Everyone knows that you should not look at the sun!

Not with your naked eye, not with sunglasses and certainly not with binoculars or with a telescope. Our sun might be just an ordinary star, but it&rsquo;s extremely close to us &mdash; about 269,000 times closer than the <a href="https://imagine.gsfc.nasa.gov/features/cosmic/nearest_star_info.html">next nearest star</a>. This makes the sun very, very bright.

Everyone knows that you should not look at the sun. But what about during an eclipse? This situation will confront us <a href="http://eclipse.aas.org">on August 21</a>, when the entirety of North America, along with parts of South America, Africa, Europe and eastern Russia, will experience a solar eclipse.

For the vast majority of viewers, including anyone in any part of Canada, the eclipse will be a <a href="https://www.timeanddate.com/eclipse/partial-solar-eclipse.html">partial one</a>. This means that the moon will block out part of the face of the sun but leave the rest of it unchanged.

<figure class="align-right zoomable"><a href="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/181475/area14mp/file-20170808-26048-o6es2t.jpg"><img alt="" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/181475/width237/file-20170808-26048-o6es2t.jpg" /></a>

<figcaption>
NASA&rsquo;s Solar Dynamics Observatory saw a partial solar eclipse in space when it caught the moon passing in front of the sun on May 25, 2017.

If you&rsquo;re under <a href="https://eclipse.gsfc.nasa.gov/SEanimate/SEanimate2001/SE2017Aug21T.GIF">the path of the partial eclipse</a> &mdash; even somewhere where the sun is 99 per cent concealed &mdash; you still should not look at the sun with the unaided eye. Even one-hundredth of the sun&rsquo;s normal brightness is enough to permanently damage your eyesight.
</figcaption>
</figure>

Instead, you can safely watch the action through special <a href="https://www.space.com/36941-solar-eclipse-eye-protection-guide.html">eclipse glasses</a> (make sure they&rsquo;re <a href="https://eclipse.aas.org/eye-safety/iso-certification">ISO certified and from a reliable supplier</a>), through a simple <a href="https://www.jpl.nasa.gov/edu/learn/project/how-to-make-a-pinhole-camera/">home-made pinhole camera</a> or even by looking at the shadows cast by <a href="https://petapixel.com/2012/05/21/crescent-shaped-projections-through-tree-leaves-during-the-solar-eclipse/">tree leaves</a> or by a <a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/2015/03/20/solar-eclipse-colander-_n_6908140.html">kitchen colander</a>.

For some lucky viewers in parts of <a href="http://eclipse2017.org/blog/2017/01/15/states-the-total-eclipse-touches/">14 U.S. states</a>, a total solar eclipse awaits on August 21. This will be far more exciting than a mere partial eclipse. For maybe as long as two minutes, depending on your exact location, the sun will disappear completely behind the moon. The temperature will drop, the stars will come out, and the birds will think evening has come.

If you are under the path of the total eclipse, you&rsquo;ll likely have more than an hour of partial eclipse both before and after the exciting moment of totality. During the partial phases, the usual rules apply: Wear your eclipse glasses or use your colander, but don&rsquo;t look at the sun unaided!

However, when the time finally arrives and when the sky goes dark, it will finally be safe to look. Take off your glasses, stare at the sun with your unaided eyes, and soak up a remarkable cosmic moment.

<figure class="align-center "><img alt="" src="https://cdn.theconversation.com/files/181476/width754/file-20170808-26004-1qtloh3.jpg" />
<figcaption>
The Hinode satellite observed the sun&rsquo;s corona during a total solar eclipse on July 22, 2009.

During the total eclipse, it is completely safe to look at the sun without any equipment at all. And what a sight it will be.
</figcaption>
</figure>

Revealed, just for a moment, will be <a href="https://www.exploratorium.edu/eclipse/what-to-see-during-eclipse#totality">the sun&rsquo;s glorious corona</a>, the faint <a href="https://eclipse2017.nasa.gov/solar-corona">tendrils of ultra-hot gas</a> that stream off the sun&rsquo;s blazing surface. This is not to be missed. If you leave your eclipse glasses on, you won&rsquo;t see anything.

