WASHINGTON - For decades, the United States enjoyed a positive image in much of the world. No longer. Nothing highlights the sharp change in perceptions than a global survey that showed more positive views of China and Russia than America.&nbsp;The survey is an annual exercise commissioned by the Alliance of Democracies Foundation, a watchdog group based in Denmark. Its findings were based &nbsp;on polling of more than 94,000 respondents in 85 countries. It is said to be the largest survey of its kind.&nbsp;It was published on May 8 ahead of a Summit on Democracy in Copenhagen next week. Of the countries surveyed, 82 held negative views of the United States.Also read | <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/missiles-and-deals-at-the-same-time-us-iran-war-and-peace-dichotomy-explained-through-history-1778225338623">Missiles and deals at the same time? US-Iran war and peace dichotomy explained through history</a>&nbsp;The results underscore Washington’s disdain of what political scientists call “soft power,” a term coined in the mid-1980s by the late Harvard professor Joseph Nye. His last essay on the subject, published shortly after his death in June 2025, argued that U.S. foreign policy was doomed if America continued to turn its back on soft power.&nbsp;The term defines the ability of a country to influence others by attraction and persuasion rather than coercion, force, or payments .Soft power covers the cultural appeal conveyed by, for example, movies, music and lifestyles. (During the Cold War between the U.S. and the Soviet Union, American-made blue jeans were prized possessions, soft power tools in a way.)&nbsp;“The fast decline of the United States’ perception around the world is saddening but not shocking,” former NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen told reporters when he presented the survey results.&nbsp;He added: “U.S. foreign policy over the past 18 months has, among other things, called into question the transatlantic relationship, imposed widespread tariffs, and threatened to invade a NATO ally’s territory,” a reference to U.S. President Donald Trump’s repeatedly stated intention to take control of Greenland.Also read | <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/trump-dismisses-iranian-attack-on-three-us-warships-as-a-trifle-insists-ceasefire-still-in-place-1778205065513">Trump dismisses Iranian attack on three US warships in Strait of Hormuz as 'a trifle,' insists ceasefire still in place</a>&nbsp;Add the painful economic impact resulting from the war on Iran Trump launched on February 28, and it is easy to understand why Rasmussen said the unprecedented decline of &nbsp;views of America was “not shocking.”&nbsp;Iran responded to devastating waves of air and missile strikes on 13,000 targets, from military installations to suspected nuclear facilities, by closing the Strait of Hormuz, the narrow waterway which carries twenty percent of the world’s oil, gas &nbsp;and fertilisers. &nbsp;The initial attack killed Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and most of his senior aides. &nbsp;&nbsp;The war is now in its third month and indirect negotiations, brokered by Pakistan, have not been successful. The U.S. is clearly not as skilled in diplomacy and negotiations as it is in using its overwhelming military might.&nbsp;Soft power has been a topic of concern among the foreign policy community for years but it has taken on urgency since the Donald Trump’s first term in office from 2017 to 2021 when he described the European Union as a “foe.” &nbsp;&nbsp;His habit of breaking long-established norms of international relations gathered momentum since he began his second term in January 2025. Now, the expression “soft power suicide” tends to crop up in conversations about where the United States is going.&nbsp;In an insightful essay in Foreign Policy magazine, an influential publication widely read by experts, Stephen Walt, professor of international relations at Harvard, argued that &nbsp;“the United States has given up one of its core international strengths.” &nbsp;&nbsp;Walt noted that one of the most striking features of the Trump administration is its “absolute confidence in America’s hard power.” No other country can match America’s military might or the awe-inspiring skills of special forces that were on display in the operation to abduct the Venezuelan dictator Nicolas Maduro and his wife on January 3.&nbsp;They were flown to New York to face charges of drug smuggling. Maduro was replaced by his deputy, Delcy Rodriguez. She soon made clear she would follow policies acceptable to Trump. The U.S. promptly re-opened its embassy in Caracas.&nbsp;The success of the Maduro raid apparently convinced Trump that killing Iran’s Supreme Leader and almost all of the top leadership would result in a regime that would bend to his will. He was wrong. Ayatollah Khomeini was replaced by his son, Mojtaba Khomeini.&nbsp;He is considered more hardline and inflexible than his father and the prospect of finding an Iranian equivalent of Delcy Rodriguez is remote. &nbsp;&nbsp;Now, Iranian officials say Washington and Tehran are debating a one-page U.S. proposal for the two sides to reopen the Strait of Hormuz and begin a 30-day truce to give time for negotiations on a comprehensive deal to end the war. Iran has yet to respond.&nbsp;Walt’s essay echoed a point shared by many critics of &nbsp;U.S. over-reliance on military power, a historic trend which failed to end in victory in the long wars in Vietnam and Afghanistan.&nbsp;“What’s puzzling is that administration officials don’t recognise what’s happening,” he wrote. “Do they not understand…that treating the use of force as an act to be celebrated is going to make other countries less willing to work with an erratic, vengeful and potentially threatening America?&nbsp;“Haven’t they ever heard the old adage that “you can catch more flies with honey than with vinegar”? &nbsp;&nbsp;It’s no surprise that in the survey by the Alliance of Democracy Foundation, the United States was most frequently named in response to which country posed the greatest threat to the world, after Russia and Israel. &nbsp;&nbsp;DISCLAIMER: The opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of WION.

Soft power has been a topic of concern among the foreign policy community for years but it has taken on urgency since the Donald Trump’s first term in office from 2017 to 2021 when he described the European Union as a “foe.”  

