The far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) is riding high in the polls to the alarm of mainstream parties and is on track to win three state votes in the east of the country with calls to stop migration and curb what it sees as a costly green agenda.

AfD is polling 17-19% nationwide, around a record high for the party that now vies with Chancellor Olaf Scholz's Social Democrats for second place in some surveys, up from fifth in the 2021 election when it secured 10.3% of the vote.

It was last at such highs in 2018 after Europe's migrant crisis. This time, the nationalist, anti-immigrant party has also benefited from infighting in Scholz's three-way coalition.

Far-right parties have gained ground across Europe. In France, the far-right has become a stronger rival at the ballot box, while in Italy and Sweden, they are now are in government.

But the rise of the AfD, which lambasts the German government for high immigration levels, surging inflation and a costly green transition, touches a particularly sensitive nerve in Germany because of the country's Nazi past.

Germany's domestic spy agency has branded the AfD's youth wing "extremist", saying it propagated "a racial concept of society". The spy agency's head has also accused the AfD, which opposes sanctions on Russia, of helping spread Russian propaganda about the Ukraine war.

Germany's main parties have ruled out cooperating with the AfD to keep it out of government, but the AfD's critics worry that it is dragging mainstream politics further right.

"We are seeing the rhetoric on topics like migration get shriller," said Stefan Marschall, political scientist at the University of Duesseldorf.

Migration is moving up Germany's political agenda. Michael Kretschmer, the premier of the east German state of Saxony and who is from the right of centre Christian Democratic Union (CDU), said last week that the number of migrants was "too big", calling for limits on refugees allowed in and cuts to benefits.

<h2>The cost of transition</h2>

The CDU's national leader, Friederich Merz, has however dismissed any comparisons with the AfD, saying in comments on Sunday that his party's language was "nothing like" the AfD's.

Meanwhile, Interior Minister Nancy Faeser has partly blamed the AfD for stoking anti-immigrant attitudes that have fuelled a rise in attacks on refugees. The AfD denies this.

The AfD, which disputes that human activity is a cause of climate change, has also tapped into concerns among some voters about the cost of the transition away from fossil fuels.

AfD leader Tino Chrupalla said more voters appreciated that the policies of the Greens, Scholz's junior coalition partner which wants a swifter shift away from hydrocarbons, brought "economic war, inflation and de-industrialisation."

"We are the only party that would not form a coalition with these dangerous Greens," he said.

In Thueringen, Saxony and Brandenburg, the east German states that are holding state elections in 2024, the AfD is on track to top voting for the first time, with surveys showing its support at 23%-28%.

Analysts say voters in the east, where party loyalties are less well-established, have been more receptive to the AfD in part because they blame mainstream parties that have rotated through various governments over the years for lower incomes that persist in the east, three decades after reunification.

Even if the AfD's is kept out of power, its rise has sucked votes from other parties, forcing them into more unwieldy coalitions at state and national levels, particularly in the east where the AfD is strongest.

<h2>Wave of discontent</h2>

Marc Debus, a political scientist at Mannheim University, said it could bolster calls among some voters for conservatives in particular to work more closely with the AfD, even if not in a formal coalition, rather than aligning with the left.

Some AfD initiatives have won backing from mainstream voters on the more local level. In December, members of the CDU in the small town of Bautzen in Saxony voted in favour of an AfD proposal to cut some benefits, such as language courses for migrants whose asylum applications had been rejected.

"This dogmatic way in Berlin of excluding the AfD, saying they are all Nazis, is wrong," said Matthias Grahl, head of the CDU in the Bautzen district council.

Others say the AfD is riding a wave of discontent because of a confluence of crises that will not last. Inflation has already dipped from its peak and sky-high energy prices over the winter, fuelled by the Ukraine war, have eased.

Wolfgang Buechner, a Scholz government spokesman, said he was confident the coalition could whittle away at AfD support.

"The chancellor is optimistic that if we do good work and solve the problems of this country ... then we will not need to worry much longer about this topic," he said.

The far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) is riding high in the polls to the alarm of mainstream parties and is on track to win three state votes in the east of the country with calls to stop migration and curb what it sees as a costly green agenda.

The far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) is riding high in the polls to the alarm of mainstream parties and is on track to win three state votes in the east of the country with calls to stop migration and curb what it sees as a costly green agenda. AfD is polling 17-19% nationwide, around a record high for the party that now vies with Chancellor Olaf Scholz's Social Democrats for second place in some surveys, up from fifth in the 2021 election when it secured 10.3% of the vote. It was last at such highs in 2018 after Europe's migrant crisis. This time, the nationalist, anti-immigrant party has also benefited from infighting in Scholz's three-way coalition. Far-right parties have gained ground across Europe. In France, the far-right has become a stronger rival at the ballot box, while in Italy and Sweden, they are now are in government. But the rise of the AfD, which lambasts the German government for high immigration levels, surging inflation and a costly green transition, touches a particularly sensitive nerve in Germany because of the country's Nazi past. Germany's domestic spy agency has branded the AfD's youth wing "extremist", saying it propagated "a racial concept of society". The spy agency's head has also accused the AfD, which opposes sanctions on Russia, of helping spread Russian propaganda about the Ukraine war. Germany's main parties have ruled out cooperating with the AfD to keep it out of government, but the AfD's critics worry that it is dragging mainstream politics further right. "We are seeing the rhetoric on topics like migration get shriller," said Stefan Marschall, political scientist at the University of Duesseldorf. Migration is moving up Germany's political agenda. Michael Kretschmer, the premier of the east German state of Saxony and who is from the right of centre Christian Democratic Union (CDU), said last week that the number of migrants was "too big", calling for limits on refugees allowed in and cuts to benefits. The cost of transition The CDU's national leader, Friederich Merz, has however dismissed any comparisons with the AfD, saying in comments on Sunday that his party's language was "nothing like" the AfD's. Meanwhile, Interior Minister Nancy Faeser has partly blamed the AfD for stoking anti-immigrant attitudes that have fuelled a rise in attacks on refugees. The AfD denies this. The AfD, which disputes that human activity is a cause of climate change, has also tapped into concerns among some voters about the cost of the transition away from fossil fuels. AfD leader Tino Chrupalla said more voters appreciated that the policies of the Greens, Scholz's junior coalition partner which wants a swifter shift away from hydrocarbons, brought "economic war, inflation and de-industrialisation." "We are the only party that would not form a coalition with these dangerous Greens," he said. In Thueringen, Saxony and Brandenburg, the east German states that are holding state elections in 2024, the AfD is on track to top voting for the first time, with surveys showing its support at 23%-28%. Analysts say voters in the east, where party loyalties are less well-established, have been more receptive to the AfD in part because they blame mainstream parties that have rotated through various governments over the years for lower incomes that persist in the east, three decades after reunification. Even if the AfD's is kept out of power, its rise has sucked votes from other parties, forcing them into more unwieldy coalitions at state and national levels, particularly in the east where the AfD is strongest. Wave of discontent Marc Debus, a political scientist at Mannheim University, said it could bolster calls among some voters for conservatives in particular to work more closely with the AfD, even if not in a formal coalition, rather than aligning with the left. Some AfD initiatives have won backing from mainstream voters on the more local level. In December, members of the CDU in the small town of Bautzen in Saxony voted in favour of an AfD proposal to cut some benefits, such as language courses for migrants whose asylum applications had been rejected. "This dogmatic way in Berlin of excluding the AfD, saying they are all Nazis, is wrong," said Matthias Grahl, head of the CDU in the Bautzen district council. Others say the AfD is riding a wave of discontent because of a confluence of crises that will not last. Inflation has already dipped from its peak and sky-high energy prices over the winter, fuelled by the Ukraine war, have eased. Wolfgang Buechner, a Scholz government spokesman, said he was confident the coalition could whittle away at AfD support. "The chancellor is optimistic that if we do good work and solve the problems of this country ... then we will not need to worry much longer about this topic," he said.