<img alt="The Conversation" height="1" src="https://counter.theconversation.edu.au/content/81067/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" width="1" />After a minute or two, the total eclipse will be over, the skies will lighten and special safety precautions must once again be taken. But those who experience totality will be left with memories of an otherwise hidden view of the Universe, a brief glimpse of our life-giving sun unlike any other.

&nbsp;

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/how-to-safely-watch-an-eclipse-advice-from-an-astronomer-81067">original article</a>.

&nbsp;

Even one-hundredth of the sun?s normal brightness is enough to permanently damage your eyesight, says astronomer Gaensler.

Everyone knows that you should not look at the sun! Not with your naked eye, not with sunglasses and certainly not with binoculars or with a telescope. Our sun might be just an ordinary star, but it’s extremely close to us — about 269,000 times closer than the next nearest star. This makes the sun very, very bright. Everyone knows that you should not look at the sun. But what about during an eclipse? This situation will confront us on August 21, when the entirety of North America, along with parts of South America, Africa, Europe and eastern Russia, will experience a solar eclipse. For the vast majority of viewers, including anyone in any part of Canada, the eclipse will be a partial one. This means that the moon will block out part of the face of the sun but leave the rest of it unchanged. NASA’s Solar Dynamics Observatory saw a partial solar eclipse in space when it caught the moon passing in front of the sun on May 25, 2017. If you’re under the path of the partial eclipse — even somewhere where the sun is 99 per cent concealed — you still should not look at the sun with the unaided eye. Even one-hundredth of the sun’s normal brightness is enough to permanently damage your eyesight. Instead, you can safely watch the action through special eclipse glasses (make sure they’re ISO certified and from a reliable supplier), through a simple home-made pinhole camera or even by looking at the shadows cast by tree leaves or by a kitchen colander. For some lucky viewers in parts of 14 U.S. states, a total solar eclipse awaits on August 21. This will be far more exciting than a mere partial eclipse. For maybe as long as two minutes, depending on your exact location, the sun will disappear completely behind the moon. The temperature will drop, the stars will come out, and the birds will think evening has come. If you are under the path of the total eclipse, you’ll likely have more than an hour of partial eclipse both before and after the exciting moment of totality. During the partial phases, the usual rules apply: Wear your eclipse glasses or use your colander, but don’t look at the sun unaided! However, when the time finally arrives and when the sky goes dark, it will finally be safe to look. Take off your glasses, stare at the sun with your unaided eyes, and soak up a remarkable cosmic moment. The Hinode satellite observed the sun’s corona during a total solar eclipse on July 22, 2009. During the total eclipse, it is completely safe to look at the sun without any equipment at all. And what a sight it will be. Revealed, just for a moment, will be the sun’s glorious corona, the faint tendrils of ultra-hot gas that stream off the sun’s blazing surface. This is not to be missed. If you leave your eclipse glasses on, you won’t see anything. After a minute or two, the total eclipse will be over, the skies will lighten and special safety precautions must once again be taken. But those who experience totality will be left with memories of an otherwise hidden view of the Universe, a brief glimpse of our life-giving sun unlike any other. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

During the total eclipse, it is completely safe to look at the sun

&ldquo;The mother of all protests&rdquo; &ndash; that&rsquo;s what Venezuela&rsquo;s opposition movement called an enormous march last week, in which over a million citizens took to the streets to &ldquo;defend the homeland&rdquo; against President Nicol&aacute;s Maduro&rsquo;s increasingly authoritarian regime.

Protests alone rarely spur regime change. But without them &ndash; in Venezuela, as in many countries &ndash; political transition is impossible. And it is now evident that the wave of protests that has seized the country in recent weeks has had a significant impact on the evolution of Venezuela&rsquo;s political situation, even though some might wish to deny this.

The pro-democracy parties and movements that oppose the Maduro government have managed to shift the battleground for their political fight. They have taken it out of state institutions where their only support is in the legislature, which has long been neutered by administration-controlled institutions, such as the Supreme Court, and onto the streets.

The immense public show of anger was unexpected, and it has made for a more symmetrical conflict between the government and its opposition. But will the current demonstrations end differently than the 2014 protest movement or last year&rsquo;s failed attempt to remove the president via referendum?

The answer to this question largely depends on what position the Venezuelan military now takes.