WASHINGTON - For decades, the United States enjoyed a positive image in much of the world. No longer. Nothing highlights the sharp change in perceptions than a global survey that showed more positive views of China and Russia than America. The survey is an annual exercise commissioned by the Alliance of Democracies Foundation, a watchdog group based in Denmark. Its findings were based on polling of more than 94,000 respondents in 85 countries. It is said to be the largest survey of its kind. It was published on May 8 ahead of a Summit on Democracy in Copenhagen next week. Of the countries surveyed, 82 held negative views of the United States. Also read | Missiles and deals at the same time? US-Iran war and peace dichotomy explained through history The results underscore Washington’s disdain of what political scientists call “soft power,” a term coined in the mid-1980s by the late Harvard professor Joseph Nye. His last essay on the subject, published shortly after his death in June 2025, argued that U.S. foreign policy was doomed if America continued to turn its back on soft power. The term defines the ability of a country to influence others by attraction and persuasion rather than coercion, force, or payments .Soft power covers the cultural appeal conveyed by, for example, movies, music and lifestyles. (During the Cold War between the U.S. and the Soviet Union, American-made blue jeans were prized possessions, soft power tools in a way.) “The fast decline of the United States’ perception around the world is saddening but not shocking,” former NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen told reporters when he presented the survey results. He added: “U.S. foreign policy over the past 18 months has, among other things, called into question the transatlantic relationship, imposed widespread tariffs, and threatened to invade a NATO ally’s territory,” a reference to U.S. President Donald Trump’s repeatedly stated intention to take control of Greenland. Also read | Trump dismisses Iranian attack on three US warships in Strait of Hormuz as 'a trifle,' insists ceasefire still in place Add the painful economic impact resulting from the war on Iran Trump launched on February 28, and it is easy to understand why Rasmussen said the unprecedented decline of views of America was “not shocking.” Iran responded to devastating waves of air and missile strikes on 13,000 targets, from military installations to suspected nuclear facilities, by closing the Strait of Hormuz, the narrow waterway which carries twenty percent of the world’s oil, gas and fertilisers. The initial attack killed Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and most of his senior aides. The war is now in its third month and indirect negotiations, brokered by Pakistan, have not been successful. The U.S. is clearly not as skilled in diplomacy and negotiations as it is in using its overwhelming military might. Soft power has been a topic of concern among the foreign policy community for years but it has taken on urgency since the Donald Trump’s first term in office from 2017 to 2021 when he described the European Union as a “foe.” His habit of breaking long-established norms of international relations gathered momentum since he began his second term in January 2025. Now, the expression “soft power suicide” tends to crop up in conversations about where the United States is going. In an insightful essay in Foreign Policy magazine, an influential publication widely read by experts, Stephen Walt, professor of international relations at Harvard, argued that “the United States has given up one of its core international strengths.” Walt noted that one of the most striking features of the Trump administration is its “absolute confidence in America’s hard power.” No other country can match America’s military might or the awe-inspiring skills of special forces that were on display in the operation to abduct the Venezuelan dictator Nicolas Maduro and his wife on January 3. They were flown to New York to face charges of drug smuggling. Maduro was replaced by his deputy, Delcy Rodriguez. She soon made clear she would follow policies acceptable to Trump. The U.S. promptly re-opened its embassy in Caracas. The success of the Maduro raid apparently convinced Trump that killing Iran’s Supreme Leader and almost all of the top leadership would result in a regime that would bend to his will. He was wrong. Ayatollah Khomeini was replaced by his son, Mojtaba Khomeini. He is considered more hardline and inflexible than his father and the prospect of finding an Iranian equivalent of Delcy Rodriguez is remote. Now, Iranian officials say Washington and Tehran are debating a one-page U.S. proposal for the two sides to reopen the Strait of Hormuz and begin a 30-day truce to give time for negotiations on a comprehensive deal to end the war. Iran has yet to respond. Walt’s essay echoed a point shared by many critics of U.S. over-reliance on military power, a historic trend which failed to end in victory in the long wars in Vietnam and Afghanistan. “What’s puzzling is that administration officials don’t recognise what’s happening,” he wrote. “Do they not understand…that treating the use of force as an act to be celebrated is going to make other countries less willing to work with an erratic, vengeful and potentially threatening America? “Haven’t they ever heard the old adage that “you can catch more flies with honey than with vinegar”? It’s no surprise that in the survey by the Alliance of Democracy Foundation, the United States was most frequently named in response to which country posed the greatest threat to the world, after Russia and Israel. DISCLAIMER: The opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of WION.

Soft power has been a topic of concern among the foreign policy community for years but it has taken on urgency since the Donald Trump’s first term in office from 2017 to 2021 when he described the European Union as a “foe.” &nbsp;

