August 12, 2019, marks the 100th birth anniversary of Vikram Sarabhai, father of the Indian space programme. At a time, when Chandrayaan-2 is in orbit, it becomes imperative to look back into the journey of this remarkable man and a towering intellectual.

Sarabhai’s unparalleled contribution as a scientist and as an institution builder is of great significance. Just as it is difficult to imagine the US space programme and its early success without Werhner Von Braun or the Soviets without Sergei Korolev, the Indian space programme cannot be evaluated without the contribution of Vikram Sarabhai.

As someone who believed that institution-building leads to great power status, Sarabhai was behind the successful establishment of institutions in fields as diverse as atomic energy, space sciences and management.

The Indian Institute of Management (IIM) Ahmedabad, Physical Research Laboratory (PRL) and ISRO, owe their existence to this one man.

Coming from an industrial family, Sarabhai was not the typical rags to riches story. He was born with a silver spoon in his mouth, but aspired to see India as a developed nation. Coming from an affluent background helped him get in touch with India’s Who’s Who, including Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, who came from a similar background.

The coming together of these two like-minded individuals, who shared similar views about nation-building, paved the way for India’s space programme.

Sarabhai successfully convinced the government of the importance of a space programme for a developing country like India after the USSR’s Sputnik launch. An elite background helped - he did not have to go through time delaying bureaucratic red tape and a vast gestation period, that became the bane of many fine scientific minds.

Sarabhai’s worldwide contacts with scientists, academicians, scholars and politicians made India’s prospects of developing its own space programme a distinct possibility. India was one of the few countries to have begun a space programme in 1963.

Sarabhai was a team leader. He rewarded those who worked hard under his watch. His informal style of working impressed and inspired people around him and he had the knack of recruiting talented people, many of whom went on to become pioneers in the field of space sciences and research.

Sarabhai was chairman of the Indian National Committee on Space Research (INCOSPAR) when it was constituted in 1962. He was also the chairman of the first UN Space Conference held at Vienna in 1968.

The father of India’s space programme famously said: “It is not accidental that on the soil of India, great space powers like the United States, the USSR and France are collaborating with us at the equatorial range near Thumba and even the United Nations sponsorship of this range is not merely a matter of form, but constitutes an umbrella under which regardless of political differences, nations can collaborate in the peaceful usage of outer space. In my opinion, space research is in relation to national capability, it generates self-confidence. The benefits of it (space research) far outweigh any other factor. “

Sarabhai was also founder of the first Experimental Satellite Earth Communication Station (ESECS) at Ahmedabad in 1967. Later, this became the main centre for all of India’s communication experiments.

On ESECS and India’s space journey, he once told an interviewer: “Yes, we set this up because about five years ago we realised that this was going to be one of the most important peaceful applications of outer space and would have a profound influence on the future development of communications and mass communications in this country”.

Vikram Sarabhai spearheaded the country’s space programme for nearly a decade. His death at the early age of 52, left a crisis in the space training for a brief period, as everyone was used to his towering presence.

Sarabhai’s contribution can never be equalled. Had he lived on for a decade or two more, there is not a shred of doubt that India’s space programme would have ascended to its great heights much before it actually did.

(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-vikram-sarabhai-remembering-the-father-of-the-indian-space-programme-2781016">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

August 12, 2019, marks the 100th birth anniversary of Vikram Sarabhai, father of the Indian space programme. At a time, when Chandrayaan-2 is in orbit, it becomes imperative to look back into the journey of this remarkable man and a towering intellectual.