Loosening grip

For many years, Venezuela&rsquo;s authoritarian regime had two advantages: Hugo Ch&aacute;vez&rsquo;s <a href="http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/southamerica/venezuela/9911642/Hugo-Chavez-Venezuelans-mourn-death-of-charismatic-leader.html">charismatic leadership</a> and abundant <a href="https://fivethirtyeight.com/features/oil-made-venezuela-rich-and-now-its-making-it-poor/">oil income</a>, which allowed the government to finance clientelistic relations and foster support with vested interests.

Together, they enabled Ch&aacute;vez&rsquo;s United Socialist Party of Venezuela to <a href="http://www.psuv.org.ve/portada/hoy-se-cumplen-14-anos-primer-triunfo-electoral-comandante-chavez/#.WQj_IlKZNYc">triumph in almost every election</a> from 1998 to 2012. But Maduro, his chosen successor, has neither going for him. And he is now facing the collapse of the Ch&aacute;vez model and the impossibility of reestablishing his government&rsquo;s legitimacy electorally.

Ever since his party was defeated in legislative elections in December 2015, the president has relied on a complicit Supreme Court and National Election Council to avoid being removed via an opposition-supported recall referendum.

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false">
<div class="twitter-block" draggable="false">
<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en">
At the protest in front of the Justice Palace <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Valencia?src=hash">#Valencia</a> , <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Venezuela?src=hash">#Venezuela</a>. <a href="https://t.co/in03uhH7IU">pic.twitter.com/in03uhH7IU</a>
&mdash; Tito Zerpa Figarella (@tzerpaf) <a href="https://twitter.com/tzerpaf/status/859109187393122304">May 1, 2017</a></blockquote>
<script async src="//platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script></div>
<a class="close-mark close-div" href="#" id="jqclosemark">&times;</a></div>

Those government bodies have also enabled him to indefinitely postpone gubernatorial elections that, constitutionally speaking, should <a href="http://www.npr.org/sections/parallels/2017/04/08/523058318/opposition-parties-in-venezuela-prepare-for-elections-hoping-they-will-come">have taken place last year</a> (polls indicated that ruling party candidates would roundly lose).

Venezuela&rsquo;s situation is not unprecedented. Eventually, every authoritarian regime that has used elections to maintain power (Mexico&rsquo;s Partido Revolucionario Institucional is another Latin American example), reaches the point where, having lost political support, it has two choices: try to negotiate the consequences of an electoral defeat or seek to stay in power through the use of brute force.

If it chooses the latter, the government must depend principally on cooperation from the military. And this is the uncomfortable position in which Maduro now finds himself.

The generals in their labyrinth

But Venezuela&rsquo;s armed forces are facing their own dilemma: either maintain a neutral institutional role or support the regime in repressing its own people.

Authoritarian regimes that stay in power using violence are well aware of their dependency on the military, so they try to find ways to gain its commitment, including by incorporating the military into the government itself.

The practice of appointing generals into positions of power existed under Ch&aacute;vez, but it has increased markedly since Maduro&rsquo;s dubious election in 2013, which called into question the legitimacy of his government. And it&rsquo;s now difficult to distinguish between government and the military as a significant number of Maduro&rsquo;s cabinet members are active in the armed forces.

The military&rsquo;s commitment to its government can also be facilitated by incentivising or planning confrontations in which soldiers become personally responsible for violating the human rights of citizens. This tactic turns the army into a hostage of the status quo.

This quandary is the greatest asset of those who seek regime change in Venezuela today. The ongoing mass protests have actually shifted the balance of power toward the opposition, at least temporarily, because continuing to repress demonstrators will have an increasingly high cost for both the government and the military.

Protests aren&rsquo;t cost-free for the opposition, of course. Since this wave of demonstrations began in late March, <a href="http://noticieros.televisa.com/ultimas-noticias/internacional/2017-04-26/sube-29-cifra-muertos-durante-protestas-venezuela/">29 people have been killed</a>, along with a large (but undefined) number who have been wounded and arrested.

The main worry is not that this wave of protests will flicker out without producing yearned-for political change. It&rsquo;s that if it does fail, it will leave the battlefield negatively balanced, setting the opposition back and again reinforcing Maduro&rsquo;s power.

