West Bengal has become the final battleground in the showdown between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the opposition. Prime Minister Narendra Modi in an election rally on Friday promised to rebuild Vidyasagar statue which was vandalized during BJP President Amit Shah’s roadshow in Kolkata. Watch this video to know more.

PM Narendra Modi promises to rebuild Vidyasagar statue

Watch this segment to know latest updates of Lok Sabha elections 2019.

Lok Sabha elections 2019: Watch latest election news

Watch 'India Election Watch.' This is the show that brings you the latest on world's biggest electoral exercise, Verified updates & Unbiased analysis.

India Election Watch; 15th May, 2019

India Election Watch; 16th May, 2019

In this segment of India Election Watch, Know how the Bengal battle is posed 'India Election Watch' is the show that brings you the latest on world's biggest electoral exercise, Verified updates & Unbiased analysis.

India Election Watch: How the Bengal battle is posed

Day after brazen vandalism took place on the streets of Kolkata during Amit Shah's rally where even Vidyasagar's statue was not spared, Election Commission has cracked the whip. In a press conference the EC has curtailed the campaigning time in West Bengal for one day. Watch this video to know more.

Lok Sabha Elections 2019: EC curtails campaigning in West Bengal

In this segment of India Election Watch, Know will soft Hindutva help Congress? Watch this video to know more.

India Election Watch: Will soft Hindutva help Congress?

In this segment of India Election Watch, Know what Prime Minister Narendra Modi said in his campaigns. Watch this video to know more. 'India Election Watch' is the show that brings you the latest on world's biggest electoral exercise, Verified updates & Unbiased analysis.

India Election Watch: A confident Modi campaigns in 3 states

Congress party President Rahul Gandhi exclusively talks to Zee Media network. The interview questions Rahul Gandhi over his interpretation over Lok Sabha election 2019. Here's the video.

IEW: An exclusive interview with Rahul Gandhi over LS 2019 battle

Prime Minister <a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/police-trying-to-wipe-out-evidence-of-statue-desecration-modi-219198">Narendra Modi has carefully avoided speaking on the issue</a> of corruption during the campaign, but we have not allowed him to escape, Congress President Rahul Gandhi said Thursday, claiming it will be "bye-bye" for him on May 23.

Addressing a rally in the Pataliputra Lok Sabha segment, from where Misa Bharti daughter of RJD supremo Lalu Prasad is in the fray, Gandhi attacked Modi for skirting questions on promises he had made like Rs 15 lakh in bank accounts of all poor and creation of two crore jobs.

Asserting that the ruling BJP was headed for a defeat in the Lok Sabha polls, the Congress chief claimed Modi would get a befitting reply from the people angry over his failure to fulfil promises made five years ago when votes in the current elections are counted on May 23.

In a veiled attack on the<a href="https://www.wionews.com/india-news/obama-asks-the-same-says-pm-modi-when-akshay-kumar-asked-how-do-you-sleep-for-just-3-hours-213049"> interviews given by the prime minister, including the one to the Bollywood star Akshay Kumar</a>, Gandhi said questions and answers are choreographed to skirt the issue of his promises. All that we hear from Modi ji these days are inanities like how he eats a mango and why he wears half-sleeved kurtas.

Repeating the slogan of Chowkidar chor hai which has rankled the BJP, Gandhi said Modi must answer the questions we have been raising with regard to the Rafale deal. Why he got the contract awarded to Anil Ambani, why he agreed to pay much more for the fighter aircraft than what earlier had been agreed to and why Rafale would not be manufactured in India. He owes an answer to the nation on these counts.

Modi has travelled the entire country for his campaign, addressing rallies with the help of teleprompters. He has carefully avoided speaking on the issue of corruption. But we have not allowed him to escape. My challenge to him for an open debate on corruption still stands. He has been badly exposed and, on May 23, it will be bye-bye for him, Gandhi said.

Speaking about his proposed NYAY scheme, Gandhi said financial assistance of Rs 72,000 per year to poor families would boost demand, leading to setting up of more industries and in turn fueling production and creation of jobs. It will propel the economy like diesel propels a tractor.

Gandhi also accused Modi of making Bihar a berozgaari (unemployment) ka centre and charged the Nitish Kumar government in the state with failure to provide relief to farmers through measures like a waiver of loans unlike in Congress-ruled states where it has been given top priority.

