About two years ago I did something foolish: I wrote an optimistic column arguing that a polarizing issue was ripe for deescalation and compromise.

The issue was voting rights, where Republicans have long championed voter ID laws as a bulwark against alleged voting fraud, while Democrats have countered that such restrictions unfairly burden many Americans, racial minorities especially, in the exercise of their hard-won right to vote.

The good news, I said back then, was that lots of studies suggest that voter ID laws don’t do either thing. They don’t prevent much (or any) fraud, but they also don’t have much (if any) effect on turnout, for minorities or any other group. So conservatives could stop pushing them, liberals could stop freaking out about them, and without either side losing anything substantial, compromise and conciliation could rule the day.

Naturally since then the voting wars have only burned hotter, thanks to the exigencies of the coronavirus era and the arson of Donald Trump. The virus prompted a vast expansion of mail-in voting in the name of public health, Trump blamed vote-by-mail fraud (among other conspiracies) for his defeat, and soon a large swathe of conservatives became convinced corrupt balloting had stolen the election.

Now Republicans all over the country are advancing bills that answer the “theft” of 2020 with new ID requirements and new limits on absentee and early votes, while Democrats are advancing a national bill that would essentially federalize election law and make certain Republican restrictions impermissible. And each side is talking like this is an existential fight, with the very concept of a fair democratic election hanging in the balance.

But the facts continue to suggest otherwise, with two new studies adding to the case for compromise and calm.

The first study, from the Democracy and Polarization Lab at Stanford University, looks at the effects of “no-excuse absentee voting” on the 2020 election — the kind of balloting that a lot of states expanded and that many Republican state legislators now want to roll back. Contrary to liberal expectations, easing the voting rules this way seemed to have no effect on turnout: “States newly implementing no-excuse absentee voting for 2020 did not see larger increases in turnout than states that did not.”

Then contrary to Republican fears, the easement didn’t help Democrats at the GOP’s expense: “No-excuse absentee did not substantially increase Democratic turnout relative to Republican turnout.” Overall the authors argue that what drove higher turnout in 2020 was simply “voter interest” in the election, not the major voting rule change, which “mobilized relatively few voters and had at most a muted partisan effect.”

The second study comes from a doctoral candidate at the University of Oregon, and it looks further back in time to assess the effects of Shelby County v. Holder, the Supreme Court revision of the Voting Rights Act that made it easier for states to impose voter ID laws and other restrictions. Using data from six federal elections, the author finds no post-Shelby divergence between white and African American turnout in states affected by the ruling. Indeed, if anything, the jurisdictions saw African American turnout rise relative to white turnout in the 2016 election, suggesting that new obstacles to voting prompt swift mobilization in response.

So rule changes favored by Democrats that make it modestly easier to vote probably didn’t help Democrats win the 2020 elections, and rule changes favored by Republicans that make it modestly harder to vote probably haven’t suppressed minority votes. Great news! I’m sure that &lt;em&gt;now&lt;/em&gt; we can call off the voting war and just find a sensible compromise instead.

For instance, my own preferred grand bargain would limit absentee voting but increase funding for polling places and make Election Day a national holiday. This would address reasonable Republican concerns about the civic benefits of having most people vote together, on the same day with the same information, while also answering Democratic concerns about long lines and working-class access to the polls. But there are other possible compromises as well …

No, ha-ha, just kidding, we aren’t going to compromise, not when there’s an apocalypse to fundraise off. And to be clear, Republicans are much more at fault for the needless escalation here. Democrats are guilty of rhetorical exaggeration and policy excess (their big voting rights bill, for instance, includes various traducements of free speech), but Republicans instigated the policy battle and thanks to Trump they’ve gone deepest into paranoia. At their most sincere, they can seem clueless about how the history of Jim Crow shadows these debates; at their most cynical or Trumpy, they’re just indulging a racialized fear of mobs in cities stealing elections from decent white suburbanites. And the deeper they dig in against reasonable critiques, the more the primal conservative suspicion of mass democracy, a “lower turnout is good, actually” mentality, has a way of coming out.

Some suspicion of pure democracy is essential to conservatism. But a high-minded case for lower turnout assumes that a smaller electorate will be more politically engaged and therefore more civic-minded. The evidence of recent American history, though, is that highly engaged, high-information voters tend to be zealous and blinkered hyperpartisans, in desperate need of balancing by more chilled-out and conflicted low-information votes.

The cynical conservative case for lower turnout, meanwhile, assumes that conservatism is the natural party of the responsible, always-registered-to-vote upper middle class. But as the GOP’s base has become more populist and working-class, the American right more anti-establishment, this self-interested logic is crumbling. If voter ID rules or absentee ballot limits did reduce turnout among occasional voters, a lot of those no-shows might be Trump supporters.

This is part of why the conservative fixation on hypothetical voter fraud is so exasperating. If the Trump era proved anything, it’s that Republicans can hold their ground as turnout rises, that they can be competitive with low-propensity voters and minority voters as well. But instead of taking that as an opportunity to actually reach for majorities again, under the influence of #StoptheSteal the party is effectively telling potential supporters that it doesn’t want high turnout, which is basically a way of saying, we don’t want your votes.

Then on the Democratic side, the focus on voting rules feeds a persistent misapprehension about the true constraints on liberal power. Liberals are disadvantaged in the American system at the moment, but it is long-standing constitutional structures, the Electoral College and the Senate above all, that give Republicans a modest advantage, not recent innovations in vote suppression. There isn’t a vast nonvoting majority that would sweep the left into power if only it were easier to vote, and the push for voter ID on the right isn’t actually a replay of Jim Crow. It’s a sideshow, fed by conservative paranoia, to the real struggle for power in America.

The shrewder left-wing analogy, offered by Corey Robin a few days ago in The New Yorker, isn’t to the Reconstruction-era South but to “Britain in the years before the Reform Act of 1832,” when it was antique constitutional structures that stifled democracy, not some sort of dramatic fascist putsch. From a conservative perspective I like this analogy, because it implies that today’s Republicans could learn something from Benjamin Disraeli, the opportunistic 19th-century Tory who leaned into democratization and proved the right could win mass working-class support.

But even Robin’s analogy exaggerates the structural limits on liberal power in the United States today. Those limits certainly exist; they delivered Trump the White House in 2016 with a minority of the popular vote. But the Democratic Party of 2021 has power that’s only marginally out of proportion to its popular support: Democrats won the national House vote by roughly 51% to 48% and the presidential popular vote by roughly 51% to 47%, and the fulcrum of power in Joe Biden’s Washington, a 51-50 Senate, is awfully close to those popular-vote splits.

This suggests that like the Republican minority, the Democratic majority runs a risk of letting a fixation on the structures of democracy become an excuse to shirk the more important work of a political party — which is to persuade the largest possible majority, not just a bare 51%, to vote its way. And the intensity of the debates over rules and structures, IDs and absentee ballots, reflects a bipartisan dynamic where neither coalition seems able to imagine being other than what it’s become in the last 10 years — a blocking minority for Republicans, a super-slim majority for Democrats.

Again, I don’t expect a compromise to emerge out of this stalemate. Instead, I expect the election rules of the future to be written by the party that recognizes that the surest way to make certain your opponents can’t win unfairly is to make sure the election isn’t close.

About two years ago I did something foolish: I wrote an optimistic column arguing that a polarizing issue was ripe for deescalation and compromise. The issue was voting rights, where Republicans have long championed voter ID laws as a bulwark against alleged voting fraud, while Democrats have countered that such restrictions unfairly burden many Americans, racial minorities especially, in the exercise of their hard-won right to vote.

About two years ago I did something foolish: I wrote an optimistic column arguing that a polarizing issue was ripe for deescalation and compromise. The issue was voting rights, where Republicans have long championed voter ID laws as a bulwark against alleged voting fraud, while Democrats have countered that such restrictions unfairly burden many Americans, racial minorities especially, in the exercise of their hard-won right to vote. The good news, I said back then, was that lots of studies suggest that voter ID laws don’t do either thing. They don’t prevent much (or any) fraud, but they also don’t have much (if any) effect on turnout, for minorities or any other group. So conservatives could stop pushing them, liberals could stop freaking out about them, and without either side losing anything substantial, compromise and conciliation could rule the day. Naturally since then the voting wars have only burned hotter, thanks to the exigencies of the coronavirus era and the arson of Donald Trump. The virus prompted a vast expansion of mail-in voting in the name of public health, Trump blamed vote-by-mail fraud (among other conspiracies) for his defeat, and soon a large swathe of conservatives became convinced corrupt balloting had stolen the election. Now Republicans all over the country are advancing bills that answer the “theft” of 2020 with new ID requirements and new limits on absentee and early votes, while Democrats are advancing a national bill that would essentially federalize election law and make certain Republican restrictions impermissible. And each side is talking like this is an existential fight, with the very concept of a fair democratic election hanging in the balance. But the facts continue to suggest otherwise, with two new studies adding to the case for compromise and calm. The first study, from the Democracy and Polarization Lab at Stanford University, looks at the effects of “no-excuse absentee voting” on the 2020 election — the kind of balloting that a lot of states expanded and that many Republican state legislators now want to roll back. Contrary to liberal expectations, easing the voting rules this way seemed to have no effect on turnout: “States newly implementing no-excuse absentee voting for 2020 did not see larger increases in turnout than states that did not.” Then contrary to Republican fears, the easement didn’t help Democrats at the GOP’s expense: “No-excuse absentee did not substantially increase Democratic turnout relative to Republican turnout.” Overall the authors argue that what drove higher turnout in 2020 was simply “voter interest” in the election, not the major voting rule change, which “mobilized relatively few voters and had at most a muted partisan effect.” The second study comes from a doctoral candidate at the University of Oregon, and it looks further back in time to assess the effects of Shelby County v. Holder, the Supreme Court revision of the Voting Rights Act that made it easier for states to impose voter ID laws and other restrictions. Using data from six federal elections, the author finds no post-Shelby divergence between white and African American turnout in states affected by the ruling. Indeed, if anything, the jurisdictions saw African American turnout rise relative to white turnout in the 2016 election, suggesting that new obstacles to voting prompt swift mobilization in response. So rule changes favored by Democrats that make it modestly easier to vote probably didn’t help Democrats win the 2020 elections, and rule changes favored by Republicans that make it modestly harder to vote probably haven’t suppressed minority votes. Great news! I’m sure that now we can call off the voting war and just find a sensible compromise instead. For instance, my own preferred grand bargain would limit absentee voting but increase funding for polling places and make Election Day a national holiday. This would address reasonable Republican concerns about the civic benefits of having most people vote together, on the same day with the same information, while also answering Democratic concerns about long lines and working-class access to the polls. But there are other possible compromises as well … No, ha-ha, just kidding, we aren’t going to compromise, not when there’s an apocalypse to fundraise off. And to be clear, Republicans are much more at fault for the needless escalation here. Democrats are guilty of rhetorical exaggeration and policy excess (their big voting rights bill, for instance, includes various traducements of free speech), but Republicans instigated the policy battle and thanks to Trump they’ve gone deepest into paranoia. At their most sincere, they can seem clueless about how the history of Jim Crow shadows these debates; at their most cynical or Trumpy, they’re just indulging a racialized fear of mobs in cities stealing elections from decent white suburbanites. And the deeper they dig in against reasonable critiques, the more the primal conservative suspicion of mass democracy, a “lower turnout is good, actually” mentality, has a way of coming out. Some suspicion of pure democracy is essential to conservatism. But a high-minded case for lower turnout assumes that a smaller electorate will be more politically engaged and therefore more civic-minded. The evidence of recent American history, though, is that highly engaged, high-information voters tend to be zealous and blinkered hyperpartisans, in desperate need of balancing by more chilled-out and conflicted low-information votes. The cynical conservative case for lower turnout, meanwhile, assumes that conservatism is the natural party of the responsible, always-registered-to-vote upper middle class. But as the GOP’s base has become more populist and working-class, the American right more anti-establishment, this self-interested logic is crumbling. If voter ID rules or absentee ballot limits did reduce turnout among occasional voters, a lot of those no-shows might be Trump supporters. This is part of why the conservative fixation on hypothetical voter fraud is so exasperating. If the Trump era proved anything, it’s that Republicans can hold their ground as turnout rises, that they can be competitive with low-propensity voters and minority voters as well. But instead of taking that as an opportunity to actually reach for majorities again, under the influence of #StoptheSteal the party is effectively telling potential supporters that it doesn’t want high turnout, which is basically a way of saying, we don’t want your votes. Then on the Democratic side, the focus on voting rules feeds a persistent misapprehension about the true constraints on liberal power. Liberals are disadvantaged in the American system at the moment, but it is long-standing constitutional structures, the Electoral College and the Senate above all, that give Republicans a modest advantage, not recent innovations in vote suppression. There isn’t a vast nonvoting majority that would sweep the left into power if only it were easier to vote, and the push for voter ID on the right isn’t actually a replay of Jim Crow. It’s a sideshow, fed by conservative paranoia, to the real struggle for power in America. The shrewder left-wing analogy, offered by Corey Robin a few days ago in The New Yorker, isn’t to the Reconstruction-era South but to “Britain in the years before the Reform Act of 1832,” when it was antique constitutional structures that stifled democracy, not some sort of dramatic fascist putsch. From a conservative perspective I like this analogy, because it implies that today’s Republicans could learn something from Benjamin Disraeli, the opportunistic 19th-century Tory who leaned into democratization and proved the right could win mass working-class support. But even Robin’s analogy exaggerates the structural limits on liberal power in the United States today. Those limits certainly exist; they delivered Trump the White House in 2016 with a minority of the popular vote. But the Democratic Party of 2021 has power that’s only marginally out of proportion to its popular support: Democrats won the national House vote by roughly 51% to 48% and the presidential popular vote by roughly 51% to 47%, and the fulcrum of power in Joe Biden’s Washington, a 51-50 Senate, is awfully close to those popular-vote splits. This suggests that like the Republican minority, the Democratic majority runs a risk of letting a fixation on the structures of democracy become an excuse to shirk the more important work of a political party — which is to persuade the largest possible majority, not just a bare 51%, to vote its way. And the intensity of the debates over rules and structures, IDs and absentee ballots, reflects a bipartisan dynamic where neither coalition seems able to imagine being other than what it’s become in the last 10 years — a blocking minority for Republicans, a super-slim majority for Democrats. Again, I don’t expect a compromise to emerge out of this stalemate. Instead, I expect the election rules of the future to be written by the party that recognizes that the surest way to make certain your opponents can’t win unfairly is to make sure the election isn’t close.

