Russia and China got into a diplomatic spat after the Russian embassy officials posted a video on China's Weibo of a party to celebrate the 160th anniversary of the founding of Vladivostok.

<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/i-bade-my-city-farewell-hong-kong-activist-nathan-law-flees-to-undisclosed-location-310357">Also Read:&nbsp;I bade my city farewell: Hong Kong activist Nathan Law flees to undisclosed location</a>

Chinese officials including Internet users leapt on the video and slammed Russia asserting that Vladivostok used to be part of China which was apparently Qing’s Manchurian homeland but was annexed during the Tsar era in 1860 after China's defeat in the second opium war.

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false">
<div class="twitter-block" draggable="false">
<blockquote class="twitter-tweet">
This “tweet” of <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/Russian?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Russian</a> embassy to <a href="https://twitter.com/hashtag/China?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#China</a> isn’t so welcome on Weibo 
“The history of Vladivostok (literally 'Ruler of the East') is from 1860 when Russia built a military harbor.” But the city was Haishenwai as Chinese land, before Russia annexed it via unequal Treaty of Beijing. <a href="https://t.co/ZmEWwOoDaA">pic.twitter.com/ZmEWwOoDaA</a>
— Shen Shiwei沈诗伟 (@shen_shiwei) <a href="https://twitter.com/shen_shiwei/status/1278599157305847808?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">July 2, 2020</a></blockquote>
<script async src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script></div>
<a class="close-mark close-div" href="#" id="jqclosemark">×</a></div>

The backlash comes as China faces renewed protests in Hong Kong after it implemented the national security law leading to large scale protests in the city.

Hong Kong activist Nathan Law fled the city to an undisclosed country as several protesters were arrested. UK and Australia had earlier moved to offer Hong Kongers to stay in their country as China implemented the security law.

UK foreign secretary Dominic Raab said Britain had a duty to care of residents of a colony it handed back to China in 1997 as China threatned countermeasures.

In the United States, Senators moved a proposal giving Hong Kong protesters fast-track to refugee status, a move which was criticised by China.

Amid the protests, China appointed Zheng Yanxiong, 56, to head the controversial national security agency. Yanxiong's office will monitor intelligence related to national security and in some cases he could hand Hong Kong citizens to mainland authorities.

China has also been involved in border clashes at Galwan Valley along the Line of Control(LAC) with Indian soldiers for several weeks.

Twenty Indian soldiers were killed on June 15-16 at Galwan during a clash with Chinese troops, although China hasn't revealed its casualty figures, however,&nbsp;state-run Global Times had said PLA had suffered casualties during the clash. 
&nbsp;

Russia and China got into a diplomatic spat after the Russian embassy officials posted a video on China's Weibo of a party to celebrate the 160th anniversary of the founding of Vladivostok.

Russia and China got into a diplomatic spat after the Russian embassy officials posted a video on China's Weibo of a party to celebrate the 160th anniversary of the founding of Vladivostok. Also Read: I bade my city farewell: Hong Kong activist Nathan Law flees to undisclosed location Chinese officials including Internet users leapt on the video and slammed Russia asserting that Vladivostok used to be part of China which was apparently Qing’s Manchurian homeland but was annexed during the Tsar era in 1860 after China's defeat in the second opium war. This “tweet” of #Russian embassy to #China isn’t so welcome on Weibo “The history of Vladivostok (literally 'Ruler of the East') is from 1860 when Russia built a military harbor.” But the city was Haishenwai as Chinese land, before Russia annexed it via unequal Treaty of Beijing. pic.twitter.com/ZmEWwOoDaA — Shen Shiwei沈诗伟 (@shen_shiwei) July 2, 2020 × The backlash comes as China faces renewed protests in Hong Kong after it implemented the national security law leading to large scale protests in the city. Hong Kong activist Nathan Law fled the city to an undisclosed country as several protesters were arrested. UK and Australia had earlier moved to offer Hong Kongers to stay in their country as China implemented the security law. UK foreign secretary Dominic Raab said Britain had a duty to care of residents of a colony it handed back to China in 1997 as China threatned countermeasures. In the United States, Senators moved a proposal giving Hong Kong protesters fast-track to refugee status, a move which was criticised by China. Amid the protests, China appointed Zheng Yanxiong, 56, to head the controversial national security agency. Yanxiong's office will monitor intelligence related to national security and in some cases he could hand Hong Kong citizens to mainland authorities. China has also been involved in border clashes at Galwan Valley along the Line of Control(LAC) with Indian soldiers for several weeks. Twenty Indian soldiers were killed on June 15-16 at Galwan during a clash with Chinese troops, although China hasn't revealed its casualty figures, however, state-run Global Times had said PLA had suffered casualties during the clash.