Analysis: Germany's far-right rides high on anti-immigration, anti-green agenda

Angela Merkel's centre-right CDU will choose a new leader at a special congress on April 25 as the party scrambles to prepare for the veteran German chancellor's departure.

Angela Merkel's centre-right CDU will choose a new leader at a special congress on April 25 as the party scrambles to prepare for the veteran German chancellor's departure. Merkel's Christian Democratic Union was plunged into turmoil after her heir apparent, Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer, resigned as party leader this month over her supposed failure to stop regional lawmakers from cooperating with the far right. The surprise move threw open the race to succeed Merkel, who has been in power for more than 14 years and plans to bow out at the next general elections slated for 2021. Kramp-Karrenbauer, widely known as "AKK", held top-level talks with party grandees in Berlin on Monday to decide the way forward. Also Read: Angela Merkel's party in crisis after 'heir' quits over far right row The top-level deliberations came a day after the CDU suffered its second-worst result ever in a regional election, coming third in Hamburg with just 11.5 per cent of the vote. It is also engulfed in an internal debate as to how it should position itself against the extremes of right and left that have reshaped the nation's political landscape. Far-right crisis After barely a year as head of the party, AKK announced her resignation on February 10. It came after regional lawmakers in the eastern state of Thuringia defied an edict from Berlin not to ally with the extremes, by voting with the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD). It was the latest sign that the defence minister had failed to stamp her authority on the CDU and become a credible candidate to succeed Merkel, who according to polls is still Germany's most popular politician. Also Read: Merkel's conservatives gather for stormy congress er experience also laid bare the challenge for her successor - how to make their mark while Merkel remains in office as chancellor. In the starting blocks are two politicians who promise to break with Merkel's centrist course and lead the CDU rightwards, in a bid to win back voters from AfD. While Friedrich Merz recently described her fourth government as "abysmal", young Health Minister Jens Spahn is a rising party star. Facing them are two more moderate candidates: North Rhine-Westphalia state premier Armin Laschet and Norbert Roettgen, a former environment minister dismissed by Merkel in 2012. Self-destruction The choice of leader will set the tone for the future of a party that has dominated German politics since the federal republic was founded in 1949. Polls highlight the urgent need for action, as only 27 per cent say they would back the CDU, ahead of 23 per cent for the Greens and 14 per cent for the far right. Beyond the high-profile personalities, the conservatives also need to clarify what they stand for in an increasingly splintered political landscape that hinders stable majorities, be it in Berlin or the 16 state parliaments. Top of the list is whether the CDU will stick to its rigid policy of refusing to cooperate with either the far right or the far left, an increasingly difficult position to maintain. Thuringia is a textbook case, as last year's regional elections produced no clear governing majority following a surge by the AfD. CDU state lawmakers voted with the far-right, breaching a historic political taboo, to install a liberal state premier. But after a nationwide outcry, the regional CDU retreated - only to be publicly rebuked by Berlin chiefs for its plan to "tolerate" a minority government led by radical-left successors of the one-party state in communist East Germany.

Germany's CDU to decide on Merkel successor in April

German Chancellor <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/leader-of-angela-merkels-party-threatens-to-resign-if-party-doesnt-support-her-263928">Angela Merkel</a>'s party and her plans to stay on until 2021 were plunged into disarray Monday after her heir-apparent gave up her leadership ambitions in a deepening crisis over ties between the centre and far right.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/leader-of-angela-merkels-party-threatens-to-resign-if-party-doesnt-support-her-263928">Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer</a>, the leader of the centre-right <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/leader-of-angela-merkels-party-threatens-to-resign-if-party-doesnt-support-her-263928">Christian Democratic Union</a> (CDU), opted out barely a year in the post, a period marked by internal battles over whether to cooperate with the anti-immigrant <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/leader-of-angela-merkels-party-threatens-to-resign-if-party-doesnt-support-her-263928">Alternative for Germany</a> (AfD).

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/leader-of-angela-merkels-party-threatens-to-resign-if-party-doesnt-support-her-263928">Angela Merkel's protege wins 'loyalty' after challenging critics</a>

She announced that she was standing down as CDU leader and would not seek to be the party's candidate for chancellor in next year's general elections.

AKK, as Kramp-Karrenbauer is popularly known, blamed the "unresolved relationship of parts of the <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/merkels-conservatives-gather-for-stormy-congress-263787">CDU </a>with the (far-right) <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/merkels-conservatives-gather-for-stormy-congress-263787">AfD </a>and (far-left) Left party" for her decision, a party source said.

"This is an unusually serious situation for the CDU," said close Merkel ally and Economy Minister <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/merkels-conservatives-gather-for-stormy-congress-263787">Peter Altmaier</a>.

"This is about our future as a modern people's party of the centre."

Also read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/merkels-conservatives-gather-for-stormy-congress-263787">Merkel's conservatives gather for stormy congress</a>

While the party has a policy of no cooperation with either far left or far right at a national level, regional CDU lawmakers last week went rogue and voted with MPs from the AfD to oust a far-left state premier in tiny central Thuringia.

The breach in the political dam towards the <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/merkels-conservatives-gather-for-stormy-congress-263787">AfD </a>in Thuringia prompted Merkel's junior partners in the national government, the Social Democratic Party (SPD), to call urgent talks at the weekend about the partnership's future.

AKK's departure, the most prominent political head to roll after the Thuringia crisis, was "unsettling," SPD board member Michael Roth tweeted Monday.

It remains uncertain "whether decent democrats stand together in the battle for democracy and against nationalism," he added.

With the race to the chancellery wide open again, Sueddeutsche Zeitung said the aftershocks could be huge.

"It's very possible that the chancellor's exit is coming closer," it wrote.

German Chancellor Angela Merkel's party and her plans to stay on until 2021 were plunged into disarray Monday after her heir-apparent gave up her leadership ambitions in a deepening crisis over ties between the centre and far right.