The Congress president, who toured the state in the first four phases of elections but skipped the next two, urged the people to vote for Misa Bharti, showering praises on her father serving sentences in fodder scam cases for his fight for social justice.

Earlier, Bharti younger brother Tejashwi Yadav, who has emerged as the party's de facto leader in their fathers' absence, called the BJP candidate Ram Kripal Yadav paltu chacha no. 2 (turncoat number two).

Yadav has been using the epithet paltu for Chief Minister and JD(U) president Nitish Kumar whose exit from the Mahagathbandhan two years ago made the RJD lose power in the state and stripped him of the Deputy CMs post.

Ram Kripal Yadav, now a Union minister, was a close aide of Lalu Prasad, who quit the RJD to join BJP ahead of the 2014 parliamentary elections and won from Pataliputra seat defeating Misa.

In a show of unity within the jailed RJD chiefs family, his wife Rabri Devi and elder son Tej Pratap Yadav too attended the rally where other leaders of the opposition alliance like former Union minister and RLSP chief Upendra Kushwaha besides ex-CM and HAM founding president Jitan Ram Manjhi were also present.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi has carefully avoided speaking on the issue of corruption during the campaign, but we have not allowed him to escape, Congress President Rahul Gandhi said Thursday, claiming it will be "bye-bye" for him on May 23.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi has carefully avoided speaking on the issue of corruption during the campaign, but we have not allowed him to escape, Congress President Rahul Gandhi said Thursday, claiming it will be "bye-bye" for him on May 23. Addressing a rally in the Pataliputra Lok Sabha segment, from where Misa Bharti daughter of RJD supremo Lalu Prasad is in the fray, Gandhi attacked Modi for skirting questions on promises he had made like Rs 15 lakh in bank accounts of all poor and creation of two crore jobs. Asserting that the ruling BJP was headed for a defeat in the Lok Sabha polls, the Congress chief claimed Modi would get a befitting reply from the people angry over his failure to fulfil promises made five years ago when votes in the current elections are counted on May 23. In a veiled attack on the interviews given by the prime minister, including the one to the Bollywood star Akshay Kumar, Gandhi said questions and answers are choreographed to skirt the issue of his promises. All that we hear from Modi ji these days are inanities like how he eats a mango and why he wears half-sleeved kurtas. Repeating the slogan of Chowkidar chor hai which has rankled the BJP, Gandhi said Modi must answer the questions we have been raising with regard to the Rafale deal. Why he got the contract awarded to Anil Ambani, why he agreed to pay much more for the fighter aircraft than what earlier had been agreed to and why Rafale would not be manufactured in India. He owes an answer to the nation on these counts. Modi has travelled the entire country for his campaign, addressing rallies with the help of teleprompters. He has carefully avoided speaking on the issue of corruption. But we have not allowed him to escape. My challenge to him for an open debate on corruption still stands. He has been badly exposed and, on May 23, it will be bye-bye for him, Gandhi said. Speaking about his proposed NYAY scheme, Gandhi said financial assistance of Rs 72,000 per year to poor families would boost demand, leading to setting up of more industries and in turn fueling production and creation of jobs. It will propel the economy like diesel propels a tractor. Gandhi also accused Modi of making Bihar a berozgaari (unemployment) ka centre and charged the Nitish Kumar government in the state with failure to provide relief to farmers through measures like a waiver of loans unlike in Congress-ruled states where it has been given top priority. The Congress president, who toured the state in the first four phases of elections but skipped the next two, urged the people to vote for Misa Bharti, showering praises on her father serving sentences in fodder scam cases for his fight for social justice. Earlier, Bharti younger brother Tejashwi Yadav, who has emerged as the party's de facto leader in their fathers' absence, called the BJP candidate Ram Kripal Yadav paltu chacha no. 2 (turncoat number two). Yadav has been using the epithet paltu for Chief Minister and JD(U) president Nitish Kumar whose exit from the Mahagathbandhan two years ago made the RJD lose power in the state and stripped him of the Deputy CMs post. Ram Kripal Yadav, now a Union minister, was a close aide of Lalu Prasad, who quit the RJD to join BJP ahead of the 2014 parliamentary elections and won from Pataliputra seat defeating Misa. In a show of unity within the jailed RJD chiefs family, his wife Rabri Devi and elder son Tej Pratap Yadav too attended the rally where other leaders of the opposition alliance like former Union minister and RLSP chief Upendra Kushwaha besides ex-CM and HAM founding president Jitan Ram Manjhi were also present.

