A potential&nbsp;gas&nbsp;pipeline&nbsp;project between&nbsp;Turkey&nbsp;and&nbsp;Israel&nbsp;is&nbsp;not&nbsp;possible&nbsp;in the&nbsp;short-term&nbsp;and building an alternative system to cut dependence on Russia will&nbsp;not&nbsp;happen quickly, Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu said on Thursday.

Turkey&nbsp;and&nbsp;Israel&nbsp;have in recent weeks been working to mend their long-strained ties, and energy has emerged as a potential area of cooperation.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/turkey-says-second-mine-found-floating-off-its-coast-466324">Turkey says second mine found floating off its coast</a>

Turkish media on Thursday reported President Tayyip Erdogan as saying he was "very, very hopeful" for energy cooperation with Israel, and he hoped to discuss the issue with&nbsp;Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett.

"If we discuss this subject with Bennett after Ramadan and we take steps immediately, the process will accelerate for&nbsp;Israel-Turkey&nbsp;cooperation, east Mediterranean crude oil and natural&nbsp;gas," he told reporters on his plane returning from a trip to Uzbekistan.

The Muslim holy month of Ramadan begins on April 2.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/russian-oligarchs-welcome-in-turkey-says-foreign-minister-mevlut-cavusoglu-465935">Russian oligarchs welcome in Turkey, says Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu</a>

The regional rivals expelled ambassadors in 2018 and have often traded barbs over the Palestinian conflict, Turkish support of the Hamas militant group, which runs Gaza, and other issues.

Speaking to broadcaster A Haber, Cavusoglu said he would travel to&nbsp;Israel&nbsp;and Palestine with Energy Minister Fatih Donmez in mid-May and would discuss the appointment of ambassadors with his&nbsp;Israeli counterpart during the visit.

Watch |&nbsp;Ukraine says Russia renewing focus on Donbas region

<div class="videoWrapper trancodeVideo"><iframe allowfullscreen="" autoplay="1" class="includeVideo" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/videos/ukraine-says-russia-renewing-focus-on-donbas-region-467175/embed" style="width:100%;max-width:560px;" width="560"></iframe></div>

A potential gas pipeline project between Turkey and Israel is not possible in the short-term and building an alternative system to cut dependence on Russia will not happen quickly, Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu said on Thursday.

A potential gas pipeline project between Turkey and Israel is not possible in the short-term and building an alternative system to cut dependence on Russia will not happen quickly, Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu said on Thursday. Turkey and Israel have in recent weeks been working to mend their long-strained ties, and energy has emerged as a potential area of cooperation. Also read | Turkey says second mine found floating off its coast Turkish media on Thursday reported President Tayyip Erdogan as saying he was "very, very hopeful" for energy cooperation with Israel, and he hoped to discuss the issue with Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett. "If we discuss this subject with Bennett after Ramadan and we take steps immediately, the process will accelerate for Israel-Turkey cooperation, east Mediterranean crude oil and natural gas," he told reporters on his plane returning from a trip to Uzbekistan. The Muslim holy month of Ramadan begins on April 2. Also read | Russian oligarchs welcome in Turkey, says Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu The regional rivals expelled ambassadors in 2018 and have often traded barbs over the Palestinian conflict, Turkish support of the Hamas militant group, which runs Gaza, and other issues. Speaking to broadcaster A Haber, Cavusoglu said he would travel to Israel and Palestine with Energy Minister Fatih Donmez in mid-May and would discuss the appointment of ambassadors with his Israeli counterpart during the visit. Watch | Ukraine says Russia renewing focus on Donbas region

Turkey says gas pipeline with Israel not possible in short term

Turkey&nbsp;is&nbsp;ready, in&nbsp;principle, to&nbsp;act&nbsp;as a&nbsp;guarantor&nbsp;country for Ukraine, but the details of such a format need to be worked out, President Tayyip&nbsp;Erdogan&nbsp;was cited as saying on Thursday, adding Moscow's decision to scale back some of its operations near Kyiv and Chernihiv was "truly important".

NATO member&nbsp;Turkey&nbsp;shares a maritime border with Ukraine and Russia in the Black Sea, has good ties with both and has offered to&nbsp;mediate the conflict. It has supported Ukraine while opposing sanctions on Moscow, and this week hosted negotiators from both sides for the first face-to-face peace talks in weeks.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/russia-trying-to-reinforce-offensive-in-donbas-maintains-pressure-on-kyiv-nato-467184">Russia trying to reinforce offensive in Donbas; maintains pressure on Kyiv: NATO</a>

Speaking on a flight from Uzbekistan,&nbsp;Erdogan&nbsp;said the talks in Istanbul, where Ukraine gave Russia a written proposal to end the war, had provided "significant momentum" to the process. He added he would again convey an offer to host Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy and Russia's Vladimir Putin for talks.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/turkey-says-world-cannot-burn-bridges-with-moscow-465999">Turkey says world cannot 'burn bridges' with Moscow</a>

"On the&nbsp;guarantorship matter, we can be one of the&nbsp;guarantor&nbsp;countries ensuring&nbsp;Ukraine's&nbsp;security, we are&nbsp;ready&nbsp;for this in&nbsp;principle, but of course the details of this need to be worked out," broadcaster NTV cited him as saying, referring to an offer from Ukraine for several countries, including&nbsp;Turkey, to&nbsp;act&nbsp;as security&nbsp;guarantors.

Watch |&nbsp;Ukraine War update: Turkey &amp; Israel offers to host Presidents of Ukraine and Russia

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Turkey is ready, in principle, to act as a guarantor country for Ukraine, but the details of such a format need to be worked out, President Tayyip Erdogan was cited as saying on Thursday, adding Moscow's decision to scale back some of its operations near Kyiv and Chernihiv was "truly important".

Turkey is ready, in principle, to act as a guarantor country for Ukraine, but the details of such a format need to be worked out, President Tayyip Erdogan was cited as saying on Thursday, adding Moscow's decision to scale back some of its operations near Kyiv and Chernihiv was "truly important". NATO member Turkey shares a maritime border with Ukraine and Russia in the Black Sea, has good ties with both and has offered to mediate the conflict. It has supported Ukraine while opposing sanctions on Moscow, and this week hosted negotiators from both sides for the first face-to-face peace talks in weeks. Also read | Russia trying to reinforce offensive in Donbas; maintains pressure on Kyiv: NATO Speaking on a flight from Uzbekistan, Erdogan said the talks in Istanbul, where Ukraine gave Russia a written proposal to end the war, had provided "significant momentum" to the process. He added he would again convey an offer to host Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy and Russia's Vladimir Putin for talks. Also read | Turkey says world cannot 'burn bridges' with Moscow "On the guarantorship matter, we can be one of the guarantor countries ensuring Ukraine's security, we are ready for this in principle, but of course the details of this need to be worked out," broadcaster NTV cited him as saying, referring to an offer from Ukraine for several countries, including Turkey, to act as security guarantors. Watch | Ukraine War update: Turkey & Israel offers to host Presidents of Ukraine and Russia

Erdogan says Turkey ready in principle to act as Ukraine's guarantor -media

Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan was quoted as saying on Friday that the country's position remains unchanged regarding its purchase of Russian S-400 missile defence systems, adding that talks with the United States on new F-16 jets and kits were proceeding smoothly.