Can anything end the voting wars?

Voters in the poor West African country of Niger cast ballots Sunday in municipal and regional polls two weeks ahead of a presidential election which the incumbent, Mahamadou Issoufou, will not contest because his two terms are up.

The ruling Nigerien Party for Democracy and Socialism (PNDS) is the overwhelming favourite in Sunday's poll and its presidential candidate Mohamed Bazoum is the runaway frontrunner in the December 27 ballot.

Some 7.4 million people are eligible to vote in the long-delayed polls in the country's 266 municipalities.

Also read|<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/executed-nigerian-farmers-were-caught-between-boko-haram-and-the-army-349161">&nbsp;Executed Nigerian farmers were caught between Boko Haram and the Army</a>

Many parts of the Sahel country's west and southeast have suffered repeated jihadists attacks since 2015, preventing people from registering to vote, according to the national electoral commission CENI.

Polls close at six pm (1700 GMT).

Issoufou, who was elected in 2011 and 2016, has won praise for his decision to step aside for a successor, unlike some counterparts on the continent who have pushed through constitutional changes in order to extend their presidencies.

The election should mark the first peaceful transfer of power in the history of the coup-prone former French colony.

Bazoum, 60, a former interior and foreign minister under Issoufou, is among 30 candidates in the race.

Last month Niger's constitutional court blocked main opposition leader Hama Amadou, 70, from running over a 2017 conviction for baby-smuggling, a case he claimed was politically motivated.

Voters in the poor West African country of Niger cast ballots Sunday in municipal and regional polls two weeks ahead of a presidential election which the incumbent, Mahamadou Issoufou, will not contest because his two terms are up.

Voters in the poor West African country of Niger cast ballots Sunday in municipal and regional polls two weeks ahead of a presidential election which the incumbent, Mahamadou Issoufou, will not contest because his two terms are up. The ruling Nigerien Party for Democracy and Socialism (PNDS) is the overwhelming favourite in Sunday's poll and its presidential candidate Mohamed Bazoum is the runaway frontrunner in the December 27 ballot. Some 7.4 million people are eligible to vote in the long-delayed polls in the country's 266 municipalities. Also read| Executed Nigerian farmers were caught between Boko Haram and the Army Many parts of the Sahel country's west and southeast have suffered repeated jihadists attacks since 2015, preventing people from registering to vote, according to the national electoral commission CENI. Polls close at six pm (1700 GMT). Issoufou, who was elected in 2011 and 2016, has won praise for his decision to step aside for a successor, unlike some counterparts on the continent who have pushed through constitutional changes in order to extend their presidencies. The election should mark the first peaceful transfer of power in the history of the coup-prone former French colony. Bazoum, 60, a former interior and foreign minister under Issoufou, is among 30 candidates in the race. Last month Niger's constitutional court blocked main opposition leader Hama Amadou, 70, from running over a 2017 conviction for baby-smuggling, a case he claimed was politically motivated.

Niger votes in city, regional polls ahead of presidential ballot

Voters on the main islands of the Seychelles cast their ballot Saturday in presidential and parliamentary elections spanning three days, across an idyllic archipelago that has been economically hammered by the coronavirus.

Polling stations opened at 7:00am (0300 GMT) on Mahe, Praslin and La Digue -- home to the majority of the 74,600 voters on the Seychelles, with the rest living on further-flung territories of the Indian Ocean nation. 
Some voters on northern Mahe gathered as early as 4:30 am. Later, as the morning sun beat down, many held up umbrellas outside the Bel Ombre polling station at a school close to a white sandy beach.

Voting took place Thursday and Friday on a few dozen of these outer islands, mainly for employees of hotels or the island management authority, who attended pop-up polling stations with election materials carried by plane or boat. Some on the main islands deemed essential workers, such as hospital and nursing staff, also voted Thursday.

The opposition, narrowly defeated in a presidential election in 2015 and buoyed by a landmark victory in a parliamentary poll a year later, is hoping for its first presidential win in the 40 years since Seychelles independence from Britain.

It is up against the incumbent Danny Faure, 58, who is running under the recently renamed United Seychelles ruling party which has been in power since 1977.

"I believe I will win these elections," Faure said after casting the first vote at a polling station in Beau Vallon, Mahe. "And I will respect the will and choice of the Seychelles people."

He said he would travel to the other islands of Praslin and La Digue to encourage voters to turn out. 
The main opposition parties did not manage to unite and Faure -- who was not elected but took over after his predecessor James Michel resigned -- faces two challengers.

His main rival is the Anglican priest Wavel Ramkalawan, who is taking his sixth shot at the presidency and lost by only 193 votes to Michel in an unprecedented second round of voting in 2015.

He is the candidate of the Linyon Democratik Seselwa (Seychelles Democratic Alliance) opposition party, the majority party in parliament after winning 19 of 34 seats in the last election.

The other candidate is Alain St Ange, who was in the opposition before joining the government as tourism minister from 2012-16, but switched back and is now running under the flag of a new party, One Seychelles.

Tourism downturn

The campaign took place mainly over social media, with rallies banned due to the coronavirus. The Bel Ombre polling station was closed briefly so staff could disinfect areas voters had touched.

Seychelles has recorded only 149 cases, mostly imported, but the pandemic has been a burning campaign issue as restrictions on global travel bottom out the tourism industry -- a major earner for the Seychelles and employer for many of its 98,000 people.

Visitor numbers have collapsed since March in the archipelago nation of 115 islands, normally a popular destination for honeymooners and paradise-seekers drawn by its fine sandy beaches and turquoise waters.

The economy has slowed significantly since the start of the pandemic and unemployment has risen from 4.8 to 6.3 percent, according to government figures.

While average income is among the highest in Africa, the national statistics agency says about 40 percent of Seychellois live in poverty because of the high cost of living.

Voters on the main islands of the Seychelles cast their ballot Saturday in presidential and parliamentary elections spanning three days, across an idyllic archipelago that has been economically hammered by the coronavirus.

Voters on the main islands of the Seychelles cast their ballot Saturday in presidential and parliamentary elections spanning three days, across an idyllic archipelago that has been economically hammered by the coronavirus. Polling stations opened at 7:00am (0300 GMT) on Mahe, Praslin and La Digue -- home to the majority of the 74,600 voters on the Seychelles, with the rest living on further-flung territories of the Indian Ocean nation. Some voters on northern Mahe gathered as early as 4:30 am. Later, as the morning sun beat down, many held up umbrellas outside the Bel Ombre polling station at a school close to a white sandy beach. Voting took place Thursday and Friday on a few dozen of these outer islands, mainly for employees of hotels or the island management authority, who attended pop-up polling stations with election materials carried by plane or boat. Some on the main islands deemed essential workers, such as hospital and nursing staff, also voted Thursday. The opposition, narrowly defeated in a presidential election in 2015 and buoyed by a landmark victory in a parliamentary poll a year later, is hoping for its first presidential win in the 40 years since Seychelles independence from Britain. It is up against the incumbent Danny Faure, 58, who is running under the recently renamed United Seychelles ruling party which has been in power since 1977. "I believe I will win these elections," Faure said after casting the first vote at a polling station in Beau Vallon, Mahe. "And I will respect the will and choice of the Seychelles people." He said he would travel to the other islands of Praslin and La Digue to encourage voters to turn out. The main opposition parties did not manage to unite and Faure -- who was not elected but took over after his predecessor James Michel resigned -- faces two challengers. His main rival is the Anglican priest Wavel Ramkalawan, who is taking his sixth shot at the presidency and lost by only 193 votes to Michel in an unprecedented second round of voting in 2015. He is the candidate of the Linyon Democratik Seselwa (Seychelles Democratic Alliance) opposition party, the majority party in parliament after winning 19 of 34 seats in the last election. The other candidate is Alain St Ange, who was in the opposition before joining the government as tourism minister from 2012-16, but switched back and is now running under the flag of a new party, One Seychelles. Tourism downturn The campaign took place mainly over social media, with rallies banned due to the coronavirus. The Bel Ombre polling station was closed briefly so staff could disinfect areas voters had touched. Seychelles has recorded only 149 cases, mostly imported, but the pandemic has been a burning campaign issue as restrictions on global travel bottom out the tourism industry -- a major earner for the Seychelles and employer for many of its 98,000 people. Visitor numbers have collapsed since March in the archipelago nation of 115 islands, normally a popular destination for honeymooners and paradise-seekers drawn by its fine sandy beaches and turquoise waters. The economy has slowed significantly since the start of the pandemic and unemployment has risen from 4.8 to 6.3 percent, according to government figures. While average income is among the highest in Africa, the national statistics agency says about 40 percent of Seychellois live in poverty because of the high cost of living.

Seychelles votes for president, lawmakers in election

On Tuesday, November 3, The United States of America (USA) will vote for its next President. The US election, held once every four years, takes place on the Tuesday following the first Monday in November, as spelled out in the US Constitution.&nbsp;

Irrespective of who wins the American presidential race, there’s a good chance India will continue to remain important for the US.

There are actually only a few similarities between the organization of the government in the two biggest functioning democracies around the world. Elections in the USA are therefore not quite the same as elections in India.&nbsp;

Here are the main differences between Indian and American elections:

Presidential and Parliamentary form of Government

United States follows the presidential form of the Government and India follows the parliamentary form.

In a presidential system, the central principle is that the legislative, executive and judicial branches of government are separate. This leads to the separate election of president, who is elected to office for a fixed term, and only removable for gross misdemeanor by impeachment and dismissal.US citizens technically vote for “electors” and not the presidential candidates themselves, who subsequently elect the President.&nbsp;

In the US presidential system, the President is both the chief executive of the government and the head of state.&nbsp;

India follows the parliamentary system of government. Indian Parliament is a bicameral legislature composed of the President of India and the two houses: the Rajya Sabha (Council of States) and the Lok Sabha (House of the People). The President in his role as head of legislature has full powers to summon and prorogue either house of Parliament or to dissolve Lok Sabha.

India’s parliamentary system does not allow citizens to directly choose the head of the government.In India the Head of state is different from the Head of the government. 
 
Political parties:

The United States has two prominent parties that have the most power the Republican Party and the Democratic Party, both of which are built on a specific ideology. Although the Libertarian Party, Green Party, and other smaller parties exist in US but they are as big as the two major ones.

India, however, has many parties that operate on the different regional level. The two major political parties of India are the Bharatiya Janata Party and Indian National Congress apart from these two, India is riddled with countless other regional parties which often differs from one state to the other. 
 
Electoral system

According to the US government website, In the US Electoral College system, each state gets a certain number of electors based on its total number of representatives in Congress. Each elector casts one electoral vote following the general election; there are a total of 538 electoral votes. The candidate that gets more than half (270) wins the election.

Members of Lok Sabha (House of the People) or the lower house of India's Parliament are elected by being voted upon by all adult citizens of India, from a set of candidates who stand in their respective constituencies. The MPs of the party or alliance with majority seats choose their leader as the head of the government, who becomes Prime Minister of India.&nbsp; 
 
Voting system&nbsp;

US uses ballot to cast votes and India uses EVM machines for voting. 
 
There is one major disadvantage of the Indian election system is that the people don’t have the choice to elect their Head of State directly.

On Tuesday, November 3, The United States of America (USA) will vote for its next President. The US election, held once every four years, takes place on the Tuesday following the first Monday in November, as spelled out in the US Constitution.