On May 23 it will be 'bye-bye' for Modi, claims Rahul at Bihar rally

India Election Watch; 14th May, 2019

In this segment of 'India Election Watch' We Discusses BJP's strength in Kolkata with Mr. Andrew Whitehead, Former BBC Senior Journalist; Mr. Arun Anand, Senior Journalist & Mr. Lord Meghnad Desai, Author & Professor Emeritus at LSE.

India Election Watch: Discusses BJP's strength in Kolkata with some experts

PM Modi refers to Khan Market in a poll jibe. Khan Market was established on the name of Khan Abdul Jabbar Khan in 1951. Watch this video to know more.

India Election Watch: The Evolution Of Khan Market

Priyanka Sharma is a BJP worker in West Bengal. she got arrested for posting a meme on Mamata Banerjee. Finally Supreme Court ordered the release of her. Watch this video to know more.

India Election Watch: The Mamata Meme Story

In this segment of 'India Election Watch' We Decodes Freedom Of Speech with some experts with Mr. Andrew Whitehead, Former BBC Senior Journalist; Mr. Arun Anand, Senior Journalist & Mr. Lord Meghnad Desai, Author & Professor Emeritus at LSE.

India Election Watch: Decodes Freedom Of Speech with some experts

Here is question, Who will lead the third front? Telangana CM attempts third front. KCR reaches out to the regional leaders.

India Election Watch: KCR or Naidu, Who leads the third front?

In this segment of 'India Election Watch' We Decodes Congress' ISIS-RSS Analogy with Mr. Andrew Whitehead, Former BBC Senior Journalist; Mr. Arun Anand, Senior Journalist & Mr. Lord Meghnad Desai, Author & Professor Emeritus at LSE.

India Election Watch: Congress' ISIS-RSS Analogy with experts

Look across the political and electoral spectrum in India, and try to identify mass leaders. By definition, they should be strong, stand alone types, capable of rousing people with stirring speeches, which could include filling up New Delhi’s Ramlila Maidan, Patna’s Gandhi Maidan, the Marina in Chennai, Azad Park in Mumbai or the numerous grounds that are used for political rallies throughout the land. &nbsp;

It comes as sobering realisation that beyond a clutch of leading politicians –and they can be counted on the fingers –the breed of mass leaders have virtually disappeared in this country.&nbsp;

Outside of Narendra Modi, Mamata Banerjee, Lalu Yadav, Mulayam Singh Yadav of the old, and Navin Patnaik, there are not many who qualify for this distinction. &nbsp;

To be sure, south India has its quota of mass leaders in Chandrababu Naidu, K Chandrasekar Rao and VS Achuthanandan, who represents the once-hoary Left tradition, but beyond their own bailiffs and states, they rarely so much as venture out even in peak election time.&nbsp;

In other words, the mass leaders of the yesteryears - the Nehrus, Lohias, Vajpayees, the Left stalwarts, MGR and Karunanidhis and several others before them, are now a thing of the past.&nbsp;

It is revealing to ask why it has panned out this way. After all, a vibrant multi-party democracy like India should have been brimming with orators, flamboyant mass leaders and stalwarts who could have generally made a difference. Remember, there are a total of 1,841 parties registered with the Election Commission of India, of which seven are national parties, as many as 52 state parties and incredibly, 1,785 unrecognised parties, making India a democracy without a parallel.&nbsp;

Yet, there are not more than a dozen politicians who can stand up and hold the attention of a million people for an hour, in a country of 900- million plus voters. &nbsp;&nbsp;

The roots of this anomaly lie in the country’s deep-seated feudal politics, never mind the copious lip service to democracy and other such western concepts. &nbsp;

The Congress, which could boast of several mass leaders in the course of the freedom struggle, who could and did sway people towards non-cooperation and other forms of protest against British rule, slowly started to disappear from public life as it gradually settled into the role of the ruling party.