German Chancellor Angela Merkel's party and her plans to stay on until 2021 were plunged into disarray Monday after her heir-apparent gave up her leadership ambitions in a deepening crisis over ties between the centre and far right. Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer, the leader of the centre-right Christian Democratic Union (CDU), opted out barely a year in the post, a period marked by internal battles over whether to cooperate with the anti-immigrant Alternative for Germany (AfD). Also read: Angela Merkel's protege wins 'loyalty' after challenging critics She announced that she was standing down as CDU leader and would not seek to be the party's candidate for chancellor in next year's general elections. AKK, as Kramp-Karrenbauer is popularly known, blamed the "unresolved relationship of parts of the CDU with the (far-right) AfD and (far-left) Left party" for her decision, a party source said. "This is an unusually serious situation for the CDU," said close Merkel ally and Economy Minister Peter Altmaier. "This is about our future as a modern people's party of the centre." Also read: Merkel's conservatives gather for stormy congress While the party has a policy of no cooperation with either far left or far right at a national level, regional CDU lawmakers last week went rogue and voted with MPs from the AfD to oust a far-left state premier in tiny central Thuringia. The breach in the political dam towards the AfD in Thuringia prompted Merkel's junior partners in the national government, the Social Democratic Party (SPD), to call urgent talks at the weekend about the partnership's future. AKK's departure, the most prominent political head to roll after the Thuringia crisis, was "unsettling," SPD board member Michael Roth tweeted Monday. It remains uncertain "whether decent democrats stand together in the battle for democracy and against nationalism," he added. With the race to the chancellery wide open again, Sueddeutsche Zeitung said the aftershocks could be huge. "It's very possible that the chancellor's exit is coming closer," it wrote.

Angela Merkel's party in crisis after 'heir' quits over far right row

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/angela-merkel-pledges-support-to-ukraine-after-volodymyr-zelensky-win-212597">German Chancellor Angela Merkel's </a>preferred successor, Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer, said Sunday that she would not seek the top job before Merkel's term ends in 2021.

The woman usually dubbed "AKK" took over from Merkel as head of the centre-right Christian Democratic Union (CDU) last December, while the chancellor said she wants to serve out her 2017-2021 term.

"The chancellor and the government were elected for an entire legislative term and the citizens rightly expect them to take seriously the commitment that came with the election," said Kramp-Karrenbauer.

"So I can rule out the possibility that I will work deliberately to seek a change earlier," she told the Welt am Sonntag newspaper.

Rather, the CDU should work on a new policy platform and nominate its chancellor-candidate in the late autumn of 2020, she said.

German media have been speculating for months over whether Germany's veteran leader Merkel may leave earlier as head of her left-right coalition government.

Under one scenario, her junior partners the centre-left Social Democrats (SPD) could quit the "grand coalition" if they receive further election setbacks.

Upcoming electoral tests are the European Parliament elections this month and three state polls in Germany's ex-communist east later in the year.

In all those elections, the far-right and anti-immigration AfD could make further gains at the expense of the mainstream CDU and SPD parties.

Kramp-Karrenbauer acknowledged that the coalition with the SPD "did not emerge smoothly and doesn't always have an easy time cooperating".

On her relationship with Merkel, she said that "on some days I speak more with her than with my husband".

She stressed however that Merkel to her was neither a "personal friend" nor a "benefactor", and that instead, they are "fellow travellers".&nbsp;

"Our relationship is very good, just as it was before," Kramp-Karrenbauer told the newspaper.&nbsp;

German Chancellor Angela Merkel's preferred successor, Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer, said Sunday that she would not seek the top job before Merkel's term ends in 2021.

German Chancellor Angela Merkel's preferred successor, Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer, said Sunday that she would not seek the top job before Merkel's term ends in 2021. The woman usually dubbed "AKK" took over from Merkel as head of the centre-right Christian Democratic Union (CDU) last December, while the chancellor said she wants to serve out her 2017-2021 term. "The chancellor and the government were elected for an entire legislative term and the citizens rightly expect them to take seriously the commitment that came with the election," said Kramp-Karrenbauer. "So I can rule out the possibility that I will work deliberately to seek a change earlier," she told the Welt am Sonntag newspaper. Rather, the CDU should work on a new policy platform and nominate its chancellor-candidate in the late autumn of 2020, she said. German media have been speculating for months over whether Germany's veteran leader Merkel may leave earlier as head of her left-right coalition government. Under one scenario, her junior partners the centre-left Social Democrats (SPD) could quit the "grand coalition" if they receive further election setbacks. Upcoming electoral tests are the European Parliament elections this month and three state polls in Germany's ex-communist east later in the year. In all those elections, the far-right and anti-immigration AfD could make further gains at the expense of the mainstream CDU and SPD parties. Kramp-Karrenbauer acknowledged that the coalition with the SPD "did not emerge smoothly and doesn't always have an easy time cooperating". On her relationship with Merkel, she said that "on some days I speak more with her than with my husband". She stressed however that Merkel to her was neither a "personal friend" nor a "benefactor", and that instead, they are "fellow travellers". "Our relationship is very good, just as it was before," Kramp-Karrenbauer told the newspaper.

Germany: Merkel's preferred successor says won't seek post before 2021

It was an end of an era in Germany after Angela Merkel, the country’s four-time Chancellor, announced in October that she will not stand again for the leadership of her party, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), following a string of poll setbacks.

A vote that followed Merkel’s announcement saw her close ally Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer emerging as the party’s choice for the new leader. Merkel, 64, had been at the helm of the party for 18 years.

Merkel first became Germany’s chancellor in 2005 and will seek another term in the election set for 2021. She has seen four French presidents and four British prime ministers during her time in office.

The CDU's choice marked a vote for relative political stability in Europe as British Prime Minister Theresa May faces Brexit turmoil and French President Emmanuel Macron's government is rocked by violent street protests.

The biggest political crisis that Merkel has faced during her long career is a 2015 decision to welcome more than one million asylum seekers fleeing crisis zones such as Syria and Iraq. The decision continues to roil German politics and many publications in the country say it hurt the party in national election in September last year.

But despite her diminishing authority, Merkel was named the most powerful woman in the world by Forbes magazine in 2017. She has topped the Forbes list for the seventh consecutive year, and for the 12th time in total.

Born in 1954, Merkel studied physics at Karl Marx University (now known as University of Leipzig). She was awarded a doctorate for her thesis on quantum chemistry in 1986.

Merkel entered politics after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, joining the Conservative Alliance which was a part of Christian Democratic Union and German Social Union coalition. She formally joined the CDU in 1990 and won her first election in December that year.

Merkel was elected to lead the CDU in the year 2000, becoming the first woman to lead the party. In the 2002 election for Chancellorship, there was no consensus on Merkel’s name but political turns in Germany led to early elections, in 2005, in which a grand coalition was announced with Merkel at its head. She took oath as Chancellor of Germany for the first time on November 22, 2005, becoming the first woman, the first East German and at aged 51 at that time, the youngest to hold the post in Germany.

It was an end of an era in Germany after Angela Merkel, the country’s four-time Chancellor, announced in October that she will not stand again for the leadership of her party, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), following a string of poll setbacks.