The United States sanctioned NATO member Turkey's defence industry in December 2020 over the S-400s and expelled Ankara from the F-35 stealth fighter jet programme, where it was a manufacturer and buyer. Turkey claims the move is unjust.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/turkeys-erdogan-germanys-scholz-to-hold-talks-in-ankara-on-ukraine-462136">Turkey's Erdogan, Germany's Scholz to hold talks in Ankara on Ukraine</a>

Turkish broadcaster Haberturk reported that Erdogan told reporters on his way back to Turkey from a NATO summit in Brussels that he hoped that discussions with Washington on buying new F-16 jets and modernization kits would be fruitful soon.

He also dismissed reports that US officials had informally raised with Turkey the unlikely possibility of sending the S-400 systems to Ukraine amid Russia's invasion, saying "all they do is cause commotion" in reference to Washington.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/erdogan-reiterates-turkeys-determination-to-support-ukraines-territorial-integrity-450943">Erdogan reiterates Turkey's determination to support Ukraine's territorial integrity</a>

During the summit, Erdogan also discussed with French President Emmanuel Macron and Italian Prime Minister Mario Draghi the possibility of purchasing SAMP-T missile defence systems from the Franco-Italian Eurosam consortium.

As part of its effort to maintain and modernize its existing F-16 fleet, Ankara seeks to purchase 40 F-16 fighter jets and the necessary spare parts.

Ankara bought F-35 stealth fighter jets for $1.4 billion, but the planes have not been delivered since the US froze the contract in 2019 over Ankara's purchase of Russia's S-400 missile defence system.

Watch |&nbsp;U.S. President Joe Biden wants Russia out of G-20

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From the moment the first delivery of the Russian-built surface-to-air missile batteries arrived in July 2019, Washington has been asking Ankara to dispose of them.

The system is seen by Washington as a threat to the F-35 aircraft, leading to the exclusion of Turkey from the cutting-edge program.

Even though Turkey has delivered combat drones to its ally Ukraine, it also wants to maintain good relations with Russia, which it relies on heavily for tourism and energy supplies.

(With inputs from agencies)

Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan was quoted as saying on Friday that the country's position remains unchanged regarding its purchase of Russian S-400 missile defence systems, adding that talks with the United States on new F-16 jets and kits were proceeding smoothly.

Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan was quoted as saying on Friday that the country's position remains unchanged regarding its purchase of Russian S-400 missile defence systems, adding that talks with the United States on new F-16 jets and kits were proceeding smoothly. The United States sanctioned NATO member Turkey's defence industry in December 2020 over the S-400s and expelled Ankara from the F-35 stealth fighter jet programme, where it was a manufacturer and buyer. Turkey claims the move is unjust. Also read | Turkey's Erdogan, Germany's Scholz to hold talks in Ankara on Ukraine Turkish broadcaster Haberturk reported that Erdogan told reporters on his way back to Turkey from a NATO summit in Brussels that he hoped that discussions with Washington on buying new F-16 jets and modernization kits would be fruitful soon. He also dismissed reports that US officials had informally raised with Turkey the unlikely possibility of sending the S-400 systems to Ukraine amid Russia's invasion, saying "all they do is cause commotion" in reference to Washington. Also read | Erdogan reiterates Turkey's determination to support Ukraine's territorial integrity During the summit, Erdogan also discussed with French President Emmanuel Macron and Italian Prime Minister Mario Draghi the possibility of purchasing SAMP-T missile defence systems from the Franco-Italian Eurosam consortium. As part of its effort to maintain and modernize its existing F-16 fleet, Ankara seeks to purchase 40 F-16 fighter jets and the necessary spare parts. Ankara bought F-35 stealth fighter jets for $1.4 billion, but the planes have not been delivered since the US froze the contract in 2019 over Ankara's purchase of Russia's S-400 missile defence system. Watch | U.S. President Joe Biden wants Russia out of G-20 From the moment the first delivery of the Russian-built surface-to-air missile batteries arrived in July 2019, Washington has been asking Ankara to dispose of them. The system is seen by Washington as a threat to the F-35 aircraft, leading to the exclusion of Turkey from the cutting-edge program. Even though Turkey has delivered combat drones to its ally Ukraine, it also wants to maintain good relations with Russia, which it relies on heavily for tourism and energy supplies. (With inputs from agencies)

Erdogan: Turkey's position on Russian S-400 missile acquisition remains the same

In the&nbsp;breakaway&nbsp;statelet of northern&nbsp;Cyprus, people are grappling with a perfect economic storm -- spiking global commodity prices, hobbled tourism and, above all, the fallout&nbsp;from&nbsp;Turkey's financial crisis.&nbsp;&nbsp;

"Everything has become more expensive -- bread, milk, water, electricity bills," sighed Mehmet Cobe, a tailor in the self-declared&nbsp;Turkish&nbsp;Republic of Northern&nbsp;Cyprus&nbsp;(TRNC).&nbsp;

Covering the northern third of the Mediterranean island, the tiny territory declared itself a state in 1983, nine years after Turkey invaded in response to a coup engineered by Athens that sought to annex the island to Greece.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/turkeys-opposition-leader-looks-to-emerge-from-tayyip-erdogans-shadow-454971">Turkey's opposition leader looks to emerge from Tayyip Erdogan's shadow</a>

The so-called TRNC remains recognised only by Turkey, leaving the 300,000 residents highly dependent on the largesse -- and fortunes -- of Ankara.&nbsp;

On top of that, coronavirus restrictions have hit the crucial tourism industry which lures visitors with seaside resorts and casinos.

Turkey itself has been battered by a currency crisis that saw the&nbsp;lira&nbsp;lose nearly half its value against the dollar last year, as President Recep Tayyip Erdogan demanded interest rate cuts to spur growth, even while inflation shot up.&nbsp;

The&nbsp;lira's slide, alongside surging global energy and food prices, sent inflation in northern&nbsp;Cyprus&nbsp;skyrocketing to 46 percent last year.

"Two days after receiving my salary, I'm left with nothing," said a hotel worker who asked not to be named.

Despite holding down jobs at two separate hotels, the 6,000&nbsp;lira&nbsp;she brings home each month is now equivalent to barely 430 dollars, the worker said, leaving her dependent financially on her grown-up children.

Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/erdogan-says-turkey-continuing-positive-dialogue-with-saudi-arabia-media-453778">Erdogan says Turkey continuing 'positive dialogue' with Saudi Arabia</a>

Aid-dependent

TRNC prime minister Faiz Sucuoglu said last week the economy was a "priority" for his government, a coalition of right-wing nationalists who want outright secession&nbsp;from&nbsp;Cyprus. &nbsp;

The plunging&nbsp;lira, soaring inflation and an unemployment rate of 10 percent have all fed into a disastrous economic performance, said Turgay Deniz, head of the TRNC's chamber of trade and industry.

After the economy contracted by 16.2 percent in 2020, output last year "continued to fall," Deniz said, drawing on estimates for 2021 that are yet to be finalised.&nbsp;

The dependence of northern&nbsp;Cyprus&nbsp;on Turkey is stark, because no other country recognises the&nbsp;breakaway&nbsp;entity.

"The TRNC can only sign agreements with Turkey," which funds 15 percent of the budget, said Deniz.&nbsp;Other sources indicate that the statelet depends on Ankara for up to a third of its spending.