The challenge for Venezuela&rsquo;s generals at this point is to find a way out of this labyrinth that allows them to protect both their personal and professional interests, which do not always overlap.

Soldiers are accustomed to obeying orders but there&rsquo;s no guarantee that they will help implement illegitimate decisions, such as cracking down ever harder on protesters. And if commanders and troops refuse to pay the price for human rights violations by personally and absolutely implicating themselves in the status quo, then the military&rsquo;s bottom-heavy pyramid structure may well collapse along with the government.

At this point, following orders could prove costlier than disobedience for those in the army.

Playing with time

All this means continued demonstrations could actually spur political change in Venezuela.

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false">
<div class="twitter-block" draggable="false">
<blockquote class="twitter-tweet" data-lang="en">
Today&#39;s protest against Maduro&#39;s Government in Caracas. Just minutes before the crowd was attacked by the military <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Venezuela?src=hash">#Venezuela</a> <a href="https://t.co/8h0xrW1EOC">pic.twitter.com/8h0xrW1EOC</a>
&mdash; Maria Alesia Sosa (@MariaAlesiaSosa) <a href="https://twitter.com/MariaAlesiaSosa/status/857326071720669184">April 26, 2017</a></blockquote>
<script async src="//platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script></div>
<a class="close-mark close-div" href="#" id="jqclosemark">&times;</a></div>

Generally speaking, time works against protest movements. But repression works against governments because it creates a vicious cycle. When the government uses force against protesters it loses credibility. And the more credibility it loses, the more it relies on the use of force, which, in turn, spurs protesters to keep on marching.

The fact is that the Maduro regime&rsquo;s survival depends almost exclusively on whether the armed forces are willing to violently repress the Venezuelan people. And that decision depends on the cost-benefit analysis up and down the military chain of command as generals and soldiers alike weigh the pros and cons of their current dilemma.

<img alt="The Conversation" height="1" src="https://counter.theconversation.edu.au/content/77080/count.gif?distributor=republish-lightbox-basic" width="1" />They have to decide whether to maintain the status quo by using force or step back and allow change to happen in a less traumatic way. That is, after all, how democracy works.

This article was originally published on <a href="http://theconversation.com">The Conversation</a>. Read the <a href="https://theconversation.com/in-restless-venezuela-the-military-will-determine-how-long-maduros-regime-can-last-77080">original article</a>.

The county's armed forces are facing their own dilemma: either maintain a neutral institutional role or support the regime in repressing its own people