August 12, 2019, marks the 100th birth anniversary of Vikram Sarabhai, father of the Indian space programme. At a time, when Chandrayaan-2 is in orbit, it becomes imperative to look back into the journey of this remarkable man and a towering intellectual. Sarabhai’s unparalleled contribution as a scientist and as an institution builder is of great significance. Just as it is difficult to imagine the US space programme and its early success without Werhner Von Braun or the Soviets without Sergei Korolev, the Indian space programme cannot be evaluated without the contribution of Vikram Sarabhai. As someone who believed that institution-building leads to great power status, Sarabhai was behind the successful establishment of institutions in fields as diverse as atomic energy, space sciences and management. The Indian Institute of Management (IIM) Ahmedabad, Physical Research Laboratory (PRL) and ISRO, owe their existence to this one man. Coming from an industrial family, Sarabhai was not the typical rags to riches story. He was born with a silver spoon in his mouth, but aspired to see India as a developed nation. Coming from an affluent background helped him get in touch with India’s Who’s Who, including Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, who came from a similar background. The coming together of these two like-minded individuals, who shared similar views about nation-building, paved the way for India’s space programme. Sarabhai successfully convinced the government of the importance of a space programme for a developing country like India after the USSR’s Sputnik launch. An elite background helped - he did not have to go through time delaying bureaucratic red tape and a vast gestation period, that became the bane of many fine scientific minds. Sarabhai’s worldwide contacts with scientists, academicians, scholars and politicians made India’s prospects of developing its own space programme a distinct possibility. India was one of the few countries to have begun a space programme in 1963. Sarabhai was a team leader. He rewarded those who worked hard under his watch. His informal style of working impressed and inspired people around him and he had the knack of recruiting talented people, many of whom went on to become pioneers in the field of space sciences and research. Sarabhai was chairman of the Indian National Committee on Space Research (INCOSPAR) when it was constituted in 1962. He was also the chairman of the first UN Space Conference held at Vienna in 1968. The father of India’s space programme famously said: “It is not accidental that on the soil of India, great space powers like the United States, the USSR and France are collaborating with us at the equatorial range near Thumba and even the United Nations sponsorship of this range is not merely a matter of form, but constitutes an umbrella under which regardless of political differences, nations can collaborate in the peaceful usage of outer space. In my opinion, space research is in relation to national capability, it generates self-confidence. The benefits of it (space research) far outweigh any other factor. “ Sarabhai was also founder of the first Experimental Satellite Earth Communication Station (ESECS) at Ahmedabad in 1967. Later, this became the main centre for all of India’s communication experiments. On ESECS and India’s space journey, he once told an interviewer: “Yes, we set this up because about five years ago we realised that this was going to be one of the most important peaceful applications of outer space and would have a profound influence on the future development of communications and mass communications in this country”. Vikram Sarabhai spearheaded the country’s space programme for nearly a decade. His death at the early age of 52, left a crisis in the space training for a brief period, as everyone was used to his towering presence. Sarabhai’s contribution can never be equalled. Had he lived on for a decade or two more, there is not a shred of doubt that India’s space programme would have ascended to its great heights much before it actually did. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Vikram Sarabhai: Remembering the Father of the Indian space programme

Last month marked the 70th anniversary of the formation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Formed post-World War II, it is a political, military and a diplomatic alliance between the United States and its allies — primarily European nations.&nbsp;

The need for such a grouping arose in the backdrop of the Cold War, where the US and its allies wanted to protect their interests from aggression and expansionism of the Soviet bloc.

The NATO treaty was signed on April 4, 1949 by the US, Canada, Belgium, Denmark, France, Iceland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal and the United Kingdom, wherein Article 5 outlined the NATO’s motto — ‘Collective Defense’. It stated that an attack on any one of its members would be considered an attack on all the NATO members.&nbsp;

That, effectively, puts West Europe under the US’s ‘nuclear umbrella’. The collective strength of NATO has been unmatched by any other military grouping in the last seven decades, including the Warsaw Pact, which was created by the Soviet bloc as a response to NATO.

NATO’s deterrence has also been formidable as no country or group of countries possess the wherewithal and capability to challenge its collective might.&nbsp;

However, NATO has faced serious challenges while fighting non-state actors, especially post-Cold War. After the break-up of the Soviet Union in 1991, NATO had to redefine its aims and goals since there was no Soviet Union left to contain. Therefore, the NATO alliance shifted its focus towards countering terrorism.

In this context, the 9/11 terror attacks became a watershed moment in NATO’s seven-decade history, as it was the only time when Article 5 of the treaty was invoked. The US and its allies decided to retaliate collectively in the US-led military campaign (2001) in Afghanistan.&nbsp;

While the fight against terrorism has got NATO much praise, it has also been seriously criticised by human rights groups after the NATO bombings of Yugoslavia where hundreds of civilians were killed due to air strikes.&nbsp;

The collective, however, justified its actions by hiding behind Article 4 of the NATO charter, under which its member countries can bring any issue of concern to the North Atlantic Council for discussion, particularly those related to their security. &nbsp;

Over the last seven decades, NATO has been instrumental in its commitment to safeguard the freedom, common heritage and civilisation of their peoples, founded on the principles of democracy, individual liberty and the rule of law. This makes NATO a key cog in the trans-Atlantic security dynamics in particular, and international security in general.&nbsp;

At present, NATO’s relevance in international security dynamics is still intact. However, the resurgence of Russia and a rising China is posing serious challenges to it once again.&nbsp;

The steep decline in US-Russia relations over the last couple of years have reached alarming levels, which is comparable to Cold War years, thereby making NATO’s role in safeguarding the interests of US and its allies even more paramount.&nbsp;

However, the US — especially under the Trump administration — has been extremely critical of NATO in the context of sharing the financial burden of its operation, making it an existential threat to NATO’s functioning. &nbsp;

Trump’s stand on funding NATO has made it a headache for US allies, as well the opponents of Trump within the US, who find this problematic for the smooth functioning of this group.&nbsp;

The other big trouble is Trump’s reluctance to criticise President Vladimir Putin, under whom a resurgent Russia is posing a serious challenge to NATO’s supremacy. The Kremlin already considers NATO as a security threat in Eastern Europe and is therefore regarded as a hostile military bloc by Russia.

