May 1997. The Taliban militia, backed by Pakistan, were moving swiftly to take control of Afghanistan. About two-thirds of the country was under its control and the rest under the Northern Alliance or Jumbish-e-Islami, a coalition of militias loyal to General Abdul Rashid Dostum, the Hizb-e-Wahadat of Karim Khalili and the Jamiat-e-Islami of Prof Burhanuddin Rabbani &amp; Ahmed Shah Masood, the Lion of Panjshir .&nbsp;

I was asked by my then media organization to travel to Afghanistan for a ground report. So, along with a camera person, I chose to go to Mazar-e-Sharif. &nbsp;

We flew from Delhi to Tashkent and onwards to the border town of Termez in Uzbekistan before taking the iron bridge over Amu Darya (Oxus River) to enter Afghanistan. This bridge was built by the Soviet Union, so that their tanks &amp; other heavy supplies could cross over smoothly. After the Soviet Union broke up, it was renamed as the Afghanistan-Uzbekistan Friendship Bridge.&nbsp;

<img alt="At Amu Darya" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="598b167f-9960-4156-803e-bb5a0b929d28" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/at%20Amu%20Darya.jpeg" />

At Amu Darya

The moment we crossed the bridge and entered border town of Haeratan in Afghanistan; we were greeted by smartly dressed Uzbek soldiers owing allegiance to Gen Abdul Rashid Dostum. We told them we were Indians and to our surprise one of them started singing the famous Raj Kapoor song, 'Mere Juta Hai Japani' and we were served piping hot green tea. The border formalities were over even before we could finish our green tea. The taxis parked nearby flaunted posters of Bollywood stars like Karishma Kapoor, Juhi Chawla &amp; Shahrukh Khan. &nbsp; &nbsp;

This was my first impression of Afghanistan – which is still imprinted in my mind—even though almost 25 years have gone by.&nbsp;

We were picked up by our local contact and then we drove for about 2-hours thru the highway to Mazar-i-Sharif. Sand covered most of the highway and we noticed burnt tanks, trucks etc on the way. Apparently, they belonged to the erstwhile Soviet army.&nbsp;

As we entered Mazar-e-Sharif, the majestic Hazrat Ali Mazar also popularly known as Blue Mosque surrounded by thousands of white doves, symbols of peace, greeted us. Markets were full of visitors, traffic unruly and Bollywood music blaring out of shops selling tape recorders and cassettes. &nbsp;

<img alt="At blue mosque" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="8eefd217-6714-49a1-be76-44cac81246a1" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/At%20blue%20mosque.jpeg" />

At Hazrat Ali Mazar, also known as Blue Mosque

We decided to start our reporting from the Balkh University located in Mazar-e-sharif. &nbsp;Here there were no strictures based on the Islamic way of life. Young girls were being imparted education and they mingled freely with men while sharing the same classrooms. It seemed like any other university. In contrast were the pictures from Kabul and areas under Taliban control that we had seen on TV in New Delhi, showing women being flogged for sending young girls to school or college. &nbsp;

This was the Mazar-e-Sharif I saw.&nbsp;

After spending almost two-days at the home of a local commander of the Northern Alliance in Mazar-i-Sharif, our request for a meeting with Lion of Panjshir, Ahmad Shah Masood materialized. The next morning we were on his personal chopper travelling to Takhar province’s capital Taloqan to meet the man himself, a legend whose exploits are the stuff of many stories in the region.&nbsp;

<img alt="With personal bodyguards of Masood" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="a3a4c073-efd6-4172-86e6-371707e7baa5" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/With%20personal%20body%20guards%20of%20masood.jpeg" />

With personal bodyguards of Ahmed Shah Masood

The first glimpse of the man himself was overwhelming &amp; our first meeting was full of warmth.&nbsp;

The next three-days we spent travelling with him in his black Land Cruiser from one place to another including interiors of the province. His energy was infectious. We went from one meeting to another, where he discussed military strategy with his local commanders. The sole objective was how to defeat the advancing Taliban militia. On average, he was spending over 18-hours a day planning his moves against the rapidly advancing Taliban. &nbsp;

On sighting the Lion of Panjshir, locals would flock to greet him and shake hands. He knew many by first name. And would ask them about their wellbeing and that of their families. As day two ended and we sat to eat our dinner at a local military commander’s home, the man himself appeared and joined us for the meal. The conversation over the dinner ranged from his days fighting the Soviets as a Mujahideen to the future of Afghanistan.&nbsp;

His dream of seeing a peaceful Afghanistan, was then being shattered by the Taliban with support from Pakistan. He acknowledged that India was and will always remain a friend of Afghanistan. Then we talked about our respective families. This was Ahmad Shah Masood to me. Later, I was told that it is rare for the commander to share a meal like this with strangers, and the memorable meal is a privilege I cherish.&nbsp;

Finally, on day 3, we got an opportunity to interview the Lion of Panjshir on record. As we sat down for the formal interview, he was guarded. He talked about how the Taliban militia would never be able to enter the Northern Parts of the country; his relationship with other warlords like General Dostum; how they were planning to defeat the Taliban and retake Kabul; and, how each &amp; every citizen of the country was standing by with them. It was an exhaustive interview.