Trump 2.0: The world’s military giant is losing the global soft power contest

In the galleries of Delhi’s historic Travancore Palace, Indian Ambassador to Spain and Andorra Jayant N. Khobragade is proving that a paintbrush can be a powerful instrument of diplomacy. His ongoing solo exhibition, Journey with the Divine Flow, curated by Gargi Seth, transforms India’s ancient civilizational wisdom into vibrant canvases, reaching hearts and minds far beyond formal negotiations.&nbsp;“Art is diplomacy, diplomacy is art,” declares the seasoned diplomat and painter, while speaking to WION. A member of the Indian Foreign Service for over 30 years, Khobragade has served in Moscow, Islamabad, Bishkek, and as Ambassador to the Kyrgyz Republic and ASEAN. While steering India’s diplomatic engagements, he has quietly used art to highlight civilizational bridges. Many paintings in the current show, rooted in Indian civilisation, were created during his ASEAN posting.&nbsp;“In fact, many of the paintings in this particular hall, which are connected with the Indian civilization were painted in Indonesia. I was the ambassador of India to ASEAN… I could go to Angkor Wat in Cambodia. I could see temples in Indonesia… It has created a deep impact on me,” he shares. “I have been visiting Ajanta, Ellora and monuments in India. But you know that connection happened, and because of that, I started doing a subject of like, civilizational connect. So I have a painting on Ramayana, and paintings on Buddha. Travel and then assimilation, those things help.”&nbsp;Also Read: <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/g7-vows-all-necessary-steps-to-stabilise-energy-markets-as-crude-oil-surges-to-116-amid-escalating-west-asia-war-1774882203136">G7 vows ‘all necessary steps’ to stabilise energy markets as crude oil surges to $116 amid escalating West Asia war</a>&nbsp;Through these works, Khobragade spreads India’s soft power. One powerful canvas shows Lord Krishna guiding Arjuna on the battlefield, emphasising Karma Yoga, performing one’s duty without attachment to results. Subtle figures of Lord Buddha and Meera Bai symbolise Jnana Yoga (wisdom) and Bhakti Yoga (devotion), presenting India’s multiple paths to spiritual liberation. Other paintings portray Buddha’s life on Vesak full moons, with eight lotuses representing the Noble Eightfold Path amid cosmic imagery.&nbsp;His artistic journey began 35 years ago. This is his 15th solo exhibition, the second in Delhi after a 1997 show at Lalit Kala Akademi inspired by Ghalib’s poetry. Since 1993, he has held 11 major solo exhibitions across Spain, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Indonesia and India.&nbsp;Art, he believes, builds the personal connections essential for effective diplomacy. “I’m able to connect with the people. Like, for example, when I did an exhibition in Kyrgyzstan… then the president’s wife, she came for the inauguration. Then I did an exhibition in Jakarta, and the Minister for Culture and Creative Economy came… It’s very important for ambassadors… You have a vast circle of friends. So in that sense, this has been quite helpful to me.”&nbsp;“I have been doing exhibitions by way of that you also connect with the people,” he adds.In an age of strategic partnerships, Ambassador Khobragade shows how art quietly advances India’s civilizational narrative, turning exhibitions into platforms that celebrate shared heritage, foster goodwill, and strengthen people-to-people bonds from Madrid to Southeast Asia. &nbsp;

Through his works, Khobragade spreads India’s soft power, depicting Lord Krishna guiding Arjuna to illustrate Karma Yoga, while figures of Buddha and Meera Bai represent Jnana and Bhakti Yoga, highlighting diverse paths to spiritual liberation.

In the galleries of Delhi’s historic Travancore Palace, Indian Ambassador to Spain and Andorra Jayant N. Khobragade is proving that a paintbrush can be a powerful instrument of diplomacy. His ongoing solo exhibition, Journey with the Divine Flow, curated by Gargi Seth, transforms India’s ancient civilizational wisdom into vibrant canvases, reaching hearts and minds far beyond formal negotiations. “Art is diplomacy, diplomacy is art,” declares the seasoned diplomat and painter, while speaking to WION. A member of the Indian Foreign Service for over 30 years, Khobragade has served in Moscow, Islamabad, Bishkek, and as Ambassador to the Kyrgyz Republic and ASEAN. While steering India’s diplomatic engagements, he has quietly used art to highlight civilizational bridges. Many paintings in the current show, rooted in Indian civilisation, were created during his ASEAN posting. “In fact, many of the paintings in this particular hall, which are connected with the Indian civilization were painted in Indonesia. I was the ambassador of India to ASEAN… I could go to Angkor Wat in Cambodia. I could see temples in Indonesia… It has created a deep impact on me,” he shares. “I have been visiting Ajanta, Ellora and monuments in India. But you know that connection happened, and because of that, I started doing a subject of like, civilizational connect. So I have a painting on Ramayana, and paintings on Buddha. Travel and then assimilation, those things help.” Also Read: G7 vows ‘all necessary steps’ to stabilise energy markets as crude oil surges to $116 amid escalating West Asia war Through these works, Khobragade spreads India’s soft power. One powerful canvas shows Lord Krishna guiding Arjuna on the battlefield, emphasising Karma Yoga, performing one’s duty without attachment to results. Subtle figures of Lord Buddha and Meera Bai symbolise Jnana Yoga (wisdom) and Bhakti Yoga (devotion), presenting India’s multiple paths to spiritual liberation. Other paintings portray Buddha’s life on Vesak full moons, with eight lotuses representing the Noble Eightfold Path amid cosmic imagery. His artistic journey began 35 years ago. This is his 15th solo exhibition, the second in Delhi after a 1997 show at Lalit Kala Akademi inspired by Ghalib’s poetry. Since 1993, he has held 11 major solo exhibitions across Spain, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Indonesia and India. Art, he believes, builds the personal connections essential for effective diplomacy. “I’m able to connect with the people. Like, for example, when I did an exhibition in Kyrgyzstan… then the president’s wife, she came for the inauguration. Then I did an exhibition in Jakarta, and the Minister for Culture and Creative Economy came… It’s very important for ambassadors… You have a vast circle of friends. So in that sense, this has been quite helpful to me.” “I have been doing exhibitions by way of that you also connect with the people,” he adds.In an age of strategic partnerships, Ambassador Khobragade shows how art quietly advances India’s civilizational narrative, turning exhibitions into platforms that celebrate shared heritage, foster goodwill, and strengthen people-to-people bonds from Madrid to Southeast Asia.

Through his works, Khobragade spreads India’s soft power, depicting Lord Krishna guiding Arjuna to illustrate Karma Yoga, while figures of Buddha and Meera Bai represent Jnana and Bhakti Yoga, highlighting diverse paths to spiritual liberation.

Soft power in strokes: Indian Ambassador Jayant Khobragade's art bridges Ajanta to Angkor Wat

"We are very focused on the fact that we have a large pace of audience who watch us, customers who are prime members, and many who will be as we go forward and we have to entertain and delight them with our content. So, one of the basic things we look at is that we program for the country," said Amazon Prime Video Vice President Gaurav Gandhi.

