha has never witnessed split voting. The party which wins in the Lok Sabha usually goes on to win the Vidhan Sabha elections as well. People mostly press for the same symbol button twice, except in some urban areas like Puri and Cuttack. Congress and BJP usually score well in the Lok Sabha, as compared to the Assembly, because of the national character of parties. The rural population may find it difficult to differentiate between the two separate EVMs for Parliament and the assembly. In some booths, the Lok Sabha EVM is kept first and the Assembly second, and vice versa. This presents a unique situation. The state is similar to Chhattisgarh, at least in the western part. Farm loan waiver and high MSP for paddy were a hit with the public. But the Congress failed to capitalise. Internal fighting and delay in announcement of tickets could cost the party heavily. BJD has benefited from split of votes in the last three elections. The anti-BJD votes is captured by both the BJP and Congress. This time, Naveen was seen as struggling under pressure for the first time. BJD candidates who threatened to quit if denied tickets were accommodated, some of whom were accused of involvement in the chit fund scam. To negate anti-incumbency, Navin introduced the Kalia scheme, which disbursed funds to farmers. Many have got the first instalment, but several others have not, leading to resentment. There were allegations that money was given only to BJD workers. The Election Commission stopped the second instalment, adding fuel to the fire. BJP is banking on the Modi magic. In 2014, while most of the country was gripped by the Modi wave, Odisha remained untouched. Modi did address just one rally in the state but people did not quite know him. This time, it’s different. He is considered a strong PM who gave a befitting reply to Pakistan. His images splash through all State-owned petrol pumps, which has helped his cause. The party hopes to break into BJD’s citadel and compensate partly for losses expected in the Hindi heartland. Odisha has also witnessed unique alliances on a seat by seat basis. There were reports of Congress and BJP candidates making a deal to swap votes on many seats. In the end, it may well boil down to rebels, party men sabotaging prospects and influencers. If BJP wins maximum seats in the Lok Sabha, there could be surprises in the Assembly as well. It is safe to discount the possibility of different winners in the two elections. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

In Odisha, Narendra Modi is considered a strong PM who gave a befitting reply to Pakistan

Polling in 51 parliamentary constituencies across 7 states is being held in the 5th phase of Lok Sabha election 2019 Monday. The 5th phase of polling will decide the fate of several key leaders including Congress president Rahul Gandhi, Home Minister Rajnath Singh, UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi and Union Minister Smriti Irani.

India Votes: 51 seats across 7 states go to polls

Watch Key battles in phase 5 of Lok Sabha elections 2019.

India Votes: Key battles in phase 5 of Lok Sabha elections 2019

India Votes: Lok Sabha elections phase 5 voting underway

Polling in 51 parliamentary constituencies across 7 states is being held in the 5th phase of Lok Sabha election 2019 Monday. The 5th phase of polling will decide the fate of several key leaders including Congress president Rahul Gandhi, Home Minister Rajnath Singh, UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi and Union Minister Smriti Irani. Watch this video to know more.

India Votes: Is U.P. heading for a tight finish?

India Votes: Voting begins in Gandhi bastions

India Votes: Which way will Bihar sway

Violence took place in Shopian and Pulwama, Kashmir before 5th phase of LS polls. Watch this video to know more.

Clashes broke out in Shopian & Pulwama

This segment of WION brings to you top stories of the morning from across the globe. Watch this video to get updated with the latest information.

WION Speed News: Watch top national and international news of the morning - May 6th, 2019

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/78-people-were-onboard-russian-aeroflot-sukhoi-superjet-aircraft-37-survived-investigators-216230">78 people were onboard Russian Aeroflot Sukhoi Superjet aircraft; 37 survived: Investigators</a>

Russian investigators said today that 78 people were onboard the Aeroflot Sukhoi Superjet 100 aircraft when it caught fire during emergency landing at Moscow's Sheremetyevo airport on Sunday.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/live-lok-sabha-elections-polling-underway-in-seven-states-in-fifth-phase-216212">Live Lok Sabha elections: Rajnath Singh, Mayawati, Rajyavardhan Singh Rathore cast vote in fifth phase</a>