Northern&nbsp;Cyprus&nbsp;is an "aid-dependent economy," said Mustafa Besim, an economist at the publicly funded Eastern Mediterranean University in Famagusta.&nbsp;

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"The only source of external funding for&nbsp;Turkish&nbsp;Cypriots is financial support&nbsp;from&nbsp;Turkey," which provides an annual package, he added.

But only half of the amount promised for 2021 was delivered, owing to "the economic problems in Turkey", leaving infrastructure projects and businesses short of money they had counted on, Besim said.

Eyes on tourism

The TRNC has watched on powerlessly&nbsp;from&nbsp;the sidelines as Turkey's central bank has taken policy decisions that put the&nbsp;lira&nbsp;into freefall.

The&nbsp;Turkish&nbsp;currency "is a parameter that we can't control," said Vargin Varer, managing director of freight transport company Armen Shipping.&nbsp;

It "is controlled by the&nbsp;Turkish&nbsp;government -- or even the&nbsp;Turkish&nbsp;president, we should say," he said.

Watch |&nbsp;Gravitas: Amid Omicron surge, Deltacron discovered in Cyprus

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The plunge in the value of the&nbsp;lira&nbsp;has made imports, upon which the TRNC is enormously dependent, much more expensive. &nbsp;

Looking to the future, Varer pointed at one potential bright spot: the tourism industry, which accounted for more than a fifth of northern&nbsp;Cyprus's economic output before the pandemic.&nbsp;

The rising plausibility of "free travel this summer", if the pandemic eases off, should pull in foreign tourists looking for cheap holidays, he said.

In the breakaway statelet of northern Cyprus, people are grappling with a perfect economic storm -- spiking global commodity prices, hobbled tourism and, above all, the fallout from Turkey's financial crisis.

In the breakaway statelet of northern Cyprus, people are grappling with a perfect economic storm -- spiking global commodity prices, hobbled tourism and, above all, the fallout from Turkey's financial crisis. "Everything has become more expensive -- bread, milk, water, electricity bills," sighed Mehmet Cobe, a tailor in the self-declared Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC). Covering the northern third of the Mediterranean island, the tiny territory declared itself a state in 1983, nine years after Turkey invaded in response to a coup engineered by Athens that sought to annex the island to Greece. Also read | Turkey's opposition leader looks to emerge from Tayyip Erdogan's shadow The so-called TRNC remains recognised only by Turkey, leaving the 300,000 residents highly dependent on the largesse -- and fortunes -- of Ankara. On top of that, coronavirus restrictions have hit the crucial tourism industry which lures visitors with seaside resorts and casinos. Turkey itself has been battered by a currency crisis that saw the lira lose nearly half its value against the dollar last year, as President Recep Tayyip Erdogan demanded interest rate cuts to spur growth, even while inflation shot up. The lira's slide, alongside surging global energy and food prices, sent inflation in northern Cyprus skyrocketing to 46 percent last year. "Two days after receiving my salary, I'm left with nothing," said a hotel worker who asked not to be named. Despite holding down jobs at two separate hotels, the 6,000 lira she brings home each month is now equivalent to barely 430 dollars, the worker said, leaving her dependent financially on her grown-up children. Also read | Erdogan says Turkey continuing 'positive dialogue' with Saudi Arabia Aid-dependent TRNC prime minister Faiz Sucuoglu said last week the economy was a "priority" for his government, a coalition of right-wing nationalists who want outright secession from Cyprus. The plunging lira, soaring inflation and an unemployment rate of 10 percent have all fed into a disastrous economic performance, said Turgay Deniz, head of the TRNC's chamber of trade and industry. After the economy contracted by 16.2 percent in 2020, output last year "continued to fall," Deniz said, drawing on estimates for 2021 that are yet to be finalised. The dependence of northern Cyprus on Turkey is stark, because no other country recognises the breakaway entity. "The TRNC can only sign agreements with Turkey," which funds 15 percent of the budget, said Deniz. Other sources indicate that the statelet depends on Ankara for up to a third of its spending. Northern Cyprus is an "aid-dependent economy," said Mustafa Besim, an economist at the publicly funded Eastern Mediterranean University in Famagusta. Also read | Leukemia patient from Turkey tests Covid positive 78 times in over a year "The only source of external funding for Turkish Cypriots is financial support from Turkey," which provides an annual package, he added. But only half of the amount promised for 2021 was delivered, owing to "the economic problems in Turkey", leaving infrastructure projects and businesses short of money they had counted on, Besim said. Eyes on tourism The TRNC has watched on powerlessly from the sidelines as Turkey's central bank has taken policy decisions that put the lira into freefall. The Turkish currency "is a parameter that we can't control," said Vargin Varer, managing director of freight transport company Armen Shipping. It "is controlled by the Turkish government -- or even the Turkish president, we should say," he said. Watch | Gravitas: Amid Omicron surge, Deltacron discovered in Cyprus The plunge in the value of the lira has made imports, upon which the TRNC is enormously dependent, much more expensive. Looking to the future, Varer pointed at one potential bright spot: the tourism industry, which accounted for more than a fifth of northern Cyprus's economic output before the pandemic. The rising plausibility of "free travel this summer", if the pandemic eases off, should pull in foreign tourists looking for cheap holidays, he said.

Breakaway north Cyprus reels from Turkish lira collapse

Turkey&nbsp;is&nbsp;continuing&nbsp;a "positive dialogue" with&nbsp;Saudi&nbsp;Arabia&nbsp;and wants to take concrete steps in the coming days to improve ties, President Tayyip&nbsp;Erdogan&nbsp;was cited as saying on Wednesday, amid a regional charm offensive by&nbsp;Turkey&nbsp;to mend strained relations.

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Ties between Ankara and Riyadh have been troubled since the 2018 killing of&nbsp;Saudi&nbsp;journalist Jamal Khashoggi by a&nbsp;Saudi&nbsp;hit squad at the kingdom's consulate in Istanbul. Following Turkish demands for Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and other officials to be prosecuted, Riyadh imposed an unofficial boycott on goods from&nbsp;Turkey.

In 2020,&nbsp;Saudi&nbsp;Arabia&nbsp;jailed eight people for between seven and 20 years for Khashoggi's murder. At the time Ankara said the verdict fell short of expectations, but has since softened its tone as part of a broader attempt to repair ties with the Gulf, even going as far as saying it has no problems with Riyadh.

Watch |&nbsp;Gravitas: Erdogan in the UAE, first visit since 2013

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"We are&nbsp;continuing&nbsp;our&nbsp;positive dialogue&nbsp;with&nbsp;Saudi&nbsp;Arabia. We want to continue by taking concrete steps in the coming period. We want to develop the process in a positive direction,"&nbsp;Erdogan&nbsp;told reporters on a flight back from the United Arab Emirates.

Turkey is continuing a "positive dialogue" with Saudi Arabia and wants to take concrete steps in the coming days to improve ties, President Tayyip Erdogan was cited as saying on Wednesday, amid a regional charm offensive by Turkey to mend strained relations.