Global Technology Summit: 'India content is matching up to global level,' says Gaurav Gandhi

In the Global Technology Summit, a panel of dignitaries speak on the topic of local content, how it has become India's soft power, importance of establishing soft power and much more.

Global Technology Summit: Rich heritage, cultural diversity and large diaspora

Indian government is all set to focus on spreading the word of Indian spirituality abroad. For this, the Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR) has started making concerted efforts. &nbsp;&nbsp;

The director general of ICCR Dinesh K Patnaik held meetings with spiritual organisations in the country last week to evolve a strategy. &nbsp;&nbsp;

Speaking to WION, he said, "Spirituality as soft power has not been used by the government. A lot of spiritual organisations in India have centers abroad. The idea is to work with organisations, which are already in the field and government organisations like ministry of Ayush, ICCR, MEA, Ministry of health, etc to work together to share the great treasure we have with rest of the world." &nbsp;

Also Read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/air-pollution-situation-very-serious-in-new-delhi-says-indias-cji-nv-ramana-428954" hreflang="en">Air pollution situation 'very serious’ in New Delhi, says India's CJI NV Ramana</a>

Founded in 1950, ICCR is an autonomous body under the ministry of external affairs. Its main function is to work towards the spread of Indian culture. Last week, ICCR organised a programme for foreign diplomats based in India on spirituality traditions. The programme was a full house. &nbsp;&nbsp;

ICCR DG explained, "ICCR's job is to take Indian culture abroad. Spirituality, yoga, Indic traditions and other traditions of India is a large part of our culture. ICCR is trying to make spirituality and yogic tradition a part of our soft power." &nbsp;

One of the major initiatives to spread Indian tradition was Indian PM Modi's proposal at the United Nations to celebrate June 21 as Yoga Day. He gave the proposal during his first address at the United Nations General Assembly in 2014. &nbsp;&nbsp;

Also Read:&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/indias-bimal-patel-elected-to-uns-international-law-commission-for-5-yr-term-428919" hreflang="en">India's Bimal Patel elected to UN's International Law Commission for 5-yr term</a>

Since then, the celebrations on Yoga Day have grown in size. Indian missions have been engaged in spread of yoga, including yoga certification programmes. &nbsp;&nbsp;

Dinesh Patnaik highlighted, "Spirituality is where mind and matter get&nbsp;together. There are many spiritual organisations, which spread spirituality across the world. Especially at a time like this, our spirituality, our age-old traditions give us a wonderful opportunity to give solace to the world." &nbsp;

Rishikesh is one of the key locations in India, which have seen a lot of foreign visitors. In fact, spirituality is one of the biggest searches on Google.&nbsp;

Indian government is all set to focus on spreading the word of Indian spirituality abroad. For this, the Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR) has started making concerted efforts.

Indian government is all set to focus on spreading the word of Indian spirituality abroad. For this, the Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR) has started making concerted efforts. The director general of ICCR Dinesh K Patnaik held meetings with spiritual organisations in the country last week to evolve a strategy. Speaking to WION, he said, "Spirituality as soft power has not been used by the government. A lot of spiritual organisations in India have centers abroad. The idea is to work with organisations, which are already in the field and government organisations like ministry of Ayush, ICCR, MEA, Ministry of health, etc to work together to share the great treasure we have with rest of the world." Also Read: Air pollution situation 'very serious’ in New Delhi, says India's CJI NV Ramana Founded in 1950, ICCR is an autonomous body under the ministry of external affairs. Its main function is to work towards the spread of Indian culture. Last week, ICCR organised a programme for foreign diplomats based in India on spirituality traditions. The programme was a full house. ICCR DG explained, "ICCR's job is to take Indian culture abroad. Spirituality, yoga, Indic traditions and other traditions of India is a large part of our culture. ICCR is trying to make spirituality and yogic tradition a part of our soft power." One of the major initiatives to spread Indian tradition was Indian PM Modi's proposal at the United Nations to celebrate June 21 as Yoga Day. He gave the proposal during his first address at the United Nations General Assembly in 2014. Also Read: India's Bimal Patel elected to UN's International Law Commission for 5-yr term Since then, the celebrations on Yoga Day have grown in size. Indian missions have been engaged in spread of yoga, including yoga certification programmes. Dinesh Patnaik highlighted, "Spirituality is where mind and matter get together. There are many spiritual organisations, which spread spirituality across the world. Especially at a time like this, our spirituality, our age-old traditions give us a wonderful opportunity to give solace to the world." Rishikesh is one of the key locations in India, which have seen a lot of foreign visitors. In fact, spirituality is one of the biggest searches on Google.

Indian government's ICCR working to spread 'spirituality as soft power'

It’s Christmas time. If world leaders play secret Santa, here’s the gift that should go to the Chinese— a copy of Dale Carnegie’s all time bestseller — How to Win Friends And Influence people.