<img alt="Interviewing Masood" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="c45e8a06-ca05-4da0-a4d0-5ed6624c6505" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/Interviewing%20masood.jpeg" />

Interviewing Masood

At the end of it, we bid adieu with a promise to remain in touch. It was a promise we couldn’t keep.&nbsp; 
Later in the day, we boarded his personal chopper for the flight back to Mazar-e-sharif. There was trouble in store. En route, our chopper was fired upon and we could hear the volley of bullets hitting the helicopter’s outer surface. But thanks to the Lion of Panjshir’s personal pilot, who was remarkably adept in handling the chopper, we managed to evade rest of the gunfire. And, just about survived to tell our story.

<img alt="Masood" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="edb27b14-38ce-4563-8b7b-02eb2bcf8165" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/WhatsApp%20Image%202021-07-08%20at%2011.36.32%20AM.jpeg" />

But 2021 is proving to be very different from 1997. The Lion of Panjshir is no more. He was assassinated days before the 9/11 attacks on the US &nbsp;

Media reports emerging from northern areas tell a different story. The Taliban has almost encircled the one-time strongholds of the Northern Alliance. And it continues to make dramatic gains. The Taliban currently controls about 195 districts and in contests over another 129 districts. Afghanistan is once again confronted by the Taliban waging a war to take over the country. And, there is no telling how long the turmoil and violence will last.

Will peace ever return to this beautiful, rugged country? &nbsp;

This question, which I asked Ahmad Shah Masood in 1997, still eludes an answer. &nbsp;

May 1997. The Taliban militia, backed by Pakistan, were moving swiftly to take control of Afghanistan. About two-thirds of the country was under its control and the rest under the Northern Alliance or Jumbish-e-Islami, a coalition of militias loyal to General Abdul Rashid Dostum, the Hizb-e-Wahadat of Karim Khalili and the Jamiat-e-Islami of Prof Burhanuddin Rabbani & Ahmed Shah Masood, the Lion of Panjshir .

May 1997. The Taliban militia, backed by Pakistan, were moving swiftly to take control of Afghanistan. About two-thirds of the country was under its control and the rest under the Northern Alliance or Jumbish-e-Islami, a coalition of militias loyal to General Abdul Rashid Dostum, the Hizb-e-Wahadat of Karim Khalili and the Jamiat-e-Islami of Prof Burhanuddin Rabbani & Ahmed Shah Masood, the Lion of Panjshir . I was asked by my then media organization to travel to Afghanistan for a ground report. So, along with a camera person, I chose to go to Mazar-e-Sharif. We flew from Delhi to Tashkent and onwards to the border town of Termez in Uzbekistan before taking the iron bridge over Amu Darya (Oxus River) to enter Afghanistan. This bridge was built by the Soviet Union, so that their tanks & other heavy supplies could cross over smoothly. After the Soviet Union broke up, it was renamed as the Afghanistan-Uzbekistan Friendship Bridge. At Amu Darya The moment we crossed the bridge and entered border town of Haeratan in Afghanistan; we were greeted by smartly dressed Uzbek soldiers owing allegiance to Gen Abdul Rashid Dostum. We told them we were Indians and to our surprise one of them started singing the famous Raj Kapoor song, 'Mere Juta Hai Japani' and we were served piping hot green tea. The border formalities were over even before we could finish our green tea. The taxis parked nearby flaunted posters of Bollywood stars like Karishma Kapoor, Juhi Chawla & Shahrukh Khan. This was my first impression of Afghanistan – which is still imprinted in my mind—even though almost 25 years have gone by. We were picked up by our local contact and then we drove for about 2-hours thru the highway to Mazar-i-Sharif. Sand covered most of the highway and we noticed burnt tanks, trucks etc on the way. Apparently, they belonged to the erstwhile Soviet army. As we entered Mazar-e-Sharif, the majestic Hazrat Ali Mazar also popularly known as Blue Mosque surrounded by thousands of white doves, symbols of peace, greeted us. Markets were full of visitors, traffic unruly and Bollywood music blaring out of shops selling tape recorders and cassettes. At Hazrat Ali Mazar, also known as Blue Mosque We decided to start our reporting from the Balkh University located in Mazar-e-sharif. Here there were no strictures based on the Islamic way of life. Young girls were being imparted education and they mingled freely with men while sharing the same classrooms. It seemed like any other university. In contrast were the pictures from Kabul and areas under Taliban control that we had seen on TV in New Delhi, showing women being flogged for sending young girls to school or college. This was the Mazar-e-Sharif I saw. After spending almost two-days at the home of a local commander of the Northern Alliance in Mazar-i-Sharif, our request for a meeting with Lion of Panjshir, Ahmad Shah Masood materialized. The next morning we were on his personal chopper travelling to Takhar province’s capital Taloqan to meet the man himself, a legend whose exploits are the stuff of many stories in the region. With personal bodyguards of Ahmed Shah Masood The first glimpse of the man himself was overwhelming & our first meeting was full of warmth. The next three-days we spent travelling with him in his black Land Cruiser from one place to another including interiors of the province. His energy was infectious. We went from one meeting to another, where he discussed military strategy with his local commanders. The sole objective was how to defeat the advancing Taliban militia. On average, he was spending over 18-hours a day planning his moves against the rapidly advancing Taliban. On sighting the Lion of Panjshir, locals would flock to greet him and shake hands. He knew many by first name. And would ask them about their wellbeing and that of their families. As day two ended and we sat to eat our dinner at a local military commander’s home, the man himself appeared and joined us for the meal. The conversation over the dinner ranged from his days fighting the Soviets as a Mujahideen to the future of Afghanistan. His dream of seeing a peaceful Afghanistan, was then being shattered by the Taliban with support from Pakistan. He acknowledged that India was and will always remain a friend of Afghanistan. Then we talked about our respective families. This was Ahmad Shah Masood to me. Later, I was told that it is rare for the commander to share a meal like this with strangers, and the memorable meal is a privilege I cherish. Finally, on day 3, we got an opportunity to interview the Lion of Panjshir on record. As we sat down for the formal interview, he was guarded. He talked about how the Taliban militia would never be able to enter the Northern Parts of the country; his relationship with other warlords like General Dostum; how they were planning to defeat the Taliban and retake Kabul; and, how each & every citizen of the country was standing by with them. It was an exhaustive interview. Interviewing Masood At the end of it, we bid adieu with a promise to remain in touch. It was a promise we couldn’t keep. Later in the day, we boarded his personal chopper for the flight back to Mazar-e-sharif. There was trouble in store. En route, our chopper was fired upon and we could hear the volley of bullets hitting the helicopter’s outer surface. But thanks to the Lion of Panjshir’s personal pilot, who was remarkably adept in handling the chopper, we managed to evade rest of the gunfire. And, just about survived to tell our story. But 2021 is proving to be very different from 1997. The Lion of Panjshir is no more. He was assassinated days before the 9/11 attacks on the US Media reports emerging from northern areas tell a different story. The Taliban has almost encircled the one-time strongholds of the Northern Alliance. And it continues to make dramatic gains. The Taliban currently controls about 195 districts and in contests over another 129 districts. Afghanistan is once again confronted by the Taliban waging a war to take over the country. And, there is no telling how long the turmoil and violence will last. Will peace ever return to this beautiful, rugged country? This question, which I asked Ahmad Shah Masood in 1997, still eludes an answer.