On Tuesday, November 3, The United States of America (USA) will vote for its next President. The US election, held once every four years, takes place on the Tuesday following the first Monday in November, as spelled out in the US Constitution. Irrespective of who wins the American presidential race, there’s a good chance India will continue to remain important for the US. There are actually only a few similarities between the organization of the government in the two biggest functioning democracies around the world. Elections in the USA are therefore not quite the same as elections in India. Here are the main differences between Indian and American elections: Presidential and Parliamentary form of Government United States follows the presidential form of the Government and India follows the parliamentary form. In a presidential system, the central principle is that the legislative, executive and judicial branches of government are separate. This leads to the separate election of president, who is elected to office for a fixed term, and only removable for gross misdemeanor by impeachment and dismissal.US citizens technically vote for “electors” and not the presidential candidates themselves, who subsequently elect the President. In the US presidential system, the President is both the chief executive of the government and the head of state. India follows the parliamentary system of government. Indian Parliament is a bicameral legislature composed of the President of India and the two houses: the Rajya Sabha (Council of States) and the Lok Sabha (House of the People). The President in his role as head of legislature has full powers to summon and prorogue either house of Parliament or to dissolve Lok Sabha. India’s parliamentary system does not allow citizens to directly choose the head of the government.In India the Head of state is different from the Head of the government. Political parties: The United States has two prominent parties that have the most power the Republican Party and the Democratic Party, both of which are built on a specific ideology. Although the Libertarian Party, Green Party, and other smaller parties exist in US but they are as big as the two major ones. India, however, has many parties that operate on the different regional level. The two major political parties of India are the Bharatiya Janata Party and Indian National Congress apart from these two, India is riddled with countless other regional parties which often differs from one state to the other. Electoral system According to the US government website, In the US Electoral College system, each state gets a certain number of electors based on its total number of representatives in Congress. Each elector casts one electoral vote following the general election; there are a total of 538 electoral votes. The candidate that gets more than half (270) wins the election. Members of Lok Sabha (House of the People) or the lower house of India's Parliament are elected by being voted upon by all adult citizens of India, from a set of candidates who stand in their respective constituencies. The MPs of the party or alliance with majority seats choose their leader as the head of the government, who becomes Prime Minister of India. Voting system US uses ballot to cast votes and India uses EVM machines for voting. There is one major disadvantage of the Indian election system is that the people don’t have the choice to elect their Head of State directly.

US election 2020: How American election is different from Indian election

Americans are rushing to cast ballots ahead of the Nov. 3 election at an unprecedented pace, early voting numbers show, indicating a possible record turnout for the showdown between President Donald Trump and Democratic challenger Joe Biden.

US Election 2020: Early voting continue to surge despite coronavirus fears

WASHINGTON — Most young people in the United States don’t vote. Fewer than half of Americans 18 to 29 voted in the 2016 presidential election — a gap of more than 15 points compared with the overall turnout.

This is not unique to the United States. Our new analysis of turnout for the most recent national general elections for heads of government in two dozen countries revealed that the general population’s voting rate exceeds the voting rate for young people in every single one of them.

The sample of two dozen countries isn’t representative of all nations. The 24 countries that had youth turnout data available were richer, more democratic and more literate than the 168 countries we contacted that didn’t. But the trends are still illustrative.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/nearly-58-million-watch-us-vice-presidential-debate-big-jump-from-2016-333722">Also read|&nbsp;Nearly 58 million watch US vice-presidential debate, big jump from 2016</a>

Why do young people vote less than their elders?

Almost a century ago, political scientists Charles E. Merriam and Harold F. Gosnell identified several groups of Americans whose turnout rates were comparatively low, including young people, minorities, the less educated and the poor — all of whom are still less likely to vote today.

Three broad themes in political science research help explain the gap for young voters:

— Habit formation. Voting is a habit formed over time, and one possible reason that young people do it less frequently is that they have had fewer opportunities to form and reinforce the habit. With time, people slowly turn from “habitual nonvoters” to “habitual voters,” as a paper by Eric Plutzer, a political scientist at Penn State, puts it.

That internal habit formation is reinforced externally, too, as Mark N. Franklin of Trinity College described in a book exploring aspects of voter turnout. People of all ages are influenced by what they see their friends and peers doing, and older people are more likely to have observed friends making the choice to vote, over the course of multiple election cycles.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/trump-ready-to-go-on-campaign-rally-as-soon-as-he-gets-okay-from-his-doctor-white-house-334039">Also read|&nbsp;Trump ready to go on campaign rally as soon as he gets 'okay' from his doctor: White House</a>

— Opportunity cost. Voting for the first or second time may also be harder than voting in subsequent elections. There is a direct opportunity cost for young adults, who may have less flexible employment schedules or less financial cushion to take time off to vote, or who may be in temporary housing situations where they lack deep community ties. There is also an indirect opportunity cost to learning the process of voting, like finding a polling place and learning about the candidates, according to Franklin.

In the United States, some of those obstacles are, or once were, intentional.

“I think of the U.S. as an anomaly when it comes to disparities in turnout across groups, and that those disparities are inseparable from a legacy of slavery and racism,” said Charlotte Hill, a doctoral candidate working on voting issues at the University of California, Berkeley.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-election-2020-trump-or-biden-astrologers-predict-the-next-president-333963">Also read|&nbsp;US election 2020: Trump or Biden? Astrologers predict the next President</a>

Raising voter turnout among all cohorts isn’t a universal goal among the politically powerful. And policies that make voting harder, like voter ID laws, may disproportionately affect low-propensity voters, including young people.

— Alternative participation. Youth turnout data may be less dispiriting when viewed in the context of participation in other forms of political action. Lower election turnout in general over time has been accompanied by a rise in “other forms of citizen activism, such as mass protests, occupy movements and increased use of social media as a new platform of political engagement,” according to research by the Stockholm-based International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance. Data suggests these trends are especially pronounced among young people. Compared with their elders in Germany, France and Britain, one analysis found, younger people are more likely to sign petitions, and more than twice as likely to participate in demonstrations.

All this suggests that the problem doesn’t come down to lack of interest, as research collected in John Holbein and D. Sunshine Hillygus’s recent book “Making Young Voters,” affirms. In recent years in the United States, they write, “the number of young people who express an interest in elections (76 percent), care who is president (74 percent), have interest in public affairs (85 percent), and intend to vote (83 percent) is especially high.”

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/what-happens-ifhttps://www.wionews.com/world/what-happens-if-a-us-presidential-candidate-dies-before-the-election-333986-a-us-presidential-candidate-dies-before-the-election-333986">Also read|&nbsp;What happens if a US presidential candidate dies before the election</a>

Is the gap between young and older voters consistent around the world?

No. Among the 24 countries we examined, the difference between youth and general turnout ranged from less than 1 percentage point to more than 20 points. And although the United States isn’t alone in seeing a gap, it fares pretty dismally, with the fifth-lowest youth turnout in the sample and the fourth-biggest gap between youth and overall turnout.

But before scolding young Americans, look at their elders. In countries where older people vote at higher rates, young people do, too.

Interestingly, that gap shrinks reliably as voting increases. In other words, the higher the youth voting rate, the closer the youth rate is likely to be to the overall rate.

What else predicts voter turnout?

Not much. In our analysis of overall voter turnout in the most recent national elections in 173 countries, participation cannot readily be predicted by any of more than 20 demographic and political-economy variables tested, including GDP per capita, population size, type of government, development status and level of inequality. Even factors like compulsory and weekend voting didn’t reliably predict turnout in our survey.

You might imagine that people in rich, highly democratic countries are more likely to vote. And while that’s true in some places — Denmark, the Netherlands and Sweden all saw turnout rates of 85% or higher in their last elections — citizens of nations with dependably free and fair elections don’t always take advantage of their enviable position. Switzerland’s 2019 presidential election, for example, had a youth turnout of 33% and an overall turnout of 45%. The United States, with its 64% overall turnout and 46% youth turnout in 2016, may also fall into this category.

What would boost U.S. youth turnout?

Experts emphasize that there is no single fix to increase youth turnout. Instead, research points to interventions on a short, medium and long-term timeline.

— Short term: Get young people the specific information they need to register and make it to the polls.

“It drives me nuts when I hear people say, ‘It’s not that hard to go vote,’ or ‘It’s not that hard to register,’” said Jan Leighley, a professor of government at American University. “Actually, the act of casting a ballot in an election is incredibly complex!”

She and other experts recommend mobilization efforts that lead first-time voters through steps like learning how to register and by what date; how a ballot works, what’s on it and how to fill it out; where to go to cast a vote and what to do when you get there. Research cited by Holbein and Hillygus showed that flashier but less precise efforts, like celebrity-driven efforts to increase awareness of voting in general, don’t work.

— Medium term: Work to reduce systemic barriers, especially to registration. The strong association between youth and overall turnout suggests that measures aimed at increasing voting for everyone will bring out young voters, too — and maybe even bring their participation rates closer to the general population’s.

In her book about voter turnout, Meredith Rolfe of the University of Massachusetts points out that in U.S. elections, turnout is higher in states that make it easier to register to vote, for example by permitting it right up to an election, having registration offices that are open on evenings and weekends and allowing absentee registration.

And Anthony Fowler of the University of Chicago found that permitting future voters to preregister at age 16 or 17, making them automatically registered on their 18th birthday, increases both registration and turnout by 2.1 percentage points.

In an Op-Ed for The New York Times last year, Charlotte Hill and Jacob Grumbach wrote that same-day registration can increase turnout for every age group — and especially for younger voters.

And an even more comprehensive approach, automatic voter registration — in which all citizens of voting age are added to the voter rolls without having to take any action — could have an additional benefit for young people, several scholars noted.

Politicians “don’t have to mobilize and pay too much attention to youth, these days, because they know they’re not going to show up much at the polls, right?” Leighley said. “If you get everyone registered, it has to change their calculations.”

— Long term: Reimagine civics education.

“When I talk with young people, the No. 1 reason that they’re not voting is because they feel embarrassed that they don’t know what’s on the ballot, and then you ask them to go find and it and they don’t know where to go,” said Rachael Cobb, an associate professor and the chair of political science and legal studies at Suffolk University.

One way to address that lack of preparation is to provide practical civics education — teaching more about how to vote. That can plant the seed early that voting is normal and worthwhile, and motivate young voters to overcome the short-term hurdles that might obstruct their participation in any particular election. In one study, youth turnout increased 5.7 percentage points after students were provided with an applied voting demonstration and given the chance to cast a practice ballot.

The most important thing to remember, experts said, is to consider these short-, medium- and long-term interventions in combination — any single one taken in isolation isn’t likely to drive a big increase in youth voter turnout.

“There is no one thing,” said Abby Kiesa, the director of impact for CIRCLE, a research organization focused on youth civic engagement. “We need all the things.”

WASHINGTON — Most young people in the United States don’t vote. Fewer than half of Americans 18 to 29 voted in the 2016 presidential election — a gap of more than 15 points compared with the overall turnout.