Now, Russia faces China's ire over Vladivostok founding day celebrations

Sergei Lavrov, the foreign minister of Russia, recently delivered an address in Delhi. Lavrov is arguably the second most powerful politician in Russia.&nbsp;

He ended his speech with the line - "India and Russia share a special privileged strategic partnership. I hope that our Indian friends will be promoting the same ideology'.

In response, India's external affairs minister S Jaishankar called the India-Russia relationship - 'steady' and 'sustained by strong sentiment'.

These words make it clear that the old friendship, sometimes described as adrift, still remains strong.

So how does India see the shakeup in Russia? How does India see&nbsp;Vladimir Putin's attempt to remain in power and what does it mean for the relationship?

India has a remarkable history of democracy. Will that reputation be hurt by siding with leaders with authoritarian streaks? And what about China - the only thorn in India-Russia ties?

WATCH - on the Wion edit, we will discuss all of these questions.

<div class="ui-state-default" contenteditable="false">
<div class="twitter-block" draggable="false">
<div class="videoWrapper trancodeVideo"><iframe allowfullscreen="" autoplay="1" class="includeVideo" frameborder="0" height="350" src="https://www.wionews.com/videos/wion-edit-is-china-the-only-thorn-in-india-russia-ties-274754/embed" style="width:100%;max-width:560px;" width="560"></iframe></div>
</div>
<a class="close-mark close-div" href="#" id="jqclosemark">×</a></div>

Putin is poised to stay in power for a long time. This change is being done in-line with the democratic traditions of Russia and the move should bring some stability in Russia and that is good news for India.

If Putin wields absolute power, he threatens Russia's democracy, but that is something for the Russian people to decide and not India.

The only concern for India in its equation with Russia is China, which&nbsp;has been a traditional, historical and ideological ally of the Kremlin.

Last year, Xi Jinping, the Chinese President even called Putin 'his best and bosom friend'.

In the past, the Russia-China relationship has blown hot and cold, there was a border dispute which ran for many decades. China did not help Russia's efforts to build its might in West Asia.

Given this friction, Russia viewed India as leverage against a rapidly rising China. It even pushed for India's inclusion in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). But a lot has changed since then.

The world saw a financial crisis. Russia annexed Crimea from Ukraine. Russia's economy dwindled. Beijing and Moscow came closer. Financial help from China was a major reason for Russia's recovery from the 2008 crisis.

Since then, Russia and China have expanded their ties. As of 2017, Russia's top export and import destination is China.

China invests ten times more in Russia than Russia invests in China. Last year, Russia even dumped $100 billion from its reserves.&nbsp;Kremlin holds 25 per cent of the total yuan reserves in the world.

In comparison, India and Russia have strong defence ties - 70 per cent of India's defence supplies still come from Russia

Four months ago, during Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to Vladivostok in Russia, Putin insisted on an alliance with China and India.

In fact, he's looking at joint alliances with India, China and Turkey to counter the US influence in the region.

But India and China have their own contradictions - the same for India and Turkey, and hence, New Delhi should see Putin's continuity in office and his growing closeness with China in this perspective too.

By the way, it's unlikely that Putin will have his way without any resistance in Russia.

Eight years ago, when 'Prime Minister' Putin swapped his job with the then-President Dmitry Medvedev, large street protests broke out on the streets of Moscow.

Now, the opposition is more visible and active in Russia than it was in 2012. India has a serious task at hand and it must assert itself in Indo-Pacific and prevent China from disrupting the India-Russia relationship. 
 
(Disclaimer: WION Edit is the channel's take on the big events of the world)&nbsp;

Sergei Lavrov, the foreign minister of Russia, recently delivered an address in Delhi. Lavrov is arguably the second most powerful politician in Russia. He ended his speech with the line - "India and Russia share a special privileged strategic partnership.