“The mother of all protests” – that’s what Venezuela’s opposition movement called an enormous march last week, in which over a million citizens took to the streets to “defend the homeland” against President Nicolás Maduro’s increasingly authoritarian regime. Protests alone rarely spur regime change. But without them – in Venezuela, as in many countries – political transition is impossible. And it is now evident that the wave of protests that has seized the country in recent weeks has had a significant impact on the evolution of Venezuela’s political situation, even though some might wish to deny this. The pro-democracy parties and movements that oppose the Maduro government have managed to shift the battleground for their political fight. They have taken it out of state institutions where their only support is in the legislature, which has long been neutered by administration-controlled institutions, such as the Supreme Court, and onto the streets. The immense public show of anger was unexpected, and it has made for a more symmetrical conflict between the government and its opposition. But will the current demonstrations end differently than the 2014 protest movement or last year’s failed attempt to remove the president via referendum? The answer to this question largely depends on what position the Venezuelan military now takes. Loosening grip For many years, Venezuela’s authoritarian regime had two advantages: Hugo Chávez’s charismatic leadership and abundant oil income, which allowed the government to finance clientelistic relations and foster support with vested interests. Together, they enabled Chávez’s United Socialist Party of Venezuela to triumph in almost every election from 1998 to 2012. But Maduro, his chosen successor, has neither going for him. And he is now facing the collapse of the Chávez model and the impossibility of reestablishing his government’s legitimacy electorally. Ever since his party was defeated in legislative elections in December 2015, the president has relied on a complicit Supreme Court and National Election Council to avoid being removed via an opposition-supported recall referendum. At the protest in front of the Justice Palace #Valencia , #Venezuela. pic.twitter.com/in03uhH7IU — Tito Zerpa Figarella (@tzerpaf) May 1, 2017 × Those government bodies have also enabled him to indefinitely postpone gubernatorial elections that, constitutionally speaking, should have taken place last year (polls indicated that ruling party candidates would roundly lose). Venezuela’s situation is not unprecedented. Eventually, every authoritarian regime that has used elections to maintain power (Mexico’s Partido Revolucionario Institucional is another Latin American example), reaches the point where, having lost political support, it has two choices: try to negotiate the consequences of an electoral defeat or seek to stay in power through the use of brute force. If it chooses the latter, the government must depend principally on cooperation from the military. And this is the uncomfortable position in which Maduro now finds himself. The generals in their labyrinth But Venezuela’s armed forces are facing their own dilemma: either maintain a neutral institutional role or support the regime in repressing its own people. Authoritarian regimes that stay in power using violence are well aware of their dependency on the military, so they try to find ways to gain its commitment, including by incorporating the military into the government itself. The practice of appointing generals into positions of power existed under Chávez, but it has increased markedly since Maduro’s dubious election in 2013, which called into question the legitimacy of his government. And it’s now difficult to distinguish between government and the military as a significant number of Maduro’s cabinet members are active in the armed forces. The military’s commitment to its government can also be facilitated by incentivising or planning confrontations in which soldiers become personally responsible for violating the human rights of citizens. This tactic turns the army into a hostage of the status quo. This quandary is the greatest asset of those who seek regime change in Venezuela today. The ongoing mass protests have actually shifted the balance of power toward the opposition, at least temporarily, because continuing to repress demonstrators will have an increasingly high cost for both the government and the military. Protests aren’t cost-free for the opposition, of course. Since this wave of demonstrations began in late March, 29 people have been killed, along with a large (but undefined) number who have been wounded and arrested. The main worry is not that this wave of protests will flicker out without producing yearned-for political change. It’s that if it does fail, it will leave the battlefield negatively balanced, setting the opposition back and again reinforcing Maduro’s power. The challenge for Venezuela’s generals at this point is to find a way out of this labyrinth that allows them to protect both their personal and professional interests, which do not always overlap. Soldiers are accustomed to obeying orders but there’s no guarantee that they will help implement illegitimate decisions, such as cracking down ever harder on protesters. And if commanders and troops refuse to pay the price for human rights violations by personally and absolutely implicating themselves in the status quo, then the military’s bottom-heavy pyramid structure may well collapse along with the government. At this point, following orders could prove costlier than disobedience for those in the army. Playing with time All this means continued demonstrations could actually spur political change in Venezuela. Today's protest against Maduro's Government in Caracas. Just minutes before the crowd was attacked by the military #Venezuela pic.twitter.com/8h0xrW1EOC — Maria Alesia Sosa (@MariaAlesiaSosa) April 26, 2017 × Generally speaking, time works against protest movements. But repression works against governments because it creates a vicious cycle. When the government uses force against protesters it loses credibility. And the more credibility it loses, the more it relies on the use of force, which, in turn, spurs protesters to keep on marching. The fact is that the Maduro regime’s survival depends almost exclusively on whether the armed forces are willing to violently repress the Venezuelan people. And that decision depends on the cost-benefit analysis up and down the military chain of command as generals and soldiers alike weigh the pros and cons of their current dilemma. They have to decide whether to maintain the status quo by using force or step back and allow change to happen in a less traumatic way. That is, after all, how democracy works. This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

In restless Venezuela, the military will determine how long Maduro?s regime can last

Three women were killed and nine wounded after an explosion at an upscale Bogota mall.&nbsp;

The explosive device went off in a restroom.&nbsp;

President Juan Manuel Santos denounced the attack and promised to bring those responsible to justice.

&quot;We won&#39;t let terrorism frighten us,&quot; Santos said from inside the shopping centre.

&quot;Bogotanos should feel safe and protected. We won&#39;t let our guard down but we mustn&#39;t panic. That&#39;s what terrorists want.&quot;

A 23-year-old Frenchwoman, who had been volunteering in the city, was among the three women killed.

Witnesses said they were evacuated from movie theatres and stores after&nbsp;an explosion in a second-floor bathroom, as ambulances and firetrucks hurried to the scene, the Associated Press reported.