It was an end of an era in Germany after Angela Merkel, the country’s four-time Chancellor, announced in October that she will not stand again for the leadership of her party, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), following a string of poll setbacks. A vote that followed Merkel’s announcement saw her close ally Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer emerging as the party’s choice for the new leader. Merkel, 64, had been at the helm of the party for 18 years. Merkel first became Germany’s chancellor in 2005 and will seek another term in the election set for 2021. She has seen four French presidents and four British prime ministers during her time in office. The CDU's choice marked a vote for relative political stability in Europe as British Prime Minister Theresa May faces Brexit turmoil and French President Emmanuel Macron's government is rocked by violent street protests. The biggest political crisis that Merkel has faced during her long career is a 2015 decision to welcome more than one million asylum seekers fleeing crisis zones such as Syria and Iraq. The decision continues to roil German politics and many publications in the country say it hurt the party in national election in September last year. But despite her diminishing authority, Merkel was named the most powerful woman in the world by Forbes magazine in 2017. She has topped the Forbes list for the seventh consecutive year, and for the 12th time in total. Born in 1954, Merkel studied physics at Karl Marx University (now known as University of Leipzig). She was awarded a doctorate for her thesis on quantum chemistry in 1986. Merkel entered politics after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, joining the Conservative Alliance which was a part of Christian Democratic Union and German Social Union coalition. She formally joined the CDU in 1990 and won her first election in December that year. Merkel was elected to lead the CDU in the year 2000, becoming the first woman to lead the party. In the 2002 election for Chancellorship, there was no consensus on Merkel’s name but political turns in Germany led to early elections, in 2005, in which a grand coalition was announced with Merkel at its head. She took oath as Chancellor of Germany for the first time on November 22, 2005, becoming the first woman, the first East German and at aged 51 at that time, the youngest to hold the post in Germany.

The life and times of German chancellor Angela Merkel

Peter Tauber, secretary-general of German Chancellor Angela Merkel&#39;s conservative CDU party, will step down from his post for health reasons, party sources said Sunday.

Tauber, 43, will announce his decision on Monday, the sources said, with a successor to be named at an extraordinary party congress on February 26.

Although Tauber is seen as a close associate of Merkel&#39;s, infighting within the CDU (Christian Democratic Union) led the chancellor to designate another party stalwart to draft the party&#39;s electoral platform last year.

Tauber&#39;s intestinal illness prevented him from taking part in the protracted negotiations to form a government following last September&#39;s inconclusive elections.

He underwent surgery for his condition last month.

The CDU and the Social Democrats (SPD), both weakened by the elections, finally reluctantly renewed their left-right &quot;grand coalition&quot; or &quot;GroKo&quot; last week.

The deal is still subject to a ballot by the SPD&#39;s deeply divided base of 470,000 rank-and file members.

Some within the CDU have criticised the deal, which saw the SPD clinch the finance portfolio, as too generous.

Tauber, 43, will announce his decision on Monday, the sources said, with a successor to be named at an extraordinary party congress on February 26

Peter Tauber, secretary-general of German Chancellor Angela Merkel's conservative CDU party, will step down from his post for health reasons, party sources said Sunday. Tauber, 43, will announce his decision on Monday, the sources said, with a successor to be named at an extraordinary party congress on February 26. Although Tauber is seen as a close associate of Merkel's, infighting within the CDU (Christian Democratic Union) led the chancellor to designate another party stalwart to draft the party's electoral platform last year. Tauber's intestinal illness prevented him from taking part in the protracted negotiations to form a government following last September's inconclusive elections. He underwent surgery for his condition last month. The CDU and the Social Democrats (SPD), both weakened by the elections, finally reluctantly renewed their left-right "grand coalition" or "GroKo" last week. The deal is still subject to a ballot by the SPD's deeply divided base of 470,000 rank-and file members. Some within the CDU have criticised the deal, which saw the SPD clinch the finance portfolio, as too generous.

Top official in Merkel's CDU to step down: Party sources

Chancellor Angela Merkel said Monday that she was ready to lead her party into snap elections rather than risk leading an unstable minority government, after the collapse of coalition talks plunged Germany into a political crisis.

&quot;I&#39;m very sceptical&quot; about a minority government, Merkel told public broadcaster ARD, adding that &quot;new elections would be the better path&quot;.

In a separate interview with public broadcaster ZDF, Merkel emphasised that Germany needed a stable government &quot;that does not need to seek a majority for every decision&quot;.

The veteran leader also confirmed that she was ready to lead her Christian Democratic Union (CDU) into new elections and said she had not considered stepping down after 12 years in office.&nbsp;

Merkel has been forced to fight for her political future after high-stakes talks to form a coalition government failed overnight, potentially forcing Europe&#39;s biggest economy to hold new elections.

But a new vote could deliver results that are just as inconclusive as September&#39;s, which had prompted Merkel and her conservative CDU-CSU alliance to seek a partnership with the pro-business FDP and the ecologist Greens.

Merkel has been forced to fight for her political future after high-stakes talks to form a coalition government failed overnight, potentially forcing Europe's biggest economy to hold new elections

Chancellor Angela Merkel said Monday that she was ready to lead her party into snap elections rather than risk leading an unstable minority government, after the collapse of coalition talks plunged Germany into a political crisis. "I'm very sceptical" about a minority government, Merkel told public broadcaster ARD, adding that "new elections would be the better path". In a separate interview with public broadcaster ZDF, Merkel emphasised that Germany needed a stable government "that does not need to seek a majority for every decision". The veteran leader also confirmed that she was ready to lead her Christian Democratic Union (CDU) into new elections and said she had not considered stepping down after 12 years in office. Merkel has been forced to fight for her political future after high-stakes talks to form a coalition government failed overnight, potentially forcing Europe's biggest economy to hold new elections. But a new vote could deliver results that are just as inconclusive as September's, which had prompted Merkel and her conservative CDU-CSU alliance to seek a partnership with the pro-business FDP and the ecologist Greens.

Merkel says new elections 'would be better path' than minority government

Germany&#39;s next finance minister should be politically independent of Chancellor Angela&nbsp;Merkel, the leader of the Free Democrats (FDP) said on Tuesday, rebuffing calls to keep the ministry in conservative hands.

Merkel&#39;s conservatives are poised to begin tricky three-way coalition talks with the pro-business FDP and the environmentalist Greens following an election last month in which her party suffered a sharp drop in support.

Wolfgang Schaeuble, a veteran member of&nbsp;Merkel&#39;s Christian Democratic Union (CDU), is giving up the finance ministry after eight years to become president of the Bundestag lower house of parliament.

He has been temporarily replaced by&nbsp;Merkel&nbsp;ally Peter Altmaier. But FDP leader Christian Lindner said the CDU should relinquish the post in a new government, rebuffing Volker Kauder, a senior Merkel&nbsp;ally, who said last week that the party should keep control of the ministry in order to safeguard Schaeuble&#39;s legacy.

&quot;I think the Chancellery and the finance ministry should be politically separate,&quot; Lindner told the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. &quot;A Green, a CSU or an FDP finance minister - anything would be better than leaving the finance ministry in CDU hands.&quot;

Lindner was coy about whether he might do the job himself. The expectation is that the FDP will claim the ministry, but senior members of the party say, Lindner, who indicated during the election campaign that he might prefer to stay outside the cabinet, has not made up his mind yet.