Jawaharlal Nehru’s period was not bereft of such stalwarts. BC Roy in Bengal, Pratap Singh Kairon in Punjab, SK Sinha in Bihar and Gobind Ballabh Pant in UP, were among the leaders who dominated the political spectrum in the provinces, along with several other independence-era stalwarts like Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, CD Deshmukh and Jagjivan Ram, who held fort at the Centre.

The rot can be traced to the Indira Gandhi period in the late 1960s and early 1970s, when every single leader of any consequence, beginning with K Kamaraj, was shafted out of the Congress system and the political networks, quite systematically and ruthlessly.&nbsp;

Things reached such a pass by the late 1970s that there was little scope for any mass leader to have any place in a political system dominated by the Congress. Stalwart chief ministers were replaced by family minions, who had no mass base nor any support among state MLAs, which until then was the principle criterion for selecting chief ministers.&nbsp;

In fact, it became a liability to be a mass leader and an asset to be a political lightweight, as it opened the doors of political office. &nbsp;

Even today, the Congress is paying the price. One of the main reasons for their political decimation is the absence of any popular leader outside of the Gandhi-Nehru family, whose fading aura has coincided with the corresponding rise of the BJP.&nbsp;

The all powerful, overbearing and dominant Congress culture took its toll across the political spectrum. Political parties, as a rule, began to look for ways to whittle down any leader of promise, who could become a potential challenger, making sure that he or she was sent to oblivion.

So by the 1980s and 1990s, the leaders who did manage to build a bridge with the masses, did so by default and through sheer happenstance. Mamata Banerjee, for instance, fought her way up the Youth Congress ladder because she got the opportunities and was willing to take her chances, and not because of any encouragement provided to her from any political quarter. &nbsp;

Similarly, Lalu Yadav, Mulayam Singh Yadav and Nitish Kumar found the JP movement in the mid-1970s as their ladder to establish themselves as leaders of consequence. There was no question of anyone encouraging them to reach where they did, except their own reflexes, instincts and guile.&nbsp;

Down south in Tamil Nadu, the likes of MGR, Karunanidhi and Jayalalitha used the powerful Tamil film movement to make their presence felt and gradually but steadily, expanded their mass base.&nbsp;

But having reached the positions that they did, these politicians turned out to be no different. Parties that they headed became family enterprises (save Nitish), where no outsider, let alone a mass leader, was ever going to be encouraged.&nbsp;

Things have remained that way. Why, even today, the country’s most important political entity, the BJP, cannot boast of one single popular national leader outside of Narendra Modi. While the dynamics of a cadre-based party like the BJP or the Left are entirely different, for one reason or the other, they too have failed to produce a leader, whose writ runs large through the length and breadth of the Indian republic.&nbsp;

&nbsp;(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the<a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-only-followers-needed-here-please-2749305"> original article)</a>

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

Look across the political and electoral spectrum in India, and try to identify mass leaders. By definition, they should be strong, stand alone types, capable of rousing people with stirring speeches, which could include filling up New Delhi’s Ramlila Maidan, Patna’s Gandhi Maidan, the Marina in Chennai, Azad Park in Mumbai or the numerous grounds that are used for political rallies throughout the land.