Polling booths opened at 7am today as voting got underway for the fifth phase in the Lok Sabha elections. There are 51 constituencies going to the polls today across seven states which include Uttar Pradesh (14 seats), Rajasthan (12 seats) Madhya Pradesh (7 seats), West Bengal (7 seats) Bihar (5 seats) Jharkhand (4 seats) and Pulwama, Ladakh and Shopian district in Anantnag in Jammu and Kashmir.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/we-support-israel-100-in-its-defence-of-its-citizens-says-donald-trump-on-gaza-escalation-216211">We support Israel 100% in defence of its citizens, says Donald Trump on Gaza escalation</a>

President Donald Trump assured Israel on Sunday that it has Washington's full support after the Jewish state led waves of retaliatory strikes in the Gaza Strip in response to Palestinian rockets.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/engineers-had-identified-fault-with-pilot-warning-system-on-its-737-max-aircraft-in-2017-boeing-216225">Engineers had identified fault with pilot warning system on its 737 MAX aircraft in 2017: Boeing</a>

Boeing engineers identified a fault with a pilot warning system on its 737 MAX aircraft in 2017, a year before the deadly Lion Air crash, the company said Sunday.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/robert-mueller-should-not-testify-before-us-congress-trump-216223">Robert Mueller 'should not testify' before US Congress: Trump</a>

US President Donald Trump said Sunday that Special Counsel Robert Mueller "should not testify" before Congress on his Russia election meddling inquiry, setting up a confrontation with Democrats already irate over what they view as increasingly brazen administration stone-walling.

78 people were onboard Russian Aeroflot Sukhoi Superjet aircraft; 37 survived: Investigators Russian investigators said today that 78 people were onboard the Aeroflot Sukhoi Superjet 100 aircraft when it caught fire during emergency landing at Moscow's Sheremetyevo airport on Sunday.

78 people were onboard Russian Aeroflot Sukhoi Superjet aircraft; 37 survived: Investigators Russian investigators said today that 78 people were onboard the Aeroflot Sukhoi Superjet 100 aircraft when it caught fire during emergency landing at Moscow's Sheremetyevo airport on Sunday. Live Lok Sabha elections: Rajnath Singh, Mayawati, Rajyavardhan Singh Rathore cast vote in fifth phase Polling booths opened at 7am today as voting got underway for the fifth phase in the Lok Sabha elections. There are 51 constituencies going to the polls today across seven states which include Uttar Pradesh (14 seats), Rajasthan (12 seats) Madhya Pradesh (7 seats), West Bengal (7 seats) Bihar (5 seats) Jharkhand (4 seats) and Pulwama, Ladakh and Shopian district in Anantnag in Jammu and Kashmir. We support Israel 100% in defence of its citizens, says Donald Trump on Gaza escalation President Donald Trump assured Israel on Sunday that it has Washington's full support after the Jewish state led waves of retaliatory strikes in the Gaza Strip in response to Palestinian rockets. Engineers had identified fault with pilot warning system on its 737 MAX aircraft in 2017: Boeing Boeing engineers identified a fault with a pilot warning system on its 737 MAX aircraft in 2017, a year before the deadly Lion Air crash, the company said Sunday. Robert Mueller 'should not testify' before US Congress: Trump US President Donald Trump said Sunday that Special Counsel Robert Mueller "should not testify" before Congress on his Russia election meddling inquiry, setting up a confrontation with Democrats already irate over what they view as increasingly brazen administration stone-walling.

News brief: Big stories of the day

As Amethi parliamentary constituency went into polls in the 5th phase of the Lok Sabha elections on Monday, Union Minister and BJP candidate Smriti Irani hit out at opponent Congress President Rahul Gandhi alleging booth capturing in the constituency. Watch this video to know more.

Smriti Irani alleges voters being forced to vote for Congress

Watch this segment for top election news story updates.

Lok Sabha elections 2019: Latest polling news

India Votes: 9 crore voters to decide fate of 674 candidates

Three-time Lok Sabha MP and industrialist SPY Reddy on Tuesday died after prolonged illness at a private hospital here.

Reddy, the sitting MP from Nandyal constituency in Andhra Pradesh was&nbsp;admitted to hospital on April 3 after he complained of heart and kidney problems.