In the interview, Lindner reiterated hardline FDP positions on Europe that appeared in the party&#39;s election programme, including calls for an insolvency mechanism for the eurozone and treaty changes to allow countries to exit the euro.

Lindner also voiced opposition to the idea of turning the euro zone&#39;s rescue mechanism, the ESM, into a more powerful European Monetary Fund, an idea supported by Schaeuble,&nbsp;Merkel&nbsp;and French President Emmanuel Macron.

&quot;In a monetary union where the deficit rules of Maastricht are respected, there is no need for permanent rescue funds,&quot; Lindner said.

He came out against a common deposit insurance scheme for European banks and warnedMerkel&nbsp;and Altmaier against doing deals in Brussels before a new coalition government is in place.

&quot;Germany is not currently in a position to take decisions,&quot; Lindner said. &quot;For me, it is completely out of the question that a finance minister who is only there in an acting capacity negotiates in Brussels as if nothing has happened. No decisions can be taken without achieving a new political legitimacy.&quot;

The leader of Free Democrats Party said the next finance minister of Germany should be politically independent of Chancellor Angella Merkel

Germany's next finance minister should be politically independent of Chancellor Angela Merkel, the leader of the Free Democrats (FDP) said on Tuesday, rebuffing calls to keep the ministry in conservative hands. Merkel's conservatives are poised to begin tricky three-way coalition talks with the pro-business FDP and the environmentalist Greens following an election last month in which her party suffered a sharp drop in support. Wolfgang Schaeuble, a veteran member of Merkel's Christian Democratic Union (CDU), is giving up the finance ministry after eight years to become president of the Bundestag lower house of parliament. He has been temporarily replaced by Merkel ally Peter Altmaier. But FDP leader Christian Lindner said the CDU should relinquish the post in a new government, rebuffing Volker Kauder, a senior Merkel ally, who said last week that the party should keep control of the ministry in order to safeguard Schaeuble's legacy. "I think the Chancellery and the finance ministry should be politically separate," Lindner told the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. "A Green, a CSU or an FDP finance minister - anything would be better than leaving the finance ministry in CDU hands." Lindner was coy about whether he might do the job himself. The expectation is that the FDP will claim the ministry, but senior members of the party say, Lindner, who indicated during the election campaign that he might prefer to stay outside the cabinet, has not made up his mind yet. In the interview, Lindner reiterated hardline FDP positions on Europe that appeared in the party's election programme, including calls for an insolvency mechanism for the eurozone and treaty changes to allow countries to exit the euro. Lindner also voiced opposition to the idea of turning the euro zone's rescue mechanism, the ESM, into a more powerful European Monetary Fund, an idea supported by Schaeuble, Merkel and French President Emmanuel Macron. "In a monetary union where the deficit rules of Maastricht are respected, there is no need for permanent rescue funds," Lindner said. He came out against a common deposit insurance scheme for European banks and warnedMerkel and Altmaier against doing deals in Brussels before a new coalition government is in place. "Germany is not currently in a position to take decisions," Lindner said. "For me, it is completely out of the question that a finance minister who is only there in an acting capacity negotiates in Brussels as if nothing has happened. No decisions can be taken without achieving a new political legitimacy."

Merkel's CDU must relinquish finance ministry: FDP leader

Angela Merkel will continue as chancellor of Germany. But following an <a href="https://theconversation.com/uk/politics">election</a> that saw the rise of <a href="http://www.focus.de/politik/praxistipps/erste-hochrechnungen-die-aktuelle-prognose-zum-ergebnis-der-bundestagswahl-2017_id_7631195.html">smaller parties</a> &ndash; most notably the far right &ndash; her fourth term will probably be an eventful one in ways, she would not wish for.

The Union parties (Merkel&rsquo;s CDU and sister party CSU) finished in top place with just under 33%. They did nevertheless lose almost 9% over their previous election result of 2013.

The Social Democratic Party (SPD), coalition partner to the Union parties, finished a distant second, with just over 20% of the vote. For the SPD, this is a historic low: almost 6% down on the last election. Party leader Martin Schulz failed to come up to scratch in a lacklustre campaign.

Four smaller parties have managed to meet the 5% threshold to qualify for seats in parliament.

The right-wing populist party, Alternative for Germany (AfD), achieved a dubious milestone in post-war German history. With a vote share of 12.5%, it will be the first overtly far-right nationalist party to enter the federal parliament.

The Left Party (die Linke) and the Green Party (B&uuml;ndnis &lsquo;90/die Gr&uuml;nen) made marginal gains to score 9% and just over 9% respectively. Big gains went to one party that had been more or less written off after the last election and to another that many commentators hoped never to see in parliament at the federal level. The liberal Free Democratic Party (FDP) rose from the ashes to return to parliament under their charismatic new leader Christian Lindner. With 10.7% of the vote, the party more than doubled its tally of the last election.

Forming a government

The new government will need to control 316 seats in the parliament to achieve the majority needed to take office. While probably technically possible, a continuation of the current Grand Coalition (GroKo) between CDU/CSU and SPD now seems unlikely.

Having sent mixed messages before the election, the SPD declared after the close of polls that it aims to work as an <a href="http://www.focus.de/politik/deutschland/bundestagswahl_2017/bundestagswahl-2017-im-live-ticker-wahlbeteiligung-bislang-schwaecher-als-2013_id_7631710.html">opposition</a> party in the new parliament.

With the AfD and die Linke ruled out of a CDU/CSU-based coalition on ideological grounds, this leaves the possibility of a so-called Jamaica coalition of CDU/CSU, FDP and the Greens (the parties&rsquo; traditional colours of black, green and yellow tally with the Jamaican flag). However, this option is no foregone conclusion and could prove very unpopular with voters.

All roads lead to Merkel

Despite the consistency of the polls over the past few weeks, an unprecedented number of German voters &ndash; <a href="http://www.faz.net/aktuell/politik/bundestagswahl/bundestagswahl-2017-entscheidet-die-taktik-der-waehler-15212740.html">around 40%</a> &ndash; remained undecided as late as a week before the election.

The uncertainty was palpable in an unusually nervy, volatile mood among the electorate. <a href="https://www.pocketstory.com/der-spiegel/sicherheit-und-wut">Psychologist Stephan Gr&uuml;newald</a> noted odd swings in public perceptions of the Merkel government&rsquo;s achievements. One minute Germany was a &ldquo;desolate land&rdquo;, the next an &ldquo;island of prosperity&rdquo;.

Germans are well aware of their relative prosperity in Europe but seem to have been traumatised by the impact of the <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-41147362">migrant crisis</a> within their borders. Anxiety runs high over international tensions and there is a fear that Germany&rsquo;s economic security is under threat. At one level, people could hardly be bothered about the election. Even so, social media posts exploded with rage and Merkel&rsquo;s car was <a href="http://www.faz.net/aktuell/politik/bundestagswahl/merkels-wagen-mit-tomaten-beworfen-15190057.html">pelted with tomatoes</a> at appearances in the east &ndash; her home territory.