Blog | Mazar-e-Sharif: Then and Now 

It must be the late afternoon of winter on December 24, 1999 — as I was planning to attend a Christmas eve party — I got a call from a source of mine telling me that an Indian airlines plane has been hijacked.&nbsp;

Stunned as I was, I began checking the details – it was an IC 814 Kathmandu- Delhi Flight with 176 passengers on board. Those were the days, you had&nbsp;very few private news channels. As I finished talking to my source, a friend of mine from a private news channel was calling. I told him, "Wait! Big news is emerging, an Indian plane has been hijacked."

He asked me if he could break the news on the channel, I said ''go ahead'' as I was working with a TV news agency with no rivalry.

A flurry of activity began in our office – rushing camera teams to the airport, alerting various bureaus and other team members about the incident.

I&nbsp;called my source again and asked for further details, and he told me that it was&nbsp;headed&nbsp;for Lahore.&nbsp;Minutes later, he called me back informing me that it was&nbsp;headed&nbsp;for Amritsar.

We had a bureau in Amritsar, so I called my correspondent and asked her to rush to the Amritsar airport as the hijacked plane was likely to land. By the time she had arrived at the airport, IC 814 was landing on the runway.&nbsp;

Probably, from what I remember now, she was the only correspondent at the airport and soon word went around and private news channels in India and International news channels wanted to get a live phone interview with her.&nbsp;

And soon, she was on all possible channels. While the drama was unfolding in Amritsar, here in Delhi, the government led by Atal Bihari Vajpayee was in a huddle.

Soon our reporter in Amritsar called to say the plane was about to take off.

In Delhi, the Crisis Management Group&nbsp;(CMG) was deliberating on various points, while in&nbsp;Amritsar,&nbsp;security personnel were ready to storm the plane.&nbsp;

In the absence of any guidance, the security personnel were not able to stop the plane from taking off.

I immediately called my source asking about the flight path IC 814 was taking – sitting in ATC – he told me that it seemed that&nbsp;it was&nbsp;headed for Lahore, and it did land at Lahore.

Drama followed at the Lahore airport – the relations between India and Pakistan were far from cordial – earlier in the year, the Line of Control had witnessed incursions by Pakistani troops who had occupied the heights in Kargil but later they had to retreat. The Indian authorities were struggling, but the plane was refuelled and allowed to take off again.

Now the scene shifted to Dubai – where certain passengers were allowed to disembark by the hijackers including passenger Rupen Katyal who was stabbed several times and then thrown on Dubai tarmac. Again, Indian authorities were in touch with the UAE government for a possible security operation, but they too didn’t cooperate.

My source was supplying me with constant information. He&nbsp;called again and told me that the plane had taken off from Dubai and was heading towards Kandahar in Afghanistan. I was shocked.&nbsp;Kandahar was the seat of Mullah Omar – the dreaded one-eyed chief of Taliban.

After a short flight, the plane landed in Kandahar and was soon surrounded by Taliban militia. This started a week-long saga of negotiations. The relatives were getting restless and private news networks were constantly focusing&nbsp;on this story. The government was trying to calm frayed nerves, but the public pressure was increasing day by day.

Days passed and finally, it was in the early afternoon of&nbsp;December 31, 1999 that&nbsp;I got information that India had&nbsp;succumbed to the demands of the hijackers and had&nbsp;decided to release three dreaded terrorists – Maulana Masood Azhar, Mushtaq Ahmed Zargar and Ahmed Omar Saeed Sheikh in lieu of the IC 814 passengers.