He was 69 and is survived by his wife and two daughters.

The Nandyal MP was contesting on a Jana Sena Party's ticket in the ongoing parliamentary elections. Reddy has been associated with many political parties.

In 1991, he contested and lost the general elections on a BJP ticket but lost. &nbsp;He was elected from Nandyal in 2009 on a Congress ticket but switched to the YSR Congress Party for 2014 Lok Sabha elections.

After 2014 parliamentary elections, Reddy joined the Telugu Desam Party but left the party after he did not get Lok Sabha ticket.

Reddy is a noted philanthropist from Nandyal and the founder of Nandi group of industries. He started his career from Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (BARC) Mumbai before he set up his own plastics industry started manufacturing of PVC pipes under the brand name 'Nandi Pipes'.

Jana Sena Party chief and actor-politician Pawan Kalyan, Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister and TDP president N Chandrababu Naidu and YSRCP leader YS Jagan Mohan Reddy have condoled the death of S P Y Reddy.

All of them also conveyed their condolences to the bereaved family members.

Three-time Lok Sabha MP and industrialist SPY Reddy on Tuesday died after prolonged illness at a private hospital here. Reddy, the sitting MP from Nandyal constituency in Andhra Pradesh was admitted to hospital on April 3 after he complained of heart and kidney problems.

Three-time Lok Sabha MP and industrialist SPY Reddy on Tuesday died after prolonged illness at a private hospital here. Reddy, the sitting MP from Nandyal constituency in Andhra Pradesh was admitted to hospital on April 3 after he complained of heart and kidney problems. He was 69 and is survived by his wife and two daughters. The Nandyal MP was contesting on a Jana Sena Party's ticket in the ongoing parliamentary elections. Reddy has been associated with many political parties. In 1991, he contested and lost the general elections on a BJP ticket but lost. He was elected from Nandyal in 2009 on a Congress ticket but switched to the YSR Congress Party for 2014 Lok Sabha elections. After 2014 parliamentary elections, Reddy joined the Telugu Desam Party but left the party after he did not get Lok Sabha ticket. Reddy is a noted philanthropist from Nandyal and the founder of Nandi group of industries. He started his career from Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (BARC) Mumbai before he set up his own plastics industry started manufacturing of PVC pipes under the brand name 'Nandi Pipes'. Jana Sena Party chief and actor-politician Pawan Kalyan, Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister and TDP president N Chandrababu Naidu and YSRCP leader YS Jagan Mohan Reddy have condoled the death of S P Y Reddy. All of them also conveyed their condolences to the bereaved family members.

Three-time Lok Sabha MP SPY Reddy passes away after prolonged illness

Indian actors who are contesting in Lok Sabha elections 2019

While veteran actor Rekha cast her vote at Mumbai’s Bandra, actor Ravi Kishan exercised his franchise at Mumbai’s Goregaon. Polling for 4th phase of LS elections is underway across the country.

Celebs come out to vote in phase 4 of Lok Sabha polls

WION Speed News: Watch top national and international news of the morning, April 29th 2019

When poll pundits call the ongoing general election presidential, they are missing the woods for the trees. It is one thing for shrill TV channels to split the screen and show PM Narendra Modi in one part and Rahul Gandhi in the other, it is quite another to start believing your own rhetoric and brand the poll presidential, as if two leading political behemoths are stalking the land.

The reality is far from it. The Indian election system is not presidential, constitutionally speaking, and that is the way it stands. The real battle for the hearts and minds of the voters is not just being fought between the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Congress, but a clutch of regional parties, that do not necessarily have the same high profile as the two national parties, but whose representatives are scouring the electoral landscape with the same vehemence as anyone else contesting the elections.&nbsp;

In the big states, as is now apparent after three phases of elections, it is by no chance just BJP vs the Congress; remember India is a federal country and the elections, in a larger sense, represent a series of smaller polls - even downright local rivalries - that will determine the kind of government Indians can hope to see after May 23.