Turkey is continuing a "positive dialogue" with Saudi Arabia and wants to take concrete steps in the coming days to improve ties, President Tayyip Erdogan was cited as saying on Wednesday, amid a regional charm offensive by Turkey to mend strained relations. Also read | Leukemia patient from Turkey tests Covid positive 78 times in over a year Ties between Ankara and Riyadh have been troubled since the 2018 killing of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi by a Saudi hit squad at the kingdom's consulate in Istanbul. Following Turkish demands for Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and other officials to be prosecuted, Riyadh imposed an unofficial boycott on goods from Turkey. In 2020, Saudi Arabia jailed eight people for between seven and 20 years for Khashoggi's murder. At the time Ankara said the verdict fell short of expectations, but has since softened its tone as part of a broader attempt to repair ties with the Gulf, even going as far as saying it has no problems with Riyadh. Watch | Gravitas: Erdogan in the UAE, first visit since 2013 "We are continuing our positive dialogue with Saudi Arabia. We want to continue by taking concrete steps in the coming period. We want to develop the process in a positive direction," Erdogan told reporters on a flight back from the United Arab Emirates.

Erdogan says Turkey continuing 'positive dialogue' with Saudi Arabia

Turkey’s proxy wars are growing in number. Turkey has reportedly supplied materials and fighters to Libya in a bid to change the course of the civil war. Erdogan provoked Greece in the eastern Mediterranean, and both countries were on the brink of a war.

The Turkish president also intervened in Syria. Now, Turkey is instigating Azerbaijan, pushing for a full blown war in Nagorno-Karabakh.

Armed and reckless: Modern day Turkey&nbsp;

The Turkish president is pushing Turkish arms, the military, and proxies to volatile regional battlegrounds. This began in Libya when Turkey announced a military intervention in civil war in January.

Erdogan is a key supporter of the Tripoli-based government of National Accord that is fighting the Libyan National Army, led by commander Khalifa Haftar.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="http://13.235.153.162/india-news/unga-2020-erdogan-calls-kashmir-conflict-a-burning-issue-329483" hreflang="en">UNGA 2020: Erdogan calls Kashmir conflict a 'burning issue'</a>

Last year in April, the Libyan National Army launched an offensive to seize the capital. Despite a UN embargo,&nbsp; Turkey has deployed its military forces, sent Syrian militants, and even armed the government of National Accord.

French president Emmanuel Macron has accused Turkey of meddling in the Libyan conflict. In Macron's eyes, Turkey has threatened European interests with its military deployments.

“I have already had the opportunity to make this very clear to president Erdogan: I now consider that Turkey is playing a dangerous game in Libya and is in breach of all the commitments it made at the Berlin conference. This is the same speech I made this afternoon during the exchange I&nbsp;had with president Trump, because it is in the interests of Libya, of its neighbours, of the whole region, but also of Europe”, Emmanuel Macron had said.

The response?

In August, Turkey pursued an aggressive gas exploration effort in eastern Mediterranean. Greece claims the same disputed regions.

Also read:&nbsp;<a href="http://13.235.153.162/world/will-erdogans-support-to-azerbaijan-create-conflict-between-turkey-and-russia-331248" hreflang="en">Will Erdogan's support to Azerbaijan create conflict between Turkey and Russia?</a>

Encounters between Turkish and Greek vessels on the high seas raised the threat of war. France sided with Greece. Erdogan responded with the following: “France is often on the agenda. I don't want to give names, but I am forced to because he comes at me a lot. It isn't with our people but he says we have a problem with Erdogan.&nbsp;Mr Macron, you are going to have way more problems with me."

No backing down

By the end of September, Erdogan triggered a new conflict, and ramped up support to Azerbaijan. On September 27, fighting broke out in Nagorno-Karabakh, a disputed region at the crossroads of Asia and Europe.

For 11 days now, Armenia and Azerbaijan have been engaged in deadly clashes. With Erdogan sending Syrian mercenaries to assist Azerbaijan, the international community wants a ceasefire. Erdogan has offered Azerbaijan complete military support, and defied calls for a ceasefire.

“Given that the three Minsk countries, USA, Russia and France have neglected this problem for nearly 30 years, first of all, it is unacceptable that they are involved in a search for a ceasefire in the face of these negative developments that came to surface in these days but if something is wanted, the invaders should leave these lands in order to achieve a solution”, Erdogan said.

Erdogan believes that he can get a seat at the high table by initiating proxy battles.&nbsp; But by flexing his military muscle, the Turkish president is only isolating his country further.

Turkey’s proxy wars are growing in number. Turkey has reportedly supplied materials and fighters to Libya in a bid to change the course of the civil war. Erdogan provoked Greece in the eastern Mediterranean, and both countries were on the brink of a war.

Turkey’s proxy wars are growing in number. Turkey has reportedly supplied materials and fighters to Libya in a bid to change the course of the civil war. Erdogan provoked Greece in the eastern Mediterranean, and both countries were on the brink of a war. The Turkish president also intervened in Syria. Now, Turkey is instigating Azerbaijan, pushing for a full blown war in Nagorno-Karabakh. Armed and reckless: Modern day Turkey The Turkish president is pushing Turkish arms, the military, and proxies to volatile regional battlegrounds. This began in Libya when Turkey announced a military intervention in civil war in January. Erdogan is a key supporter of the Tripoli-based government of National Accord that is fighting the Libyan National Army, led by commander Khalifa Haftar. Also read: UNGA 2020: Erdogan calls Kashmir conflict a 'burning issue' Last year in April, the Libyan National Army launched an offensive to seize the capital. Despite a UN embargo, Turkey has deployed its military forces, sent Syrian militants, and even armed the government of National Accord. French president Emmanuel Macron has accused Turkey of meddling in the Libyan conflict. In Macron's eyes, Turkey has threatened European interests with its military deployments. “I have already had the opportunity to make this very clear to president Erdogan: I now consider that Turkey is playing a dangerous game in Libya and is in breach of all the commitments it made at the Berlin conference. This is the same speech I made this afternoon during the exchange I had with president Trump, because it is in the interests of Libya, of its neighbours, of the whole region, but also of Europe”, Emmanuel Macron had said. The response? In August, Turkey pursued an aggressive gas exploration effort in eastern Mediterranean. Greece claims the same disputed regions. Also read: Will Erdogan's support to Azerbaijan create conflict between Turkey and Russia? Encounters between Turkish and Greek vessels on the high seas raised the threat of war. France sided with Greece. Erdogan responded with the following: “France is often on the agenda. I don't want to give names, but I am forced to because he comes at me a lot. It isn't with our people but he says we have a problem with Erdogan. Mr Macron, you are going to have way more problems with me." No backing down By the end of September, Erdogan triggered a new conflict, and ramped up support to Azerbaijan. On September 27, fighting broke out in Nagorno-Karabakh, a disputed region at the crossroads of Asia and Europe. For 11 days now, Armenia and Azerbaijan have been engaged in deadly clashes. With Erdogan sending Syrian mercenaries to assist Azerbaijan, the international community wants a ceasefire. Erdogan has offered Azerbaijan complete military support, and defied calls for a ceasefire. “Given that the three Minsk countries, USA, Russia and France have neglected this problem for nearly 30 years, first of all, it is unacceptable that they are involved in a search for a ceasefire in the face of these negative developments that came to surface in these days but if something is wanted, the invaders should leave these lands in order to achieve a solution”, Erdogan said. Erdogan believes that he can get a seat at the high table by initiating proxy battles. But by flexing his military muscle, the Turkish president is only isolating his country further.