Sergei Lavrov, the foreign minister of Russia, recently delivered an address in Delhi. Lavrov is arguably the second most powerful politician in Russia. He ended his speech with the line - "India and Russia share a special privileged strategic partnership. I hope that our Indian friends will be promoting the same ideology'. In response, India's external affairs minister S Jaishankar called the India-Russia relationship - 'steady' and 'sustained by strong sentiment'. These words make it clear that the old friendship, sometimes described as adrift, still remains strong. So how does India see the shakeup in Russia? How does India see Vladimir Putin's attempt to remain in power and what does it mean for the relationship? India has a remarkable history of democracy. Will that reputation be hurt by siding with leaders with authoritarian streaks? And what about China - the only thorn in India-Russia ties? WATCH - on the Wion edit, we will discuss all of these questions. × Putin is poised to stay in power for a long time. This change is being done in-line with the democratic traditions of Russia and the move should bring some stability in Russia and that is good news for India. If Putin wields absolute power, he threatens Russia's democracy, but that is something for the Russian people to decide and not India. The only concern for India in its equation with Russia is China, which has been a traditional, historical and ideological ally of the Kremlin. Last year, Xi Jinping, the Chinese President even called Putin 'his best and bosom friend'. In the past, the Russia-China relationship has blown hot and cold, there was a border dispute which ran for many decades. China did not help Russia's efforts to build its might in West Asia. Given this friction, Russia viewed India as leverage against a rapidly rising China. It even pushed for India's inclusion in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). But a lot has changed since then. The world saw a financial crisis. Russia annexed Crimea from Ukraine. Russia's economy dwindled. Beijing and Moscow came closer. Financial help from China was a major reason for Russia's recovery from the 2008 crisis. Since then, Russia and China have expanded their ties. As of 2017, Russia's top export and import destination is China. China invests ten times more in Russia than Russia invests in China. Last year, Russia even dumped $100 billion from its reserves. Kremlin holds 25 per cent of the total yuan reserves in the world. In comparison, India and Russia have strong defence ties - 70 per cent of India's defence supplies still come from Russia Four months ago, during Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to Vladivostok in Russia, Putin insisted on an alliance with China and India. In fact, he's looking at joint alliances with India, China and Turkey to counter the US influence in the region. But India and China have their own contradictions - the same for India and Turkey, and hence, New Delhi should see Putin's continuity in office and his growing closeness with China in this perspective too. By the way, it's unlikely that Putin will have his way without any resistance in Russia. Eight years ago, when 'Prime Minister' Putin swapped his job with the then-President Dmitry Medvedev, large street protests broke out on the streets of Moscow. Now, the opposition is more visible and active in Russia than it was in 2012. India has a serious task at hand and it must assert itself in Indo-Pacific and prevent China from disrupting the India-Russia relationship. (Disclaimer: WION Edit is the channel's take on the big events of the world)

WION Edit: Is China the only thorn in India-Russia ties?

Chinese President Xi Jinping appears Friday as a guest of honour at Russia's showcase economic forum, as the two neighbours present a united front in the face of shared troubles with the US.

Xi arrived in Moscow on Wednesday for a three-day visit with Vladimir Putin and described the Russian leader as his "best friend" during a cosy meeting at the Kremlin.

To end the trip, Xi and his host will appear at a plenary session of the annual Saint Petersburg International Economic Forum, which Moscow hopes will woo foreign investors despite an uncertain business climate.

Xi is set to present China's ideas on sustainable development and multilateral cooperation, Beijing said ahead of his appearance.&nbsp;

The 2019 forum "will illustrate very clearly just how bi-polar the world has become," said Chris Weafer, a senior partner at the Macro Advisory consulting firm.

"In the same week that President Trump will be having tea with the Queen in London, President Putin will be hosting President Xi in Saint Petersburg."&nbsp;

The trip comes five years after Moscow's annexation of Ukraine's Crimea peninsula led to a serious rift with the West and a move towards Russia's neighbour to the east.