&quot;This cowardly terrorist attack at the Centro Andino mall is deeply distressing,&quot; Mayor Enrique Penalosa said, without giving details on the blast or who may have been behind it.

The mall, in an upscale area of the Colombian capital that is popular with foreign nationals, had been packed with shoppers before Father&#39;s Day.

(With inputs from Agencies)

Police said an explosion tore through a restroom area of the mall, crowded with shoppers ahead of Father's Day

Three women were killed and nine wounded after an explosion at an upscale Bogota mall. The explosive device went off in a restroom. President Juan Manuel Santos denounced the attack and promised to bring those responsible to justice. "We won't let terrorism frighten us," Santos said from inside the shopping centre. "Bogotanos should feel safe and protected. We won't let our guard down but we mustn't panic. That's what terrorists want." A 23-year-old Frenchwoman, who had been volunteering in the city, was among the three women killed. Witnesses said they were evacuated from movie theatres and stores after an explosion in a second-floor bathroom, as ambulances and firetrucks hurried to the scene, the Associated Press reported. "This cowardly terrorist attack at the Centro Andino mall is deeply distressing," Mayor Enrique Penalosa said, without giving details on the blast or who may have been behind it. The mall, in an upscale area of the Colombian capital that is popular with foreign nationals, had been packed with shoppers before Father's Day. (With inputs from Agencies)

Bogota mall blast: Three women killed, nine injured

Could hunting for a Pokemon get any hotter? Maybe in Rio, so the city about to host the Olympic Games is urging makers of the popular app to come down to Brazil.&nbsp;The app, based on a Nintendo title that debuted 20 years ago, uses GPS and mapping capabilities in smartphones to let players roam the real world to find &quot;PokeStops&quot; stocked with supplies and hunt cartoon monsters to capture and train for battles. 
 
&quot;Hello Nintendo! There are 23 days until the Rio 2016 Olympic Games. Everybody&#39;s coming. You should come on down too,&quot; Mayor Eduardo Paes said on Facebook on Wednesday, with the welcoming hashtag #PokemonGoNoBrasil (Pokemon Go in Brazil). 
 
Since its release in the United States, Australia and New Zealand last week, the free Pokemon Go smartphone game that overlays play on the real world has triggered a major craze. 
 
Some, like Paes, think people might enjoy hunting around the city&#39;s landmarks like Copacabana beach.&nbsp;Half a million foreign tourists are expected in Rio for South America&#39;s first Olympics from August 5-21.&nbsp;Ex-supermodel Gisele Bundchen will be in her native Brazil to host the opening ceremony. 
 
(AFP)

'Hello Nintendo! There are 23 days until the Rio 2016 Olympic Games. Everybody's coming. You should come on down too', said Mayor Eduardo Paes on Facebook

Could hunting for a Pokemon get any hotter? Maybe in Rio, so the city about to host the Olympic Games is urging makers of the popular app to come down to Brazil. The app, based on a Nintendo title that debuted 20 years ago, uses GPS and mapping capabilities in smartphones to let players roam the real world to find "PokeStops" stocked with supplies and hunt cartoon monsters to capture and train for battles. "Hello Nintendo! There are 23 days until the Rio 2016 Olympic Games. Everybody's coming. You should come on down too," Mayor Eduardo Paes said on Facebook on Wednesday, with the welcoming hashtag #PokemonGoNoBrasil (Pokemon Go in Brazil). Since its release in the United States, Australia and New Zealand last week, the free Pokemon Go smartphone game that overlays play on the real world has triggered a major craze. Some, like Paes, think people might enjoy hunting around the city's landmarks like Copacabana beach. Half a million foreign tourists are expected in Rio for South America's first Olympics from August 5-21. Ex-supermodel Gisele Bundchen will be in her native Brazil to host the opening ceremony. (AFP)

Pokemon Go welcome at Rio Olympics, mayor says

At least 50 people were arrested and dozens more injured during clashes on Wednesday between protesters and riot policemen in the Bolivian city of Cochabamba, while blockades and strikes were reported in other parts of the country. 
 
The clashes took place at the start of a 72-hour national strike organised by the main unions in the country. 
 
Local media reported tear gas was fired at protesters who were blocking the highway from Cochabama to La Paz. 
 
