<p>‘Modi @20: Dreams Meet Delivery’ book, which looks into the 20 years of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's model of governance at the Centre and in Gujarat—when he was the chief minister—was launched on Wednesday in New Delhi.</p>

<p>The book was launched by India’s Vice President M Venkaiah Naidu. He was accompanied by Union Home Minister Amit Shah and External Affairs Minister Dr S Jaishankar.</p>

<p>“The book presents different facets of the distinct thought process, the pioneering, pro-active approach and the quintessential, transformational leadership style that Narendra (bhai) Modi has come to be so closely identified with,” Naidu said at the ceremony.</p>

<p>He said the book encompasses the experiential journey of Modi since he left his house at the tender age of 17 and set out on a mission of knowing himself, his country and finally define the mission of transforming India.</p>

<p>“Modi ji’s vision, his dreams and mission India have been shaped by his extensive travels and insightful, experiential journey. This is the fundamental differentiator that makes Modi unique in several ways,” Naidu said.</p>

<p>The vice president said that despite demonetisation, Modi was able to win polls due to his communication skills as he communicated with the people, and they had trust&nbsp;in him.</p>

<p>At the event, Amit Shah called the PM an efficient leader. He said despite Modi's lack of experience, the latter was made the CM of an earthquake-prone state, which he ran efficiently and won several re-elections.</p>

<p>"PM Modi didn't even have experience in running panchayat when he was made a CM to run an earthquake-marred state. Despite that, he won continuously and ran the state quite efficiently," Shah was quoted as saying by ANI.</p>

<p>Jaishankar also emphasised that in his eight years of governance, PM Modi led the debate on terrorism worldwide.</p>

<p>"Eight years of Modi govt led to the global debate on terrorism. He has practised development-focused diplomacy, focused on border infra development to meet security challenges; takes interest in trade, &amp; addressed all our embassies to reach $400 bn exports," he said.</p>

<p>Edited and compiled by BlueKraft Digital Foundation and published by Rupa, "Modi @ 20: Dreams Meet Delivery" is a compilation of chapters authored by Shah, Ajit Doval, Sudha Murty, Nandan Nilekani, Arvind Panagariya, S Jaishankar, Lata Mangeshkar, P V Sindhu and Nripendra Misra among others.</p>

<p><em>(With inputs from agencies)</em></p>

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‘Modi @20: Dreams Meet Delivery’ book, which looks into the 20 years of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's model of governance at the Centre and in Gujarat—when he was the chief minister—was launched on Wednesday in New Delhi.

‘Modi @20: Dreams Meet Delivery’ book, which looks into the 20 years of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's model of governance at the Centre and in Gujarat—when he was the chief minister—was launched on Wednesday in New Delhi. The book was launched by India’s Vice President M Venkaiah Naidu. He was accompanied by Union Home Minister Amit Shah and External Affairs Minister Dr S Jaishankar. “The book presents different facets of the distinct thought process, the pioneering, pro-active approach and the quintessential, transformational leadership style that Narendra (bhai) Modi has come to be so closely identified with,” Naidu said at the ceremony. He said the book encompasses the experiential journey of Modi since he left his house at the tender age of 17 and set out on a mission of knowing himself, his country and finally define the mission of transforming India. “Modi ji’s vision, his dreams and mission India have been shaped by his extensive travels and insightful, experiential journey. This is the fundamental differentiator that makes Modi unique in several ways,” Naidu said. The vice president said that despite demonetisation, Modi was able to win polls due to his communication skills as he communicated with the people, and they had trust in him. At the event, Amit Shah called the PM an efficient leader. He said despite Modi's lack of experience, the latter was made the CM of an earthquake-prone state, which he ran efficiently and won several re-elections. "PM Modi didn't even have experience in running panchayat when he was made a CM to run an earthquake-marred state. Despite that, he won continuously and ran the state quite efficiently," Shah was quoted as saying by ANI. Jaishankar also emphasised that in his eight years of governance, PM Modi led the debate on terrorism worldwide. "Eight years of Modi govt led to the global debate on terrorism. He has practised development-focused diplomacy, focused on border infra development to meet security challenges; takes interest in trade, & addressed all our embassies to reach $400 bn exports," he said. Edited and compiled by BlueKraft Digital Foundation and published by Rupa, "Modi @ 20: Dreams Meet Delivery" is a compilation of chapters authored by Shah, Ajit Doval, Sudha Murty, Nandan Nilekani, Arvind Panagariya, S Jaishankar, Lata Mangeshkar, P V Sindhu and Nripendra Misra among others. (With inputs from agencies) WATCH WION LIVE HERE