Modern-day Turkey: Armed and reckless

This week’s inauguration of a new Red Sea Egyptian military base was pregnant with the symbolism of the rivalries shaping the future of the Middle East as well as north and east Africa.

The inauguration took on added significance as rebel Libyan Field Marshall Khalifa Haftar, backed by United Arab Emirates crown prince Mohammed bin Zayed and Egyptian General-turned-President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, snubbed Russian President Vladimir Putin by refusing to agree to a ceasefire in the Libyan war.

Haftar’s refusal thwarted, at least temporarily, an effort by Putin and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan to structure the ceasefire so that it would align opposing Russian and Turkish interests, allow the two parties to cooperate in the exploitation of Libya’s energy resources, and protect a Turkish-Libyan maritime agreement creating an Exclusive Economic Zone that strengthens Russian-backed Turkish manoeuvres in the eastern Mediterranean.

The manoeuvres are designed to thwart a Greek-Cypriot-Israeli agreement to build a pipeline that would supply gas to Europe, reducing European dependence on Russian gas in the process.

Critics charge that the maritime agreement that would limit Greek-Cypriot Israeli access to hydrocarbons in the Eastern Mediterranean, violates the Law of the Sea.

Warning that it would block European Union backing for any Libyan peace deal as long as the Turkish-Libyan maritime agreement was in place, Greece was one of the countries Haftar visited in the days between his rejection of a ceasefire and a conference on Libya hosted by Germany that is scheduled to be held in Berlin on January 19.

Haftar’s rejection came as Turkish troops arrived in Libya to bolster forces of the internationally recognised government of prime minister Fayez al-Sarraj defending the capital Tripoli against an eight-month-old assault by the field marshal’s rebel Libyan National Army (LNA) that is backed by Russian mercenaries with close ties to the Kremlin, the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Egypt.

Prince Mohammed’s presence at the inauguration of the Egyptian naval base underlined the UAE’s influence in Egypt since it backed Al-Sisi’s 2013 military coup that toppled the country’s first and only democratically elected President and the Emirates’ determination to counter Islamist forces as well as Turkish influence in Libya and the Horn of Africa.

UAE and Egyptian backing of Haftar is not just about countering jihadist and non-jihadist Islamists as well as Turkey, but also Qatar, Turkey’s ally, which also supports the Libyan rebels.

The UAE-Turkish-Qatari proxy war in Libya is increasingly also coloured by Prince Mohammed and Al-Sisi’s opposition to efforts to resolve divisions among the Gulf states that spilled into the open with the declaration of a Saudi-UAE-led diplomatic and economic boycott of Qatar in 2017.

Saudi Arabia has hinted in recent months that it may be amenable to an easing of the boycott, a move that is believed to be opposed by the UAE as long as Qatar does not make significant concessions on issues like freewheeling broadcaster Al Jazeera and support for political Islam.

The new naval base’s location symbolizes Egypt’s conundrum that also poses a problem for the UAE at a time that Egypt is at odds with Ethiopia over the operation of a giant dam that Ethiopia is building on the Blue Nile.

Stepping up involvement in Libya risks Egypt becoming embroiled in two conflicts at the same time.

Egypt claims the dam puts a million Egyptian jobs, $1.8 billion in economic output annually and electricity valued at $300 million at risk.

The base is aimed at "securing the country's southern coasts, protecting economic investments and natural resources and facing security threats in the Red Sea," according to a spokesman for Al-Sisi.

The president has warned that Egypt would take all the necessary measures to protect its rights to the Nile waters.

So far, Egypt is banking on mediation helping it avoiding being trapped between a rock and a hard place by achieving a ceasefire in Libya that would keep Egypt’s hands-free to deal with Ethiopia were a conflict to erupt.

The question is whether Haftar, who without signing the ceasefire agreement reportedly told German officials that he would adhere to its terms and the UAE are willing to play ball.

The proof will be in the pudding. German Chancellor Angela Merkel raised the stakes by insisting in advance of the Berlin talks that they ensure “That the weapons embargo is adhered to again.”

The United Nations has accused the UAE together with several other countries, including Turkey, of violating the UN embargo.

As a result, it may be the UAE rather than Haftar who has a decisive voice in Berlin.

Said North Africa expert Ben Fishman: “Until Abu Dhabi pulls back its drones, operators, and other crucial military support, the prospects for Libya’s stability will remain dim. 
 
Besides the fact that they provide the greatest advantage to Haftar’s forces, focusing on the Emiratis also makes sense because the other foreign players currently have reasons to de-escalate on their own.” 
 
(Views expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

This week’s inauguration of a new Red Sea Egyptian military base was pregnant with the symbolism of the rivalries shaping the future of the Middle East as well as north and east Africa.

This week’s inauguration of a new Red Sea Egyptian military base was pregnant with the symbolism of the rivalries shaping the future of the Middle East as well as north and east Africa. The inauguration took on added significance as rebel Libyan Field Marshall Khalifa Haftar, backed by United Arab Emirates crown prince Mohammed bin Zayed and Egyptian General-turned-President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, snubbed Russian President Vladimir Putin by refusing to agree to a ceasefire in the Libyan war. Haftar’s refusal thwarted, at least temporarily, an effort by Putin and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan to structure the ceasefire so that it would align opposing Russian and Turkish interests, allow the two parties to cooperate in the exploitation of Libya’s energy resources, and protect a Turkish-Libyan maritime agreement creating an Exclusive Economic Zone that strengthens Russian-backed Turkish manoeuvres in the eastern Mediterranean. The manoeuvres are designed to thwart a Greek-Cypriot-Israeli agreement to build a pipeline that would supply gas to Europe, reducing European dependence on Russian gas in the process. Critics charge that the maritime agreement that would limit Greek-Cypriot Israeli access to hydrocarbons in the Eastern Mediterranean, violates the Law of the Sea. Warning that it would block European Union backing for any Libyan peace deal as long as the Turkish-Libyan maritime agreement was in place, Greece was one of the countries Haftar visited in the days between his rejection of a ceasefire and a conference on Libya hosted by Germany that is scheduled to be held in Berlin on January 19. Haftar’s rejection came as Turkish troops arrived in Libya to bolster forces of the internationally recognised government of prime minister Fayez al-Sarraj defending the capital Tripoli against an eight-month-old assault by the field marshal’s rebel Libyan National Army (LNA) that is backed by Russian mercenaries with close ties to the Kremlin, the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Egypt. Prince Mohammed’s presence at the inauguration of the Egyptian naval base underlined the UAE’s influence in Egypt since it backed Al-Sisi’s 2013 military coup that toppled the country’s first and only democratically elected President and the Emirates’ determination to counter Islamist forces as well as Turkish influence in Libya and the Horn of Africa. UAE and Egyptian backing of Haftar is not just about countering jihadist and non-jihadist Islamists as well as Turkey, but also Qatar, Turkey’s ally, which also supports the Libyan rebels. The UAE-Turkish-Qatari proxy war in Libya is increasingly also coloured by Prince Mohammed and Al-Sisi’s opposition to efforts to resolve divisions among the Gulf states that spilled into the open with the declaration of a Saudi-UAE-led diplomatic and economic boycott of Qatar in 2017. Saudi Arabia has hinted in recent months that it may be amenable to an easing of the boycott, a move that is believed to be opposed by the UAE as long as Qatar does not make significant concessions on issues like freewheeling broadcaster Al Jazeera and support for political Islam. The new naval base’s location symbolizes Egypt’s conundrum that also poses a problem for the UAE at a time that Egypt is at odds with Ethiopia over the operation of a giant dam that Ethiopia is building on the Blue Nile. Stepping up involvement in Libya risks Egypt becoming embroiled in two conflicts at the same time. Egypt claims the dam puts a million Egyptian jobs, $1.8 billion in economic output annually and electricity valued at $300 million at risk. The base is aimed at "securing the country's southern coasts, protecting economic investments and natural resources and facing security threats in the Red Sea," according to a spokesman for Al-Sisi. The president has warned that Egypt would take all the necessary measures to protect its rights to the Nile waters. So far, Egypt is banking on mediation helping it avoiding being trapped between a rock and a hard place by achieving a ceasefire in Libya that would keep Egypt’s hands-free to deal with Ethiopia were a conflict to erupt. The question is whether Haftar, who without signing the ceasefire agreement reportedly told German officials that he would adhere to its terms and the UAE are willing to play ball. The proof will be in the pudding. German Chancellor Angela Merkel raised the stakes by insisting in advance of the Berlin talks that they ensure “That the weapons embargo is adhered to again.” The United Nations has accused the UAE together with several other countries, including Turkey, of violating the UN embargo. As a result, it may be the UAE rather than Haftar who has a decisive voice in Berlin. Said North Africa expert Ben Fishman: “Until Abu Dhabi pulls back its drones, operators, and other crucial military support, the prospects for Libya’s stability will remain dim. Besides the fact that they provide the greatest advantage to Haftar’s forces, focusing on the Emiratis also makes sense because the other foreign players currently have reasons to de-escalate on their own.” (Views expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