And it was decided at the top level that the then External Affairs Minister of India Jaswant Singh would&nbsp;be travelling in a special plane to Kandahar to bring back the passengers. I rushed to meet a friend of mine who was the Joint Secretary in External Affairs Ministry to try my luck.&nbsp;I requested him that I would like to travel on a special flight to Kandahar. He was very forthcoming but told me that he needs to get clearance from the minister. I kept sitting outside his office in anticipation along with my camera person.&nbsp;

Finally, my cellphone rang the Joint Secretary told me I am on board and I should rush to the technical area at Palam airport. This is the area from where all the VVIP flights take off and land. I was excited. I called my office and informed them about this trip. And we rushed to the airport, our names were at the entry gate while hundreds of journalists were waiting at the gate of the airport. We were allowed in and immediately ferried in an IAF gypsy to the tarmac.&nbsp;

As we were alighting from the car, I saw a tinted gypsy car parked. A deputy secretary officer and a friend of mine pointed to it and said have a look – in the car are seated the three dreaded terrorists. I was curious and wanted to see the faces. I went closer and saw the three seated.&nbsp;

A shrill went through me. And my mind was all muddled up. Suddenly, I heard someone calling me. I walked towards him, my passport and my colleague’s passport were stamped, and we were asked to board the special flight. I went in and had barely settled. Again, an officer from the protocol division of MEA came running towards me and we are asked to deplane. I was confused. And went to the joint secretary friend of mine and questioningly looked at him. He told me the top editors and owner of certain organisations had called the top political leadership and subsequently, the EAM was advised not to take me on the trip.

Thus, ended my trip to Kandahar. Rather my trip was hijacked too. The feeling I got after seeing the three terrorists remains with me. And, Bees Saal Baad I can see their faces clearly. Rest is history. 
 
(Views expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

It must be the late afternoon of winter on December 24, 1999 — as I was planning to attend a Christmas eve party — I got a call from a source of mine telling me that an Indian airlines plane has been hijacked.

It must be the late afternoon of winter on December 24, 1999 — as I was planning to attend a Christmas eve party — I got a call from a source of mine telling me that an Indian airlines plane has been hijacked. Stunned as I was, I began checking the details – it was an IC 814 Kathmandu- Delhi Flight with 176 passengers on board. Those were the days, you had very few private news channels. As I finished talking to my source, a friend of mine from a private news channel was calling. I told him, "Wait! Big news is emerging, an Indian plane has been hijacked." He asked me if he could break the news on the channel, I said ''go ahead'' as I was working with a TV news agency with no rivalry. A flurry of activity began in our office – rushing camera teams to the airport, alerting various bureaus and other team members about the incident. I called my source again and asked for further details, and he told me that it was headed for Lahore. Minutes later, he called me back informing me that it was headed for Amritsar. We had a bureau in Amritsar, so I called my correspondent and asked her to rush to the Amritsar airport as the hijacked plane was likely to land. By the time she had arrived at the airport, IC 814 was landing on the runway. Probably, from what I remember now, she was the only correspondent at the airport and soon word went around and private news channels in India and International news channels wanted to get a live phone interview with her. And soon, she was on all possible channels. While the drama was unfolding in Amritsar, here in Delhi, the government led by Atal Bihari Vajpayee was in a huddle. Soon our reporter in Amritsar called to say the plane was about to take off. In Delhi, the Crisis Management Group (CMG) was deliberating on various points, while in Amritsar, security personnel were ready to storm the plane. In the absence of any guidance, the security personnel were not able to stop the plane from taking off. I immediately called my source asking about the flight path IC 814 was taking – sitting in ATC – he told me that it seemed that it was headed for Lahore, and it did land at Lahore. Drama followed at the Lahore airport – the relations between India and Pakistan were far from cordial – earlier in the year, the Line of Control had witnessed incursions by Pakistani troops who had occupied the heights in Kargil but later they had to retreat. The Indian authorities were struggling, but the plane was refuelled and allowed to take off again. Now the scene shifted to Dubai – where certain passengers were allowed to disembark by the hijackers including passenger Rupen Katyal who was stabbed several times and then thrown on Dubai tarmac. Again, Indian authorities were in touch with the UAE government for a possible security operation, but they too didn’t cooperate. My source was supplying me with constant information. He called again and told me that the plane had taken off from Dubai and was heading towards Kandahar in Afghanistan. I was shocked. Kandahar was the seat of Mullah Omar – the dreaded one-eyed chief of Taliban. After a short flight, the plane landed in Kandahar and was soon surrounded by Taliban militia. This started a week-long saga of negotiations. The relatives were getting restless and private news networks were constantly focusing on this story. The government was trying to calm frayed nerves, but the public pressure was increasing day by day. Days passed and finally, it was in the early afternoon of December 31, 1999 that I got information that India had succumbed to the demands of the hijackers and had decided to release three dreaded terrorists – Maulana Masood Azhar, Mushtaq Ahmed Zargar and Ahmed Omar Saeed Sheikh in lieu of the IC 814 passengers. And it was decided at the top level that the then External Affairs Minister of India Jaswant Singh would be travelling in a special plane to Kandahar to bring back the passengers. I rushed to meet a friend of mine who was the Joint Secretary in External Affairs Ministry to try my luck. I requested him that I would like to travel on a special flight to Kandahar. He was very forthcoming but told me that he needs to get clearance from the minister. I kept sitting outside his office in anticipation along with my camera person. Finally, my cellphone rang the Joint Secretary told me I am on board and I should rush to the technical area at Palam airport. This is the area from where all the VVIP flights take off and land. I was excited. I called my office and informed them about this trip. And we rushed to the airport, our names were at the entry gate while hundreds of journalists were waiting at the gate of the airport. We were allowed in and immediately ferried in an IAF gypsy to the tarmac. As we were alighting from the car, I saw a tinted gypsy car parked. A deputy secretary officer and a friend of mine pointed to it and said have a look – in the car are seated the three dreaded terrorists. I was curious and wanted to see the faces. I went closer and saw the three seated. A shrill went through me. And my mind was all muddled up. Suddenly, I heard someone calling me. I walked towards him, my passport and my colleague’s passport were stamped, and we were asked to board the special flight. I went in and had barely settled. Again, an officer from the protocol division of MEA came running towards me and we are asked to deplane. I was confused. And went to the joint secretary friend of mine and questioningly looked at him. He told me the top editors and owner of certain organisations had called the top political leadership and subsequently, the EAM was advised not to take me on the trip. Thus, ended my trip to Kandahar. Rather my trip was hijacked too. The feeling I got after seeing the three terrorists remains with me. And, Bees Saal Baad I can see their faces clearly. Rest is history. (Views expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