WASHINGTON — Most young people in the United States don’t vote. Fewer than half of Americans 18 to 29 voted in the 2016 presidential election — a gap of more than 15 points compared with the overall turnout. This is not unique to the United States. Our new analysis of turnout for the most recent national general elections for heads of government in two dozen countries revealed that the general population’s voting rate exceeds the voting rate for young people in every single one of them. The sample of two dozen countries isn’t representative of all nations. The 24 countries that had youth turnout data available were richer, more democratic and more literate than the 168 countries we contacted that didn’t. But the trends are still illustrative. Also read| Nearly 58 million watch US vice-presidential debate, big jump from 2016 Why do young people vote less than their elders? Almost a century ago, political scientists Charles E. Merriam and Harold F. Gosnell identified several groups of Americans whose turnout rates were comparatively low, including young people, minorities, the less educated and the poor — all of whom are still less likely to vote today. Three broad themes in political science research help explain the gap for young voters: — Habit formation. Voting is a habit formed over time, and one possible reason that young people do it less frequently is that they have had fewer opportunities to form and reinforce the habit. With time, people slowly turn from “habitual nonvoters” to “habitual voters,” as a paper by Eric Plutzer, a political scientist at Penn State, puts it. That internal habit formation is reinforced externally, too, as Mark N. Franklin of Trinity College described in a book exploring aspects of voter turnout. People of all ages are influenced by what they see their friends and peers doing, and older people are more likely to have observed friends making the choice to vote, over the course of multiple election cycles. Also read| Trump ready to go on campaign rally as soon as he gets 'okay' from his doctor: White House — Opportunity cost. Voting for the first or second time may also be harder than voting in subsequent elections. There is a direct opportunity cost for young adults, who may have less flexible employment schedules or less financial cushion to take time off to vote, or who may be in temporary housing situations where they lack deep community ties. There is also an indirect opportunity cost to learning the process of voting, like finding a polling place and learning about the candidates, according to Franklin. In the United States, some of those obstacles are, or once were, intentional. “I think of the U.S. as an anomaly when it comes to disparities in turnout across groups, and that those disparities are inseparable from a legacy of slavery and racism,” said Charlotte Hill, a doctoral candidate working on voting issues at the University of California, Berkeley. Also read| US election 2020: Trump or Biden? Astrologers predict the next President Raising voter turnout among all cohorts isn’t a universal goal among the politically powerful. And policies that make voting harder, like voter ID laws, may disproportionately affect low-propensity voters, including young people. — Alternative participation. Youth turnout data may be less dispiriting when viewed in the context of participation in other forms of political action. Lower election turnout in general over time has been accompanied by a rise in “other forms of citizen activism, such as mass protests, occupy movements and increased use of social media as a new platform of political engagement,” according to research by the Stockholm-based International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance. Data suggests these trends are especially pronounced among young people. Compared with their elders in Germany, France and Britain, one analysis found, younger people are more likely to sign petitions, and more than twice as likely to participate in demonstrations. All this suggests that the problem doesn’t come down to lack of interest, as research collected in John Holbein and D. Sunshine Hillygus’s recent book “Making Young Voters,” affirms. In recent years in the United States, they write, “the number of young people who express an interest in elections (76 percent), care who is president (74 percent), have interest in public affairs (85 percent), and intend to vote (83 percent) is especially high.” Also read| What happens if a US presidential candidate dies before the election Is the gap between young and older voters consistent around the world? No. Among the 24 countries we examined, the difference between youth and general turnout ranged from less than 1 percentage point to more than 20 points. And although the United States isn’t alone in seeing a gap, it fares pretty dismally, with the fifth-lowest youth turnout in the sample and the fourth-biggest gap between youth and overall turnout. But before scolding young Americans, look at their elders. In countries where older people vote at higher rates, young people do, too. Interestingly, that gap shrinks reliably as voting increases. In other words, the higher the youth voting rate, the closer the youth rate is likely to be to the overall rate. What else predicts voter turnout? Not much. In our analysis of overall voter turnout in the most recent national elections in 173 countries, participation cannot readily be predicted by any of more than 20 demographic and political-economy variables tested, including GDP per capita, population size, type of government, development status and level of inequality. Even factors like compulsory and weekend voting didn’t reliably predict turnout in our survey. You might imagine that people in rich, highly democratic countries are more likely to vote. And while that’s true in some places — Denmark, the Netherlands and Sweden all saw turnout rates of 85% or higher in their last elections — citizens of nations with dependably free and fair elections don’t always take advantage of their enviable position. Switzerland’s 2019 presidential election, for example, had a youth turnout of 33% and an overall turnout of 45%. The United States, with its 64% overall turnout and 46% youth turnout in 2016, may also fall into this category. What would boost U.S. youth turnout? Experts emphasize that there is no single fix to increase youth turnout. Instead, research points to interventions on a short, medium and long-term timeline. — Short term: Get young people the specific information they need to register and make it to the polls. “It drives me nuts when I hear people say, ‘It’s not that hard to go vote,’ or ‘It’s not that hard to register,’” said Jan Leighley, a professor of government at American University. “Actually, the act of casting a ballot in an election is incredibly complex!” She and other experts recommend mobilization efforts that lead first-time voters through steps like learning how to register and by what date; how a ballot works, what’s on it and how to fill it out; where to go to cast a vote and what to do when you get there. Research cited by Holbein and Hillygus showed that flashier but less precise efforts, like celebrity-driven efforts to increase awareness of voting in general, don’t work. — Medium term: Work to reduce systemic barriers, especially to registration. The strong association between youth and overall turnout suggests that measures aimed at increasing voting for everyone will bring out young voters, too — and maybe even bring their participation rates closer to the general population’s. In her book about voter turnout, Meredith Rolfe of the University of Massachusetts points out that in U.S. elections, turnout is higher in states that make it easier to register to vote, for example by permitting it right up to an election, having registration offices that are open on evenings and weekends and allowing absentee registration. And Anthony Fowler of the University of Chicago found that permitting future voters to preregister at age 16 or 17, making them automatically registered on their 18th birthday, increases both registration and turnout by 2.1 percentage points. In an Op-Ed for The New York Times last year, Charlotte Hill and Jacob Grumbach wrote that same-day registration can increase turnout for every age group — and especially for younger voters. And an even more comprehensive approach, automatic voter registration — in which all citizens of voting age are added to the voter rolls without having to take any action — could have an additional benefit for young people, several scholars noted. Politicians “don’t have to mobilize and pay too much attention to youth, these days, because they know they’re not going to show up much at the polls, right?” Leighley said. “If you get everyone registered, it has to change their calculations.” — Long term: Reimagine civics education. “When I talk with young people, the No. 1 reason that they’re not voting is because they feel embarrassed that they don’t know what’s on the ballot, and then you ask them to go find and it and they don’t know where to go,” said Rachael Cobb, an associate professor and the chair of political science and legal studies at Suffolk University. One way to address that lack of preparation is to provide practical civics education — teaching more about how to vote. That can plant the seed early that voting is normal and worthwhile, and motivate young voters to overcome the short-term hurdles that might obstruct their participation in any particular election. In one study, youth turnout increased 5.7 percentage points after students were provided with an applied voting demonstration and given the chance to cast a practice ballot. The most important thing to remember, experts said, is to consider these short-, medium- and long-term interventions in combination — any single one taken in isolation isn’t likely to drive a big increase in youth voter turnout. “There is no one thing,” said Abby Kiesa, the director of impact for CIRCLE, a research organization focused on youth civic engagement. “We need all the things.”

Why don’t young people vote, and what can be done about it?

Italians head to the polls Sunday -- to the alarm of coronavirus experts -- for a referendum and regional elections that could weaken the government and radically reshape the political landscape.

Just a week after a Herculean effort by schools to reopen in line with last-minute Covid-19 rules, classrooms across the country will be shut to pupils and transformed into ballot stations for the two-day vote.

A triumph for the far-right in this fiercely fought campaign would sound alarm bells in Brussels.

It will be the first test for Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte's centre-left coalition government since it imposed an economically crippling nationwide lockdown to fight the virus, which has killed almost 36,000 people.

The referendum, on slashing the number of members of parliament -- from 630 to 400 in the lower house, and 315 to 200 in the upper house -- is expected to pass, though there has been a late uptick in the number of prominent 'no' declarations.

The cost-cutting reform is the brainchild of the co-governing Five Star Movement (M5S), but while its centre-left coalition Democratic Party (PD) partner and parties on the right are theoretically in favour, their support has been lacklustre at best.

Uncertain future

The regional battle is for governance of Campania, Liguria, Marche, Puglia, Tuscany, Valle d'Aosta and Veneto.

The right-wing coalition is set to easily retake Veneto and Liguria, and it could also snatch Marche and Puglia from the left.

But all eyes will be on Tuscany, a historic left-wing stronghold that might fall to Matteo Salvini's far-right League.

"If the left performs particularly poorly... Brussels will grow concerned," Berenberg economist Florian Hense told AFP.

It will worry whether the national recovery plan Italy has to present to obtain grants or loans to aid its ailing economy after the coronavirus lockdown "will be ambitious enough, given the limited political capital of the coalition in Rome," he said.

"And whether, whatever plan Italy comes up with, it will actually implement it given the uncertain future of the current coalition".

Concern over virus

The poll is going ahead despite warnings against opening polling stations while Covid-19 case numbers are on the rise.

While Italy currently has fewer new cases than Britain, France or Spain, it is still recording more than 1,500 daily.

"The country is in a state of emergency; it is utterly contradictory to be massing people together at polling stations, particularly in light of the trend in Europe," Professor Massimo Galli, infectious diseases chief at Milan's Sacco hospital, told AFP.

He said previously that holding the elections now would be "madness".

Some precautions have been taken however, with elderly and pregnant voters getting fast-track lanes to vote.

With older people potentially put off voting by the health risks, the left has been organising special transport.

One in three of voters for the PD and League are over 65-years old, according to Italy's Corriere della Sera daily.

Nearly 2,000 voters in isolation due to the coronavirus have also registered to have their votes collected, including former prime minister Silvio Berlusconi.

But fear of catching the virus from voters obliged to pull down their masks to allow them to be identified has seen a flurry of last-minute desertions by polling station volunteers.

Milan was forced Saturday to call urgently for 100 fresh pairs of hands.&nbsp;

Prime Minister Conte has clinched a behind-doors deal with PD leader Nicola Zingaretti to fight to save each other's political skins should the left should perform disastrously, according to the Repubblica daily.

That might not be enough.

"These elections are not going to topple the government," Political commentator Barbara Fiammeri for Italy's Sole 24 Ore daily told AFP.

"But there could well be a crisis, whether it be Conte's fall, the forming of new coalition, or even a national unity government".

Italians head to the polls Sunday -- to the alarm of coronavirus experts -- for a referendum and regional elections that could weaken the government and radically reshape the political landscape.

Italians head to the polls Sunday -- to the alarm of coronavirus experts -- for a referendum and regional elections that could weaken the government and radically reshape the political landscape. Just a week after a Herculean effort by schools to reopen in line with last-minute Covid-19 rules, classrooms across the country will be shut to pupils and transformed into ballot stations for the two-day vote. A triumph for the far-right in this fiercely fought campaign would sound alarm bells in Brussels. It will be the first test for Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte's centre-left coalition government since it imposed an economically crippling nationwide lockdown to fight the virus, which has killed almost 36,000 people. The referendum, on slashing the number of members of parliament -- from 630 to 400 in the lower house, and 315 to 200 in the upper house -- is expected to pass, though there has been a late uptick in the number of prominent 'no' declarations. The cost-cutting reform is the brainchild of the co-governing Five Star Movement (M5S), but while its centre-left coalition Democratic Party (PD) partner and parties on the right are theoretically in favour, their support has been lacklustre at best. Uncertain future The regional battle is for governance of Campania, Liguria, Marche, Puglia, Tuscany, Valle d'Aosta and Veneto. The right-wing coalition is set to easily retake Veneto and Liguria, and it could also snatch Marche and Puglia from the left. But all eyes will be on Tuscany, a historic left-wing stronghold that might fall to Matteo Salvini's far-right League. "If the left performs particularly poorly... Brussels will grow concerned," Berenberg economist Florian Hense told AFP. It will worry whether the national recovery plan Italy has to present to obtain grants or loans to aid its ailing economy after the coronavirus lockdown "will be ambitious enough, given the limited political capital of the coalition in Rome," he said. "And whether, whatever plan Italy comes up with, it will actually implement it given the uncertain future of the current coalition". Concern over virus The poll is going ahead despite warnings against opening polling stations while Covid-19 case numbers are on the rise. While Italy currently has fewer new cases than Britain, France or Spain, it is still recording more than 1,500 daily. "The country is in a state of emergency; it is utterly contradictory to be massing people together at polling stations, particularly in light of the trend in Europe," Professor Massimo Galli, infectious diseases chief at Milan's Sacco hospital, told AFP. He said previously that holding the elections now would be "madness". Some precautions have been taken however, with elderly and pregnant voters getting fast-track lanes to vote. With older people potentially put off voting by the health risks, the left has been organising special transport. One in three of voters for the PD and League are over 65-years old, according to Italy's Corriere della Sera daily. Nearly 2,000 voters in isolation due to the coronavirus have also registered to have their votes collected, including former prime minister Silvio Berlusconi. But fear of catching the virus from voters obliged to pull down their masks to allow them to be identified has seen a flurry of last-minute desertions by polling station volunteers. Milan was forced Saturday to call urgently for 100 fresh pairs of hands. Prime Minister Conte has clinched a behind-doors deal with PD leader Nicola Zingaretti to fight to save each other's political skins should the left should perform disastrously, according to the Repubblica daily. That might not be enough. "These elections are not going to topple the government," Political commentator Barbara Fiammeri for Italy's Sole 24 Ore daily told AFP. "But there could well be a crisis, whether it be Conte's fall, the forming of new coalition, or even a national unity government".

Italy defies virus for vote as far-right plots seismic change

Early voting in four US states -- Minnesota, Virginia, South Dakota and Wyoming -- got underway on Friday even as recent opinion polls gave democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden a comfortable lead over President Donald Trump in Minnesota.

Video: Early voting begins in four US states; Biden challenges Trump on economy

US President Donald Trump on Tuesday signed a memorandum to disallow the votes of illegal migrants in the country from being counted at congressional voting districts after voting maps are redrawn this year.

This has received backlash from Democrats, who have threatened to take legal action. Democratic-led states like New York are already planning to respond legally. However, experts believe the memorandum is legally invalid, and may not even be practiced.

To benefit Republican Party?

If, somehow, this were allowed, the Republican Party would largely benefit from it. A majority of the non-white voting population would then not be allowed to vote. His voter base though, which comprises Caucasian Americans, will be able to vote nevertheless.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/portland-protest-crackdown-biden-accuses-trump-of-egregious-tactics-315040" hreflang="en">Portland protest crackdown: Biden accuses Trump of 'egregious tactics'</a>

Many states in the US have a large immigrant population, including California and New York. If these were to be legally mandated, such states would lose seats in the US House of Representatives. California currently has 53 seats, while New York has 27.

The process of “apportionment” is set to begin in the US, which will carve out voting maps for federal congressional districts.

<div class="videoWrapper trancodeVideo"><iframe allowfullscreen="" autoplay="1" class="includeVideo" frameborder="0" height="350" src="http://wionews.com/videos/donald-trump-to-resume-daily-covid-19-briefing-long-queues-for-testing-in-texas-florida-314867/embed" style="width:100%;max-width:560px;" width="560"></iframe></div>

"Illegal aliens"

"Including these illegal aliens in the population of the state for the purpose of apportionment could result in the allocation of two or three more congressional seats than would otherwise be allocated," the memo said.