‘Modi@20: Dreams Meet Delivery’: A book on PM Modi’s model of governance launched in Delhi

<p>As voting for the final phase of Gujarat assembly ends today, a look back at how the motif of Modi&rsquo;s campaign rhetoric has evolved.</p>

<p><strong>2002: Aggressive BJP harvests polarisation</strong></p>

<p>Gujarat has been called a laboratory after Narendra Modi was sent from Delhi to take over the reins of the state. During the 2002 &nbsp;campaign, Modi and BJP had a simple job. The polarisation after the communal riots ensured all they had to do was to harvest the communal rift. The Congress, at that time the opposition party in the&nbsp;centre as well as the state, was clueless. It probably thought that to speak on justice for Muslims will impact their poll prospects. Six months after the riots broke happened the Akshardham terror attack, which took place just before the polls, ensured that Modi made it a Mia Musharraf vs Modi theme for the campaign that BJP won handsomely.</p>

<p><em><a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/opinion-lanka-vikas-seaplanes-and-pesticides-the-curious-case-of-hardik-patel-26620"><strong>Also read: Opinion: Lanka, </strong></a></em><a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/opinion-lanka-vikas-seaplanes-and-pesticides-the-curious-case-of-hardik-patel-26620"><strong><em>vikas</em></strong></a><em><strong><a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/opinion-lanka-vikas-seaplanes-and-pesticides-the-curious-case-of-hardik-patel-26620">, seaplanes and pesticides - The curious case of Hardik Patel</a></strong></em></p>

<p><strong>2007: CM Modi firmly at the helm, Congress tries to get &nbsp;aggressive</strong></p>

<p>Buoyed by its 2004 Loksabha victory and winning 12 seats in the state, Congress took CM Modi head on. By this time, Mr Modi had already been established as the supreme leader of Gujarat, leaving behind, among others, Keshubhai Patel and Suresh Mehta. As riot victims were still waiting for justice, polarisation continued unabated. Since the Congress government was at the centre, it became Modi&rsquo;s prime target.</p>

<p>Congress, in turn, did what it could not dare in 2002, called <i>Modi Maut ka Saudagar</i> (merchant of death) suggesting his direct role in riots. This backfired big time. BJP made it Gujarati Pride versus Congress rule of Sonia and Ahmed Mia. BJP&rsquo;s tally came down by 10 but it won the state.</p>

<p><b>2012: &lsquo;Gujarat Model&rsquo; emerges as social media booms, Congress reels under graft charges</b></p>

<p>2012 was PM Modi&rsquo;s last election as CM. The BJP had surged ahead by its clever use of new social media tools like the Facebook and Twitter. It boosted the &lsquo;unique Gujarat Model&rsquo; &mdash; sometimes truthfully and other times not. But Gujarat, development and Modi became synonymous terms even as Congress suffered huge image crisis during the Anna Hazare agitation of 2011-12.</p>

<p><em><a href="http://www.wionews.com/india-news/opinion-gujarat-elections-is-26530"><strong>Also read: Opinion: Gujarat elections, a litmus test for Rahul</strong></a></em></p>

<p>Now Mr Modi needed no Praveen Togadiya or Acharya Dharmendra to serve as development planks. It soon became evident that Chief Minister Modi has the potential to be India&#39;s prime minister. Despite the party having 40 per cent vote, the Congress was unable to compete and lost to BJP again.</p>

<p><strong>2017 &lsquo;Gujarat Model&rsquo; goes on back burner and Pakistan returns</strong></p>

<p>A 15-year rule under one leader is really a long time in politics. What worked in 2012 is looking doubtful as crowd size at Modi rally was shrinking. By now, the BJP was no longer the exclusive player in the social media nor the biggest crowd puller. Opponents had taken a leaf out of BJP&rsquo;s books, including the Patidars.</p>

<p>The disgruntled youth flocking Hardik Patel and Jignesh Mewani&rsquo;s rallies were probably 6-10 year old during 2002-2007 but have been denied decent primary education; Gujarat ranks 33 among 35 states in terms of providing access to schools. Anti-incumbency ensured that basic issues, such as primary education, infant mortality, unemployment started factoring in.</p>