IC 814: Bees saal baad, hijack vs hijacked

With today’s Ayodhya verdict, for me personally, it’s a sense of closure and relief though it has taken 27 long years.

It all started way back in 1992, I had just joined as a rookie reporter. When you start your career, you are thrown around from one story to another. I was one day packed off to Kashmir, the next day I was told&nbsp;to cover Delhi Police and another day to cover some other story. It was all very exciting for a young reporter, moving from one story to another.

In September 1992, if I remember correctly, I was asked one late evening to board the late-night train to Faizabad, at that point of time Ayodhya-Faizabad were twin cities. We arrived early morning. There was a slight nip in the air and the first thing we did was to have a kulhad chai&nbsp;at the platform. Then I searched for a hotel, finally, we found one decent hotel in Faizabad.

After a brief stop at the hotel, we were off to Ayodhya. As we moved in the bylanes of sleepy Ayodhya, we saw people of both communities going about their daily chores. My first impression of the Babri Masjid – as it was popularly known at that point of time was a disappointment.&nbsp;

It was a dilapidated&nbsp;structure in the middle of the bylanes of Ayodhya. But it was very well guarded by security personnel. We went about talking to a crosssection of locals – all said that there wasn’t any dispute between local communities, it is only the outsiders who were trying to provoke the people.

Subsequently, in the next three months, I went several times to cover one story after another as the issue started gaining momentum. Every now and then, leaders of various political parties would descend on Ayodhya and make a controversial comment.&nbsp;

Religious leaders too started making a beeline to Ayodhya to stay relevant in the Babri Masjid space. The once deserted road between Lucknow and Ayodhya by early November had come alive and hordes of cars would descend on Ayodhya early morning and by late evening the traffic would reverse from Ayodhya to Lucknow.

On Dec 1-2, 1992, if I remember correctly, I was again sent to Ayodhya as the big day of December 6 was approaching. I along with a few of my colleagues boarded the night train to Faizabad from Delhi.

This time the air in the twin city was tense&nbsp;as hordes of people from every nook and corner of India were descending on the twin city. Every street was full of kar sevaks chanting “Jai Sri Ram”. The sleepy Ayodhya was fully awake. The local shops were doing brisk business. They hadn't seen this kind of influx probably post 1990 when kar sevaks had descended on Ayodhya and then Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh Mulayam Singh had instructed police personnel&nbsp;not to allow anyone to enter Ayodhya resulting in firing by the police leading to the deaths of several people with many wounded.

However, the December of 1992 was different. Every day a new political leader would land up in Ayodhya and ask people to assemble at the disputed site for the symbolic kar sewa. My every evening was spent among the VHP and BJP leaders with endless cups of tea. I would try to figure out what would happen on December 6, and I would always hear the same ‘on record - all will be normal after symbolic kar sewa and the big rally which was to take place near the disputed structure but I could feel that it is going to be much more than a symbolic kar sewa.

A day before the ceremony, all journalists including the international press who had descended on Ayodhya were asked to get press cards issued from local VHP leaders. We all were given pink coloured cards – clearly identifying us as journalists who will be allowed to go near the venue of kar sewa.

Than the D-Day arrived, Dec 6. &nbsp;

The two hotels in Faizabad were fully occupied by journalists both Indian and international and the place was buzzing. The question doing the rounds was what will happen today?&nbsp;

All of us were eager to reach the site early and not miss anything. I and my colleagues were ready early and started moving towards Ayodhya. The streets were full of kar sewaks moving slowly towards the venue.&nbsp;

The security was tight as the UP police were&nbsp;checking vehicles including ours – it seemed like a perfectly normal day. We arrived at the venue shortly after 9 am, the crowd had started assembling. The time for pooja was fixed for around 12 noon. Slowly the crowd started swelling, but it was very well organized. The volunteers wearing saffron bands were checking cards and ushering people including journalists to various enclosures. All seemed so normal on a sunny winter morning.