It’s Christmas time. If world leaders play secret Santa, here’s the gift that should go to the Chinese— a copy of Dale Carnegie’s all time bestseller — How to Win Friends And Influence people. Because China is failing miserably at it. It wants to be seen as Santa Claus. It is often perceived as the Grinch. Not for want of trying though. According to one report China spends 10 billion dollars every year to boost its image, its soft power. The return on investment has been sub-optimal, much like the BRI. The Chinese approach is cultural. They even have a word for it. Huairou. Meaning "pacifying and winning the hearts of foreigners through tributary trade.” They always come bearing gifts. But no amount of spending has been able to erase the suspicion in the minds of the recepients. The figures are telling. China has pledged to invest 1.3 trillion dollars in the BRI as part of Xi Jinping’s vision of collective prosperity. Many countries have witnessed rapid infrastructure growth. Beijing claims to have generated 300,000 jobs for locals. Yet the optimism over development is giving way to concern. Most of these countries have failed to safeguard themselves against the trap of Chinese debt. Chinese investment is becoming a serious political and electoral issue in countries which have signed up for this modern Silk Route. Not just brick and mortar, China is working on minds too. Billions of dollars have been spent on setting up Confucius institutes the world over. These provide courses in Mandarin language, calligraphy, even cooking. More than 500 such institutes are funded by the Chinese Ministry of Education. And yet China hasn’t been able to burnish its image. These cultural outposts have only attracted controversy. Which brings us to the media. China is betting big on international media. From the Global Times to CGTN, state funded networks are churning out Chinese propaganda in six languages including English, French, Russian and Spanish with offices in 70 countries. The state run Xinhua news agency plans to have 200 foreign bureaus by 2020. China Radio International airs close to 400 hours of programming every day in more than 3 dozen languages. Now Chinese bureaucrats have taken Twitter by storm, trolling world leaders in their language and style. The Chinese film industry is racing Hollywood — America’s unofficial but most effective propaganda machine. China has even enlisted pandas in the noble cause of fixing the national narrative. They’re used as temporary “gifts” to special friends in the Chinese checkers of foreign policy. It’s been a long, sustained drive. More than two decades in the making, but first spoken about only in 2007. At the 17th Party Congress, President Hu Jintao linked “the rejuvenation of China with the country’s ability to project soft power.” Seven years later, in 2014, Xi Jinping said, “we should increase China’s soft power, give a good Chinese narrative and better communicate China’s message to the world.” And yet, the struggle to project China in better light continues. Xinjiang and Hong Kong don’t help. Neither do the dwindling economies of countries buried under Chinese debt. But the problem is deeper. Civil society is not free in China. Public participation means the public backing government initiatives without questioning the outcomes. Free trade means giving China free access to your markets while being blocked from the Chinese market. Income inequality is massive. Environmental pollution remains a blot. The government’s claims of corrective measures cannot be independently verified, you have to take their word for it. China’s position on the Favourability Index in most countries remains appallingly low when viewed against the investment it makes there. The lack of sincere political reform, a repressive regime and arbitrary regulations to strengthen the cult of the President do not cover China in glory. Soft power comes with co-opting, not coercing. You shape preferences through collective good, not cheque-book diplomacy. America, for all its high-handedness and self-serving foreign policy, remains a country where institutions are strong, where the President can be put in the dock, every day. If China wants to replace America as a global leader and wield soft power, it will have to shed some of its selfishness and prove its credentials as a country that can genuinely and transparently benefit others. Money can only buy you silence, not respect. If China continues to want Sabka Saath and Apna Vikas, it will never earn Sabka Vishwas. (Views expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

China's failed quest for soft power 

A few days ago, the Pravasi Bharatiya Sammelan held in Varanasi came to a grand close. From various accounts, it was a major success and is viewed as a fitting display of India’s soft power. A more formidable demonstration of soft power happened in 2015 when the United Nations, at New Delhi’s prodding, adopted June 21 as the International Yoga Day.&nbsp;

While soft power, as well as hard power, is driven by the political leadership of the day, the sustenance and credibility of such power depend largely on the strength of a nation’s international diplomacy.

In our case, it’s the Indian Foreign Service (IFS) ecosystem which shoulders that responsibility. Over the decades since independence, the IFS has given us brilliant officers who have effectively presented India’s stand before the world community, not just when the country spoke from a position of strength but also when it had to defend itself in times of grave challenges — global sanctions following India’s conduct of nuclear tests in 1998 is one such instance. But this must not lead us to presume that our international diplomacy infrastructure, which is responsible for furthering the country’s foreign policy, is at its best.

Several experts have commented on the subject, but most recently it is former Deputy National Security Advisor and retired IFS officer Arvind Gupta, who has flagged the matter. In his book, "How India Manages its National Security", Gupta has raised pointed issues which need urgent course-correction. His credentials to comment on the issue are impeccable, and his views need serious consideration. Here are some of the concerns.

In terms of both size and global outreach, Russia and the United States of America are key players. Russia has over 10,000 diplomats — roughly 3,000 are based in Moscow alone. The US has more than 11,000 members in its diplomatic service, whereas the other big country, China, has approximately 7,500 diplomats.&nbsp;

Where does India stand? According to the book, the number stands at a low of about 1,200. An article in Bloomberg has pegged the number at an even lower 940. This does not gel with the country’s global ambition.&nbsp;

It’s true that efforts have been made in recent years to bolster this pathetic number, but the new recruits will take time to gain expertise. And this where the second concern lies. As Gupta points out in his book, the scarcity has compelled the Ministry of External Affairs to absorb officials from other ministries and agencies on deputation to meet the workload. The limitations that this brings on the table are obvious.

A key element of India’s soft power derives from the country’s rich civilisational history — cultural diversity, heritage and language. Here, Gupta points out that our diplomats, “exposed to global influences, are often unaware of and not sufficiently trained in the Indian ethos”. One does not need to be an expert to understand that such a deficiency is hitting at the very foundation on which India’s soft power rests.

There is also the issue of area and domain specialisation, which in the author’s words, “are the twin pillars that support effective diplomacy”. While random efforts are made to acclimatise the IFS officers in these aspects, there hasn’t been, according to Gupta, “a conscious policy of developing are expertise among diplomats”. The result is that after a few years, even those officials who have gained some expertise, tend to lose touch with their core strength — such as, for example, proficiency in a foreign language which they may have acquired.