China meanwhile is locked in a trade war with the United States that has seen Washington impose sweeping duties and move to blacklist companies like tech giant Huawei.&nbsp;

Moscow and Beijing's economic ties have grown in recent years, though they remain heavily weighted in favour of China, which dwarfs Russia in economic and demographic terms.

Dozens of deals signed

Xi's visit has already seen the signing of dozens of commercial contracts in e-commerce, telecoms, gas and other areas.

Other deals have been signed at the forum, including one on Friday between Russian and Chinese shipping companies to work together to develop Arctic sea routes.&nbsp;

While this is the Chinese leader's first appearance at the economic forum, where he heads a 1,000-strong delegation, he and Putin have met regularly in recent years.&nbsp;

Ahead of Xi's visit, Kremlin advisor Yury Ushakov described China as "Russia's most important economic partner".&nbsp;

The partnership is yielding increasing trade, which grew by 25 per cent in 2018 to hit a record $108 billion, he said.

At a panel Friday on Russia-China business ties, Russian tycoon Viktor Vekselberg, a target of US sanctions, called for the two countries to carry out more trade in their national currencies, bypassing the US dollar.&nbsp;

But despite political tensions and repeated rounds of sanctions over Moscow's actions in Ukraine, the European Union remains by far the biggest foreign investor in Russia -- well ahead of China and the US.

"China is taking time to ramp up investments in Russia," said Charles Robertson, chief economist at Renaissance Capital. "It wants to feel secure about the long term, it doesn't want to rush into it."

He predicted China would make big investments over the next three to five years, possibly even sooner, as Russia plays an important role in projects along Beijing's New Silk Road.&nbsp;

Worry over investor arrest

The first day of the forum on Thursday saw Putin make a pitch for increased foreign investment as Russia looks to revive an economy hit by Western sanctions over Ukraine and the drop in oil prices.&nbsp;

After emerging from recession in 2017, the Russian economy ticked up by only 0.5 percent in the first quarter of this year.&nbsp;

Putin, whose approval ratings have dropped to record lows, has vowed to boost growth through a series of "national projects" -- ranging from healthcare to infrastructure -- that will cost Russia $388 billion.

But foreign investors, already wary of Russia' volatile business climate, were further spooked by the arrest on fraud charges in February of US businessman Michael Calvey, the founder of one of the oldest private equity firms focusing on Russia.&nbsp;

He denies the charges, saying the arrest was the result of a shareholder dispute.

Speculation swirled at the forum over whether Calvey, who is under house arrest, would attend. On Friday his lawyer said authorities had not yet replied to a request from the businessman to travel to Saint Petersburg.

Chinese President Xi Jinping appears Friday as a guest of honour at Russia's showcase economic forum, as the two neighbours present a united front in the face of shared troubles with the US.