Redistricting is set to take place in 2021. This is undertaken to take into account changes in the population, and will be done after the 2020 US census.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/at-us-capitol-164-pairs-of-shoes-represent-nurses-dead-from-covid-315023" hreflang="en">At US Capitol, 164 pairs of shoes represent nurses dead from COVID</a>

Historically, the distribution of 435 seats has been done keeping in mind the total population, not considering the status of immigration. Trump’s new memorandum will attempt to exclude those who are in the US legally.

The US House of Representatives Speaker Nancy Pelosi in a statement called the measure “unlawful”, and further said that it was "designed to again inject fear and distrust into vulnerable and traditionally undercounted communities, while sowing chaos with the Census."

The US constitution says that congressional districts should be based on “the whole number of persons” in every district.

US President Donald Trump on Tuesday signed a memorandum to disallow the votes of illegal migrants in the country from being counted at congressional voting districts after voting maps are redrawn this year.

US President Donald Trump on Tuesday signed a memorandum to disallow the votes of illegal migrants in the country from being counted at congressional voting districts after voting maps are redrawn this year. This has received backlash from Democrats, who have threatened to take legal action. Democratic-led states like New York are already planning to respond legally. However, experts believe the memorandum is legally invalid, and may not even be practiced. To benefit Republican Party? If, somehow, this were allowed, the Republican Party would largely benefit from it. A majority of the non-white voting population would then not be allowed to vote. His voter base though, which comprises Caucasian Americans, will be able to vote nevertheless. Also read: Portland protest crackdown: Biden accuses Trump of 'egregious tactics' Many states in the US have a large immigrant population, including California and New York. If these were to be legally mandated, such states would lose seats in the US House of Representatives. California currently has 53 seats, while New York has 27. The process of “apportionment” is set to begin in the US, which will carve out voting maps for federal congressional districts. "Illegal aliens" "Including these illegal aliens in the population of the state for the purpose of apportionment could result in the allocation of two or three more congressional seats than would otherwise be allocated," the memo said. Redistricting is set to take place in 2021. This is undertaken to take into account changes in the population, and will be done after the 2020 US census. Also read: At US Capitol, 164 pairs of shoes represent nurses dead from COVID Historically, the distribution of 435 seats has been done keeping in mind the total population, not considering the status of immigration. Trump’s new memorandum will attempt to exclude those who are in the US legally. The US House of Representatives Speaker Nancy Pelosi in a statement called the measure “unlawful”, and further said that it was "designed to again inject fear and distrust into vulnerable and traditionally undercounted communities, while sowing chaos with the Census." The US constitution says that congressional districts should be based on “the whole number of persons” in every district.

Trump orders congressional districts to disallow 'illegal aliens' from voting

Iranian parliamentary election begins, hardliners set to dominate

Nepal voters&nbsp;to elect 18 members of <a href="https://www.wionews.com/south-asia/nepals-national-assembly-members-term-decided-through-lucky-draw-145380">Nepal's National Assembly</a> on Thursday in Kathmandu.

There are a total of 2,056 voters including 550 state assembly members and 1,506 mayors, deputy-mayors, chairpersons and vice-chairpersons of local levels. A total of 45 candidates from six political parties are contesting in the election. The voting will end at 4 pm.

The National Assembly election is taking place in the district headquarters, where high courts of seven states are located, Morang, Dhanusha, Lalitpur, Kaski, Dang, Surkhet, and Doti.

District judges of these districts have been assigned as returning officers for the election.

Weight of a vote of state assembly member has been determined 48 while one vote of mayor, deputy-mayor of municipalities and chairperson and vice-chairperson carry a weight of 18.

The ballot paper for state-assembly members would have an election symbol with green ink while ballot papers for mayor and deputy mayor, as well as chairpersons and vice-chairpersons, would have election symbols with red-ink.

The term of 19 members of the 59-member National Assembly is terminating on March 3. Out of 19 members, the election is being held for 18 posts.

There is a constitutional provision that the President would nominate one NA member at the recommendation of the government.

The Election Commission has also directed the election officers to make proper arrangements for the counting of votes and declaration of election results.

"The more the election is free and fair, credible and acceptable to all, the more the governance system would become responsible, transparent, public-oriented and upright," the Commission stated in a release.

Nepal voters to elect 18 members of Nepal's National Assembly on Thursday in Kathmandu. There are a total of 2,056 voters including 550 state assembly members and 1,506 mayors, deputy-mayors, chairpersons and vice-chairpersons of local levels.

Nepal voters to elect 18 members of Nepal's National Assembly on Thursday in Kathmandu. There are a total of 2,056 voters including 550 state assembly members and 1,506 mayors, deputy-mayors, chairpersons and vice-chairpersons of local levels. A total of 45 candidates from six political parties are contesting in the election. The voting will end at 4 pm. The National Assembly election is taking place in the district headquarters, where high courts of seven states are located, Morang, Dhanusha, Lalitpur, Kaski, Dang, Surkhet, and Doti. District judges of these districts have been assigned as returning officers for the election. Weight of a vote of state assembly member has been determined 48 while one vote of mayor, deputy-mayor of municipalities and chairperson and vice-chairperson carry a weight of 18. The ballot paper for state-assembly members would have an election symbol with green ink while ballot papers for mayor and deputy mayor, as well as chairpersons and vice-chairpersons, would have election symbols with red-ink. The term of 19 members of the 59-member National Assembly is terminating on March 3. Out of 19 members, the election is being held for 18 posts. There is a constitutional provision that the President would nominate one NA member at the recommendation of the government. The Election Commission has also directed the election officers to make proper arrangements for the counting of votes and declaration of election results. "The more the election is free and fair, credible and acceptable to all, the more the governance system would become responsible, transparent, public-oriented and upright," the Commission stated in a release.

Nepal voters to elect 18 members of Nepal's National Assembly

Supporters of Azzedine Mihoubi, a former Algerian culture minister who is running for president in December's election, gathered on Wednesday (December 4) for a rally as the corruption trial of senior officials including two former prime ministers began.

'Algeria needs all its children,' says Mihoubi supporters as election looms

Brussels' next top official Ursula von der Leyen presents her top&nbsp;team&nbsp;to the <a href="https://www.wionews.com/business-economy/microsoft-increases-data-protection-responsibilities-for-european-union-262842">European Parliament</a> on Wednesday, hoping to finally put a difficult transition behind her.

The&nbsp;incoming&nbsp;president of the European Commission had hoped to take office a month ago but was thwarted by wrangling over the membership of her executive&nbsp;team.

The former German defence minister&nbsp;faces&nbsp;a daunting brief when her mandate starts on December 1, with the&nbsp;EU&nbsp;at loggerheads with Washington over trade, climate and Iran, while it grapples with a sluggish economy and frets about Russia.

The 61-year-old, a veteran from Chancellor Angela Merkel's centre-right CDU party, also has to contend with growing divisions between her old boss and French President Emmanuel Macron as the&nbsp;EU's vaunted "Franco-German motor" misfires.

But first, she must convince MEPs in Strasbourg to give their backing to a&nbsp;team&nbsp;drawn from each of 27 member states, all of them bar Britain, which plans to leave the bloc.

Her own appointment to succeed Jean-Claude Juncker as head of the commission was approved in July with only nine votes more than she needed, a narrow margin in&nbsp;EU&nbsp;politics.

Three of her initial nominees to the commission were rejected during the parliamentary confirmation process, an unprecedented snub, weakening her authority from the outset.

Nevertheless,&nbsp;EU&nbsp;diplomats and parliamentary leaders are cautiously optimistic she will clear Wednesday's hurdle, a public&nbsp;vote&nbsp;of MEPs at 12:30 pm.

"We will be united in our support for the commission," vowed Manfred Weber, head of the parliament's centre-right EPP bloc and himself a disappointed former presidential hopeful.

Weber was one of a small group of so-called "Spitzenkandidats" or lead candidates representing party blocs that MEPs had hoped would provide the eventual commission leader.

But&nbsp;EU&nbsp;member state leaders, spearheaded by Macron, overturned this experiment in a parliamentary democracy and imposed an outside choice.

The&nbsp;vote&nbsp;to confirm Von der Leyen was conducted by secret ballot, allowing many MEPs to&nbsp;vote&nbsp;against her in protest at the&nbsp;EU&nbsp;leaders' political tactics.

But Wednesday's roll-call to approve the commission as a whole will be conducted openly, helping the main centre-right, social democratic and liberal factions to whip support.

The leader of the Socialists and Democrats group, Iratxe Garcia Perez, noted that pressure from the left had forced von der Leyen to commit to a broad-based political platform.

Brexit cloud

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/britain-threatens-to-deport-european-union-citizens-failing-to-comply-residency-deadline-262035">The commission</a> has members from across the political spectrum, and von der Leyen altered plans to name one portfolio "Protecting our European Way of Life",&nbsp;a title seen by many as too close to the rhetoric of the far-right.

Twelve out of 27 of the members will be women, not quite the parity that was promised but the highest number ever in the European Commission.

"We'll have the most progressive commission of recent times, the most equal and its political priorities will include those our group finds essential," Garcia Perez said.

There will nevertheless be opposition. The parliament's eurosceptic, far-left and right-wing populist parties will&nbsp;vote&nbsp;against, and the Greens have said they will abstain.

Five French socialists will also sit on their hands. "We won't sign a blank cheque," declared MEP Raphael Glucksmann.

And there is one more potential cloud hanging over the investiture: the absence of a British commissioner.

Prime Minister Boris Johnson is determined to pull Britain out of the&nbsp;EU&nbsp;on January 31, after Brexit was repeatedly delayed amid wrangling in Westminster over the divorce terms.

But in the meantime he has refused to fill Britain's seat on the commission, citing advice from officials that he cannot make such an appointment during an&nbsp;election&nbsp;campaign.

Some Brussels lawyers are concerned that&nbsp;EU&nbsp;directives may be subject to legal challenge if the commission is not properly constituted with a full 28-member complement.

But von der Leyen's&nbsp;team&nbsp;hope that their threat to launch a legal challenge to London's decision will prove they made a good faith attempt to follow the treaty.

Brussels' next top official Ursula von der Leyen presents her top team to the European Parliament on Wednesday, hoping to finally put a difficult transition behind her.

Brussels' next top official Ursula von der Leyen presents her top team to the European Parliament on Wednesday, hoping to finally put a difficult transition behind her. The incoming president of the European Commission had hoped to take office a month ago but was thwarted by wrangling over the membership of her executive team. The former German defence minister faces a daunting brief when her mandate starts on December 1, with the EU at loggerheads with Washington over trade, climate and Iran, while it grapples with a sluggish economy and frets about Russia. The 61-year-old, a veteran from Chancellor Angela Merkel's centre-right CDU party, also has to contend with growing divisions between her old boss and French President Emmanuel Macron as the EU's vaunted "Franco-German motor" misfires. But first, she must convince MEPs in Strasbourg to give their backing to a team drawn from each of 27 member states, all of them bar Britain, which plans to leave the bloc. Her own appointment to succeed Jean-Claude Juncker as head of the commission was approved in July with only nine votes more than she needed, a narrow margin in EU politics. Three of her initial nominees to the commission were rejected during the parliamentary confirmation process, an unprecedented snub, weakening her authority from the outset. Nevertheless, EU diplomats and parliamentary leaders are cautiously optimistic she will clear Wednesday's hurdle, a public vote of MEPs at 12:30 pm. "We will be united in our support for the commission," vowed Manfred Weber, head of the parliament's centre-right EPP bloc and himself a disappointed former presidential hopeful. Weber was one of a small group of so-called "Spitzenkandidats" or lead candidates representing party blocs that MEPs had hoped would provide the eventual commission leader. But EU member state leaders, spearheaded by Macron, overturned this experiment in a parliamentary democracy and imposed an outside choice. The vote to confirm Von der Leyen was conducted by secret ballot, allowing many MEPs to vote against her in protest at the EU leaders' political tactics. But Wednesday's roll-call to approve the commission as a whole will be conducted openly, helping the main centre-right, social democratic and liberal factions to whip support. The leader of the Socialists and Democrats group, Iratxe Garcia Perez, noted that pressure from the left had forced von der Leyen to commit to a broad-based political platform. Brexit cloud The commission has members from across the political spectrum, and von der Leyen altered plans to name one portfolio "Protecting our European Way of Life", a title seen by many as too close to the rhetoric of the far-right. Twelve out of 27 of the members will be women, not quite the parity that was promised but the highest number ever in the European Commission. "We'll have the most progressive commission of recent times, the most equal and its political priorities will include those our group finds essential," Garcia Perez said. There will nevertheless be opposition. The parliament's eurosceptic, far-left and right-wing populist parties will vote against, and the Greens have said they will abstain. Five French socialists will also sit on their hands. "We won't sign a blank cheque," declared MEP Raphael Glucksmann. And there is one more potential cloud hanging over the investiture: the absence of a British commissioner. Prime Minister Boris Johnson is determined to pull Britain out of the EU on January 31, after Brexit was repeatedly delayed amid wrangling in Westminster over the divorce terms. But in the meantime he has refused to fill Britain's seat on the commission, citing advice from officials that he cannot make such an appointment during an election campaign. Some Brussels lawyers are concerned that EU directives may be subject to legal challenge if the commission is not properly constituted with a full 28-member complement. But von der Leyen's team hope that their threat to launch a legal challenge to London's decision will prove they made a good faith attempt to follow the treaty.