The External Affairs Ministry has several territorial divisions which are mandated to handle bilateral relations. Given that New Delhi has over the years not just reached out to many countries but also built solid relationships based on mutual interests and shared concerns, one would expect the territorial divisions to be fully equipped to meet the challenge. But again these divisions are considerably understaffed and overloaded with work. The fallout is a drop in efficiency to nimbly respond to global developments. “This weakness affects the overall diplomatic effort of the country”, says the book.

The expansion of our diplomatic corps, in both numbers and reach, needs money. India has 184 missions and posts abroad, and they cannot be run on a diet of pragmatic idealism; finances are required. Funds are also needed to meet the obligations that India has vowed to many countries for their development. If that is impacted due to the paucity of money, the country’s diplomacy suffers loss of face. Given the ambitious scale on which New Delhi has been pursuing its global outreach, one would expect the Union Budget to set aside an acceptable allocation for the External Affairs Ministry. But look at what a 2017 report of the Standing Committee of Parliament had to say: “While analysing the budgetary allocations made for the MEA during 2015-16, the Committee had found that the Ministry had sought an allocation of Rs 22,967.01 crore… against which the actual allocation made at the Budget Estimate stage was only Rs 14,966.83 crore.” The panel went on to say that despite an intervention made by the External Affairs Minister, “the situation could not be improved”.

Arvind Gupta offers an interesting to enhance coordination among the various diplomatic efforts. He states that “coordination among the MEA and other agencies involved… is where Indian diplomacy hits a weak spot”. He laments the frequent turf wars, and suggests a structure that would not just coordinate diplomatic efforts with the various agencies involved, keeping national security in mind, but also have teeth — meaning, it must go beyond being an advisory body.

It’s now too late for the incumbent regime at the Centre to undertake a revamp and reform of the country’s diplomatic infrastructure. Will the next government bite the bullet?

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)&nbsp;

A few days ago, the Pravasi Bharatiya Sammelan held in Varanasi came to a grand close. From various accounts, it was a major success and is viewed as a fitting display of India’s soft power.

A few days ago, the Pravasi Bharatiya Sammelan held in Varanasi came to a grand close. From various accounts, it was a major success and is viewed as a fitting display of India’s soft power. A more formidable demonstration of soft power happened in 2015 when the United Nations, at New Delhi’s prodding, adopted June 21 as the International Yoga Day. While soft power, as well as hard power, is driven by the political leadership of the day, the sustenance and credibility of such power depend largely on the strength of a nation’s international diplomacy. In our case, it’s the Indian Foreign Service (IFS) ecosystem which shoulders that responsibility. Over the decades since independence, the IFS has given us brilliant officers who have effectively presented India’s stand before the world community, not just when the country spoke from a position of strength but also when it had to defend itself in times of grave challenges — global sanctions following India’s conduct of nuclear tests in 1998 is one such instance. But this must not lead us to presume that our international diplomacy infrastructure, which is responsible for furthering the country’s foreign policy, is at its best. Several experts have commented on the subject, but most recently it is former Deputy National Security Advisor and retired IFS officer Arvind Gupta, who has flagged the matter. In his book, "How India Manages its National Security", Gupta has raised pointed issues which need urgent course-correction. His credentials to comment on the issue are impeccable, and his views need serious consideration. Here are some of the concerns. In terms of both size and global outreach, Russia and the United States of America are key players. Russia has over 10,000 diplomats — roughly 3,000 are based in Moscow alone. The US has more than 11,000 members in its diplomatic service, whereas the other big country, China, has approximately 7,500 diplomats. Where does India stand? According to the book, the number stands at a low of about 1,200. An article in Bloomberg has pegged the number at an even lower 940. This does not gel with the country’s global ambition. It’s true that efforts have been made in recent years to bolster this pathetic number, but the new recruits will take time to gain expertise. And this where the second concern lies. As Gupta points out in his book, the scarcity has compelled the Ministry of External Affairs to absorb officials from other ministries and agencies on deputation to meet the workload. The limitations that this brings on the table are obvious. A key element of India’s soft power derives from the country’s rich civilisational history — cultural diversity, heritage and language. Here, Gupta points out that our diplomats, “exposed to global influences, are often unaware of and not sufficiently trained in the Indian ethos”. One does not need to be an expert to understand that such a deficiency is hitting at the very foundation on which India’s soft power rests. There is also the issue of area and domain specialisation, which in the author’s words, “are the twin pillars that support effective diplomacy”. While random efforts are made to acclimatise the IFS officers in these aspects, there hasn’t been, according to Gupta, “a conscious policy of developing are expertise among diplomats”. The result is that after a few years, even those officials who have gained some expertise, tend to lose touch with their core strength — such as, for example, proficiency in a foreign language which they may have acquired. The External Affairs Ministry has several territorial divisions which are mandated to handle bilateral relations. Given that New Delhi has over the years not just reached out to many countries but also built solid relationships based on mutual interests and shared concerns, one would expect the territorial divisions to be fully equipped to meet the challenge. But again these divisions are considerably understaffed and overloaded with work. The fallout is a drop in efficiency to nimbly respond to global developments. “This weakness affects the overall diplomatic effort of the country”, says the book. The expansion of our diplomatic corps, in both numbers and reach, needs money. India has 184 missions and posts abroad, and they cannot be run on a diet of pragmatic idealism; finances are required. Funds are also needed to meet the obligations that India has vowed to many countries for their development. If that is impacted due to the paucity of money, the country’s diplomacy suffers loss of face. Given the ambitious scale on which New Delhi has been pursuing its global outreach, one would expect the Union Budget to set aside an acceptable allocation for the External Affairs Ministry. But look at what a 2017 report of the Standing Committee of Parliament had to say: “While analysing the budgetary allocations made for the MEA during 2015-16, the Committee had found that the Ministry had sought an allocation of Rs 22,967.01 crore… against which the actual allocation made at the Budget Estimate stage was only Rs 14,966.83 crore.” The panel went on to say that despite an intervention made by the External Affairs Minister, “the situation could not be improved”. Arvind Gupta offers an interesting to enhance coordination among the various diplomatic efforts. He states that “coordination among the MEA and other agencies involved… is where Indian diplomacy hits a weak spot”. He laments the frequent turf wars, and suggests a structure that would not just coordinate diplomatic efforts with the various agencies involved, keeping national security in mind, but also have teeth — meaning, it must go beyond being an advisory body. It’s now too late for the incumbent regime at the Centre to undertake a revamp and reform of the country’s diplomatic infrastructure. Will the next government bite the bullet? (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Scarcity of diplomats at Centre affects India's global outreach