In this context, the US presidential elections scheduled for next year becomes even more important as it could well decide NATO’s future. US allies will therefore keep a close eye on these elections as the stakes are much higher for them this time.

While NATO began as a political and military alliance designed to restore and maintain the security of the North Atlantic area, it has grown as an institution in itself whose future seems very enduring and robust. 
&nbsp;

&nbsp;(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-russia-s-resurgence-and-china-s-rise-will-test-nato-2749888">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

Last month marked the 70th anniversary of the formation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Formed post-World War II, it is a political, military and a diplomatic alliance between the United States and its allies — primarily European nations.

Last month marked the 70th anniversary of the formation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Formed post-World War II, it is a political, military and a diplomatic alliance between the United States and its allies — primarily European nations. The need for such a grouping arose in the backdrop of the Cold War, where the US and its allies wanted to protect their interests from aggression and expansionism of the Soviet bloc. The NATO treaty was signed on April 4, 1949 by the US, Canada, Belgium, Denmark, France, Iceland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal and the United Kingdom, wherein Article 5 outlined the NATO’s motto — ‘Collective Defense’. It stated that an attack on any one of its members would be considered an attack on all the NATO members. That, effectively, puts West Europe under the US’s ‘nuclear umbrella’. The collective strength of NATO has been unmatched by any other military grouping in the last seven decades, including the Warsaw Pact, which was created by the Soviet bloc as a response to NATO. NATO’s deterrence has also been formidable as no country or group of countries possess the wherewithal and capability to challenge its collective might. However, NATO has faced serious challenges while fighting non-state actors, especially post-Cold War. After the break-up of the Soviet Union in 1991, NATO had to redefine its aims and goals since there was no Soviet Union left to contain. Therefore, the NATO alliance shifted its focus towards countering terrorism. In this context, the 9/11 terror attacks became a watershed moment in NATO’s seven-decade history, as it was the only time when Article 5 of the treaty was invoked. The US and its allies decided to retaliate collectively in the US-led military campaign (2001) in Afghanistan. While the fight against terrorism has got NATO much praise, it has also been seriously criticised by human rights groups after the NATO bombings of Yugoslavia where hundreds of civilians were killed due to air strikes. The collective, however, justified its actions by hiding behind Article 4 of the NATO charter, under which its member countries can bring any issue of concern to the North Atlantic Council for discussion, particularly those related to their security. Over the last seven decades, NATO has been instrumental in its commitment to safeguard the freedom, common heritage and civilisation of their peoples, founded on the principles of democracy, individual liberty and the rule of law. This makes NATO a key cog in the trans-Atlantic security dynamics in particular, and international security in general. At present, NATO’s relevance in international security dynamics is still intact. However, the resurgence of Russia and a rising China is posing serious challenges to it once again. The steep decline in US-Russia relations over the last couple of years have reached alarming levels, which is comparable to Cold War years, thereby making NATO’s role in safeguarding the interests of US and its allies even more paramount. However, the US — especially under the Trump administration — has been extremely critical of NATO in the context of sharing the financial burden of its operation, making it an existential threat to NATO’s functioning. Trump’s stand on funding NATO has made it a headache for US allies, as well the opponents of Trump within the US, who find this problematic for the smooth functioning of this group. The other big trouble is Trump’s reluctance to criticise President Vladimir Putin, under whom a resurgent Russia is posing a serious challenge to NATO’s supremacy. The Kremlin already considers NATO as a security threat in Eastern Europe and is therefore regarded as a hostile military bloc by Russia. In this context, the US presidential elections scheduled for next year becomes even more important as it could well decide NATO’s future. US allies will therefore keep a close eye on these elections as the stakes are much higher for them this time. While NATO began as a political and military alliance designed to restore and maintain the security of the North Atlantic area, it has grown as an institution in itself whose future seems very enduring and robust. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Russia’s resurgence and China’s rise will test NATO

As India’s ‘extended neighbourhood’, Central Asia holds an important place in India’s foreign policy framework. India’s main priority has always been to strengthen its relations with this region to satisfy both its geopolitical as well as geoeconomic interests. Earlier this week, when Uzbek president Shavkat Mirziyoyev made his first state visit to India, both the sides laid stress on building deeper ties with special focus on defence cooperation and strategic partnership.&nbsp;

For centuries, India has shared deep cultural and civilizational linkages with this region. However, today India lacks a direct access to Central Asia because of the presence of hostile Pakistan and an unstable Afghanistan. This is precisely why important pipelines project like TAPI (Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India) are yet to be fully operationalized. Despite the geographical proximity, the region is not as easily accessible as India wants it to be.&nbsp;

The region provides connectivity between South Asia and Europe. Projects like INSTC i.e. the International North-South Trade Corridor is a classic example of India’s trade interests in the region as the corridor serves the dual purpose of cutting down the transportation time of goods from India to Europe via Central Asia as well as giving a smooth access to Indian companies who want to invest in the region.