The battle for Libya: UAE calls the shots

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/turkey-will-seek-accountability-on-khashoggi-no-matter-how-high-it-goes-270052">Turkey</a>&nbsp;will&nbsp;send&nbsp;troops&nbsp;to&nbsp;Libya&nbsp;at the&nbsp;request&nbsp;of Tripoli as soon as next month, President <a href="https://www.wionews.com/opinions/sports-has-emerged-as-battlefield-for-freedom-of-expression-270322">Tayyip&nbsp;Erdogan</a>&nbsp;said on Thursday, putting the north African country's conflict at the centre of wider regional frictions.

Libya's internationally recognised <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/libya-war-all-we-want-is-to-live-in-dignity-says-homeless-mohammed-270106">Government of National Accord</a> (GNA) has been fending off a months-long offensive by <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/us-says-drone-shot-down-by-russian-air-defences-near-libyan-capital-266794">General Khalifa Haftar's</a> forces in eastern&nbsp;Libya, which have been supported by Russia, Egypt and the United Arab Emirates.

Last month, Ankara signed two separate accords with the GNA, led by <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/erdogan-says-turkey-will-increase-military-support-to-libya-if-necessary-269588">Fayez al-Serraj</a>, one on security and military cooperation and another on maritime boundaries in the eastern Mediterranean.

"Since there is an invitation (from&nbsp;Libya) right now, we will accept it,"&nbsp;Erdogan&nbsp;told members of his AK Party in a speech. "We will put the bill on&nbsp;sending&nbsp;troops&nbsp;to&nbsp;Libya&nbsp;on the agenda as soon as parliament opens."

The legislation would pass around January&nbsp;8-9, he said, opening the door to deployment.

However, it was unclear what specific invitation&nbsp;Erdogan&nbsp;was referring to, as the interior minister in the Tripoli-based government, Fathi Bashagha, suggested in comments to reporters in Tunis that no such official&nbsp;request&nbsp;had yet been made.

"If the situation escalates and then we have the right to defend Tripoli and its residents... we will submit an official&nbsp;request&nbsp;to the Turkish government to support us militarily so we expel the ghost of mercenary forces," Bashagha said on Thursday.

For weeks <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/turkey-will-seek-accountability-on-khashoggi-no-matter-how-high-it-goes-270052">Ankara</a> has flagged the possibility of a military mission in&nbsp;Libya, which would further stretch its armed forces less than three months after it launched an incursion into northeastern Syria against a Kurdish militia.

Turkey&nbsp;has already sent military supplies to the GNA despite a United Nations arms embargo, according to a UN&nbsp;report seen last month.

The Tripoli government and Haftar's forces were not immediately available for reaction to&nbsp;Erdogan's comments.

Erdogan&nbsp;visited Tunisia on Wednesday to discuss cooperation for a possible ceasefire in neighbouring&nbsp;Libya. On Thursday, he said&nbsp;Turkey&nbsp;and Tunisia had agreed to support the GNA.

Moscow has voiced concerns over a possible Turkish <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/turkey-parliament-approves-libya-military-deal-269504">military deployment</a> to&nbsp;Libya&nbsp;in support of the GNA.&nbsp;Erdogan&nbsp;has said&nbsp;Turkey&nbsp;will not stay silent over mercenaries from the Kremlin-linked Wagner group supporting Haftar.

"Russia is there with 2,000 Wagner (fighters),"&nbsp;Erdogan&nbsp;said on Thursday, also referring to some 5,000 fighters from Sudan in&nbsp;Libya. "Is the official government inviting them? No."

"They are all helping a war baron (Haftar), whereas we are accepting an invitation from the legitimate government of the country. That is our difference," he added.

Haftar's eastern-based&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/eastern-libyan-force-warns-against-transporting-military-equipment-in-civilian-planes-269619">Libyan National Army</a> has been trying since April to take Tripoli from the GNA, which was set up in 2016 following a U.N.-brokered deal.

Turkish and Russian officials held talks in Moscow this week to seek a compromise on the issues of both&nbsp;Libya&nbsp;and Syria. Russia's Vedomosti said on Thursday the discussions had lasted much longer than the expected three days.

In Syria, Russia is an ally of Syrian <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/russia-backed-syrian-forces-gain-ground-in-idlib-269853">President Bashar al-Assad</a> while&nbsp;Turkey&nbsp;has backed rebels seeking his ouster during the more than eight-year civil war. The latest talks follow reports that Russian-backed attacks were forcing tens of thousands more Syrians to flee towards&nbsp;Turkey.

Turkey&nbsp;has also been ramping up efforts to strike deals with nations around the Mediterranean, where Ankara has been at loggerheads with Greece over resources off the coast of the divided island of Cyprus.

Turkey will send troops to Libya at the request of Tripoli as soon as next month, President Tayyip Erdogan said on Thursday, putting the north African country's conflict at the centre of wider regional frictions.