Stating that Ayurveda is the "soft power" of India, RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat Sunday underlined the need to explain the ancient system of medicine through the latest methodology.

He also said the study of Ayurveda and its application be made more relevant in tune with the modern research methodology.

Speaking as the chief guest at a programme, Bhagwat emphasised the need to take Ayurveda to the maximum number of people.

"Various methodologies are prevalent in medical treatment today. Earlier, people used to rely on direct experience. But now there is a system in place wherein documentation is done and research is conducted. There is a research methodology....a system of methodology has to be approved, which should be pursued by the practitioners of Ayurveda," said the RSS chief.

Acknowledging efforts being made in this regard, Bhagwat demanded that the pace is increased.

"There is a need to make the study of Ayurveda and its application more relevant as per the research methodology prevalent in the present system," he said.

Bhagwat said, "A common medical practitioner keeps records of his observations and experience, and writes papers on them. These papers are then published in (science) journals, on the basis of which experiments are conducted. Good record keeping of Ayurveda is the need of the hour".

He said an Ayurveda practitioner, apart from knowing the ancient science in detail, must also be aware of current trends.

"Ayurveda is the soft power of our country. The world is moving towards wellness than treatment. The world is talking about wellness which is already present in our culture. Ayurveda itself is about wellness," he said.

Stating that Ayurveda is the "soft power" of India, RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat Sunday underlined the need to explain the ancient system of medicine through the latest methodology.

Stating that Ayurveda is the "soft power" of India, RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat Sunday underlined the need to explain the ancient system of medicine through the latest methodology. He also said the study of Ayurveda and its application be made more relevant in tune with the modern research methodology. Speaking as the chief guest at a programme, Bhagwat emphasised the need to take Ayurveda to the maximum number of people. "Various methodologies are prevalent in medical treatment today. Earlier, people used to rely on direct experience. But now there is a system in place wherein documentation is done and research is conducted. There is a research methodology....a system of methodology has to be approved, which should be pursued by the practitioners of Ayurveda," said the RSS chief. Acknowledging efforts being made in this regard, Bhagwat demanded that the pace is increased. "There is a need to make the study of Ayurveda and its application more relevant as per the research methodology prevalent in the present system," he said. Bhagwat said, "A common medical practitioner keeps records of his observations and experience, and writes papers on them. These papers are then published in (science) journals, on the basis of which experiments are conducted. Good record keeping of Ayurveda is the need of the hour". He said an Ayurveda practitioner, apart from knowing the ancient science in detail, must also be aware of current trends. "Ayurveda is the soft power of our country. The world is moving towards wellness than treatment. The world is talking about wellness which is already present in our culture. Ayurveda itself is about wellness," he said.

Ayurveda is the 'soft power' of India, says RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat

Indian diplomacy is often seen as a balance between its hard power and soft power, and this balance drives New Delhi&rsquo;s &lsquo;great power&rsquo; ambitions. The traditional view of a &lsquo;great power&rsquo; is often associated with hard power and includes economic and military clout that countries leverage in order to influence the international order. The concept of &lsquo;soft power&rsquo;, pioneered by Harvard Professor Joseph Nye, is associated with the power to attract and co-opt as a means of influence.

India has plenty to leverage when it comes to soft power - from yoga and Ayurveda to democratic institutions and its rich history and culture &ndash; but there is definitely something it can learn from China.

China&rsquo;s &lsquo;soft power&rsquo; projections are more often than not, driven by centralised government schemes and conscious efforts of promotion of its culture and society to the world &ndash; be it rapidly spreading Confucius Institutes or extravagant displays of its ancient culture, likes of which the world witnessed during 2008 summer Olympics in Beijing. Unlike China, India&rsquo;s &lsquo;attractiveness&rsquo; to the world has grown organically, with little or no strategic government initiatives.

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<h5>To understand China&rsquo;s soft power experiment one should look at its enhanced focus on higher education reforms and projections.</h5>
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However, we have witnessed some of New Delhi&rsquo;s conscious efforts with yoga at heart of it; but it&rsquo;s only on a limited scale. On the contrary, to understand China&rsquo;s soft power experiment one should look at its enhanced focus on higher education reforms and projections. No small parts of China&rsquo;s &lsquo;soft power&rsquo; strategies are its elite scholarship programs, such as Schwarzman Scholars at Tsinghua University and Yenching Academy at Peking University. Modeled after Oxford&rsquo;s prestigious Rhodes scholarships, these scholarships are designed to educate and influence future leaders of the world.

These scholarships are attracting the best and brightest graduates from across the world, many of whom have graduated from Harvard, Oxford and Cambridge and other top-ranked universities. With the full support of Chinese government and policymakers, these fully funded scholarships are backed by huge endowments and donations. For instance, American billionaire and Chairman of private equity firm Blackstone Group, Stephen Schwarzman have donated 100 million USD.