European Commission's president-elect faces final vote

Elections took place in Hong Kong amid Intensifying protests. 1,090 Candidates are contesting for the district elections.

Voting for District Elections Underway in Hong Kong

Patrick Fok on District Elections in Hong Kong

The United States must end its joint exercises with Seoul "once and for all" to facilitate dialogue with Pyongyang, North Korea said Tuesday, just days after the <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/not-interested-in-meaningless-talks-just-so-trump-can-boast-north-korea-262928">allies postponed planned drills</a>.

The US and South Korea said Sunday they would delay annual joint aerial exercises slated for this month in an act of "goodwill" after months of deadlocked nuclear talks.

Pyongyang has long protested the joint drills, which it condemns as preparations for invasion, and Seoul and Washington last year cancelled several training sessions in the wake of the Singapore summit between President Donald Trump and the North's leader Kim Jong Un.

But Kim Yong Chol, a senior North Korean official who formerly led talks with the US, said the weekend postponement was irrelevant.

"We demand that the US quit the drill or stop it once and for all," Kim said in a statement carried by the KCNA news agency.

Watch: US-South Korea drills postponed to bolster N Korea peace effort

<div class="videoWrapper trancodeVideo"><iframe allowfullscreen="" autoplay="1" class="includeVideo" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/videos/us-south-korea-military-drills-postponed-in-bid-to-bolster-north-korea-peace-effort-262787/embed" style="width:100%;max-width:560px;" width="560"></iframe></div>

"The suspension of the drill does not mean ensuring peace and security on the Korean peninsula and is not helpful to the diplomatic efforts," he added.

The North had "no intention" to sit down with the "tricky US" and would not return to talks "before the complete and irrevocable withdrawal of its hostile policy".

"From now on, the DPRK will get due compensation for every administrative achievement the US president has talked too much about for over a year," Kim added, referring to the North by its official name.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/get-the-deal-done-trump-tweets-at-north-koreas-kim-tells-him-to-act-quickly-262780">Trump has repeatedly pointed to North Korea's moratorium</a> on nuclear tests and intercontinental ballistic missile launches as foreign policy successes for him.

But negotiations have been gridlocked since the Hanoi summit in February broke up in disagreement over sanctions relief, while October's working-level talks rapidly broke down in Sweden.

Tuesday's statement was the latest in a series of increasingly assertive comments from the North as its end-of-year deadline for the US to come up with a fresh offer approaches, and it has also carried out multiple weapons tests in recent weeks.

Trump hinted at the prospect of a fourth meeting with Kim in a tweet at the weekend, only to be <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/trump-says-north-korea-went-too-far-in-calling-biden-rabid-dog-262772">dismissed by the North</a>, which said it had no interest in summits "that bring nothing to us".

The United States must end its joint exercises with Seoul "once and for all" to facilitate dialogue with Pyongyang, North Korea said Tuesday, just days after the allies postponed planned drills.

The United States must end its joint exercises with Seoul "once and for all" to facilitate dialogue with Pyongyang, North Korea said Tuesday, just days after the allies postponed planned drills. The US and South Korea said Sunday they would delay annual joint aerial exercises slated for this month in an act of "goodwill" after months of deadlocked nuclear talks. Pyongyang has long protested the joint drills, which it condemns as preparations for invasion, and Seoul and Washington last year cancelled several training sessions in the wake of the Singapore summit between President Donald Trump and the North's leader Kim Jong Un. But Kim Yong Chol, a senior North Korean official who formerly led talks with the US, said the weekend postponement was irrelevant. "We demand that the US quit the drill or stop it once and for all," Kim said in a statement carried by the KCNA news agency. Watch: US-South Korea drills postponed to bolster N Korea peace effort "The suspension of the drill does not mean ensuring peace and security on the Korean peninsula and is not helpful to the diplomatic efforts," he added. The North had "no intention" to sit down with the "tricky US" and would not return to talks "before the complete and irrevocable withdrawal of its hostile policy". "From now on, the DPRK will get due compensation for every administrative achievement the US president has talked too much about for over a year," Kim added, referring to the North by its official name. Trump has repeatedly pointed to North Korea's moratorium on nuclear tests and intercontinental ballistic missile launches as foreign policy successes for him. But negotiations have been gridlocked since the Hanoi summit in February broke up in disagreement over sanctions relief, while October's working-level talks rapidly broke down in Sweden. Tuesday's statement was the latest in a series of increasingly assertive comments from the North as its end-of-year deadline for the US to come up with a fresh offer approaches, and it has also carried out multiple weapons tests in recent weeks. Trump hinted at the prospect of a fourth meeting with Kim in a tweet at the weekend, only to be dismissed by the North, which said it had no interest in summits "that bring nothing to us".

Quit drill with South Korea, stop it once and for all: North Korean media to US

The Organisation of American States recommended on Sunday that <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/protesters-seize-state-run-media-in-bolivia-as-tensions-soar-261099">Bolivia hold new elections</a>, saying it had identified serious irregularities in the last vote that called into question the victory of President Evo Morales.

The international body said its audit of the October 20&nbsp;election had found "clear manipulations" of the voting system and it could not verify the result.

"The manipulations to the computer system are of such magnitude that they must be deeply investigated by the Bolivian State to get to the bottom of and assign responsibility in this serious case," the preliminary report said.

The OAS said it was not statistically likely that Morales had secured the 10 percentage point margin of victory needed to win outright and recommended Bolivia use new electoral authorities for any new vote.

"The first round of the elections held on October 20 must be annulled and the electoral process must begin again, with the first round taking place as soon as there are new conditions that give new guarantees for it to take place, including a newly composed electoral body," the OAS said in a press release.

Morales was declared the winner of the October election with a lead of just over 10 points over his rival Carlos Mesa, giving him an outright win. But there have been widespread protests since against the result after a near 24-hour halt in the count.

Morales, who came to power in 2006 as Bolivia’s first indigenous leader, has defended his election win but has said he would adhere to the findings of the OAS audit. He was expected to give a press conference on Sunday morning.

The weeks-long standoff over the disputed election escalated over the weekend as police forces were seen joining anti-government protests and the military said it would not "confront the people" over the issue.

Morales and his government have decried a "coup" against him by what they called "violent groups," prompting a number of fellow leftist leaders in the region, including Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro, to rally around him and call for a peaceful resolution to the crisis.

Morales' opponents, including Mesa and Luis Fernando Camacho, a civic leader from the eastern city of Santa Cruz who has become a symbol of the opposition, have repeatedly called for him to step down. Camacho said he plans to march to the government palace with a pre-written resignation letter for Morales to sign.

The Organisation of American States recommended on Sunday that Bolivia hold new elections, saying it had identified serious irregularities in the last vote that called into question the victory of President Evo Morales.

The Organisation of American States recommended on Sunday that Bolivia hold new elections, saying it had identified serious irregularities in the last vote that called into question the victory of President Evo Morales. The international body said its audit of the October 20 election had found "clear manipulations" of the voting system and it could not verify the result. "The manipulations to the computer system are of such magnitude that they must be deeply investigated by the Bolivian State to get to the bottom of and assign responsibility in this serious case," the preliminary report said. The OAS said it was not statistically likely that Morales had secured the 10 percentage point margin of victory needed to win outright and recommended Bolivia use new electoral authorities for any new vote. "The first round of the elections held on October 20 must be annulled and the electoral process must begin again, with the first round taking place as soon as there are new conditions that give new guarantees for it to take place, including a newly composed electoral body," the OAS said in a press release. Morales was declared the winner of the October election with a lead of just over 10 points over his rival Carlos Mesa, giving him an outright win. But there have been widespread protests since against the result after a near 24-hour halt in the count. Morales, who came to power in 2006 as Bolivia’s first indigenous leader, has defended his election win but has said he would adhere to the findings of the OAS audit. He was expected to give a press conference on Sunday morning. The weeks-long standoff over the disputed election escalated over the weekend as police forces were seen joining anti-government protests and the military said it would not "confront the people" over the issue. Morales and his government have decried a "coup" against him by what they called "violent groups," prompting a number of fellow leftist leaders in the region, including Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro, to rally around him and call for a peaceful resolution to the crisis. Morales' opponents, including Mesa and Luis Fernando Camacho, a civic leader from the eastern city of Santa Cruz who has become a symbol of the opposition, have repeatedly called for him to step down. Camacho said he plans to march to the government palace with a pre-written resignation letter for Morales to sign.

Irregularities in disputed Bolivia vote, should hold new elections: Organisation of American States

The fate of a total of 1,169 candidates will be sealed in the electronic voting machines (EVMs) in Haryana, which goes to Assembly polls on Monday amid tight security.&nbsp;

According to the office of Chief Electoral Officer (CEO), 1,064 male and 105 female candidates are in the fray.

The polling for 90 Assembly seats of the state will start at 7 am and will continue till 6 pm. The counting of votes will be done on October 24.

Joint Chief Electoral Officer Inder Jeet said that a maximum of 25 candidates is contesting the election from Hansi assembly constituency and a minimum of six candidates each from Ambala Cantt and Shahabad assembly constituencies.

Ninety candidates are from the Bharatiya Janata Party, 87 from the BSP, four from the CPI, seven from the CPI-M, 90 from the Congress, one from the NCP, 81 from the Indian National Lok Dal, 375 Independent and 434 other candidates are in the fray.

"130 companies of paramilitary forces have arrived in Haryana from the Centre and have been deployed in different districts of the State. A total of 19,578 polling stations have been set up in the State, out of which 2,987 vulnerable and 151 critical polling stations have been identified. Apart from this, special security arrangements will be made at these polling stations," said the official.

More than 40,000 Haryana Police personnel, over 13,000 paramilitary personnel and more than 20,000 Home Guards and Special Police Officers have been deployed for conducting the elections.The assembly election will witness a multi-cornered contest among BJP, Congress, Indian National Lok Dal (INLD) and Jannayak Janta Party (JJP).&nbsp;

The fate of a total of 1,169 candidates will be sealed in the electronic voting machines (EVMs) in Haryana, which goes to Assembly polls on Monday amid tight security.

The fate of a total of 1,169 candidates will be sealed in the electronic voting machines (EVMs) in Haryana, which goes to Assembly polls on Monday amid tight security. According to the office of Chief Electoral Officer (CEO), 1,064 male and 105 female candidates are in the fray. The polling for 90 Assembly seats of the state will start at 7 am and will continue till 6 pm. The counting of votes will be done on October 24. Joint Chief Electoral Officer Inder Jeet said that a maximum of 25 candidates is contesting the election from Hansi assembly constituency and a minimum of six candidates each from Ambala Cantt and Shahabad assembly constituencies. Ninety candidates are from the Bharatiya Janata Party, 87 from the BSP, four from the CPI, seven from the CPI-M, 90 from the Congress, one from the NCP, 81 from the Indian National Lok Dal, 375 Independent and 434 other candidates are in the fray. "130 companies of paramilitary forces have arrived in Haryana from the Centre and have been deployed in different districts of the State. A total of 19,578 polling stations have been set up in the State, out of which 2,987 vulnerable and 151 critical polling stations have been identified. Apart from this, special security arrangements will be made at these polling stations," said the official. More than 40,000 Haryana Police personnel, over 13,000 paramilitary personnel and more than 20,000 Home Guards and Special Police Officers have been deployed for conducting the elections.The assembly election will witness a multi-cornered contest among BJP, Congress, Indian National Lok Dal (INLD) and Jannayak Janta Party (JJP).

Haryana polls : 1,169 candidates in fray for voting on Monday

Mozambique began voting in a general election on Tuesday that some fear could test the country's fragile peace, after a heated campaign marred by violence and allegations of electoral fraud.

The Frelimo party, which has ruled the impoverished southern African nation since independence from Portugal in 1975, is widely expected to again beat its arch-rival Renamo, a former rebel group turned main opposition party.

President Filipe Nyusi, who cast his ballot as polls opened at 7:00 am, called on voters to show "the world we stand for democracy and tolerance".

"Mozambique has chosen to move forward peacefully," he said, adding that more than 4,000 observers had been deployed in the most-watched election in the country's history.

"Let's continue this process in a serene way. Peace means that everything must be done according to the rules."

Nyusi, 60, is forecast to win a second five-year term despite his popularity taking a hit from chronic unrest and a financial crisis linked to alleged state corruption.

While the election is expected to see regional wins for Renamo, few think Frelimo will be unseated from government after 44 years at the helm.

"Frelimo is a machine," said Castro Davis, a 42-year-old public servant in the capital Maputo, predicting a "straight-forward victory."&nbsp;

Elena Jorge, 50, told AFP she wants Renamo to win "but people know that these elections will not be free, fair or transparent -- but we have hope."