Turkey will send troops to Libya at the request of Tripoli as soon as next month, President Tayyip Erdogan said on Thursday, putting the north African country's conflict at the centre of wider regional frictions. Libya's internationally recognised Government of National Accord (GNA) has been fending off a months-long offensive by General Khalifa Haftar's forces in eastern Libya, which have been supported by Russia, Egypt and the United Arab Emirates. Last month, Ankara signed two separate accords with the GNA, led by Fayez al-Serraj, one on security and military cooperation and another on maritime boundaries in the eastern Mediterranean. "Since there is an invitation (from Libya) right now, we will accept it," Erdogan told members of his AK Party in a speech. "We will put the bill on sending troops to Libya on the agenda as soon as parliament opens." The legislation would pass around January 8-9, he said, opening the door to deployment. However, it was unclear what specific invitation Erdogan was referring to, as the interior minister in the Tripoli-based government, Fathi Bashagha, suggested in comments to reporters in Tunis that no such official request had yet been made. "If the situation escalates and then we have the right to defend Tripoli and its residents... we will submit an official request to the Turkish government to support us militarily so we expel the ghost of mercenary forces," Bashagha said on Thursday. For weeks Ankara has flagged the possibility of a military mission in Libya, which would further stretch its armed forces less than three months after it launched an incursion into northeastern Syria against a Kurdish militia. Turkey has already sent military supplies to the GNA despite a United Nations arms embargo, according to a UN report seen last month. The Tripoli government and Haftar's forces were not immediately available for reaction to Erdogan's comments. Erdogan visited Tunisia on Wednesday to discuss cooperation for a possible ceasefire in neighbouring Libya. On Thursday, he said Turkey and Tunisia had agreed to support the GNA. Moscow has voiced concerns over a possible Turkish military deployment to Libya in support of the GNA. Erdogan has said Turkey will not stay silent over mercenaries from the Kremlin-linked Wagner group supporting Haftar. "Russia is there with 2,000 Wagner (fighters)," Erdogan said on Thursday, also referring to some 5,000 fighters from Sudan in Libya. "Is the official government inviting them? No." "They are all helping a war baron (Haftar), whereas we are accepting an invitation from the legitimate government of the country. That is our difference," he added. Haftar's eastern-based Libyan National Army has been trying since April to take Tripoli from the GNA, which was set up in 2016 following a U.N.-brokered deal. Turkish and Russian officials held talks in Moscow this week to seek a compromise on the issues of both Libya and Syria. Russia's Vedomosti said on Thursday the discussions had lasted much longer than the expected three days. In Syria, Russia is an ally of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad while Turkey has backed rebels seeking his ouster during the more than eight-year civil war. The latest talks follow reports that Russian-backed attacks were forcing tens of thousands more Syrians to flee towards Turkey. Turkey has also been ramping up efforts to strike deals with nations around the Mediterranean, where Ankara has been at loggerheads with Greece over resources off the coast of the divided island of Cyprus.

Turkey to send troops to Libya at Tripoli's request

Turkey, like much of the Middle East, is discovering that what goes around comes around.

Not only because President Recep Tayyip Erdogan seems to have miscalculated the fallout of what may prove to be a foolhardy intervention in Syria and neglected alternative options that could have strengthened Turkey’s position without sparking the ire of much of the international community.&nbsp;

But also because what could prove to be a strategic error is rooted in a policy of decades of denial of Kurdish identity and suppression of Kurdish cultural and political rights that was more likely than not to fuel conflict rather than encourage societal cohesion.

The policy midwife the birth in the 1970s to militant groups like the Kurdish Workers Party (PKK), which only dropped its demand for Kurdish independence in recent years.

The group that has waged a low-intensity insurgency that has cost tens of thousands of lives has been declared a terrorist organisation by Turkey, the United States and the European Union.

Turkish refusal to acknowledge the rights of the Kurds, who are believed to account for up to 20 per cent of the country’s population, traces its roots to the carving of modern Turkey out of the ruins of the Ottoman empire by its visionary founder, Mustafa Kemal, widely known as Ataturk, Father of the Turks.

It is entrenched in Kemal’s declaration in a speech in 1923 to celebrate Turkish independence of “How happy is the one who calls himself a Turk,” an effort to forge a national identity for the country that was an ethnic mosaic.

The phrase was incorporated half a century later in Turkey’s student oath and ultimately removed from it in 2013 at a time of peace talks between Turkey and the PKK by then prime minister, now president Erdogan.

It took the influx of hundreds of thousands of Iraqi Kurds in the late 1980s and early 1990s as well as the 1991 declaration by the United States, Britain and France of a no-fly zone in northern Iraq that enabled the emergence of an autonomous Iraqi Kurdish region to spark debate in Turkey about the Kurdish question and prompt the government to refer to Kurds as Kurds rather than mountain Turks.

Ironically, Turkey’s enduring refusal to acknowledge Kurdish rights and its long neglect of the development of the predominantly Kurdish southeast of the country fuelled demands for greater rights rather than majority support for Kurdish secession largely despite the emergence of the PKK.

Most Turkish Kurds, who could rise to the highest offices in the lands long as they are identified as Turks rather than Kurds, resembled Palestinians with Israeli citizenship, whose options were more limited even if they endorsed the notion of a Jewish state.

Nonetheless, both minorities favoured an independent state for their brethren on the other side of the border but did not want to surrender the opportunities that either Turkey or Israel offered them.

The existence for close to three decades of a Kurdish regional government in northern Iraq and a 2017 referendum in which an overwhelming majority voted for Iraqi Kurdish independence, bitterly rejected and ultimately nullified by Iraqi, Turkish and Iranian opposition, did little to fundamentally change Turkish Kurdish attitudes.

If the referendum briefly soured Turkish-Iraqi Kurdish relations, it failed to undermine the basic understanding underlying a relationship that could have guided Turkey’s approach towards the Kurds in Syria even if dealing with Iraqi Kurds may have been easier because, unlike Turkish Kurds, they had not engaged in political violence against Turkey.

The notion that there was no alternative to the Turkish intervention in Syria is further countered by the fact that Turkish PKK negotiations that started in 2012 led a year later to a ceasefire and a boosting of efforts to secure a peaceful resolution.

The talks prompted imprisoned PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan to publish a letter endorsing the ceasefire, the disarmament and withdrawal from Turkey of PKK fighters, and a call for an end to the insurgency. Ocalan predicted that 2013 would be the year in which the Turkish Kurdish issues would be resolved peacefully.

The PKK's military leader, Cemil Bayik, told the BBC three years later that "We don't want to separate from Turkey and set up a state. We want to live within the borders of Turkey on our own land freely.”

The talks broke down in 2015 against the backdrop of the Syrian war and the rise as a US ally of the United States in the fight against the Islamic State of the PKK’s Syrian affiliate, the People's Protection Units (YPG).

Bitterly opposed to the US-YPG alliance, Turkey demanded that the PKK halt its resumption of attacks on Turkish targets and disarm prior to further negotiations.

Turkey responded to the breakdown and resumption of violence with a brutal crackdown in the southeast of the country and on the pro-Kurdish Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP).

Nonetheless, in a statement issued from prison earlier this year that envisioned an understanding between Turkey and Syrian Kurdish forces believed to be aligned with the PKK, Ocalan declared that “We believe, with regard to the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), the problems in Syria should be resolved within the framework of the unity of Syria, based on constitutional guarantees and local democratic perspectives. In this regard, it should be sensitive to Turkey’s concerns.”

Turkey’s emergence as one of Iraqi Kurdistan’s foremost investors and trading partners in exchange for Iraqi Kurdish acquiescence in Turkish countering the PKK’s presence in the region could have provided inspiration for a US-sponsored safe zone in northern Syria that Washington and Ankara had contemplated.

The Turkish-Iraqi Kurdish understanding enabled Turkey to allow an armed Iraqi Kurdish force to transit Turkish territory in 2014 to help prevent the Islamic State from conquering the Syrian city of Kobani.

A safe zone would have helped “realign the relationship between Turkey’s Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) and its Syrian offshoot.