The southwestern department of Potosi reported public schools were closed, while blockades, strikes and partial work stoppages were reported around the country, which have affected the normal development of the day. 
 
In La Paz, workers marched also and warned that things could get worse if the government didn&#39;t respond to their satisfaction. 
 
&quot;But we hope this does not get prolonged until tomorrow, because the situation will be more forceful tomorrow and we hope the government calls to hold talks, particularly for the public, to make good decisions and not proceed as it has in Cochabamba with the onslaught of workers. There are so many wounded here in the mining sector, where we have clearly come to defend the expansion of the Bolivian Central Workers, the resolutions, job stability but particularly if they are coming to attack our physical integrity, we will have to respond with our combative dynamite because in the end they are going to provoke us,&quot; said Orlando Gutierrez, a leader of the union miners. 
 
A 72 hour national workers strike - featuring a cross section of employees from different sectors such as teaching, manufacturing and mining - was announced at the weekend by the Bolivian Central Workers Union (COB) to protest the government of President Evo Morales. 
 
Presidency Minister Juan Ramon Quintana had called on union leaders to negotiate with the government on a solution but no breakthrough has been reported. 
 
On Wednesday, Government Minister Carlos Romero said the strike could damage the country. 
 
&quot;The problem of 180 people cannot paralyse the function of a country that has been growing economically with the sustainable production over the last 10 years,&quot; he said. 
 
Last week, members of Bolivia&#39;s largest trade union marched on La Paz over the closure of the country&#39;s largest state-run textile company, criticising Morales for heading a &quot;neoliberal&quot; economic agenda in one of Latin America&#39;s poorest countries. 
 
The marches and strikes come just weeks after 800 people were laid off when President Evo Morales closed the Enatex national textile company earlier this month. 
 
Protesters fear other state companies will start laying off workers. For example the company Siderurgica del Mutun, the largest iron reserve in the world, is on strike due to unemployment. 
 
South America&#39;s once dominant populist leftist bloc, which has lost steam as voters have tired of cronyism, and tumbling commodities prices have provided less income to fuel government spending. 
 
In recent months, Morales&#39; popularity has been damaged by revelations that a company that employs an ex-girlfriend had won lucrative government contracts. The problem was compounded when photos emerged showing the couple together last year, although he had said the relationship ended in 2007. 
 
In February, Morales acknowledged defeat in a referendum that would have cleared the way for him to run for a fourth term in 2019. 
 
Morales was the first indigenous Bolivian to be voted into the country&#39;s presidency in 2006 on a ticket to cut poverty and raise living standards. Shortly after coming into power he garnered widespread support from working class voters after nationalising oil and gas sectors of the economy. 
 
But fast forward a decade, Morales&#39; traditional supporter base now accuse their leader of stabbing them in the back. 
 
Joining the union workers are disabled citizens who have been protesting for months for an increase in state benefits but with little progress. 
 
(Reuters)

Employees from sectors such as teaching, manufacturing and mining are protesting the President's neoliberal economic agenda