As a matter of fact, none of the big poll-bound states pit BJP vs the Congress. In Bengal, it is Trinamool and Mamata Banerjee vs the rest; in the biggest state of them all, Uttar Pradesh, it is mainly BJP vs two regional satraps, SP and the BSP. In Maharashtra, BJP-Sena are battling Congress and NCP while in Bihar, it is JD (U)-BJP against RJD and Congress from the outside. In Tamil Nadu, there is no BJP vs Congress fight, neither is there any Congress vs BJP standoff in Odisha, where again a regional outfit, Biju Janata Dal (BJD) has been calling the shots for the last decade-and-a-half.&nbsp;

Neighbouring Andhra Pradesh and Telangana are once again dominated by regional parties, the Yuvajana Sramika Rythu Congress Party (YSRCP) and the Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) respectively.&nbsp;

If there is a real Congress vs BJP poll battle, it remains confined to MP, Chhattisgarh, Rajasthan, Himachal Pradesh, Assam and Gujarat. It is simply too small a base to call an Indian election presidential, given the size of the country. So where pray, is this magnificent, all-consuming presidential elections taking place? Not in India, to be sure.

There is another side to this. The risk of pitting Rahul against Modi is to conjure, farcically, of course, a highly unequal contest. Taken to its logical conclusion, it is a signal to the electorate that if Rahul cannot beat Modi, no one else can, while the reality is that a carefully calibrated opposition plan could have made the BJP’s well oiled electoral machine a little slower in its response time. That it may not happen now, is part of this problem of projecting an excessively presidential style of polling, when none actually exists on the ground.

Even though it can be said that Prime Minister Modi’s campaign style is typically presidential, overflowing with speeches, perhaps more than his own party or even the opposition. In true presidential fashion, the focus remains on the principal contender, who is larger than life, not just for the public, but also for the media.

Modi’s campaign style is excessively personal. There are barely any references to the BJP - in fact the punch line for election 2019 is ‘Phir ek baar Modi sarkar’ (Modi government again); in 2014, it was ‘Abki baar Modi sarkar’ (Modi government this time). Campaign Modi is, therefore, the end product of a complex web of back end outreach initiatives, nearly totally technology driven. &nbsp;&nbsp;

With such an onerous comparison, Rahul Gandhi has had no option but to imitate a presidential style campaign and the jury is still out whether it suits him or not. &nbsp;

However, that is where the comparison ends, because the Constitution of the country dictates the style of government and not the style of the practitioners. Perhaps, more clarity on it would come, once the poll results are known.&nbsp;

Unlike a presidential campaign, there are powerful regional satraps, who dominate India’s political landscape in their own bailiwick, campaigning ceaselessly, against both Modi and occasionally, the Congress.

The BJP’s fight, as the final numbers will bear out, is going to be against the powerful regional satraps, and not the Congress, as is being incorrectly projected. &nbsp;

A presidential election would necessarily mean high-velocity televised debates while in India, such arguments are the prerogative of television studios, where a number of low ranking leaders looking to make a mark, flex their muscles at each other, the higher the decibel level the better the entertainment. Direct polemics between leading political lights is not just uncommon, it is not even heard of. Speeches delivered are extempore at different locations and there is no question of anyone raising any point of order. Everyone on stage is a fellow traveller, so any dissension, as a form of political expression, simply does not exist. &nbsp;

Politically speaking, when and if an alliance is cobbled, then the presidential aspect would not come into the picture. It would not be an alliance between two big parties, but two big political formations. Parties, with wide ideological divergences in the past, would suddenly deem it fit to form a government, once an alliance is put into place. &nbsp;By May 23, India would undoubtedly be as far away from a presidential system as it ever has been.&nbsp; 
 
 
(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the<a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-misnomer-of-presidential-polls-2744048"> original article)</a>

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)&nbsp;

&nbsp;

When poll pundits call the ongoing general election presidential, they are missing the woods for the trees. It is one thing for shrill TV channels to split the screen and show PM Narendra Modi in one part and Rahul Gandhi in the other, it is quite another to start believing your own rhetoric and brand the poll presidential, as if two leading political behemoths are stalking the land.