<p>Once the backbone of the party, Patels had turned into BJP&rsquo;s staunch baiters. With the presence of 15 per cent or more in most seats - they have potential to cover the gap between Congress and BJP. Add Dalit and OBC votes to it, and BJP suddenly looked vulnerable.</p>

<p>From &lsquo;Mia Musharraf&rsquo; in 2002, &lsquo;Gujarat Model&rsquo; in 2012 to again &lsquo;Pakistan connection&rsquo; in 2017, Modi had tried various catch-lines for his quest for Gujarat.</p>

<p>As desperate BJP tries to cling on to something or other, including Prime Minister Manmohan Singh&rsquo;s secret &lsquo;Pakistan connection,&#39; the small traders were upset with BJP&rsquo;s GST and note-ban decisions, and Rahul and Hardik were pulling a huge crowd.</p>

<p>If BJP loses, it would be its second major loss after Bihar, wherein caste mobilisation of RJD-JDU-Congress had overcome religious polarisation of BJP in 2015. &nbsp;If Hardik - Jignesh - Alpesh&rsquo;s caste conscious agenda helps Congress win, it will once again prove that religious mobilisation can be countered by caste mobilisation.</p>

<p>If BJP still manages the victory, an emboldened BJP may opt for an unprecedentedly vicious 2019 campaign to beat anti-incumbency.</p>

<p><em>(Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity).</em></p>


From ?Mia Musharraf? in 2002, ?Gujarat Model? in 2012 to again ?Pakistan connection? in 2017, Modi had tried various catch-lines for his quest for Gujarat

As voting for the final phase of Gujarat assembly ends today, a look back at how the motif of Modi’s campaign rhetoric has evolved. 2002: Aggressive BJP harvests polarisation Gujarat has been called a laboratory after Narendra Modi was sent from Delhi to take over the reins of the state. During the 2002 campaign, Modi and BJP had a simple job. The polarisation after the communal riots ensured all they had to do was to harvest the communal rift. The Congress, at that time the opposition party in the centre as well as the state, was clueless. It probably thought that to speak on justice for Muslims will impact their poll prospects. Six months after the riots broke happened the Akshardham terror attack, which took place just before the polls, ensured that Modi made it a Mia Musharraf vs Modi theme for the campaign that BJP won handsomely. Also read: Opinion: Lanka, vikas, seaplanes and pesticides - The curious case of Hardik Patel 2007: CM Modi firmly at the helm, Congress tries to get aggressive Buoyed by its 2004 Loksabha victory and winning 12 seats in the state, Congress took CM Modi head on. By this time, Mr Modi had already been established as the supreme leader of Gujarat, leaving behind, among others, Keshubhai Patel and Suresh Mehta. As riot victims were still waiting for justice, polarisation continued unabated. Since the Congress government was at the centre, it became Modi’s prime target. Congress, in turn, did what it could not dare in 2002, called Modi Maut ka Saudagar (merchant of death) suggesting his direct role in riots. This backfired big time. BJP made it Gujarati Pride versus Congress rule of Sonia and Ahmed Mia. BJP’s tally came down by 10 but it won the state. 2012: ‘Gujarat Model’ emerges as social media booms, Congress reels under graft charges 2012 was PM Modi’s last election as CM. The BJP had surged ahead by its clever use of new social media tools like the Facebook and Twitter. It boosted the ‘unique Gujarat Model’ — sometimes truthfully and other times not. But Gujarat, development and Modi became synonymous terms even as Congress suffered huge image crisis during the Anna Hazare agitation of 2011-12. Also read: Opinion: Gujarat elections, a litmus test for Rahul Now Mr Modi needed no Praveen Togadiya or Acharya Dharmendra to serve as development planks. It soon became evident that Chief Minister Modi has the potential to be India's prime minister. Despite the party having 40 per cent vote, the Congress was unable to compete and lost to BJP again. 2017 ‘Gujarat Model’ goes on back burner and Pakistan returns A 15-year rule under one leader is really a long time in politics. What worked in 2012 is looking doubtful as crowd size at Modi rally was shrinking. By now, the BJP was no longer the exclusive player in the social media nor the biggest crowd puller. Opponents had taken a leaf out of BJP’s books, including the Patidars. The disgruntled youth flocking Hardik Patel and Jignesh Mewani’s rallies were probably 6-10 year old during 2002-2007 but have been denied decent primary education; Gujarat ranks 33 among 35 states in terms of providing access to schools. Anti-incumbency ensured that basic issues, such as primary education, infant mortality, unemployment started factoring in. Once the backbone of the party, Patels had turned into BJP’s staunch baiters. With the presence of 15 per cent or more in most seats - they have potential to cover the gap between Congress and BJP. Add Dalit and OBC votes to it, and BJP suddenly looked vulnerable. From ‘Mia Musharraf’ in 2002, ‘Gujarat Model’ in 2012 to again ‘Pakistan connection’ in 2017, Modi had tried various catch-lines for his quest for Gujarat. As desperate BJP tries to cling on to something or other, including Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s secret ‘Pakistan connection,' the small traders were upset with BJP’s GST and note-ban decisions, and Rahul and Hardik were pulling a huge crowd. If BJP loses, it would be its second major loss after Bihar, wherein caste mobilisation of RJD-JDU-Congress had overcome religious polarisation of BJP in 2015. If Hardik - Jignesh - Alpesh’s caste conscious agenda helps Congress win, it will once again prove that religious mobilisation can be countered by caste mobilisation. If BJP still manages the victory, an emboldened BJP may opt for an unprecedentedly vicious 2019 campaign to beat anti-incumbency. (Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity).