Look across the political and electoral spectrum in India, and try to identify mass leaders. By definition, they should be strong, stand alone types, capable of rousing people with stirring speeches, which could include filling up New Delhi’s Ramlila Maidan, Patna’s Gandhi Maidan, the Marina in Chennai, Azad Park in Mumbai or the numerous grounds that are used for political rallies throughout the land. It comes as sobering realisation that beyond a clutch of leading politicians –and they can be counted on the fingers –the breed of mass leaders have virtually disappeared in this country. Outside of Narendra Modi, Mamata Banerjee, Lalu Yadav, Mulayam Singh Yadav of the old, and Navin Patnaik, there are not many who qualify for this distinction. To be sure, south India has its quota of mass leaders in Chandrababu Naidu, K Chandrasekar Rao and VS Achuthanandan, who represents the once-hoary Left tradition, but beyond their own bailiffs and states, they rarely so much as venture out even in peak election time. In other words, the mass leaders of the yesteryears - the Nehrus, Lohias, Vajpayees, the Left stalwarts, MGR and Karunanidhis and several others before them, are now a thing of the past. It is revealing to ask why it has panned out this way. After all, a vibrant multi-party democracy like India should have been brimming with orators, flamboyant mass leaders and stalwarts who could have generally made a difference. Remember, there are a total of 1,841 parties registered with the Election Commission of India, of which seven are national parties, as many as 52 state parties and incredibly, 1,785 unrecognised parties, making India a democracy without a parallel. Yet, there are not more than a dozen politicians who can stand up and hold the attention of a million people for an hour, in a country of 900- million plus voters. The roots of this anomaly lie in the country’s deep-seated feudal politics, never mind the copious lip service to democracy and other such western concepts. The Congress, which could boast of several mass leaders in the course of the freedom struggle, who could and did sway people towards non-cooperation and other forms of protest against British rule, slowly started to disappear from public life as it gradually settled into the role of the ruling party. Jawaharlal Nehru’s period was not bereft of such stalwarts. BC Roy in Bengal, Pratap Singh Kairon in Punjab, SK Sinha in Bihar and Gobind Ballabh Pant in UP, were among the leaders who dominated the political spectrum in the provinces, along with several other independence-era stalwarts like Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, CD Deshmukh and Jagjivan Ram, who held fort at the Centre. The rot can be traced to the Indira Gandhi period in the late 1960s and early 1970s, when every single leader of any consequence, beginning with K Kamaraj, was shafted out of the Congress system and the political networks, quite systematically and ruthlessly. Things reached such a pass by the late 1970s that there was little scope for any mass leader to have any place in a political system dominated by the Congress. Stalwart chief ministers were replaced by family minions, who had no mass base nor any support among state MLAs, which until then was the principle criterion for selecting chief ministers. In fact, it became a liability to be a mass leader and an asset to be a political lightweight, as it opened the doors of political office. Even today, the Congress is paying the price. One of the main reasons for their political decimation is the absence of any popular leader outside of the Gandhi-Nehru family, whose fading aura has coincided with the corresponding rise of the BJP. The all powerful, overbearing and dominant Congress culture took its toll across the political spectrum. Political parties, as a rule, began to look for ways to whittle down any leader of promise, who could become a potential challenger, making sure that he or she was sent to oblivion. So by the 1980s and 1990s, the leaders who did manage to build a bridge with the masses, did so by default and through sheer happenstance. Mamata Banerjee, for instance, fought her way up the Youth Congress ladder because she got the opportunities and was willing to take her chances, and not because of any encouragement provided to her from any political quarter. Similarly, Lalu Yadav, Mulayam Singh Yadav and Nitish Kumar found the JP movement in the mid-1970s as their ladder to establish themselves as leaders of consequence. There was no question of anyone encouraging them to reach where they did, except their own reflexes, instincts and guile. Down south in Tamil Nadu, the likes of MGR, Karunanidhi and Jayalalitha used the powerful Tamil film movement to make their presence felt and gradually but steadily, expanded their mass base. But having reached the positions that they did, these politicians turned out to be no different. Parties that they headed became family enterprises (save Nitish), where no outsider, let alone a mass leader, was ever going to be encouraged. Things have remained that way. Why, even today, the country’s most important political entity, the BJP, cannot boast of one single popular national leader outside of Narendra Modi. While the dynamics of a cadre-based party like the BJP or the Left are entirely different, for one reason or the other, they too have failed to produce a leader, whose writ runs large through the length and breadth of the Indian republic. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

India only has a few politicians who can be called mass leaders

Though all of India is waiting to see who wins the ongoing 2019 Lok Sabha elections, or better still, who will form the next government, it is pretty certain to me that whoever wins will have a challenge on hands to run the administration, because the economy is in a strange shape.

It is fashionable for any new government to blame its predecessor and also try to come out with new policies, and we saw a lot of it when Prime Minister Narendra Modi's NDA government did and said things that fixed responsibility on the previous UPA rule. It is true that the BJP-led government ended what was perceived to be a policy paralysis on several fronts and took measures to revive the power sector, fix a controversial spectrum allocation scheme in telecommunications and did a lot to make investing in India easier. Steps like the MUDRA loan scheme for entrepreneurs and brand-name schemes like Digital India and Startup India gave (at least in the eyes of the government itself) a fancy packaging edge to the economy.