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<h5>The trend is indicative of the fact that &lsquo;higher education&rsquo; and &lsquo;quality education&rsquo; no longer remain the monopoly of the global north and there is scope for universities and institutes from developing world to compete for the best and brightest minds.</h5>
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<div class="share-blockquote"><a class="twitter popup" href="http://twitter.com/intent/tweet?text=The trend is indicative of the fact that ?higher education? and ?quality education? no longer remain the monopoly of the global north and there is scope for universities and institutes from developing world to compete for the best and brightest minds." target="_blank">&nbsp;</a></div>
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The attraction towards these scholarships is representative of China&rsquo;s constantly growing global influence and shifting international order. The specially designed curriculum of these programs is an effective &lsquo;soft power&rsquo; tool deployed by Beijing, as they allow &lsquo;future leaders&rsquo; to explore China&rsquo;s ancient culture and traditions, its politics and its role and aspirations in the 21st century.

The trend is indicative of the fact that &lsquo;higher education&rsquo; and &lsquo;quality education&rsquo; no longer remain the monopoly of the global north and there is scope for universities and institutes from developing world to compete for the best and brightest minds. But it&rsquo;s a long road ahead for India until we focus on our quality of research. India&rsquo;s highest-ranked institution Indian Institute of Sciences (IISc) is not even in the top 250, as per world university rankings by Times Higher Education (THE), while China&rsquo;s Peking and Tsinghua were ranked 27th and 30th respectively and had seven representations in Top 200 of 2018 rankings. Quality of research and teaching are the key areas where Indian institutions continue lacking.

Creation of such elite scholarship/fellowship programs could also be utilised by New Delhi as an instrument of diplomacy; the way Britain and America have done in the 20th century and China has started doing. In the past, Indian corporates and individuals have endowed such funds and scholarships allowing Indians to study abroad &ndash; and now is the time when India should attract &lsquo;future leaders&rsquo; and let them explore India&rsquo;s rich culture and heritage and more importantly understand India&rsquo;s role in global affairs. Such an investment could prove to be highly successful in attracting people to the world&rsquo;s largest democracy.

(Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity).

Creation of such elite scholarship/fellowship programs could be utilised by New Delhi as an instrument of diplomacy; the way Britain and America have done in the 20th century and China has started doing

Indian diplomacy is often seen as a balance between its hard power and soft power, and this balance drives New Delhi’s ‘great power’ ambitions. The traditional view of a ‘great power’ is often associated with hard power and includes economic and military clout that countries leverage in order to influence the international order. The concept of ‘soft power’, pioneered by Harvard Professor Joseph Nye, is associated with the power to attract and co-opt as a means of influence. India has plenty to leverage when it comes to soft power - from yoga and Ayurveda to democratic institutions and its rich history and culture – but there is definitely something it can learn from China. China’s ‘soft power’ projections are more often than not, driven by centralised government schemes and conscious efforts of promotion of its culture and society to the world – be it rapidly spreading Confucius Institutes or extravagant displays of its ancient culture, likes of which the world witnessed during 2008 summer Olympics in Beijing. Unlike China, India’s ‘attractiveness’ to the world has grown organically, with little or no strategic government initiatives. To understand China’s soft power experiment one should look at its enhanced focus on higher education reforms and projections. × However, we have witnessed some of New Delhi’s conscious efforts with yoga at heart of it; but it’s only on a limited scale. On the contrary, to understand China’s soft power experiment one should look at its enhanced focus on higher education reforms and projections. No small parts of China’s ‘soft power’ strategies are its elite scholarship programs, such as Schwarzman Scholars at Tsinghua University and Yenching Academy at Peking University. Modeled after Oxford’s prestigious Rhodes scholarships, these scholarships are designed to educate and influence future leaders of the world. These scholarships are attracting the best and brightest graduates from across the world, many of whom have graduated from Harvard, Oxford and Cambridge and other top-ranked universities. With the full support of Chinese government and policymakers, these fully funded scholarships are backed by huge endowments and donations. For instance, American billionaire and Chairman of private equity firm Blackstone Group, Stephen Schwarzman have donated 100 million USD. The trend is indicative of the fact that ‘higher education’ and ‘quality education’ no longer remain the monopoly of the global north and there is scope for universities and institutes from developing world to compete for the best and brightest minds. × The attraction towards these scholarships is representative of China’s constantly growing global influence and shifting international order. The specially designed curriculum of these programs is an effective ‘soft power’ tool deployed by Beijing, as they allow ‘future leaders’ to explore China’s ancient culture and traditions, its politics and its role and aspirations in the 21st century. The trend is indicative of the fact that ‘higher education’ and ‘quality education’ no longer remain the monopoly of the global north and there is scope for universities and institutes from developing world to compete for the best and brightest minds. But it’s a long road ahead for India until we focus on our quality of research. India’s highest-ranked institution Indian Institute of Sciences (IISc) is not even in the top 250, as per world university rankings by Times Higher Education (THE), while China’s Peking and Tsinghua were ranked 27th and 30th respectively and had seven representations in Top 200 of 2018 rankings. Quality of research and teaching are the key areas where Indian institutions continue lacking. Creation of such elite scholarship/fellowship programs could also be utilised by New Delhi as an instrument of diplomacy; the way Britain and America have done in the 20th century and China has started doing. In the past, Indian corporates and individuals have endowed such funds and scholarships allowing Indians to study abroad – and now is the time when India should attract ‘future leaders’ and let them explore India’s rich culture and heritage and more importantly understand India’s role in global affairs. Such an investment could prove to be highly successful in attracting people to the world’s largest democracy. (Disclaimer: The author writes here in a personal capacity).

Opinion: China excels in soft power diplomacy; India doesn't

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