Opinion:?BJP's catchlines which helped to win Gujarat elections

<p>Former Uttar Pradesh chief minister Akhilesh Yadav on Friday said the &#39;Gujarat model&#39;, as claimed by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), does not exist and is a deception.</p>

<p>Speaking at a press conference here, &quot;The truth has come out in this Assembly election that there is no such thing as the Gujarat model, the Gujarat model is a deception model. I have come here today to the people of Gujarat on the day before voting to advice them to not get deceived by the BJP&quot;.</p>

<p>He added BJP leaders say that they fight elections on the basis of development, &quot;therefore, I decided that we should come see the `Gujarat model`&quot;.</p>

<p>&quot;We made the metro in 2.5 years and an elevator road in Uttar Pradesh. Pension was given to 55 lakh poor, but when we talked of development, BJP talked about caste and religion. They divided the people of Uttar Pradesh,&quot; Akhilesh said.</p>

<p>He further stated the Samajwadi Party provided electricity for 24 hours in the state, then the BJP said they will provide the same for &#39;25&#39; hours. &quot;Can somebody tell me are there 25 hours in a day? The BJP campaigns were based on lies,&quot; Akhilesh added.</p>

<p>The former Uttar Pradesh chief minister reached Ahmedabad on the day before the first round of Gujarat Assembly elections.</p>

<p>The two-phase Gujarat Assembly elections will take place on December 9 and 14, while the results will be out on December 18.</p>


'The truth has come out in this Assembly election that there is no such thing as the Gujarat model, the Gujarat model is a deception model. I have come here today to the people of Gujarat on the day before voting to advice them to not get deceived by the BJP,' said Akhilesh Yadav

Former Uttar Pradesh chief minister Akhilesh Yadav on Friday said the 'Gujarat model', as claimed by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), does not exist and is a deception. Speaking at a press conference here, "The truth has come out in this Assembly election that there is no such thing as the Gujarat model, the Gujarat model is a deception model. I have come here today to the people of Gujarat on the day before voting to advice them to not get deceived by the BJP". He added BJP leaders say that they fight elections on the basis of development, "therefore, I decided that we should come see the `Gujarat model`". "We made the metro in 2.5 years and an elevator road in Uttar Pradesh. Pension was given to 55 lakh poor, but when we talked of development, BJP talked about caste and religion. They divided the people of Uttar Pradesh," Akhilesh said. He further stated the Samajwadi Party provided electricity for 24 hours in the state, then the BJP said they will provide the same for '25' hours. "Can somebody tell me are there 25 hours in a day? The BJP campaigns were based on lies," Akhilesh added. The former Uttar Pradesh chief minister reached Ahmedabad on the day before the first round of Gujarat Assembly elections. The two-phase Gujarat Assembly elections will take place on December 9 and 14, while the results will be out on December 18.