Around 13 million of Mozambique's 30 million citizens are registered to vote at more than 20,000 polling booths, which close at 6:00 pm.

'Test for democracy'

Renamo is predicted to take control of three to five of Mozambique's 10 provinces for the first time following a change of law allowing voters to elect provincial governors.

"This election will be a test for democracy," said Ericino de Salema of the Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa.

"For the first time, the political geography of the country may change substantially, it may even lead to confrontation."

Renamo's candidate Ossufo Momade, 58, heads a party of former anti-communist rebels who fought a brutal civil war with Frelimo from 1975-1992, devastating the economy and leaving almost one million people dead.&nbsp;

Renamo picked up arms again in 2013 to 2016, but tension continued until Nyusi and Momade signed a peace deal in August.&nbsp;

But an armed breakaway faction of Renamo has rejected Momade's candidacy and threatened to attack campaign events, raising fears the presidential, parliamentary and provincial polls could be marred by bloodshed.

The six-week campaign was one of the most violent in the country's turbulent history, with candidates threatened, election material destroyed, and deadly clashes breaking out between supporters.

The opposition has already accused Frelimo of tampering with the vote.

Enrolment has more than doubled in the southeastern Gaza province, a Frelimo bastion, and civil society groups have expressed concern about the size of the increase.

They also estimate that there are around 300,000 "ghost voters" on electoral rolls -- names on the electoral roll not aligned with real, potential voters.

"We definitely have some irregularities that put stains on the whole process," said Hermenegildo Mulhovo of election monitoring group Sala da Paz.

The situation escalated last week, when the head of a local election observation mission was shot dead by members of a special police unit in Gaza's capital Xai-Xai.

Lutero Simango, an MP of the country's third-biggest party MDM, accused Frelimo of "using all state means, including police and secret services, to intimidate people".

Scandals and setbacks

Frelimo suffered its worst result at the ballot box -- 51.8 per cent -- in local elections last year and has been severely weakened in recent years.

In 2016 it was revealed the government secretly borrowed $2 billion, sparking the worst financial crisis in the country's history and uncovering a vast corruption network with links to the regime.

The government is also battling to recover from two devastating cyclones in March which displaced nearly two million people.&nbsp;

And a shadowy jihadist insurgency that has killed hundreds in the far north has delayed development of one of the government's biggest selling points -- the discovery of vast gas reserves that is hoped to put billions in state coffers and lift millions out of poverty.

The instability has already forced the National Election Commission to close 10 polling booths.

Preliminary results are expected to be announced on Thursday.&nbsp;

Mozambique began voting in a general election on Tuesday that some fear could test the country's fragile peace, after a heated campaign marred by violence and allegations of electoral fraud.

Mozambique began voting in a general election on Tuesday that some fear could test the country's fragile peace, after a heated campaign marred by violence and allegations of electoral fraud. The Frelimo party, which has ruled the impoverished southern African nation since independence from Portugal in 1975, is widely expected to again beat its arch-rival Renamo, a former rebel group turned main opposition party. President Filipe Nyusi, who cast his ballot as polls opened at 7:00 am, called on voters to show "the world we stand for democracy and tolerance". "Mozambique has chosen to move forward peacefully," he said, adding that more than 4,000 observers had been deployed in the most-watched election in the country's history. "Let's continue this process in a serene way. Peace means that everything must be done according to the rules." Nyusi, 60, is forecast to win a second five-year term despite his popularity taking a hit from chronic unrest and a financial crisis linked to alleged state corruption. While the election is expected to see regional wins for Renamo, few think Frelimo will be unseated from government after 44 years at the helm. "Frelimo is a machine," said Castro Davis, a 42-year-old public servant in the capital Maputo, predicting a "straight-forward victory." Elena Jorge, 50, told AFP she wants Renamo to win "but people know that these elections will not be free, fair or transparent -- but we have hope." Around 13 million of Mozambique's 30 million citizens are registered to vote at more than 20,000 polling booths, which close at 6:00 pm. 'Test for democracy' Renamo is predicted to take control of three to five of Mozambique's 10 provinces for the first time following a change of law allowing voters to elect provincial governors. "This election will be a test for democracy," said Ericino de Salema of the Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa. "For the first time, the political geography of the country may change substantially, it may even lead to confrontation." Renamo's candidate Ossufo Momade, 58, heads a party of former anti-communist rebels who fought a brutal civil war with Frelimo from 1975-1992, devastating the economy and leaving almost one million people dead. Renamo picked up arms again in 2013 to 2016, but tension continued until Nyusi and Momade signed a peace deal in August. But an armed breakaway faction of Renamo has rejected Momade's candidacy and threatened to attack campaign events, raising fears the presidential, parliamentary and provincial polls could be marred by bloodshed. The six-week campaign was one of the most violent in the country's turbulent history, with candidates threatened, election material destroyed, and deadly clashes breaking out between supporters. The opposition has already accused Frelimo of tampering with the vote. Enrolment has more than doubled in the southeastern Gaza province, a Frelimo bastion, and civil society groups have expressed concern about the size of the increase. They also estimate that there are around 300,000 "ghost voters" on electoral rolls -- names on the electoral roll not aligned with real, potential voters. "We definitely have some irregularities that put stains on the whole process," said Hermenegildo Mulhovo of election monitoring group Sala da Paz. The situation escalated last week, when the head of a local election observation mission was shot dead by members of a special police unit in Gaza's capital Xai-Xai. Lutero Simango, an MP of the country's third-biggest party MDM, accused Frelimo of "using all state means, including police and secret services, to intimidate people". Scandals and setbacks Frelimo suffered its worst result at the ballot box -- 51.8 per cent -- in local elections last year and has been severely weakened in recent years. In 2016 it was revealed the government secretly borrowed $2 billion, sparking the worst financial crisis in the country's history and uncovering a vast corruption network with links to the regime. The government is also battling to recover from two devastating cyclones in March which displaced nearly two million people. And a shadowy jihadist insurgency that has killed hundreds in the far north has delayed development of one of the government's biggest selling points -- the discovery of vast gas reserves that is hoped to put billions in state coffers and lift millions out of poverty. The instability has already forced the National Election Commission to close 10 polling booths. Preliminary results are expected to be announced on Thursday.

Mozambique votes in tense election after violent campaign

Poles began voting on Sunday in a polarising election which the governing populists look set to win on the back of welfare measures and attacks on LGBT rights, but their majority is at risk, giving opposition parties a narrow chance to snatch power.

The opposition received an unexpected last-minute boon when author Olga Tokarczuk, a known government critic who won the Nobel Prize for Literature on Thursday, urged Poles to choose wisely "between democracy and authoritarianism" in the ballot, calling it the "most important" since Poland shed communism in 1989.

In-office since 2015 and led by ex-premier Jaroslaw Kaczynski, the right-wing Law and Justice (PiS) party has sought to mobilise poorer rural voters by coupling family values with a popular new child allowance, tax breaks for low-income earners and hikes to pensions and the minimum wage.

Widely regarded as Poland's powerbroker, Kaczynski has also stoked deep social division by attacking sexual minorities and rejecting Western liberal values, all with the tacit blessing of Poland's influential Catholic Church which holds sway over rural voters.

Kaczynski is also among several leaders in the European Union favouring greater national sovereignty over the federalism championed by powerhouses France and Germany.

Turnout is key

Supported by outgoing EU Council President Donald Tusk -- Kaczynski's arch-rival -- the opposition Citizen's Coalition (KO) draws on urban voters upset by the PiS's divisive politics, judicial reforms threatening the rule of law, graft scandals and monopolisation of public media.

Condemning the anti-LGBT drive and close church ties, but sharing the PIS's welfare goals, the left is set to enter parliament after a four-year hiatus.

Surveys show two smaller groups could win seats, including the far-right.

Two separate opinion polls published Friday suggested the PiS's majority is at risk as it scored 40 to 41.7 per cent support compared to a combined 41.4 and 45 per cent for opposition parties.

"Turnout will decide whether the PiS governs alone, whether it must build a coalition, or even if it might lose its majority," Anna Materska-Sosnowska, a Warsaw University political scientist, told AFP. Turnout in the 2015 election was 50.92 per cent.

Teflon party

Kaczynski has capitalised on a populist backlash against liberal urban elites, similar to trends in Western Europe and the US.

His party's bid to build a welfare state is addressed to Poles who reaped little benefit from the explosive growth and unfettered free-market drive after communism fell.

Analysts suggest that generous social outlays have also made the PiS a "teflon party", cushioning its reputation amid a string of high-profile graft scandals involving senior members.

"They've (PiS) removed everyone who got mixed up in scandals... so they're credible," Janina, a 74-year-old Warsaw pensioner who declined to provide her surname, told AFP.

"My grandchildren get the 500+ (116 euro, $130 monthly) payment, I'm getting a higher pension," she said, confirming the PiS has her vote.

Others insist the social measures come at too high a price.

"The PiS gets votes by scaring people and then offering protection; in the 2015 election, migrants were the enemy, now it's gay people, it's unacceptable," said Monika, a 38-year-old Warsaw mother of two working in the automotive sector.&nbsp;

'Protect Poland'

The KO chose Malgorzata Kidawa-Blonska, the even-tempered 62-year-old deputy parliamentary speaker, as its candidate for premier in a bid to counter the PiS.

"Chairman Kaczynski divides people... let's protect Poland against such division, against such hatred," she told supporters this week.

The KO has vowed to reverse PiS court reforms, which the EU says threaten judicial independence and the rule of law, but has otherwise offered voters little.

Experts warn that a strong PiS win will allow it to push through more judicial reforms likely to stoke conflict with the EU over the rule of law.

Most migrants

Critics attribute strong economic growth under the PiS to favourable external factors.

Joblessness in the country of 38 million people is at a record low of some five per cent in a tight labour market.

Although the PiS rejected EU migrant quotas, Poland became the world's top temporary labour destination in 2017, according to the OECD.

Around 1.2 million temporary workers, mostly Ukrainians, plugged a gap left by Poles seeking more lucrative jobs in the West after joining the EU in 2004.

Voting runs from 0500 to 1900 GMT on Sunday, with exit polls expected after balloting ends. Preliminary results are due on Monday.

Poles began voting on Sunday in a polarising election which the governing populists look set to win on the back of welfare measures and attacks on LGBT rights, but their majority is at risk, giving opposition parties a narrow chance to snatch power.

Poles began voting on Sunday in a polarising election which the governing populists look set to win on the back of welfare measures and attacks on LGBT rights, but their majority is at risk, giving opposition parties a narrow chance to snatch power. The opposition received an unexpected last-minute boon when author Olga Tokarczuk, a known government critic who won the Nobel Prize for Literature on Thursday, urged Poles to choose wisely "between democracy and authoritarianism" in the ballot, calling it the "most important" since Poland shed communism in 1989. In-office since 2015 and led by ex-premier Jaroslaw Kaczynski, the right-wing Law and Justice (PiS) party has sought to mobilise poorer rural voters by coupling family values with a popular new child allowance, tax breaks for low-income earners and hikes to pensions and the minimum wage. Widely regarded as Poland's powerbroker, Kaczynski has also stoked deep social division by attacking sexual minorities and rejecting Western liberal values, all with the tacit blessing of Poland's influential Catholic Church which holds sway over rural voters. Kaczynski is also among several leaders in the European Union favouring greater national sovereignty over the federalism championed by powerhouses France and Germany. Turnout is key Supported by outgoing EU Council President Donald Tusk -- Kaczynski's arch-rival -- the opposition Citizen's Coalition (KO) draws on urban voters upset by the PiS's divisive politics, judicial reforms threatening the rule of law, graft scandals and monopolisation of public media. Condemning the anti-LGBT drive and close church ties, but sharing the PIS's welfare goals, the left is set to enter parliament after a four-year hiatus. Surveys show two smaller groups could win seats, including the far-right. Two separate opinion polls published Friday suggested the PiS's majority is at risk as it scored 40 to 41.7 per cent support compared to a combined 41.4 and 45 per cent for opposition parties. "Turnout will decide whether the PiS governs alone, whether it must build a coalition, or even if it might lose its majority," Anna Materska-Sosnowska, a Warsaw University political scientist, told AFP. Turnout in the 2015 election was 50.92 per cent. Teflon party Kaczynski has capitalised on a populist backlash against liberal urban elites, similar to trends in Western Europe and the US. His party's bid to build a welfare state is addressed to Poles who reaped little benefit from the explosive growth and unfettered free-market drive after communism fell. Analysts suggest that generous social outlays have also made the PiS a "teflon party", cushioning its reputation amid a string of high-profile graft scandals involving senior members. "They've (PiS) removed everyone who got mixed up in scandals... so they're credible," Janina, a 74-year-old Warsaw pensioner who declined to provide her surname, told AFP. "My grandchildren get the 500+ (116 euro, $130 monthly) payment, I'm getting a higher pension," she said, confirming the PiS has her vote. Others insist the social measures come at too high a price. "The PiS gets votes by scaring people and then offering protection; in the 2015 election, migrants were the enemy, now it's gay people, it's unacceptable," said Monika, a 38-year-old Warsaw mother of two working in the automotive sector. 'Protect Poland' The KO chose Malgorzata Kidawa-Blonska, the even-tempered 62-year-old deputy parliamentary speaker, as its candidate for premier in a bid to counter the PiS. "Chairman Kaczynski divides people... let's protect Poland against such division, against such hatred," she told supporters this week. The KO has vowed to reverse PiS court reforms, which the EU says threaten judicial independence and the rule of law, but has otherwise offered voters little. Experts warn that a strong PiS win will allow it to push through more judicial reforms likely to stoke conflict with the EU over the rule of law. Most migrants Critics attribute strong economic growth under the PiS to favourable external factors. Joblessness in the country of 38 million people is at a record low of some five per cent in a tight labour market. Although the PiS rejected EU migrant quotas, Poland became the world's top temporary labour destination in 2017, according to the OECD. Around 1.2 million temporary workers, mostly Ukrainians, plugged a gap left by Poles seeking more lucrative jobs in the West after joining the EU in 2004. Voting runs from 0500 to 1900 GMT on Sunday, with exit polls expected after balloting ends. Preliminary results are due on Monday.