Chinese President Xi Jinping appears Friday as a guest of honour at Russia's showcase economic forum, as the two neighbours present a united front in the face of shared troubles with the US. Xi arrived in Moscow on Wednesday for a three-day visit with Vladimir Putin and described the Russian leader as his "best friend" during a cosy meeting at the Kremlin. To end the trip, Xi and his host will appear at a plenary session of the annual Saint Petersburg International Economic Forum, which Moscow hopes will woo foreign investors despite an uncertain business climate. Xi is set to present China's ideas on sustainable development and multilateral cooperation, Beijing said ahead of his appearance. The 2019 forum "will illustrate very clearly just how bi-polar the world has become," said Chris Weafer, a senior partner at the Macro Advisory consulting firm. "In the same week that President Trump will be having tea with the Queen in London, President Putin will be hosting President Xi in Saint Petersburg." The trip comes five years after Moscow's annexation of Ukraine's Crimea peninsula led to a serious rift with the West and a move towards Russia's neighbour to the east. China meanwhile is locked in a trade war with the United States that has seen Washington impose sweeping duties and move to blacklist companies like tech giant Huawei. Moscow and Beijing's economic ties have grown in recent years, though they remain heavily weighted in favour of China, which dwarfs Russia in economic and demographic terms. Dozens of deals signed Xi's visit has already seen the signing of dozens of commercial contracts in e-commerce, telecoms, gas and other areas. Other deals have been signed at the forum, including one on Friday between Russian and Chinese shipping companies to work together to develop Arctic sea routes. While this is the Chinese leader's first appearance at the economic forum, where he heads a 1,000-strong delegation, he and Putin have met regularly in recent years. Ahead of Xi's visit, Kremlin advisor Yury Ushakov described China as "Russia's most important economic partner". The partnership is yielding increasing trade, which grew by 25 per cent in 2018 to hit a record $108 billion, he said. At a panel Friday on Russia-China business ties, Russian tycoon Viktor Vekselberg, a target of US sanctions, called for the two countries to carry out more trade in their national currencies, bypassing the US dollar. But despite political tensions and repeated rounds of sanctions over Moscow's actions in Ukraine, the European Union remains by far the biggest foreign investor in Russia -- well ahead of China and the US. "China is taking time to ramp up investments in Russia," said Charles Robertson, chief economist at Renaissance Capital. "It wants to feel secure about the long term, it doesn't want to rush into it." He predicted China would make big investments over the next three to five years, possibly even sooner, as Russia plays an important role in projects along Beijing's New Silk Road. Worry over investor arrest The first day of the forum on Thursday saw Putin make a pitch for increased foreign investment as Russia looks to revive an economy hit by Western sanctions over Ukraine and the drop in oil prices. After emerging from recession in 2017, the Russian economy ticked up by only 0.5 percent in the first quarter of this year. Putin, whose approval ratings have dropped to record lows, has vowed to boost growth through a series of "national projects" -- ranging from healthcare to infrastructure -- that will cost Russia $388 billion. But foreign investors, already wary of Russia' volatile business climate, were further spooked by the arrest on fraud charges in February of US businessman Michael Calvey, the founder of one of the oldest private equity firms focusing on Russia. He denies the charges, saying the arrest was the result of a shareholder dispute. Speculation swirled at the forum over whether Calvey, who is under house arrest, would attend. On Friday his lawyer said authorities had not yet replied to a request from the businessman to travel to Saint Petersburg.

Russia and China show united front at economic forum

Earlier this month, north-eastern Asia and northern Pacific Ocean drew global attention as Russian forces geared up for their biggest war games – Vostok 18 - since the end of the Cold War. This exercise took place from September 11 to September 17 at five ground testing areas and four aerial testing areas over the Sea of Japan and the Bering and Okhotsk seas.

Russia claimed that up to 300,000 troops (a third of the country’s armed forces), 1000 aircraft, 36,000 tanks and armoured vehicles were involved even as 3200 Chinese troops, 900 tanks and armoured vehicles, as well as troops from Mongolia, joined them in this endeavour. This raised the stakes even higher for the rest of the world.

This exercise was not merely a show of strength to the West but it also symbolised Russia’s growing rapprochement with China. These two countries which were once adversaries are now emerging as close partners. Border disputes between the two ended in 2004. As dissatisfaction with American policy has grown in Moscow and Beijing, a closer partnership is now looking enticing. The Trump Administration has declared these two nations as ‘strategic competitors.

Russia’s decision to sell latest the military technology (like S-400 surface to air missiles and SU-35 fighter jets) to China and an invitation to participate in its largest military drill underlines that it no longer sees China as a threat. For a long time, China’s expansionist motive particularly in the Siberian region was perceived as a threat by Russian leaders but this seems to have been relegated to the background. This is also a message to the West that if it continues to target Russia, then its engagement with China is only going to increase.&nbsp;

The timing of these exercises coincided with the Eastern Economic Forum in Vladivostok which saw participation not only from the Chinese President Xi Jinping but also from a few of the closest partners of the US such as Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and South Korean Prime Minister Lee Nak-yeon.&nbsp;

Another interesting aspect of this exercise was that it was not a Sino-Russian joint military exercise. It was China that joined Russia in its largest military endeavour since the end of the Cold War though differences still exist between the two. China is still reluctant to increase investment in Russia and China also prefers the West when it comes to making investments or getting good education for Chinese youth. So this tactical shift in its behaviour can reverse itself very easily. For China, there is much to learn from Russia’s operational experience in war fighting. Though China’s military modernisation is leaving Russia far behind, its real time operational experience is rather limited. Russia’s experience in the Syrian conflict where it has sharpened its informational warfare and combined armed warfare techniques is something that Chinese military generals are eyeing with great interest.