'Gujarat model' deceptive, claims Akhilesh

<p>Development economist and activist John Dreze today said there was &quot;no evidence&quot; that the so-called &quot;Gujarat Model&quot; was a model in any sense, pointing out to the state&#39;s backwardness in social indicators.</p>

<p>&quot;If you look at almost any ranking of development indicators, whether it is social indicators, human development index, child development index, multi-dimensional poverty index and all the standard poverty indexes of the planning commission...Gujarat almost always comes around the middle,&quot; said the noted economist at Times LitFest here.</p>

<p>It was the case much before Narendra Modi became chief minister and it remained the case after that, said Dreze, who helped draft the first version of NREGA (now called the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act).</p>

<p>Dreze, who once wrote an article titled &quot;Gujarat Muddle&quot;, recalls that the term, &quot;Gujarat model&quot;, was coined around the time of the last Lok Sabha elections (2014).</p>

<p>He describes the model as a counter-example, because of the disappointing social indicators inspite of the high growth in terms of standard economic indicators.</p>

<p>There is obviously, Dreze believes, something lacking and, in that sense, it can be an illustration of the limitations of relying on private-enterprising growth for development in the larger sense.</p>

<p>Commenting on ratings-agency Moody&#39;s recent upgrade of India&#39;s sovereign-credit rating to &#39;Baa2&#39; from &#39;Baa3&#39;, Dreze says he doubts the credibility of such an index.</p>

<p>&quot;If you dig into the methods behind these indexes, there is very little to them, except that they are taken seriously!&quot;</p>

<p>He also raised concerns about the Aadhaar scheme, fearing that it will create an &quot;infrastructure of surveillance&quot;.</p>

<p>Underlining that his opposition to Aadhaar was not related to welfare programmes, but civil liberties.</p>

<p>&quot;Aadhaar multiplies the power of the state to keep track of everybody over time,&quot; he said, flagging apprehensions that it could lead to stifling of dissent, as a lot of the databases that are going to be linked will be accessible to the government.</p>

<p>Speaking about the recent agitations of Patidars, Jats, and others for reservations, Dreze partly blamed the stagnation of agricultural growth for the unrest.</p>

<p>According to Dreze, the people, who have seen the size of their landholding shrink and with the population explosion in the last few decades, have certainly suffered.</p>

<p>&quot;That probably creates a sense of grievance, which must have translated to some of these movements, but there must be other things also,&quot; he adds.</p>

<p>The &#39;Gujarat Model&#39; has remained the BJP&#39;s favorite example of success in election campaigns over the years. Gujarat, the home state of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and BJP president Amit Shah, goes to polls on December 9 and 14.&nbsp;</p>


Dreze described the model as a counter-example, because of the disappointing social indicators inspite of high growth

Development economist and activist John Dreze today said there was "no evidence" that the so-called "Gujarat Model" was a model in any sense, pointing out to the state's backwardness in social indicators. "If you look at almost any ranking of development indicators, whether it is social indicators, human development index, child development index, multi-dimensional poverty index and all the standard poverty indexes of the planning commission...Gujarat almost always comes around the middle," said the noted economist at Times LitFest here. It was the case much before Narendra Modi became chief minister and it remained the case after that, said Dreze, who helped draft the first version of NREGA (now called the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act). Dreze, who once wrote an article titled "Gujarat Muddle", recalls that the term, "Gujarat model", was coined around the time of the last Lok Sabha elections (2014). He describes the model as a counter-example, because of the disappointing social indicators inspite of the high growth in terms of standard economic indicators. There is obviously, Dreze believes, something lacking and, in that sense, it can be an illustration of the limitations of relying on private-enterprising growth for development in the larger sense. Commenting on ratings-agency Moody's recent upgrade of India's sovereign-credit rating to 'Baa2' from 'Baa3', Dreze says he doubts the credibility of such an index. "If you dig into the methods behind these indexes, there is very little to them, except that they are taken seriously!" He also raised concerns about the Aadhaar scheme, fearing that it will create an "infrastructure of surveillance". Underlining that his opposition to Aadhaar was not related to welfare programmes, but civil liberties. "Aadhaar multiplies the power of the state to keep track of everybody over time," he said, flagging apprehensions that it could lead to stifling of dissent, as a lot of the databases that are going to be linked will be accessible to the government. Speaking about the recent agitations of Patidars, Jats, and others for reservations, Dreze partly blamed the stagnation of agricultural growth for the unrest. According to Dreze, the people, who have seen the size of their landholding shrink and with the population explosion in the last few decades, have certainly suffered. "That probably creates a sense of grievance, which must have translated to some of these movements, but there must be other things also," he adds. The 'Gujarat Model' has remained the BJP's favorite example of success in election campaigns over the years. Gujarat, the home state of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and BJP president Amit Shah, goes to polls on December 9 and 14.