The safe-zone arrangements…envision(ed) drawing down the YPG presence along the border—a good starting point for reining in the PKK, improving US ties with Ankara, and avoiding a potentially destructive Turkish intervention in Syria,” Turkey scholar Sonar Cagaptay suggested in August.

The opportunity that could have created the beginnings of a sustainable solution that would have benefitted Turkey, as well as the Kurds, fell by the wayside with Trump’s decision to withdraw US troops from northern Syria.

In many ways, Erdogan’s decision to opt for a military solution fits the mould of a critical mass of world leaders who look at the world through a civilisational prism and often view national borders in relative terms.

Russian leader Vladimir Putin pointed the way with his 2008 intervention in Georgia and the annexation in 2014 of Crimea as well as Russia’s stirring of pro-Russian insurgencies in two regions of Ukraine.

Erdogan appears to believe that if Putin can pull it off, so can he. 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)&nbsp;

Turkey, like much of the Middle East, is discovering that what goes around comes around. Not only because President Recep Tayyip Erdogan seems to have miscalculated the fallout of what may prove to be a foolhardy intervention in Syria and neglected alternative options that could have strengthened Turkey’s position without sparking the ire of much of the international community.

Turkey, like much of the Middle East, is discovering that what goes around comes around. Not only because President Recep Tayyip Erdogan seems to have miscalculated the fallout of what may prove to be a foolhardy intervention in Syria and neglected alternative options that could have strengthened Turkey’s position without sparking the ire of much of the international community. But also because what could prove to be a strategic error is rooted in a policy of decades of denial of Kurdish identity and suppression of Kurdish cultural and political rights that was more likely than not to fuel conflict rather than encourage societal cohesion. The policy midwife the birth in the 1970s to militant groups like the Kurdish Workers Party (PKK), which only dropped its demand for Kurdish independence in recent years. The group that has waged a low-intensity insurgency that has cost tens of thousands of lives has been declared a terrorist organisation by Turkey, the United States and the European Union. Turkish refusal to acknowledge the rights of the Kurds, who are believed to account for up to 20 per cent of the country’s population, traces its roots to the carving of modern Turkey out of the ruins of the Ottoman empire by its visionary founder, Mustafa Kemal, widely known as Ataturk, Father of the Turks. It is entrenched in Kemal’s declaration in a speech in 1923 to celebrate Turkish independence of “How happy is the one who calls himself a Turk,” an effort to forge a national identity for the country that was an ethnic mosaic. The phrase was incorporated half a century later in Turkey’s student oath and ultimately removed from it in 2013 at a time of peace talks between Turkey and the PKK by then prime minister, now president Erdogan. It took the influx of hundreds of thousands of Iraqi Kurds in the late 1980s and early 1990s as well as the 1991 declaration by the United States, Britain and France of a no-fly zone in northern Iraq that enabled the emergence of an autonomous Iraqi Kurdish region to spark debate in Turkey about the Kurdish question and prompt the government to refer to Kurds as Kurds rather than mountain Turks. Ironically, Turkey’s enduring refusal to acknowledge Kurdish rights and its long neglect of the development of the predominantly Kurdish southeast of the country fuelled demands for greater rights rather than majority support for Kurdish secession largely despite the emergence of the PKK. Most Turkish Kurds, who could rise to the highest offices in the lands long as they are identified as Turks rather than Kurds, resembled Palestinians with Israeli citizenship, whose options were more limited even if they endorsed the notion of a Jewish state. Nonetheless, both minorities favoured an independent state for their brethren on the other side of the border but did not want to surrender the opportunities that either Turkey or Israel offered them. The existence for close to three decades of a Kurdish regional government in northern Iraq and a 2017 referendum in which an overwhelming majority voted for Iraqi Kurdish independence, bitterly rejected and ultimately nullified by Iraqi, Turkish and Iranian opposition, did little to fundamentally change Turkish Kurdish attitudes. If the referendum briefly soured Turkish-Iraqi Kurdish relations, it failed to undermine the basic understanding underlying a relationship that could have guided Turkey’s approach towards the Kurds in Syria even if dealing with Iraqi Kurds may have been easier because, unlike Turkish Kurds, they had not engaged in political violence against Turkey. The notion that there was no alternative to the Turkish intervention in Syria is further countered by the fact that Turkish PKK negotiations that started in 2012 led a year later to a ceasefire and a boosting of efforts to secure a peaceful resolution. The talks prompted imprisoned PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan to publish a letter endorsing the ceasefire, the disarmament and withdrawal from Turkey of PKK fighters, and a call for an end to the insurgency. Ocalan predicted that 2013 would be the year in which the Turkish Kurdish issues would be resolved peacefully. The PKK's military leader, Cemil Bayik, told the BBC three years later that "We don't want to separate from Turkey and set up a state. We want to live within the borders of Turkey on our own land freely.” The talks broke down in 2015 against the backdrop of the Syrian war and the rise as a US ally of the United States in the fight against the Islamic State of the PKK’s Syrian affiliate, the People's Protection Units (YPG). Bitterly opposed to the US-YPG alliance, Turkey demanded that the PKK halt its resumption of attacks on Turkish targets and disarm prior to further negotiations. Turkey responded to the breakdown and resumption of violence with a brutal crackdown in the southeast of the country and on the pro-Kurdish Peoples' Democratic Party (HDP). Nonetheless, in a statement issued from prison earlier this year that envisioned an understanding between Turkey and Syrian Kurdish forces believed to be aligned with the PKK, Ocalan declared that “We believe, with regard to the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), the problems in Syria should be resolved within the framework of the unity of Syria, based on constitutional guarantees and local democratic perspectives. In this regard, it should be sensitive to Turkey’s concerns.” Turkey’s emergence as one of Iraqi Kurdistan’s foremost investors and trading partners in exchange for Iraqi Kurdish acquiescence in Turkish countering the PKK’s presence in the region could have provided inspiration for a US-sponsored safe zone in northern Syria that Washington and Ankara had contemplated. The Turkish-Iraqi Kurdish understanding enabled Turkey to allow an armed Iraqi Kurdish force to transit Turkish territory in 2014 to help prevent the Islamic State from conquering the Syrian city of Kobani. A safe zone would have helped “realign the relationship between Turkey’s Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) and its Syrian offshoot. The safe-zone arrangements…envision(ed) drawing down the YPG presence along the border—a good starting point for reining in the PKK, improving US ties with Ankara, and avoiding a potentially destructive Turkish intervention in Syria,” Turkey scholar Sonar Cagaptay suggested in August. The opportunity that could have created the beginnings of a sustainable solution that would have benefitted Turkey, as well as the Kurds, fell by the wayside with Trump’s decision to withdraw US troops from northern Syria. In many ways, Erdogan’s decision to opt for a military solution fits the mould of a critical mass of world leaders who look at the world through a civilisational prism and often view national borders in relative terms. Russian leader Vladimir Putin pointed the way with his 2008 intervention in Georgia and the annexation in 2014 of Crimea as well as Russia’s stirring of pro-Russian insurgencies in two regions of Ukraine. Erdogan appears to believe that if Putin can pull it off, so can he. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Explained: Turkey's decision to opt for military action in Syria

Syria-Turkey Conflict: NATO should back Turkey says, Erdogan. To know more watch the video

Syria-Turkey Conflict: NATO should back Turkey says, Erdogan

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