The voters sensed that a change was overdue but calculated that in practice all votes &ndash; other than for the radical outliers of the Left Party and AfD &ndash; would trickle back to Merkel. Ironically, the opposition parties fed the perception that there was no alternative to Merkel.

Before election day, all of the remaining mainstream parties &ndash; SPD, Greens and FDP &ndash; had seemed open to the idea of joining a coalition. With the Union parties bossing the polls at around 36% and the SPD well behind at around 22%, it was clear that any continuation of the GroKo would be led by Merkel, not Schulz.

Even after three terms in office and after testing the forbearance of the German public with her open doors asylum policy, 56% claimed in polling that they would rather see her <a href="http://www.forschungsgruppe.de/Aktuelles/Politbarometer/">remain chancellor</a> while only 32% favoured Schulz. With neither the mainstream parties nor the voters daring to rock the boat, Merkel barely needed to campaign.

But now she faces another set of challenges before she can forge a new government. Before the election, it was thought that the higher the vote for the AfD, the greater the likelihood that the vote of the other smaller parties would be squeezed, making a continuation of the crumbling CDU/CSU-SPD partnership unavoidable. Instead, it was the vote of the two main parties that was squeezed, apparently convincing the SPD that there was no future for it in a Merkel-led GroKo. Now Merkel must try to make a pact with two parties that will stretch the comfort zone of an already broad Union church.

<img alt="The Conversation" height="1" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/84578/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" width="1" />Also, the higher the vote for the AfD, the greater the pressure that the CSU, the CDU&rsquo;s more conservative and reactionary Bavarian sister party, can exert on the content of the government&rsquo;s coalition agreement and on future policy direction. Horst Seehofer, the leader of the CSU, had already announced his intention of driving the Union parties further to the right in the post-election coalition negotiations. The strident entry of the AfD into parliament will help him to justify his demands, including a more <a href="https://theconversation.com/angela-merkels-election-manifesto-attempts-to-rebrand-refugees-80447">rigorous immigration control policy</a>. With the CSU suffering a historic low of 38.5% &ndash; a drop of almost <a href="http://www.spiegel.de/politik/deutschland/csu-stuerzt-in-bayern-auf-niedrigstes-ergebnis-seit-1949-a-1169590.html">11% of the vote</a> &ndash; in its Bavarian constituency, it will be sure to press even harder for conservative reforms.

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/angela-merkel-wins-a-fourth-term-in-office-but-it-wont-be-an-easy-one-84578">original article</a>.

&nbsp;

Angela Merkel maintains her pre-eminence and leads to the challenging fourth term

Angela Merkel will continue as chancellor of Germany. But following an election that saw the rise of smaller parties – most notably the far right – her fourth term will probably be an eventful one in ways, she would not wish for. The Union parties (Merkel’s CDU and sister party CSU) finished in top place with just under 33%. They did nevertheless lose almost 9% over their previous election result of 2013. The Social Democratic Party (SPD), coalition partner to the Union parties, finished a distant second, with just over 20% of the vote. For the SPD, this is a historic low: almost 6% down on the last election. Party leader Martin Schulz failed to come up to scratch in a lacklustre campaign. Four smaller parties have managed to meet the 5% threshold to qualify for seats in parliament. The right-wing populist party, Alternative for Germany (AfD), achieved a dubious milestone in post-war German history. With a vote share of 12.5%, it will be the first overtly far-right nationalist party to enter the federal parliament. The Left Party (die Linke) and the Green Party (Bündnis ‘90/die Grünen) made marginal gains to score 9% and just over 9% respectively. Big gains went to one party that had been more or less written off after the last election and to another that many commentators hoped never to see in parliament at the federal level. The liberal Free Democratic Party (FDP) rose from the ashes to return to parliament under their charismatic new leader Christian Lindner. With 10.7% of the vote, the party more than doubled its tally of the last election. Forming a government The new government will need to control 316 seats in the parliament to achieve the majority needed to take office. While probably technically possible, a continuation of the current Grand Coalition (GroKo) between CDU/CSU and SPD now seems unlikely. Having sent mixed messages before the election, the SPD declared after the close of polls that it aims to work as an opposition party in the new parliament. With the AfD and die Linke ruled out of a CDU/CSU-based coalition on ideological grounds, this leaves the possibility of a so-called Jamaica coalition of CDU/CSU, FDP and the Greens (the parties’ traditional colours of black, green and yellow tally with the Jamaican flag). However, this option is no foregone conclusion and could prove very unpopular with voters. All roads lead to Merkel Despite the consistency of the polls over the past few weeks, an unprecedented number of German voters – around 40% – remained undecided as late as a week before the election. The uncertainty was palpable in an unusually nervy, volatile mood among the electorate. Psychologist Stephan Grünewald noted odd swings in public perceptions of the Merkel government’s achievements. One minute Germany was a “desolate land”, the next an “island of prosperity”. Germans are well aware of their relative prosperity in Europe but seem to have been traumatised by the impact of the migrant crisis within their borders. Anxiety runs high over international tensions and there is a fear that Germany’s economic security is under threat. At one level, people could hardly be bothered about the election. Even so, social media posts exploded with rage and Merkel’s car was pelted with tomatoes at appearances in the east – her home territory. The voters sensed that a change was overdue but calculated that in practice all votes – other than for the radical outliers of the Left Party and AfD – would trickle back to Merkel. Ironically, the opposition parties fed the perception that there was no alternative to Merkel. Before election day, all of the remaining mainstream parties – SPD, Greens and FDP – had seemed open to the idea of joining a coalition. With the Union parties bossing the polls at around 36% and the SPD well behind at around 22%, it was clear that any continuation of the GroKo would be led by Merkel, not Schulz. Even after three terms in office and after testing the forbearance of the German public with her open doors asylum policy, 56% claimed in polling that they would rather see her remain chancellor while only 32% favoured Schulz. With neither the mainstream parties nor the voters daring to rock the boat, Merkel barely needed to campaign. But now she faces another set of challenges before she can forge a new government. Before the election, it was thought that the higher the vote for the AfD, the greater the likelihood that the vote of the other smaller parties would be squeezed, making a continuation of the crumbling CDU/CSU-SPD partnership unavoidable. Instead, it was the vote of the two main parties that was squeezed, apparently convincing the SPD that there was no future for it in a Merkel-led GroKo. Now Merkel must try to make a pact with two parties that will stretch the comfort zone of an already broad Union church. Also, the higher the vote for the AfD, the greater the pressure that the CSU, the CDU’s more conservative and reactionary Bavarian sister party, can exert on the content of the government’s coalition agreement and on future policy direction. Horst Seehofer, the leader of the CSU, had already announced his intention of driving the Union parties further to the right in the post-election coalition negotiations. The strident entry of the AfD into parliament will help him to justify his demands, including a more rigorous immigration control policy. With the CSU suffering a historic low of 38.5% – a drop of almost 11% of the vote – in its Bavarian constituency, it will be sure to press even harder for conservative reforms. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

Angela Merkel wins a fourth term in office ? but it won't be an easy one

When Angela Merkel first became Chancellor of Germany in 2005, she was a virtual unknown. Critics were sceptical about her staying power. There were confident predictions that she wouldn&rsquo;t see out the 100-day honeymoon period traditionally enjoyed by a new incumbent. Now, 12 years on, Merkel is undoubtedly the most powerful woman in the world and a symbol of continuity both at home and abroad. Yet remarkably little is known about her, what drives her and what explains her extraordinary resilience. So who is Angela Merkel and what explains her dominance of Germany&rsquo;s millennial years?