Economist Jean Dreze punches holes in 'Gujarat Model'

<p>A few weeks back the prime minister <a href="http://www.firstpost.com/politics/narendra-modi-says-people-in-karnataka-do-not-want-to-wait-for-poll-says-they-are-anxious-to-join-race-for-development-4182893.html" rel="nofollow" target="blank">stirred up controversy</a> in Karnataka by observing that the people of the state were &ldquo;anxious to join the race for development.&rdquo; With elections imminent in Gujarat and round the corner in Karnataka, the implication is of course obvious. The prime minister&rsquo;s economic appeal rest to a large extent on his claim to have achieved above average outcomes in his native state.</p>

<p>Much has been written both in favour of and against the &ldquo;Gujarat model.&rdquo; Many observers have criticised it, focusing on the state&rsquo;s less than convincing record on social protection, welfare outcomes, and of course, ensuring rights of Muslims and other minorities.</p>

<p>In a <a href="https://scroll.in/article/855027/gujarat-model-the-gleam-of-states-high-growth-numbers-hides-dark-reality-of-poverty-inequality" rel="nofollow" target="blank">recent article</a> well-known economist, Maitreesh Ghatak evaluated Gujarat&rsquo;s performance on various economic indicators and found it to be middling to the&nbsp;poor performer on many. Others have pointed out that the state has historically been advanced both industrially and commercially with cities such as Surat and Ahmedabad topping the list. So it is not clear what Modi&rsquo;s contribution has been to its relative success vis-a-vis other states.</p>

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<h5>Gujarat should be taken to be a role model, particularly for southern states that have managed to post high rates of growth while being more socially inclusive than many northern states.</h5>
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<p>In any case, development is a multifaceted process and it is always possible to pick indicators that make the point we wish to make. In the new &ldquo;competitive federal&rdquo; framework, wherein development is a &ldquo;race&rdquo; and states are encouraged to market themselves to foreign and domestic investors, this practice has become even more prevalent.</p>

<p>Modi and his supporters are very good at this game. And as befits a race, this year&rsquo;s Economic Survey documented that in the post-reform period there have been <a href="http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/in-india-diverging-incomes-despite-equalising-forces/article17336738.ece" rel="nofollow" target="blank">strong divergences across Indian states</a>. There is a clear sense in which globalisation has been pulling us apart rather than bringing us together. It has been the opposite in China.</p>

<p>So while Gujarat does perform better than many other states as well as better than the national average on some indicators, it is not clear that it should be taken to be a role model, particularly for southern states that have managed to post high rates of growth while being more socially inclusive than many northern states. In some ways, the incidental pre-poll comparison with Karnataka is instructive to evaluate further since both states are comparable in terms of population and basic health and education outcomes, as well as State Gross Domestic Product (SDP).</p>

<p>As per the latest available data from the Economic Survey, Gujarat has a state domestic product just about 6 per cent higher than Karnataka. The states are tied in terms of life expectancy (69 years) but Karnataka fares much better on infant mortality statistics (28 versus 33). While recent data are not available on poverty, as of 2011 Gujarat substantially outperformed Karnataka on this score (16.6 per cent versus 20.9 per cent).</p>

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<h5>Poverty in Gujarat is also substantially less than the national average of 21.9 per cent. In contrast, Gujarat fares much worse in terms of the sex ratio</h5>
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<p>Poverty in Gujarat is also substantially less than the national average of 21.9 per cent. In contrast, Gujarat fares much worse in terms of the sex ratio (919:1000 as opposed to Karnataka&rsquo;s 973) and worse even than India as a whole (943:1000). Another indicator of the low status of women in the state is the female labour force participation rate (LFPR), or the percentage of women, 15 years and older, who participate in paid work.</p>

<p>To Karnataka&rsquo;s 32.7 per cent and the national average of 23.7 per cent, Gujarat has a female LFPR of a mere 19.2 per cent, one of the lowest in the country. If a high level of women&rsquo;s participation in paid market work is taken to be a sign of a mature economy, then Gujarat has much scope for improvement and is in no position to lecture Karnataka.</p>