When poll pundits call the ongoing general election presidential, they are missing the woods for the trees. It is one thing for shrill TV channels to split the screen and show PM Narendra Modi in one part and Rahul Gandhi in the other, it is quite another to start believing your own rhetoric and brand the poll presidential, as if two leading political behemoths are stalking the land. The reality is far from it. The Indian election system is not presidential, constitutionally speaking, and that is the way it stands. The real battle for the hearts and minds of the voters is not just being fought between the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Congress, but a clutch of regional parties, that do not necessarily have the same high profile as the two national parties, but whose representatives are scouring the electoral landscape with the same vehemence as anyone else contesting the elections. In the big states, as is now apparent after three phases of elections, it is by no chance just BJP vs the Congress; remember India is a federal country and the elections, in a larger sense, represent a series of smaller polls - even downright local rivalries - that will determine the kind of government Indians can hope to see after May 23. As a matter of fact, none of the big poll-bound states pit BJP vs the Congress. In Bengal, it is Trinamool and Mamata Banerjee vs the rest; in the biggest state of them all, Uttar Pradesh, it is mainly BJP vs two regional satraps, SP and the BSP. In Maharashtra, BJP-Sena are battling Congress and NCP while in Bihar, it is JD (U)-BJP against RJD and Congress from the outside. In Tamil Nadu, there is no BJP vs Congress fight, neither is there any Congress vs BJP standoff in Odisha, where again a regional outfit, Biju Janata Dal (BJD) has been calling the shots for the last decade-and-a-half. Neighbouring Andhra Pradesh and Telangana are once again dominated by regional parties, the Yuvajana Sramika Rythu Congress Party (YSRCP) and the Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) respectively. If there is a real Congress vs BJP poll battle, it remains confined to MP, Chhattisgarh, Rajasthan, Himachal Pradesh, Assam and Gujarat. It is simply too small a base to call an Indian election presidential, given the size of the country. So where pray, is this magnificent, all-consuming presidential elections taking place? Not in India, to be sure. There is another side to this. The risk of pitting Rahul against Modi is to conjure, farcically, of course, a highly unequal contest. Taken to its logical conclusion, it is a signal to the electorate that if Rahul cannot beat Modi, no one else can, while the reality is that a carefully calibrated opposition plan could have made the BJP’s well oiled electoral machine a little slower in its response time. That it may not happen now, is part of this problem of projecting an excessively presidential style of polling, when none actually exists on the ground. Even though it can be said that Prime Minister Modi’s campaign style is typically presidential, overflowing with speeches, perhaps more than his own party or even the opposition. In true presidential fashion, the focus remains on the principal contender, who is larger than life, not just for the public, but also for the media. Modi’s campaign style is excessively personal. There are barely any references to the BJP - in fact the punch line for election 2019 is ‘Phir ek baar Modi sarkar’ (Modi government again); in 2014, it was ‘Abki baar Modi sarkar’ (Modi government this time). Campaign Modi is, therefore, the end product of a complex web of back end outreach initiatives, nearly totally technology driven. With such an onerous comparison, Rahul Gandhi has had no option but to imitate a presidential style campaign and the jury is still out whether it suits him or not. However, that is where the comparison ends, because the Constitution of the country dictates the style of government and not the style of the practitioners. Perhaps, more clarity on it would come, once the poll results are known. Unlike a presidential campaign, there are powerful regional satraps, who dominate India’s political landscape in their own bailiwick, campaigning ceaselessly, against both Modi and occasionally, the Congress. The BJP’s fight, as the final numbers will bear out, is going to be against the powerful regional satraps, and not the Congress, as is being incorrectly projected. A presidential election would necessarily mean high-velocity televised debates while in India, such arguments are the prerogative of television studios, where a number of low ranking leaders looking to make a mark, flex their muscles at each other, the higher the decibel level the better the entertainment. Direct polemics between leading political lights is not just uncommon, it is not even heard of. Speeches delivered are extempore at different locations and there is no question of anyone raising any point of order. Everyone on stage is a fellow traveller, so any dissension, as a form of political expression, simply does not exist. Politically speaking, when and if an alliance is cobbled, then the presidential aspect would not come into the picture. It would not be an alliance between two big parties, but two big political formations. Parties, with wide ideological divergences in the past, would suddenly deem it fit to form a government, once an alliance is put into place. By May 23, India would undoubtedly be as far away from a presidential system as it ever has been. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

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