But then, I ask myself, what if Modi leads the new government formed over the next few weeks? My view is that this time, it would be difficult for him to go back seven years or 70 to buy himself more time. Democracy works on the principle that if you have five years to rule, you do your best in those five years in a manner that those who voted for you get a good enough impression to elect you for another five. In the case of Modi, given his decisive steps on several fronts and his incredible capacity to articulate things, where he seemed to lack in the outcome, he made up in persuasion to buy more time. However, a second chance in politics is like a second inning. It gives elbow room to score runs but getting a second chance on a second chance is no option.

The strange thing about the Indian economy now is that there are two narratives that do not seem to intersect. One is that of investors, industries and infrastructure seekers. The other is of farmers and job seekers. To please the former you need good, clean policies and spending to boost the things that help industries. However, there is no guarantee that the investment that flows in generates jobs for tens of millions of youths in the short run. Any government that comes to power will have to make its choice carefully.

The Modi government reined in the fiscal deficit, but Rahul Gandhi-led Congress has made a big deal out of a shortage of jobs, an agrarian crisis and the goods and services tax (GST). Demonetisation of high-value notes by Modi has not really yielded fruits. All this leaves a big challenge to him if he gets re-elected. His current campaign has focused primarily on his being the leading "Chowkidar" of the nation with the Balakot air strikes and decisive promises to check terrorism. But, with 125 crore people in the world's fastest-growing major economy, the focus has to come back to investment, inflation management and jobs.

There is a controversy now that GDP growth may have been slower than estimated in recent years because the government's data estimates took into account a large chunk of shell companies that showed no real activity. Meanwhile, the NDA government's plan to introduce the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code has run into rough weather. What this means is that it is taking longer for banks to get money out of companies that need to pay them back. The Supreme Court has got involved in the matter, adding obstacles in the administrative process. Indian businessmen love to fight in courts and particularly fight the government. Groups with state blessings, such as IL&amp;FS are in deep trouble, while a slew of brand name companies are in various states of crisis, such as Essar Steel, builder groups Jaypee and Amrapali, and, of course, the high-profile Jet Airways. These names are only symbolic of a deeper crisis in the economy in which too many people took too big bets on money taken from state-run banks in a manner that hurt both growth and jobs.

India's economic growth slowed down in 2018-19 due to declining growth in private consumption, slow growth in fixed investment, and muted exports. This happened even as agriculture suffered. Unemployment, meanwhile rose to 7.6 &nbsp;per cent in April, up from 6.7 per cent in March.&nbsp;

Loans that either did not yield interest or not paid back, called non-performing assets (NPAs), added up to more than Rs 10 lakh crore at the end of March. As much as 86 per cent of this was in public sector banks.

The next government needs to spend more taxpayer money to revive its banks so they can lend to help industries and agriculture. But fiscal deficit ran out of control this year after what seemed like a fine period of fiscal consolidation. Fiscal deficit crossed 134 per cent of the government's budget estimate for 2018/19 by the end of February, against 120 per cent a year earlier and the Centre upped its fiscal deficit target to 3.4 per cent from 3.3 per cent.

If Congress comes anywhere near power - either as the leader of a coalition or as part of it - it has to deliver on agriculture and jobs, and that requires fiscal spending muscle. If Modi comes back to power, he has to revive banking and industry and hope that translates into well-being for common Indians in rural areas.&nbsp;

While all that happens, China is having a trade war with the US, which is also pressuring India to follow its sanctions on Iranian oil, which is key for India. The US has prohibited India from importing oil from Iran after the waiver for India ran out on May 1.

Neither the fiscal situation nor the international trade environment is easy for the next government -- whoever that is. As they say in cricket, it would be a tough wicket to bat on, especially for any government that wants to keep both farmers and unemployed youths happy.

&nbsp;(This article was originally published on The ZeeNews. Read the <a href="https://zeenews.india.com/blogs/paisa-paisa-paisa-whoever-wins-the-2019-lok-sabha-elections-the-economy-will-be-their-biggest-challenge-2203594.html">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

Though all of India is waiting to see who wins the ongoing 2019 Lok Sabha elections, or better still, who will form the next government, it is pretty certain to me that whoever wins will have a challenge on hands to run the administration, because the economy is in a strange shape.