I and my colleagues spread out at the venue. Suddenly, shortly after 12 noon, I saw a fresh group of youths wearing yellow bands descending on the venue, the saffron band wearing youth gave a clear passage to the yellow band youth.&nbsp;

It happened so suddenly, I was completely at a loss. My camera person, who was senior to me, was quick to point out that something big was about to happen, we rushed behind the structure – and within minutes a group of these yellow bearing-bands were on the structure. Some saw my camera person filming this and they rushed towards us and within minutes our camera was broken and taken away. And both of us were thrashed mercilessly. As a young reporter, I did not understand what our crime was. I was lying on the ground with blood coming out from my head. Long ago, I had heard somewhere that by applying soil blood coming out could be stopped, I did, and the blood stopped seeping.&nbsp;

I was still on the ground, suddenly an old man appeared from nowhere and took me inside his hut which was nearby. He gave me water and a saffron band, so that I could reach my car. I still remember his face and his helping hand and the rest, as they say, is history.

Post-December 6, I kept visiting Ayodhya for some congregation or another till the late 1990s.

Last night, when the Supreme Court announced that it will deliver the verdict today, same sense of excitement returned as my thoughts went back to that December afternoon but the difference was at that point I was in Ayodhya and today sitting in the newsroom, I saw history unfold with today’s unanimous verdict by India’s top court.

Now, I feel a sense of closure. And probably for the locals too of the twin cities of Ayodhya–Faizabad, they will now be able go about their daily chores. And with a new temple, whenever it is built, local businesses will roar again.

With today’s Ayodhya verdict, for me personally, it’s a sense of closure and relief though it has taken 27 long years. It all started way back in 1992, I had just joined as a rookie reporter.

With today’s Ayodhya verdict, for me personally, it’s a sense of closure and relief though it has taken 27 long years. It all started way back in 1992, I had just joined as a rookie reporter. When you start your career, you are thrown around from one story to another. I was one day packed off to Kashmir, the next day I was told to cover Delhi Police and another day to cover some other story. It was all very exciting for a young reporter, moving from one story to another. In September 1992, if I remember correctly, I was asked one late evening to board the late-night train to Faizabad, at that point of time Ayodhya-Faizabad were twin cities. We arrived early morning. There was a slight nip in the air and the first thing we did was to have a kulhad chai at the platform. Then I searched for a hotel, finally, we found one decent hotel in Faizabad. After a brief stop at the hotel, we were off to Ayodhya. As we moved in the bylanes of sleepy Ayodhya, we saw people of both communities going about their daily chores. My first impression of the Babri Masjid – as it was popularly known at that point of time was a disappointment. It was a dilapidated structure in the middle of the bylanes of Ayodhya. But it was very well guarded by security personnel. We went about talking to a crosssection of locals – all said that there wasn’t any dispute between local communities, it is only the outsiders who were trying to provoke the people. Subsequently, in the next three months, I went several times to cover one story after another as the issue started gaining momentum. Every now and then, leaders of various political parties would descend on Ayodhya and make a controversial comment. Religious leaders too started making a beeline to Ayodhya to stay relevant in the Babri Masjid space. The once deserted road between Lucknow and Ayodhya by early November had come alive and hordes of cars would descend on Ayodhya early morning and by late evening the traffic would reverse from Ayodhya to Lucknow. On Dec 1-2, 1992, if I remember correctly, I was again sent to Ayodhya as the big day of December 6 was approaching. I along with a few of my colleagues boarded the night train to Faizabad from Delhi. This time the air in the twin city was tense as hordes of people from every nook and corner of India were descending on the twin city. Every street was full of kar sevaks chanting “Jai Sri Ram”. The sleepy Ayodhya was fully awake. The local shops were doing brisk business. They hadn't seen this kind of influx probably post 1990 when kar sevaks had descended on Ayodhya and then Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh Mulayam Singh had instructed police personnel not to allow anyone to enter Ayodhya resulting in firing by the police leading to the deaths of several people with many wounded. However, the December of 1992 was different. Every day a new political leader would land up in Ayodhya and ask people to assemble at the disputed site for the symbolic kar sewa. My every evening was spent among the VHP and BJP leaders with endless cups of tea. I would try to figure out what would happen on December 6, and I would always hear the same ‘on record - all will be normal after symbolic kar sewa and the big rally which was to take place near the disputed structure but I could feel that it is going to be much more than a symbolic kar sewa. A day before the ceremony, all journalists including the international press who had descended on Ayodhya were asked to get press cards issued from local VHP leaders. We all were given pink coloured cards – clearly identifying us as journalists who will be allowed to go near the venue of kar sewa. Than the D-Day arrived, Dec 6. The two hotels in Faizabad were fully occupied by journalists both Indian and international and the place was buzzing. The question doing the rounds was what will happen today? All of us were eager to reach the site early and not miss anything. I and my colleagues were ready early and started moving towards Ayodhya. The streets were full of kar sewaks moving slowly towards the venue. The security was tight as the UP police were checking vehicles including ours – it seemed like a perfectly normal day. We arrived at the venue shortly after 9 am, the crowd had started assembling. The time for pooja was fixed for around 12 noon. Slowly the crowd started swelling, but it was very well organized. The volunteers wearing saffron bands were checking cards and ushering people including journalists to various enclosures. All seemed so normal on a sunny winter morning. I and my colleagues spread out at the venue. Suddenly, shortly after 12 noon, I saw a fresh group of youths wearing yellow bands descending on the venue, the saffron band wearing youth gave a clear passage to the yellow band youth. It happened so suddenly, I was completely at a loss. My camera person, who was senior to me, was quick to point out that something big was about to happen, we rushed behind the structure – and within minutes a group of these yellow bearing-bands were on the structure. Some saw my camera person filming this and they rushed towards us and within minutes our camera was broken and taken away. And both of us were thrashed mercilessly. As a young reporter, I did not understand what our crime was. I was lying on the ground with blood coming out from my head. Long ago, I had heard somewhere that by applying soil blood coming out could be stopped, I did, and the blood stopped seeping. I was still on the ground, suddenly an old man appeared from nowhere and took me inside his hut which was nearby. He gave me water and a saffron band, so that I could reach my car. I still remember his face and his helping hand and the rest, as they say, is history. Post-December 6, I kept visiting Ayodhya for some congregation or another till the late 1990s. Last night, when the Supreme Court announced that it will deliver the verdict today, same sense of excitement returned as my thoughts went back to that December afternoon but the difference was at that point I was in Ayodhya and today sitting in the newsroom, I saw history unfold with today’s unanimous verdict by India’s top court. Now, I feel a sense of closure. And probably for the locals too of the twin cities of Ayodhya–Faizabad, they will now be able go about their daily chores. And with a new temple, whenever it is built, local businesses will roar again.