The exercises highlight the growing divide between Russia and China on the one hand, and the US on the other. India has important stakes with all the&nbsp;three powers involved. India’s relationship with the US has improved dramatically in recent decades. Though India is trying to diversify its defence requirements yet it remains dependent on Russia for its needs. The recent sanctions via CAATSA (Countering American Adversaries through Sanctions Act) by the US has the potential to further deteriorate its relations with Russia. Russia is very important for India in terms of nuclear security, cyber security, its intelligence needs as well as for securing crucial defence equipment such as S-400 anti-aircraft weapon systems.&nbsp;

China, meanwhile, has emerged as one of the biggest foreign policy challenges for India in recent times. Sino-Indian differences straddle various domains from growing trade deficit to border and water disputes. Pakistan continues to be a challenge to Sino-Indian relations. Though the Wuhan summit has tried to bridge the gap between the two countries, structural challenges continue to shape the divergent trajectory in Sino-Indian relations.&nbsp;

The fact that Sino-Russian relationship has grown to this extent where the two are now participating in joint military exercises underscores the rapidly evolving nature of this relationship and a fluid global strategic environment. Both are now more unified than ever in posing a challenge to the US-led global order. For India, this poses a real challenge. New Delhi has long maintained that it needs a close relationship with Moscow so that the Beijing-Moscow relationship could be dented. But India’s Russia outreach seems to have had a rather insignificant impact so far on the Russia-China dynamic.

Russia is also reaching out to Pakistan despite Indian reservations and is changing its tune on the Afghanistan issue. It is now a strong votary of negotiating with the Taliban and has given short shrift to Indian reservations in this regard. Russia has been at the forefront of advising India not to challenge China’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Given the challenge China poses to India on multiple fronts, this growing Sino-Russian collusion should ideally be at the top of the agenda when the Russian President visits India next month.

Global politics is evolving rapidly and great-power politics is back with a vengeance. History did not end in 1991 as Francis Fukuyama would have liked us to believe. Instead, it seems to have been a lull in a never-ending contest between major powers.&nbsp; 
 
(The article is co-authored by Pallav Agarwal who is a Research Intern at Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi.)

(This article was first published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-how-russia-china-ties-affect-india-2667372">original article</a>.)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Earlier this month, north-eastern Asia and northern Pacific Ocean drew global attention as Russian forces geared up for their biggest war games – Vostok 18 - since the end of the Cold War.