Though all of India is waiting to see who wins the ongoing 2019 Lok Sabha elections, or better still, who will form the next government, it is pretty certain to me that whoever wins will have a challenge on hands to run the administration, because the economy is in a strange shape. It is fashionable for any new government to blame its predecessor and also try to come out with new policies, and we saw a lot of it when Prime Minister Narendra Modi's NDA government did and said things that fixed responsibility on the previous UPA rule. It is true that the BJP-led government ended what was perceived to be a policy paralysis on several fronts and took measures to revive the power sector, fix a controversial spectrum allocation scheme in telecommunications and did a lot to make investing in India easier. Steps like the MUDRA loan scheme for entrepreneurs and brand-name schemes like Digital India and Startup India gave (at least in the eyes of the government itself) a fancy packaging edge to the economy. But then, I ask myself, what if Modi leads the new government formed over the next few weeks? My view is that this time, it would be difficult for him to go back seven years or 70 to buy himself more time. Democracy works on the principle that if you have five years to rule, you do your best in those five years in a manner that those who voted for you get a good enough impression to elect you for another five. In the case of Modi, given his decisive steps on several fronts and his incredible capacity to articulate things, where he seemed to lack in the outcome, he made up in persuasion to buy more time. However, a second chance in politics is like a second inning. It gives elbow room to score runs but getting a second chance on a second chance is no option. The strange thing about the Indian economy now is that there are two narratives that do not seem to intersect. One is that of investors, industries and infrastructure seekers. The other is of farmers and job seekers. To please the former you need good, clean policies and spending to boost the things that help industries. However, there is no guarantee that the investment that flows in generates jobs for tens of millions of youths in the short run. Any government that comes to power will have to make its choice carefully. The Modi government reined in the fiscal deficit, but Rahul Gandhi-led Congress has made a big deal out of a shortage of jobs, an agrarian crisis and the goods and services tax (GST). Demonetisation of high-value notes by Modi has not really yielded fruits. All this leaves a big challenge to him if he gets re-elected. His current campaign has focused primarily on his being the leading "Chowkidar" of the nation with the Balakot air strikes and decisive promises to check terrorism. But, with 125 crore people in the world's fastest-growing major economy, the focus has to come back to investment, inflation management and jobs. There is a controversy now that GDP growth may have been slower than estimated in recent years because the government's data estimates took into account a large chunk of shell companies that showed no real activity. Meanwhile, the NDA government's plan to introduce the Insolvency and Bankruptcy Code has run into rough weather. What this means is that it is taking longer for banks to get money out of companies that need to pay them back. The Supreme Court has got involved in the matter, adding obstacles in the administrative process. Indian businessmen love to fight in courts and particularly fight the government. Groups with state blessings, such as IL&FS are in deep trouble, while a slew of brand name companies are in various states of crisis, such as Essar Steel, builder groups Jaypee and Amrapali, and, of course, the high-profile Jet Airways. These names are only symbolic of a deeper crisis in the economy in which too many people took too big bets on money taken from state-run banks in a manner that hurt both growth and jobs. India's economic growth slowed down in 2018-19 due to declining growth in private consumption, slow growth in fixed investment, and muted exports. This happened even as agriculture suffered. Unemployment, meanwhile rose to 7.6 per cent in April, up from 6.7 per cent in March. Loans that either did not yield interest or not paid back, called non-performing assets (NPAs), added up to more than Rs 10 lakh crore at the end of March. As much as 86 per cent of this was in public sector banks. The next government needs to spend more taxpayer money to revive its banks so they can lend to help industries and agriculture. But fiscal deficit ran out of control this year after what seemed like a fine period of fiscal consolidation. Fiscal deficit crossed 134 per cent of the government's budget estimate for 2018/19 by the end of February, against 120 per cent a year earlier and the Centre upped its fiscal deficit target to 3.4 per cent from 3.3 per cent. If Congress comes anywhere near power - either as the leader of a coalition or as part of it - it has to deliver on agriculture and jobs, and that requires fiscal spending muscle. If Modi comes back to power, he has to revive banking and industry and hope that translates into well-being for common Indians in rural areas. While all that happens, China is having a trade war with the US, which is also pressuring India to follow its sanctions on Iranian oil, which is key for India. The US has prohibited India from importing oil from Iran after the waiver for India ran out on May 1. Neither the fiscal situation nor the international trade environment is easy for the next government -- whoever that is. As they say in cricket, it would be a tough wicket to bat on, especially for any government that wants to keep both farmers and unemployed youths happy. (This article was originally published on The ZeeNews. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Whoever wins the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, the economy will be their biggest challenge