Reporting from Ayodhya on December 6, 1992

It was after 10 years that I visited China. Capital Beijing has undergone a sea change, even though Sino-Indian relations have yet to achieve dizzying heights. &nbsp;

Beijing is booming with sky scrapers, once the prerogative of Shanghai. Gone are the days when it was termed as the city of bicycles; today latest models of cars zip through its boulevards. &nbsp;&nbsp;

Developments in Beijing, as far as Sino-Indian ties are concerned, can be summarised as being pre and post-Wuhan summit between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping. &nbsp;

Let’s take three issues, which have broadly dominated Sino-India relations before and after Wuhan. They are the border dispute, Sino-India relations viz a viz Pakistan and trade imbalance between the two nations. &nbsp;

The memory of Doklam is still fresh in Indian minds. The stand-off between India and China dominated much of 2017 until the Wuhan summit – the first informal summit between Modi and Xi in April, 2018. &nbsp;

Doklam was one of the biggest military standoffs in recent history between the two Asian giants. Talking to a cross section of Indian and Chinese leadership, it is evident that both sides want to move faster on the understanding reached at Wuhan.

The second round of the informal summit between Modi and Xi is slated for October 2019, the likely venue for this meeting being Varanasi. But before this, border talks between special representatives of India and China will be held. This is the first Sino-India meeting of Modi 2.0 and will be led by National Security Adviser Ajit Doval and Chinese Foreign Minister, Wang Yi. &nbsp;

Apparently, India is examining certain proposals put forth by the Chinese side, and in the words of Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, are “Looking for early harvest”. &nbsp;&nbsp;

Officials, witness to the Wuhan Summit, say that both leaders had hit it off quite well. They spent a considerable time alone, in the company of interpreters, but minus officials. This has helped both to understand each other well and away from stated positions, which officials usually insist on before any big meeting. &nbsp;

Both Modi and Xi are strong leaders and realise that if the two nations need to progress faster, they have to first close ranks. And this is the direction that the relationship between India and China is moving. &nbsp;

One can draw this inference from the fact that officials were open to discuss issues more elaborately than at any point of time earlier. As one observer said, instructions from Xi have gone down the Chinese official hierarchy and they are following it to the minutest detail.

The fact is the President Xi has travelled only twice outside Beijing to host a foreign leader and that is for Modi. &nbsp;

The second issue, Sino-India relations viz-a-viz Pakistan, is connected to the first. China’s relations with Pakistan is parabolically described as ‘Iron Brother’. But let’s examine this in the light of pre and post Wuhan. China has started to appreciate India’s position viz-a-viz terrorism and agreed on designating Masood Azhar as a global terrorist. There was tremendous pressure from Pakistan on China, but eventually it sided with India. &nbsp;

On the recent developments in Kashmir, India explained its position to China. A statement by MEA said that the “EAM (S Jaishankar) also stressed that the future of the India-China relationship will obviously depend on mutual sensitivity to each other’s core concerns” - India’s sensitivity is “Kashmir”, while for China is implies “Taiwan, Tibet and Hong Kong”. &nbsp;

The MEA went on to add that changes in Kashmir, “Had no bearing on Pakistan as it was an internal matter. It did not impact the LoC.”

The Pakistan Foreign Minister’s dash to Beijing, just ahead of Indian External Affairs Minister’s visit, almost crying and pleading with China, resulted in Beijing taking up the issue with India. This is probably one of the reasons why China went along with Pakistan at the informal meeting at UNSC on Kashmir. It had more do with pacifying Pakistan. &nbsp;

Of course, it would be naive to imagine that Beijing is moving away from Islamabad. Economic considerations weigh heavily on China’s mind with President Xi’s ambitious CPEC project currently underway in Pakistan. Also, Beijing will not want its ally to fall into US hands, which is why it is in her interest to continue shielding Islamabad. &nbsp;

Finally, trade. Figures reveal that in 2016, trade between the two countries stood at $70.08 billion; in 2017, it was $84.44 billion and in 2018, it went up to $95.54 billion. &nbsp;

Jaishankar, during his trip to Beijing, stressed that “the economic relationship had seen some progress, but the increasing trade deficit was a matter of concern.’’ India is keen that the Chinese side take steps to address this imbalance by enabling greater access for Indian pharmaceutical and IT products and services in the domestic Chinese market. &nbsp;

The trade potential remains vast. With the US-China trade war looming, there are opportunities for both the countries. &nbsp;&nbsp;

Relations between India and China are on the move and the credit for this goes to both Modi and Xi. As both countries get ready to celebrate the 70th anniversary of their diplomatic ties, the only way forward is to move ahead.