The collapse of the erstwhile Soviet Union post-1991, which gave birth to the five Central Asian republics, changed the region’s security dynamics completely. The region became a battleground for the new great game in the region where great powers like the US, Russia and China along with middle powers like India, Iran and Turkey got involved as stakeholders. All these major powers are mainly eyeing the Central Asian gas reserves, but India has always been concerned more about the region’s security and prosperity.

In 2012, India formulated its Connect Central Asia policy which is a broad-based approach including political, security, economic, and cultural connections between India and the region, which for a long time was not high on New Delhi’s foreign policy agenda. India somehow overlooked this region for nearly two decades and, as a result, had drifted away from the region. At the same time, China was busy making deep inroads into the Central Asian republics by investing huge sums of money for developing infrastructure in the region.

The India of today is a much stronger power than it was 25 years ago and, therefore, its self-interest has expanded over the years. Hence, India cannot afford Chinese ambitions of regional hegemony to solidify in the region and therefore India is trying to counterbalance China by re-engaging with the region in a nuanced manner. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to the Central Asian states in July 2015 was a marker of India’s desire to get deeply involved and recalibrate its ties there.&nbsp;

Although, the worrying factor is that India’s trade numbers with the countries in Central Asia are still very low compared to that of China and Russia with the region. For instance, India’s trade with Uzbekistan stands at just $323 million. Through regional organisations like the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), where India became a permanent member last year, India is trying to better these trade numbers and emerge as a bigger player in the region. 
 
(This article was originally published on DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-why-central-asia-matters-to-india-2672424">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

&nbsp;

As India’s ‘extended neighbourhood’, Central Asia holds an important place in India’s foreign policy framework. India’s main priority has always been to strengthen its relations with this region to satisfy both its geopolitical as well as geoeconomic interests.

As India’s ‘extended neighbourhood’, Central Asia holds an important place in India’s foreign policy framework. India’s main priority has always been to strengthen its relations with this region to satisfy both its geopolitical as well as geoeconomic interests. Earlier this week, when Uzbek president Shavkat Mirziyoyev made his first state visit to India, both the sides laid stress on building deeper ties with special focus on defence cooperation and strategic partnership. For centuries, India has shared deep cultural and civilizational linkages with this region. However, today India lacks a direct access to Central Asia because of the presence of hostile Pakistan and an unstable Afghanistan. This is precisely why important pipelines project like TAPI (Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India) are yet to be fully operationalized. Despite the geographical proximity, the region is not as easily accessible as India wants it to be. The region provides connectivity between South Asia and Europe. Projects like INSTC i.e. the International North-South Trade Corridor is a classic example of India’s trade interests in the region as the corridor serves the dual purpose of cutting down the transportation time of goods from India to Europe via Central Asia as well as giving a smooth access to Indian companies who want to invest in the region. The collapse of the erstwhile Soviet Union post-1991, which gave birth to the five Central Asian republics, changed the region’s security dynamics completely. The region became a battleground for the new great game in the region where great powers like the US, Russia and China along with middle powers like India, Iran and Turkey got involved as stakeholders. All these major powers are mainly eyeing the Central Asian gas reserves, but India has always been concerned more about the region’s security and prosperity. In 2012, India formulated its Connect Central Asia policy which is a broad-based approach including political, security, economic, and cultural connections between India and the region, which for a long time was not high on New Delhi’s foreign policy agenda. India somehow overlooked this region for nearly two decades and, as a result, had drifted away from the region. At the same time, China was busy making deep inroads into the Central Asian republics by investing huge sums of money for developing infrastructure in the region. The India of today is a much stronger power than it was 25 years ago and, therefore, its self-interest has expanded over the years. Hence, India cannot afford Chinese ambitions of regional hegemony to solidify in the region and therefore India is trying to counterbalance China by re-engaging with the region in a nuanced manner. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to the Central Asian states in July 2015 was a marker of India’s desire to get deeply involved and recalibrate its ties there. Although, the worrying factor is that India’s trade numbers with the countries in Central Asia are still very low compared to that of China and Russia with the region. For instance, India’s trade with Uzbekistan stands at just $323 million. Through regional organisations like the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), where India became a permanent member last year, India is trying to better these trade numbers and emerge as a bigger player in the region. (This article was originally published on DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Why Central Asia matters to India

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Zee News Rajasthan

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Martand Jha

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