At least 50 people were arrested and dozens more injured during clashes on Wednesday between protesters and riot policemen in the Bolivian city of Cochabamba, while blockades and strikes were reported in other parts of the country. The clashes took place at the start of a 72-hour national strike organised by the main unions in the country. Local media reported tear gas was fired at protesters who were blocking the highway from Cochabama to La Paz. The southwestern department of Potosi reported public schools were closed, while blockades, strikes and partial work stoppages were reported around the country, which have affected the normal development of the day. In La Paz, workers marched also and warned that things could get worse if the government didn't respond to their satisfaction. "But we hope this does not get prolonged until tomorrow, because the situation will be more forceful tomorrow and we hope the government calls to hold talks, particularly for the public, to make good decisions and not proceed as it has in Cochabamba with the onslaught of workers. There are so many wounded here in the mining sector, where we have clearly come to defend the expansion of the Bolivian Central Workers, the resolutions, job stability but particularly if they are coming to attack our physical integrity, we will have to respond with our combative dynamite because in the end they are going to provoke us," said Orlando Gutierrez, a leader of the union miners. A 72 hour national workers strike - featuring a cross section of employees from different sectors such as teaching, manufacturing and mining - was announced at the weekend by the Bolivian Central Workers Union (COB) to protest the government of President Evo Morales. Presidency Minister Juan Ramon Quintana had called on union leaders to negotiate with the government on a solution but no breakthrough has been reported. On Wednesday, Government Minister Carlos Romero said the strike could damage the country. "The problem of 180 people cannot paralyse the function of a country that has been growing economically with the sustainable production over the last 10 years," he said. Last week, members of Bolivia's largest trade union marched on La Paz over the closure of the country's largest state-run textile company, criticising Morales for heading a "neoliberal" economic agenda in one of Latin America's poorest countries. The marches and strikes come just weeks after 800 people were laid off when President Evo Morales closed the Enatex national textile company earlier this month. Protesters fear other state companies will start laying off workers. For example the company Siderurgica del Mutun, the largest iron reserve in the world, is on strike due to unemployment. South America's once dominant populist leftist bloc, which has lost steam as voters have tired of cronyism, and tumbling commodities prices have provided less income to fuel government spending. In recent months, Morales' popularity has been damaged by revelations that a company that employs an ex-girlfriend had won lucrative government contracts. The problem was compounded when photos emerged showing the couple together last year, although he had said the relationship ended in 2007. In February, Morales acknowledged defeat in a referendum that would have cleared the way for him to run for a fourth term in 2019. Morales was the first indigenous Bolivian to be voted into the country's presidency in 2006 on a ticket to cut poverty and raise living standards. Shortly after coming into power he garnered widespread support from working class voters after nationalising oil and gas sectors of the economy. But fast forward a decade, Morales' traditional supporter base now accuse their leader of stabbing them in the back. Joining the union workers are disabled citizens who have been protesting for months for an increase in state benefits but with little progress. (Reuters)

At least 50 arrested and dozens injured as clashes erupt at start of 72-hour strike in Bolivia

The Rio Olympic velodrome, the latest-running major venue for the August Games, was declared ready on Sunday for action, without actually being finished. 
 
It is just 40 days until the first Olympics in South America gets underway and there had been growing fears about slow progress at the velodrome, where the cycling will take place. 
 
&quot;It&#39;s still missing some details, but the velodrome is in condition to be used. We have overcome one of the biggest challenges of the Olympics,&quot; said Eduardo Paes, mayor of Rio. 
 
Temporary stands are yet to be completed and colourful sheets were thrown over to cover some unfinished parts, said an AFP photographer at the inauguration, where cyclists whizzed around the track as part of testing. 
 
Parts of the outside of the velodrome, which was supposed to have been ready in late 2015, also need more work before the Games launch on August 5. Rio organisers say that the rest of the Olympic infrastructure is virtually done. 
 
Paes blames construction company Tecnosolo for the delay. Tecnosolo, which in turn pointed the finger at city hall, are facing a winding-up order and were replaced on the project by a sub-contractor. 
 
Officials say that the next few weeks before the Games will be used to polish off the velodrome, where pre-Olympics test events in April-May had to be postponed because of the slow progress. 
 
(AFP)&nbsp; 
 
 
 
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Temporary stands, however, are yet to be completed and colourful sheets were thrown over to cover some unfinished parts

The Rio Olympic velodrome, the latest-running major venue for the August Games, was declared ready on Sunday for action, without actually being finished. It is just 40 days until the first Olympics in South America gets underway and there had been growing fears about slow progress at the velodrome, where the cycling will take place. "It's still missing some details, but the velodrome is in condition to be used. We have overcome one of the biggest challenges of the Olympics," said Eduardo Paes, mayor of Rio. Temporary stands are yet to be completed and colourful sheets were thrown over to cover some unfinished parts, said an AFP photographer at the inauguration, where cyclists whizzed around the track as part of testing. Parts of the outside of the velodrome, which was supposed to have been ready in late 2015, also need more work before the Games launch on August 5. Rio organisers say that the rest of the Olympic infrastructure is virtually done. Paes blames construction company Tecnosolo for the delay. Tecnosolo, which in turn pointed the finger at city hall, are facing a winding-up order and were replaced on the project by a sub-contractor. Officials say that the next few weeks before the Games will be used to polish off the velodrome, where pre-Olympics test events in April-May had to be postponed because of the slow progress. (AFP)

'Unfinished' Rio Olympic velodrome declared ready ahead of August games

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