<p>All in all the Gujarat experience is very much a mixed bag. But the most important way in which it is not that different from Karnataka or indeed the rest of the country is in the extent of what economists call &ldquo;structural transformation&rdquo;, or a shift in value-added as well as the workforce from agriculture to manufacturing and services.</p>

<p>Here, conforming to their respective images as industry- and service-led economies respectively, a substantially higher proportion of Gujarat&rsquo;s state domestic product is account for by industry (40 per cent) compared to Karnataka (25 per cent) and reverse is true for services (Karnataka - 56 per cent, Gujarat - 34 per cent).</p>

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<h5>The Labour Bureau data reveal that the high level of industrialisation in the state has not really benefited the majority of the workforce.</h5>
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<p>However, and this is the key, these numbers do not match up with what is happening to the workers in either state. In both states, nearly half of the workforce is still in agriculture, indicating that development has not delivered the desired outcome in either place and indeed in India as a whole. One might say that it is unfair to expect Gujarat to buck what is clearly a national trend. But then again the Gujarat model rhetoric is one of Gujarati exceptionalism.</p>

<p>The Labour Bureau data reveal that the high level of industrialisation in the state has not really benefited the majority of the workforce. 55 per cent of the workforce is still self-employed and a mere 16 per cent earns a regular wage or salary. Nearly, 78 per cent of households reported not a single regular wage or salary earner (compared to 75 per cent for Karnataka and 77 per cent for India).</p>

<p>Even in urban areas of Gujarat 64 per cent of households do not have a regular wage or salary earner (compared to 59&nbsp; for Karnataka and 62.1 per cent for India). One response to this might be that Gujarat is known for its entrepreneurial culture and so an absence of salary earners is not a big concern. Unfortunately, 57 per cent of households still earn&nbsp;INR 10,000 or less per month either through self-employment or wage income. This is similar to Karnataka (59 per cent).</p>

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<h5>One indicator of development on which Gujarat does outperform both Karnataka and India as whole is the percentage of jobs that come with a written contract.</h5>
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<p>Even in terms of jobs that provide benefits like pension, healthcare etc., Gujarat is not very different from the national average and if anything a little below it (47 per cent as opposed to 50 per cent). Though on this score it vastly outperforms Karnataka (28 per cent). One indicator of development on which Gujarat does outperform both Karnataka and India as a whole is the percentage of jobs that come with a written contract, 30 per cent as opposed to 20 per cent.</p>

<p>In summary, Gujarat enjoys a status as a relatively well-off, industrial state and has been so for decades. But so are many other states, including Karnataka. And where it really matters, pulling workers out of low productivity occupations into higher productivity ones and raising their incomes substantially, Gujarat fails as do most other states.</p>

<p>Disclaimer:&nbsp;<i>The author writes here in a personal capacity.&nbsp;</i></p>


Gujarat is a relatively well-off, industrial state but suffers from poor sex ratio and a low participation of women in the paid workforce.