Earlier this month, north-eastern Asia and northern Pacific Ocean drew global attention as Russian forces geared up for their biggest war games – Vostok 18 - since the end of the Cold War. This exercise took place from September 11 to September 17 at five ground testing areas and four aerial testing areas over the Sea of Japan and the Bering and Okhotsk seas. Russia claimed that up to 300,000 troops (a third of the country’s armed forces), 1000 aircraft, 36,000 tanks and armoured vehicles were involved even as 3200 Chinese troops, 900 tanks and armoured vehicles, as well as troops from Mongolia, joined them in this endeavour. This raised the stakes even higher for the rest of the world. This exercise was not merely a show of strength to the West but it also symbolised Russia’s growing rapprochement with China. These two countries which were once adversaries are now emerging as close partners. Border disputes between the two ended in 2004. As dissatisfaction with American policy has grown in Moscow and Beijing, a closer partnership is now looking enticing. The Trump Administration has declared these two nations as ‘strategic competitors. Russia’s decision to sell latest the military technology (like S-400 surface to air missiles and SU-35 fighter jets) to China and an invitation to participate in its largest military drill underlines that it no longer sees China as a threat. For a long time, China’s expansionist motive particularly in the Siberian region was perceived as a threat by Russian leaders but this seems to have been relegated to the background. This is also a message to the West that if it continues to target Russia, then its engagement with China is only going to increase. The timing of these exercises coincided with the Eastern Economic Forum in Vladivostok which saw participation not only from the Chinese President Xi Jinping but also from a few of the closest partners of the US such as Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and South Korean Prime Minister Lee Nak-yeon. Another interesting aspect of this exercise was that it was not a Sino-Russian joint military exercise. It was China that joined Russia in its largest military endeavour since the end of the Cold War though differences still exist between the two. China is still reluctant to increase investment in Russia and China also prefers the West when it comes to making investments or getting good education for Chinese youth. So this tactical shift in its behaviour can reverse itself very easily. For China, there is much to learn from Russia’s operational experience in war fighting. Though China’s military modernisation is leaving Russia far behind, its real time operational experience is rather limited. Russia’s experience in the Syrian conflict where it has sharpened its informational warfare and combined armed warfare techniques is something that Chinese military generals are eyeing with great interest. The exercises highlight the growing divide between Russia and China on the one hand, and the US on the other. India has important stakes with all the three powers involved. India’s relationship with the US has improved dramatically in recent decades. Though India is trying to diversify its defence requirements yet it remains dependent on Russia for its needs. The recent sanctions via CAATSA (Countering American Adversaries through Sanctions Act) by the US has the potential to further deteriorate its relations with Russia. Russia is very important for India in terms of nuclear security, cyber security, its intelligence needs as well as for securing crucial defence equipment such as S-400 anti-aircraft weapon systems. China, meanwhile, has emerged as one of the biggest foreign policy challenges for India in recent times. Sino-Indian differences straddle various domains from growing trade deficit to border and water disputes. Pakistan continues to be a challenge to Sino-Indian relations. Though the Wuhan summit has tried to bridge the gap between the two countries, structural challenges continue to shape the divergent trajectory in Sino-Indian relations. The fact that Sino-Russian relationship has grown to this extent where the two are now participating in joint military exercises underscores the rapidly evolving nature of this relationship and a fluid global strategic environment. Both are now more unified than ever in posing a challenge to the US-led global order. For India, this poses a real challenge. New Delhi has long maintained that it needs a close relationship with Moscow so that the Beijing-Moscow relationship could be dented. But India’s Russia outreach seems to have had a rather insignificant impact so far on the Russia-China dynamic. Russia is also reaching out to Pakistan despite Indian reservations and is changing its tune on the Afghanistan issue. It is now a strong votary of negotiating with the Taliban and has given short shrift to Indian reservations in this regard. Russia has been at the forefront of advising India not to challenge China’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Given the challenge China poses to India on multiple fronts, this growing Sino-Russian collusion should ideally be at the top of the agenda when the Russian President visits India next month. Global politics is evolving rapidly and great-power politics is back with a vengeance. History did not end in 1991 as Francis Fukuyama would have liked us to believe. Instead, it seems to have been a lull in a never-ending contest between major powers. (The article is co-authored by Pallav Agarwal who is a Research Intern at Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi.) (This article was first published on The DNA. Read the original article.) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Opinion: How Russia-China ties affect India

Russia and China signed over 30 cooperation deals on June 25 as Russian President Vladimir Putin and his Chinese counterpart Xi Jinping met in Beijing. 
 
The deals covered areas such as economy and trade, foreign affairs, infrastructure, technology and innovation, agriculture, finance, energy, media, Internet, and sports, China&#39;s semi-official Xinhua news agency reported. 
 
After bilateral talks, Putin said both sides were moving towards working on 58 joint initiatives worth 50 billion dollars. 
 
Putin&#39;s aide told journalists earlier this week that energy, aerospace, North Korea, and Syria were some of the issues due to be discussed between the two leaders during the visit. 
 
Putin arrived in Beijing after a visit to Tashkent, where he attended the 16th Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit. 
(Reuters)&nbsp;

After bilateral talks, Putin said both sides were moving towards working on 58 joint initiatives worth 50 billion dollars

Russia and China signed over 30 cooperation deals on June 25 as Russian President Vladimir Putin and his Chinese counterpart Xi Jinping met in Beijing. The deals covered areas such as economy and trade, foreign affairs, infrastructure, technology and innovation, agriculture, finance, energy, media, Internet, and sports, China's semi-official Xinhua news agency reported. After bilateral talks, Putin said both sides were moving towards working on 58 joint initiatives worth 50 billion dollars. Putin's aide told journalists earlier this week that energy, aerospace, North Korea, and Syria were some of the issues due to be discussed between the two leaders during the visit. Putin arrived in Beijing after a visit to Tashkent, where he attended the 16th Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit. (Reuters)

Russia, China eye closer friendship sign strategic agreements