Populists eye victory in deeply divided Poland as voting begins

Outsider candidates challenged <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/tunisia-in-sprint-to-arrange-poll-after-president-dies-247587">Tunisia's political elite</a> on Sunday as voters returned to the polls weeks after a presidential election that reshaped the country's post-Arab Spring political landscape.

The ink-stained fingers once proudly displayed after the&nbsp;2011 revolution were briskly wiped clean as Tunisians fed up with the status quo cast ballots for MPs for the third time since the uprising.

The vote comes after traditional political parties were eclipsed in favour of independent candidates during the first round of presidential polls last month in a trend that looked likely to continue.

Sixty-year-old voter Mohamed Daadaa said he had "no hope for a positive change" in Tunisia.

"I don't trust anyone or any political party. Life just gets worse in this country," he said.

More than 15,000 candidates on 1,500 lists are contesting 217 seats in a parliament dominated by the Islamist-inspired Ennahdha in alliance with centrist party Nidaa Tounes, which has been decimated by infighting.

Polling stations for the seven-million electorate are to remain open until 1700 GMT, with preliminary official results scheduled for Wednesday although exit polls will be released from late Sunday.

Surveys circulated informally due to a ban on their publication predict Ennahdha will lose ground to the new Qalb Tounes (Heart of Tunisia) party of jailed business tycoon Nabil Karoui, who has won a place in a two-way presidential runoff on October 13.

The sidelining of the ruling political class in the first round on September 15 was rooted in frustration over a stagnant economy, high unemployment, failing public services and rising prices.

But monitors worried voters on Sunday found little inspiration at the ballot box.

"People no longer trust the old parties, and they <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/tunisia-parliamentary-speaker-to-be-interim-president-238447">don't know the new ones</a>, so they're not motivated in this election," said Ali Rekiki, who works with Tunisian electoral monitor Mourakiboun.

New movements vie for vote

Karoui, a media mogul held since August on money-laundering charges, came second behind Kais Saied, an independent law professor, in the first round of presidential voting.

Courts have rejected several appeals for his release during campaigning.

Interim president Mohammed Ennaceur - filling in since the death of Beji Caid Essebsi in July brought forward the vote for head of state -&nbsp;warned Friday that Karoui's detention could have "serious and dangerous repercussions on the electoral process".

The presidential race may have overshadowed the legislative contest, but parliament is responsible for tackling the main challenges facing Tunisian society.

A strong showing for Qalb Tounes could bolster Karoui's campaign and supporters say it might make a case for him to take over as prime minister if he loses to Saied.

The socially conservative professor has not come out in support of any party.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/tunisia-extends-nationwide-state-of-emergency-until-year-end-ahead-of-presidential-vote-246910">With the electorate tired of political manoeuvring</a> and the failure to improve living conditions since the ouster of late longtime autocrat Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, new movements have been vying for votes.

Aich Tounsi, which calls itself an "anti-party", has emerged from the civil society movement, while Islamist populist lawyer Seifeddine Makhlouf's Karama aims to take seats from Ennahdha, which has been weakened by past alliances with political elites.

With the plethora of parties and movements in contention, the stage is set for complex and rowdy negotiations before any side emerges with the minimum 109 seats needed to head Tunisia's next government.

In the runup to the vote, Qalb Tounes and Ennahdha have officially ruled out forming an alliance.

Parliament will have two months to agree on the formation of a new government in a country hailed as the Arab Spring's sole democratic success story but straining to meet the revolution's other demands of "work and dignity".

While it has succeeded in curbing terrorist attacks that rocked the key tourist sector in 2015, Tunisia's economy remains hampered by austere International Monetary Fund-backed reforms.

Outsider candidates challenged Tunisia's political elite on Sunday as voters returned to the polls weeks after a presidential election that reshaped the country's post-Arab Spring political landscape.

Outsider candidates challenged Tunisia's political elite on Sunday as voters returned to the polls weeks after a presidential election that reshaped the country's post-Arab Spring political landscape. The ink-stained fingers once proudly displayed after the 2011 revolution were briskly wiped clean as Tunisians fed up with the status quo cast ballots for MPs for the third time since the uprising. The vote comes after traditional political parties were eclipsed in favour of independent candidates during the first round of presidential polls last month in a trend that looked likely to continue. Sixty-year-old voter Mohamed Daadaa said he had "no hope for a positive change" in Tunisia. "I don't trust anyone or any political party. Life just gets worse in this country," he said. More than 15,000 candidates on 1,500 lists are contesting 217 seats in a parliament dominated by the Islamist-inspired Ennahdha in alliance with centrist party Nidaa Tounes, which has been decimated by infighting. Polling stations for the seven-million electorate are to remain open until 1700 GMT, with preliminary official results scheduled for Wednesday although exit polls will be released from late Sunday. Surveys circulated informally due to a ban on their publication predict Ennahdha will lose ground to the new Qalb Tounes (Heart of Tunisia) party of jailed business tycoon Nabil Karoui, who has won a place in a two-way presidential runoff on October 13. The sidelining of the ruling political class in the first round on September 15 was rooted in frustration over a stagnant economy, high unemployment, failing public services and rising prices. But monitors worried voters on Sunday found little inspiration at the ballot box. "People no longer trust the old parties, and they don't know the new ones, so they're not motivated in this election," said Ali Rekiki, who works with Tunisian electoral monitor Mourakiboun. New movements vie for vote Karoui, a media mogul held since August on money-laundering charges, came second behind Kais Saied, an independent law professor, in the first round of presidential voting. Courts have rejected several appeals for his release during campaigning. Interim president Mohammed Ennaceur - filling in since the death of Beji Caid Essebsi in July brought forward the vote for head of state - warned Friday that Karoui's detention could have "serious and dangerous repercussions on the electoral process". The presidential race may have overshadowed the legislative contest, but parliament is responsible for tackling the main challenges facing Tunisian society. A strong showing for Qalb Tounes could bolster Karoui's campaign and supporters say it might make a case for him to take over as prime minister if he loses to Saied. The socially conservative professor has not come out in support of any party. With the electorate tired of political manoeuvring and the failure to improve living conditions since the ouster of late longtime autocrat Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, new movements have been vying for votes. Aich Tounsi, which calls itself an "anti-party", has emerged from the civil society movement, while Islamist populist lawyer Seifeddine Makhlouf's Karama aims to take seats from Ennahdha, which has been weakened by past alliances with political elites. With the plethora of parties and movements in contention, the stage is set for complex and rowdy negotiations before any side emerges with the minimum 109 seats needed to head Tunisia's next government. In the runup to the vote, Qalb Tounes and Ennahdha have officially ruled out forming an alliance. Parliament will have two months to agree on the formation of a new government in a country hailed as the Arab Spring's sole democratic success story but straining to meet the revolution's other demands of "work and dignity". While it has succeeded in curbing terrorist attacks that rocked the key tourist sector in 2015, Tunisia's economy remains hampered by austere International Monetary Fund-backed reforms.

Outsiders battle political elite as Tunisia votes

Voters across Japan began casting their ballots on Sunday in the upper house election, which is expected to be a barometer of public opinion on Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's six and a half years in power. Members of the upper house serve six-year terms, with about half the seats up for grabs every three years. In Sunday's election, 124 seats are up for grabs, including three that are newly added. With a total of 370 candidates vying for the seats, key platform issues include amending the Constitution, hiking the consumption tax, and the state's pension system.

Voting begins in Japan's upper house election

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/europe/british-pm-race-top-horse-boris-johnson-faces-court-hearing-for-brexit-lies-222520">Boris Johnson</a>, who has pledged to deliver Brexit on October&nbsp;31, edged closer to power on Thursday when he won by far the most support from Conservative Party lawmakers in the first round of the contest to replace Prime Minister Theresa May.

Johnson got 114 votes, with Foreign Secretary Jeremy Hunt in second place on 43 votes and Environment Minister Michael Gove third with 37 votes.

Three candidates -- Andrea Leadsom, Esther McVey and Mark Harper -- were eliminated after they failed to receive the required minimum of 17 votes.

The former foreign secretary, 54, says he would get Britain out of the EU "deal or no deal" when the October 31 deadline set by EU leaders comes around.

But he has also said a no-deal Brexit would be "a last resort, not something that anybody desires".

He has threatened to withhold the country's Brexit bill if the EU does not offer improved withdrawal terms, and to scrap a controversial provision for the Irish border contained in the current divorce deal -- both of which would be unacceptable to Brussels.

A figurehead in the 2016 Brexit campaign, he was May's foreign secretary until he resigned over her Brexit strategy.

Charismatic and popular with grassroots Conservatives, he is seen as the favourite in the race, scooping up a growing number of pledges of support from cabinet members and MPs.

Johnson picked up 114 votes in the first round of voting by Conservative MPs in the leadership race on Thursday.

Boris Johnson, who has pledged to deliver Brexit on October 31, edged closer to power on Thursday when he won by far the most support from Conservative Party lawmakers in the first round of the contest to replace Prime Minister Theresa May.

Boris Johnson, who has pledged to deliver Brexit on October 31, edged closer to power on Thursday when he won by far the most support from Conservative Party lawmakers in the first round of the contest to replace Prime Minister Theresa May. Johnson got 114 votes, with Foreign Secretary Jeremy Hunt in second place on 43 votes and Environment Minister Michael Gove third with 37 votes. Three candidates -- Andrea Leadsom, Esther McVey and Mark Harper -- were eliminated after they failed to receive the required minimum of 17 votes. The former foreign secretary, 54, says he would get Britain out of the EU "deal or no deal" when the October 31 deadline set by EU leaders comes around. But he has also said a no-deal Brexit would be "a last resort, not something that anybody desires". He has threatened to withhold the country's Brexit bill if the EU does not offer improved withdrawal terms, and to scrap a controversial provision for the Irish border contained in the current divorce deal -- both of which would be unacceptable to Brussels. A figurehead in the 2016 Brexit campaign, he was May's foreign secretary until he resigned over her Brexit strategy. Charismatic and popular with grassroots Conservatives, he is seen as the favourite in the race, scooping up a growing number of pledges of support from cabinet members and MPs. Johnson picked up 114 votes in the first round of voting by Conservative MPs in the leadership race on Thursday.

Boris Johnson 'delighted' to win first round of race for British Prime Minister

The voters of a village on the Sino-India border in Himachal Pradesh have boycotted the Lok Sabha poll as the government "failed" to find a permanent solution to frequent floods they face.

Located at an altitude of 10,000 feet and around 350 km from state capital Shimla, voters at Geu village in Lahaul and Spiti district said they had been demanding their resettlement but their demands remained unheard.

"We have to take the decision as none of the governments have found a permanent solution to frequent floods due to a nearby nullah," a villager said.

According to the district election office, there are 167 voters registered at the village and none of them have voted so far.

The district officials and election staff is in the village to persuade them to withdraw the boycott and exercise their franchise.

Only five votes have been cast at the Geu polling station, that too were cast by the poll staff, a district spokesperson said.

The five members of the poll staff do not belong to the village but they cast their votes on the basis of election duty certificates issued to them by AROs concerned, he added.

The voters of a village on the Sino-India border in Himachal Pradesh have boycotted the Lok Sabha poll as the government "failed" to find a permanent solution to frequent floods they face.

The voters of a village on the Sino-India border in Himachal Pradesh have boycotted the Lok Sabha poll as the government "failed" to find a permanent solution to frequent floods they face. Located at an altitude of 10,000 feet and around 350 km from state capital Shimla, voters at Geu village in Lahaul and Spiti district said they had been demanding their resettlement but their demands remained unheard. "We have to take the decision as none of the governments have found a permanent solution to frequent floods due to a nearby nullah," a villager said. According to the district election office, there are 167 voters registered at the village and none of them have voted so far. The district officials and election staff is in the village to persuade them to withdraw the boycott and exercise their franchise. Only five votes have been cast at the Geu polling station, that too were cast by the poll staff, a district spokesperson said. The five members of the poll staff do not belong to the village but they cast their votes on the basis of election duty certificates issued to them by AROs concerned, he added.

Lok Sabha polls 2019: Villagers boycott voting in Himachal as government failed to find solution to frequent floods

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