Within her party, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), Merkel&rsquo;s rise to political prominence was aided by two factors: she was both fiercely competent and inconspicuous. She was underestimated, even patronised, by party colleagues. <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/jun/16/helmut-kohl-ex-chancellor-and-architect-of-german-reunification-dies-aged-87">Helmut Kohl</a>, the long-serving CDU prime minister who presided over German unification, referred to her as &ldquo;the girl&rdquo; (das M&auml;dchen). He never seriously rated her as a challenge for his role.

<figure class="align-center ">
<figcaption>
When Kohl became embroiled in a <a href="http://www.dw.com/en/the-scandal-that-rocked-the-government-of-helmut-kohl/a-5137950" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">party funding scandal</a> it was Merkel who represented the new face of the CDU, free of the taint of past party sleaze. Kohl apparently <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/germany/angela-merkel/11920552/10-moments-that-define-German-chancellor-Angela-Merkel.html" style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">never forgave her</a> for usurping him.
</figcaption>
</figure>

The appeal of the ordinary

Even after three terms in office and after testing the forbearance of the German public with her open doors asylum policy, Merkel remains extraordinarily popular with the German public. Significantly, <a href="https://www.tagesschau.de/inland/deutschlandtrend-895.html">her popularity extends across all parties</a>.

Part of her enduring appeal lies in her unobtrusiveness. For a politician, she is, well, rather ordinary. Merkel has never felt the need to validate herself through a polished public image. She famously wears <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/fashion/shortcuts/2012/oct/09/angela-merkel-jacket-pantone">the same jacket in a dizzying array of colours</a>, because it&rsquo;s easier than selecting new styles for every public appearance. Her groundedness and indifference to the trappings of the political high life have earned widespread respect.

Although entitled to live in a fine official residence at the Brandenburg Gate, she prefers to stay in a small flat she shares with her husband. When she has time, she cooks her own food. A keen football fan, the photos of her and president Joachim Gauck celebrating in the German national squad&rsquo;s dressing room after their <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/sport/football/world-cup/pictures/10965966/Angela-Merkels-World-Cup-German-Chancellor-joins-in-the-celebrations.html">2014 World Cup</a> win look natural and convincing.

In her understated way, Merkel conveys an image of a woman who can&rsquo;t be bought; who somehow remains outside the privileged elite. Both endearing and slightly demeaning, her nickname of &ldquo;Mutti&rdquo; (Mum) combines common responses to this eastern-born outsider and cements a sense of trustworthiness that serves her well with the voters.

Patience and pragmatism

A large part of Merkel&rsquo;s success lies in her consummate mastery of the German political system. Quite simply, she has what it takes to win in German politics. She is cautious, pragmatic, strategic, patient, and is imbued with the traditional Christian Democratic certainty that the integration of interests provides a sound basis for governance. She is an outstanding mediator. At times these attributes have infuriated supporters and critics alike, but they have worked for her.

Merkel has a keen instinct for shifts in public opinion and is swift to occupy new ground. This maddens the opposition SPD, which often complains that the union parties are &ldquo;stealing their clothes&rdquo;, making it difficult for them to develop a distinctive policy platform.

Just before the dissolution of parliament ahead of the 2017 election, Merkel engineered the passage of a <a href="http://www.spiegel.de/politik/deutschland/angela-merkel-ja-zur-ehe-fuer-alle-nicht-aus-ueberzeugung-a-1155042.html">popular bill</a> legalising gay marriage. Although it went against majority opinion within her own party, she didn&rsquo;t want the SPD or the Green Party to be able to capitalise on the issue in the election campaign.

Merkel is frequently criticised for &ldquo;de-politicising&rdquo; government. She tends to a technocratic, pragmatic approach and often sits on the fence. After three terms in office, there are concerns that this &ldquo;Merkel model&rdquo; of governance is smothering the vigorous plural exchanges that ought to characterise democratic interaction between the mainstream parties.

In particular, critics fear that Merkel&rsquo;s current grand coalition (where government power is shared between the leading party and the main party of opposition) is driving out the democratic principle of alternation of government (where there is a real potential for elections to replace one government party with another). With no mainstream opposition to the existing government, voters are drawn to cast a protest vote for radical parties, such as right-wing populists AfD. Moreover, this middle-of-the-road approach blocks reform of outdated policies.

While these are valid arguments, Merkel&rsquo;s depoliticised approach is, in fact, a logical strategy for sustained leadership in the German political system. In order to pass major domestic legislation in Germany, a government has to get a bill passed not only the parliament, in which it has a majority, but also the second legislature, the Bundesrat, where the federal government majority is not replicated. In practice, every government has to &ldquo;collude&rdquo; with opposition forces on a routine basis if it is to be successful.

The &ldquo;boring&rdquo; election campaigns so common in German politics are also a function of the system. Until the votes have been cast and the parliamentary arithmetic is known, neither the CDU/CSU nor the SPD can know for sure how it might work with the other parties in parliament to forge a majority coalition government. The election is only the beginning. Many of the details of the new chancellor&rsquo;s programme will not be settled until the rounds of coalition negotiations that take place immediately afterwards. It makes sense, then, for the two main parties to avoid specifics on their policy platforms. Keeping their powder dry, though, can make the public feel that their main concerns are not being adequately addressed.

Recently, media reports have highlighted unprecedented levels of rage and polarisation in post-war German opinion. The anti-immigrant Pegida movement and the populist <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-37274201">Alternative for Germany</a> (AfD) have voiced views that only a few years ago would have been considered completely unacceptable in public discourse. This has carried over into society, where public opinion is hardening against asylum seekers.

<img alt="The Conversation" height="1" src="https://counter.theconversation.com/content/84442/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" width="1" />Some argue that this new German anger can&rsquo;t be dismissed simply as a protest vote for the AfD, but may indicate a more profound disaffection with the Merkel model. But a quick glance at the world outside and the alternative leadership at home seems to have persuaded most voters that this is not the time to throw their toys out of the pram. The Merkel decade has quietly transformed Germany into a world power while protecting the economy from the worst of the fallout from the eurozone crisis. Throughout the postwar period, German voters have shown a strong inclination for predictability: for &ldquo;the devil they know&rdquo;. Perhaps this more than anything else will secure one more term for Merkel.

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com" nofollow="" rel="">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/the-angela-merkel-model-or-how-to-succeed-in-german-politics-84442" nofollow="" rel="">original article</a>.