A few weeks back the prime minister stirred up controversy in Karnataka by observing that the people of the state were “anxious to join the race for development.” With elections imminent in Gujarat and round the corner in Karnataka, the implication is of course obvious. The prime minister’s economic appeal rest to a large extent on his claim to have achieved above average outcomes in his native state. Much has been written both in favour of and against the “Gujarat model.” Many observers have criticised it, focusing on the state’s less than convincing record on social protection, welfare outcomes, and of course, ensuring rights of Muslims and other minorities. In a recent article well-known economist, Maitreesh Ghatak evaluated Gujarat’s performance on various economic indicators and found it to be middling to the poor performer on many. Others have pointed out that the state has historically been advanced both industrially and commercially with cities such as Surat and Ahmedabad topping the list. So it is not clear what Modi’s contribution has been to its relative success vis-a-vis other states. Gujarat should be taken to be a role model, particularly for southern states that have managed to post high rates of growth while being more socially inclusive than many northern states. × In any case, development is a multifaceted process and it is always possible to pick indicators that make the point we wish to make. In the new “competitive federal” framework, wherein development is a “race” and states are encouraged to market themselves to foreign and domestic investors, this practice has become even more prevalent. Modi and his supporters are very good at this game. And as befits a race, this year’s Economic Survey documented that in the post-reform period there have been strong divergences across Indian states. There is a clear sense in which globalisation has been pulling us apart rather than bringing us together. It has been the opposite in China. So while Gujarat does perform better than many other states as well as better than the national average on some indicators, it is not clear that it should be taken to be a role model, particularly for southern states that have managed to post high rates of growth while being more socially inclusive than many northern states. In some ways, the incidental pre-poll comparison with Karnataka is instructive to evaluate further since both states are comparable in terms of population and basic health and education outcomes, as well as State Gross Domestic Product (SDP). As per the latest available data from the Economic Survey, Gujarat has a state domestic product just about 6 per cent higher than Karnataka. The states are tied in terms of life expectancy (69 years) but Karnataka fares much better on infant mortality statistics (28 versus 33). While recent data are not available on poverty, as of 2011 Gujarat substantially outperformed Karnataka on this score (16.6 per cent versus 20.9 per cent). Poverty in Gujarat is also substantially less than the national average of 21.9 per cent. In contrast, Gujarat fares much worse in terms of the sex ratio × Poverty in Gujarat is also substantially less than the national average of 21.9 per cent. In contrast, Gujarat fares much worse in terms of the sex ratio (919:1000 as opposed to Karnataka’s 973) and worse even than India as a whole (943:1000). Another indicator of the low status of women in the state is the female labour force participation rate (LFPR), or the percentage of women, 15 years and older, who participate in paid work. To Karnataka’s 32.7 per cent and the national average of 23.7 per cent, Gujarat has a female LFPR of a mere 19.2 per cent, one of the lowest in the country. If a high level of women’s participation in paid market work is taken to be a sign of a mature economy, then Gujarat has much scope for improvement and is in no position to lecture Karnataka. All in all the Gujarat experience is very much a mixed bag. But the most important way in which it is not that different from Karnataka or indeed the rest of the country is in the extent of what economists call “structural transformation”, or a shift in value-added as well as the workforce from agriculture to manufacturing and services. Here, conforming to their respective images as industry- and service-led economies respectively, a substantially higher proportion of Gujarat’s state domestic product is account for by industry (40 per cent) compared to Karnataka (25 per cent) and reverse is true for services (Karnataka - 56 per cent, Gujarat - 34 per cent). The Labour Bureau data reveal that the high level of industrialisation in the state has not really benefited the majority of the workforce. × However, and this is the key, these numbers do not match up with what is happening to the workers in either state. In both states, nearly half of the workforce is still in agriculture, indicating that development has not delivered the desired outcome in either place and indeed in India as a whole. One might say that it is unfair to expect Gujarat to buck what is clearly a national trend. But then again the Gujarat model rhetoric is one of Gujarati exceptionalism. The Labour Bureau data reveal that the high level of industrialisation in the state has not really benefited the majority of the workforce. 55 per cent of the workforce is still self-employed and a mere 16 per cent earns a regular wage or salary. Nearly, 78 per cent of households reported not a single regular wage or salary earner (compared to 75 per cent for Karnataka and 77 per cent for India). Even in urban areas of Gujarat 64 per cent of households do not have a regular wage or salary earner (compared to 59 for Karnataka and 62.1 per cent for India). One response to this might be that Gujarat is known for its entrepreneurial culture and so an absence of salary earners is not a big concern. Unfortunately, 57 per cent of households still earn INR 10,000 or less per month either through self-employment or wage income. This is similar to Karnataka (59 per cent). One indicator of development on which Gujarat does outperform both Karnataka and India as whole is the percentage of jobs that come with a written contract. × Even in terms of jobs that provide benefits like pension, healthcare etc., Gujarat is not very different from the national average and if anything a little below it (47 per cent as opposed to 50 per cent). Though on this score it vastly outperforms Karnataka (28 per cent). One indicator of development on which Gujarat does outperform both Karnataka and India as a whole is the percentage of jobs that come with a written contract, 30 per cent as opposed to 20 per cent. In summary, Gujarat enjoys a status as a relatively well-off, industrial state and has been so for decades. But so are many other states, including Karnataka. And where it really matters, pulling workers out of low productivity occupations into higher productivity ones and raising their incomes substantially, Gujarat fails as do most other states. Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity.

Opinion: Deconstructing development in Gujarat

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Opinion: Deconstructing development in Gujarat