Direct contact between the political leadership, officials and even the two militaries, will carry forward this momentum.

The Wuhan effect is reflected across the spectrum of relationship between India and China. With the second informal summit due in just over a month, can it provide the impetus needed and will China stick to the Wuhan course? &nbsp; 
 
(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-unfolding-the-spirit-of-wuhan-2784044">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.) &nbsp; 
&nbsp;

It was after 10 years that I visited China. Capital Beijing has undergone a sea change, even though Sino-Indian relations have yet to achieve dizzying heights. Beijing is booming with sky scrapers, once the prerogative of Shanghai.

It was after 10 years that I visited China. Capital Beijing has undergone a sea change, even though Sino-Indian relations have yet to achieve dizzying heights. Beijing is booming with sky scrapers, once the prerogative of Shanghai. Gone are the days when it was termed as the city of bicycles; today latest models of cars zip through its boulevards. Developments in Beijing, as far as Sino-Indian ties are concerned, can be summarised as being pre and post-Wuhan summit between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping. Let’s take three issues, which have broadly dominated Sino-India relations before and after Wuhan. They are the border dispute, Sino-India relations viz a viz Pakistan and trade imbalance between the two nations. The memory of Doklam is still fresh in Indian minds. The stand-off between India and China dominated much of 2017 until the Wuhan summit – the first informal summit between Modi and Xi in April, 2018. Doklam was one of the biggest military standoffs in recent history between the two Asian giants. Talking to a cross section of Indian and Chinese leadership, it is evident that both sides want to move faster on the understanding reached at Wuhan. The second round of the informal summit between Modi and Xi is slated for October 2019, the likely venue for this meeting being Varanasi. But before this, border talks between special representatives of India and China will be held. This is the first Sino-India meeting of Modi 2.0 and will be led by National Security Adviser Ajit Doval and Chinese Foreign Minister, Wang Yi. Apparently, India is examining certain proposals put forth by the Chinese side, and in the words of Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi, are “Looking for early harvest”. Officials, witness to the Wuhan Summit, say that both leaders had hit it off quite well. They spent a considerable time alone, in the company of interpreters, but minus officials. This has helped both to understand each other well and away from stated positions, which officials usually insist on before any big meeting. Both Modi and Xi are strong leaders and realise that if the two nations need to progress faster, they have to first close ranks. And this is the direction that the relationship between India and China is moving. One can draw this inference from the fact that officials were open to discuss issues more elaborately than at any point of time earlier. As one observer said, instructions from Xi have gone down the Chinese official hierarchy and they are following it to the minutest detail. The fact is the President Xi has travelled only twice outside Beijing to host a foreign leader and that is for Modi. The second issue, Sino-India relations viz-a-viz Pakistan, is connected to the first. China’s relations with Pakistan is parabolically described as ‘Iron Brother’. But let’s examine this in the light of pre and post Wuhan. China has started to appreciate India’s position viz-a-viz terrorism and agreed on designating Masood Azhar as a global terrorist. There was tremendous pressure from Pakistan on China, but eventually it sided with India. On the recent developments in Kashmir, India explained its position to China. A statement by MEA said that the “EAM (S Jaishankar) also stressed that the future of the India-China relationship will obviously depend on mutual sensitivity to each other’s core concerns” - India’s sensitivity is “Kashmir”, while for China is implies “Taiwan, Tibet and Hong Kong”. The MEA went on to add that changes in Kashmir, “Had no bearing on Pakistan as it was an internal matter. It did not impact the LoC.” The Pakistan Foreign Minister’s dash to Beijing, just ahead of Indian External Affairs Minister’s visit, almost crying and pleading with China, resulted in Beijing taking up the issue with India. This is probably one of the reasons why China went along with Pakistan at the informal meeting at UNSC on Kashmir. It had more do with pacifying Pakistan. Of course, it would be naive to imagine that Beijing is moving away from Islamabad. Economic considerations weigh heavily on China’s mind with President Xi’s ambitious CPEC project currently underway in Pakistan. Also, Beijing will not want its ally to fall into US hands, which is why it is in her interest to continue shielding Islamabad. Finally, trade. Figures reveal that in 2016, trade between the two countries stood at $70.08 billion; in 2017, it was $84.44 billion and in 2018, it went up to $95.54 billion. Jaishankar, during his trip to Beijing, stressed that “the economic relationship had seen some progress, but the increasing trade deficit was a matter of concern.’’ India is keen that the Chinese side take steps to address this imbalance by enabling greater access for Indian pharmaceutical and IT products and services in the domestic Chinese market. The trade potential remains vast. With the US-China trade war looming, there are opportunities for both the countries. Relations between India and China are on the move and the credit for this goes to both Modi and Xi. As both countries get ready to celebrate the 70th anniversary of their diplomatic ties, the only way forward is to move ahead. Direct contact between the political leadership, officials and even the two militaries, will carry forward this momentum. The Wuhan effect is reflected across the spectrum of relationship between India and China. With the second informal summit due in just over a month, can it provide the impetus needed and will China stick to the Wuhan course? (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Unfolding the spirit of Wuhan: Relations between India and China are on the move

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Zee News Rajasthan

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Naveen Kapoor

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