Angela Merkel looks set to continue her magnificent political journey

When Angela Merkel first became Chancellor of Germany in 2005, she was a virtual unknown. Critics were sceptical about her staying power. There were confident predictions that she wouldn’t see out the 100-day honeymoon period traditionally enjoyed by a new incumbent. Now, 12 years on, Merkel is undoubtedly the most powerful woman in the world and a symbol of continuity both at home and abroad. Yet remarkably little is known about her, what drives her and what explains her extraordinary resilience. So who is Angela Merkel and what explains her dominance of Germany’s millennial years? Within her party, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), Merkel’s rise to political prominence was aided by two factors: she was both fiercely competent and inconspicuous. She was underestimated, even patronised, by party colleagues. Helmut Kohl, the long-serving CDU prime minister who presided over German unification, referred to her as “the girl” (das Mädchen). He never seriously rated her as a challenge for his role. When Kohl became embroiled in a party funding scandal it was Merkel who represented the new face of the CDU, free of the taint of past party sleaze. Kohl apparently never forgave her for usurping him. The appeal of the ordinary Even after three terms in office and after testing the forbearance of the German public with her open doors asylum policy, Merkel remains extraordinarily popular with the German public. Significantly, her popularity extends across all parties. Part of her enduring appeal lies in her unobtrusiveness. For a politician, she is, well, rather ordinary. Merkel has never felt the need to validate herself through a polished public image. She famously wears the same jacket in a dizzying array of colours, because it’s easier than selecting new styles for every public appearance. Her groundedness and indifference to the trappings of the political high life have earned widespread respect. Although entitled to live in a fine official residence at the Brandenburg Gate, she prefers to stay in a small flat she shares with her husband. When she has time, she cooks her own food. A keen football fan, the photos of her and president Joachim Gauck celebrating in the German national squad’s dressing room after their 2014 World Cup win look natural and convincing. In her understated way, Merkel conveys an image of a woman who can’t be bought; who somehow remains outside the privileged elite. Both endearing and slightly demeaning, her nickname of “Mutti” (Mum) combines common responses to this eastern-born outsider and cements a sense of trustworthiness that serves her well with the voters. Patience and pragmatism A large part of Merkel’s success lies in her consummate mastery of the German political system. Quite simply, she has what it takes to win in German politics. She is cautious, pragmatic, strategic, patient, and is imbued with the traditional Christian Democratic certainty that the integration of interests provides a sound basis for governance. She is an outstanding mediator. At times these attributes have infuriated supporters and critics alike, but they have worked for her. Merkel has a keen instinct for shifts in public opinion and is swift to occupy new ground. This maddens the opposition SPD, which often complains that the union parties are “stealing their clothes”, making it difficult for them to develop a distinctive policy platform. Just before the dissolution of parliament ahead of the 2017 election, Merkel engineered the passage of a popular bill legalising gay marriage. Although it went against majority opinion within her own party, she didn’t want the SPD or the Green Party to be able to capitalise on the issue in the election campaign. Merkel is frequently criticised for “de-politicising” government. She tends to a technocratic, pragmatic approach and often sits on the fence. After three terms in office, there are concerns that this “Merkel model” of governance is smothering the vigorous plural exchanges that ought to characterise democratic interaction between the mainstream parties. In particular, critics fear that Merkel’s current grand coalition (where government power is shared between the leading party and the main party of opposition) is driving out the democratic principle of alternation of government (where there is a real potential for elections to replace one government party with another). With no mainstream opposition to the existing government, voters are drawn to cast a protest vote for radical parties, such as right-wing populists AfD. Moreover, this middle-of-the-road approach blocks reform of outdated policies. While these are valid arguments, Merkel’s depoliticised approach is, in fact, a logical strategy for sustained leadership in the German political system. In order to pass major domestic legislation in Germany, a government has to get a bill passed not only the parliament, in which it has a majority, but also the second legislature, the Bundesrat, where the federal government majority is not replicated. In practice, every government has to “collude” with opposition forces on a routine basis if it is to be successful. The “boring” election campaigns so common in German politics are also a function of the system. Until the votes have been cast and the parliamentary arithmetic is known, neither the CDU/CSU nor the SPD can know for sure how it might work with the other parties in parliament to forge a majority coalition government. The election is only the beginning. Many of the details of the new chancellor’s programme will not be settled until the rounds of coalition negotiations that take place immediately afterwards. It makes sense, then, for the two main parties to avoid specifics on their policy platforms. Keeping their powder dry, though, can make the public feel that their main concerns are not being adequately addressed. Recently, media reports have highlighted unprecedented levels of rage and polarisation in post-war German opinion. The anti-immigrant Pegida movement and the populist Alternative for Germany (AfD) have voiced views that only a few years ago would have been considered completely unacceptable in public discourse. This has carried over into society, where public opinion is hardening against asylum seekers. Some argue that this new German anger can’t be dismissed simply as a protest vote for the AfD, but may indicate a more profound disaffection with the Merkel model. But a quick glance at the world outside and the alternative leadership at home seems to have persuaded most voters that this is not the time to throw their toys out of the pram. The Merkel decade has quietly transformed Germany into a world power while protecting the economy from the worst of the fallout from the eurozone crisis. Throughout the postwar period, German voters have shown a strong inclination for predictability: for “the devil they know”. Perhaps this more than anything else will secure one more term for Merkel. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

The Angela Merkel model ? or how to succeed in German politics

German Chancellor Angela Merkel will announce her decision to seek a fourth term in due time, her spokesman confirmed on Tuesday.&nbsp;

The comment came in response to a lawmaker in Merkel&#39;s Christian Democratic Union (CDU), Norbert Roettgen, told CNN&nbsp;she &quot;will run for chancellor&quot;.

Merkel&#39;s spokesperson, Steffen Seibert told Reuters &quot;She will address this question at the suitable time, as has been said many times in the past.&quot;

Merkel&#39;s allies expect her to contest despite drawing criticism over her open-door migrant policy.&nbsp;

The Alternative for Germany Party is becoming increasingly popular with their anti-migrants policy and are expected to make it in to Parliament in 2017.&nbsp;

Merkel&#39;s CDU is approximately 10 percentage points ahead of its rivals as per polls.&nbsp;

 
(WION with inputs from Reuters)

Merkel's spokesperson, Steffen Seibert said 'she will address this question at the suitable time'

German Chancellor Angela Merkel will announce her decision to seek a fourth term in due time, her spokesman confirmed on Tuesday. The comment came in response to a lawmaker in Merkel's Christian Democratic Union (CDU), Norbert Roettgen, told CNN she "will run for chancellor". Merkel's spokesperson, Steffen Seibert told Reuters "She will address this question at the suitable time, as has been said many times in the past." Merkel's allies expect her to contest despite drawing criticism over her open-door migrant policy. The Alternative for Germany Party is becoming increasingly popular with their anti-migrants policy and are expected to make it in to Parliament in 2017. Merkel's CDU is approximately 10 percentage points ahead of its rivals as per polls. (WION with inputs from Reuters)

Merkel may seek fourth term