In this segment of 'India Election Watch' We Decodes Mani Shankar Aiyar's 'Low-Life' Comment justification on PM Modi with Mr. Andrew Whitehead, Former BBC Senior Journalist; Mr. Arun Anand, Senior Journalist & Mr. Lord Meghnad Desai, Author & Professor Emeritus at LSE.

India Election Watch: Decodes Aiyar's 'Low-Life' Comment justification on PM Modi with experts

Kamal Hasan stated that Nathuram Godse was the India's first Hindu terrorist. After that Congress leader KS Alagiri defends Kamal Haasan's remarks saying He is agree with him 1000%. Watch to know more.

India Election Watch: Does Terrorism Have A Religion?

Congress president Rahul Gandhi on Tuesday took a dig at Prime Minister Narendra Modi over his comment that the Indian Air Force carried out the Balakot airstrikes despite cloudy weather because it would have helped the fighter jets evade Pakistan radars.

India Election Watch: Rahul Gandhi taunts PM Modi

In this segment of India Election Watch, Watch how Congress leader Mani Shankar Aiyar justifies 'Low-Life'comment.

India Election Watch: Mani Shankar Aiyar justifies 'Low-Life' comment

Rally roster of top leaders for May 14, 2019. Watch video to know more.

India Election Watch: Rally roster of top leaders for May 14, 2019

Today BJP President leads a mega roadshow in Kolkata. Before Roadshow posters of Amit shah or BJP were removed by the TMC Supporters. Watch this video to know more.

India Election Watch: PM Modi's dare to opposition

Six out of seven phases are over for Lok Sabha elections, 2019. The fate of candidates in 90 per cent of the Parliament strength has been sealed.&nbsp;

Ground feedback, journalists and commentators differ in opinions on who is leading at the end of Phase six.

Some opinions are also coloured by their respective ideologies. Many experts claim there is a significant undercurrent, but are hesitant to call out the election outcome. The Indian voter is smart and is likely to have the last laugh on May 23, the day of the results. &nbsp;

While this election is being touted as wave-less, the 2014 verdict was clear from the onset. UPA-2, reeling under scams and a mega onslaught by Narendra Modi, was predicted to lose.&nbsp;

A year ago (in 2018), 2019 elections was a done deal. Rahul and Congress were preparing for 2024. A setback in Karnataka and losses in three Hindi heartland states put the BJP on the back foot.&nbsp;

Most opinion polls predicted a hung assembly in December 2018 and January 2019. Then in the aftermath of Pulwama and air strike 2.0, NDA’s fortunes revived. &nbsp;

The last of the polls showed NDA a few seats short of majority in April 2019. The fortunes of alliances have been swinging like a pendulum with NDA clearly ahead of others. While the BJP-led alliance is aiming to get to a majority, UPA and others are aiming to beat the NDA.&nbsp;

Many factors affect the voting behaviour of an individual. For some voters, issues are very important while for others, leadership matters; there are also those who back a particular candidate, caste, performance of government, ideology and whether he/she is a beneficiary of government scheme or not, among other motivating factors. &nbsp;&nbsp;

Also, it may not just be one factor but a combination of factors that affects voting behaviour.&nbsp;

Unemployment, corruption, price rise, farm distress and development are subjects, which feature regularly in the top 5 issues across elections in India.

While during the 2014 elections, price rise and corruption were the top 2 issues, in 2009 it was unemployment and price rise. Issues alone may not be the sole determinant of election outcomes.&nbsp;

As I travel across the country in my profession as a political consultant, many people ask me who will win the 2019 elections. For me the biggest question of 2019 election is, when one goes to vote, is he/she voting to elect a Prime Minister or elect a Member of Parliament?

In India, elections are increasingly becoming a presidential style. If more and more people go out and vote to elect a PM, BJP has the advantage. If more and more people go out and vote to elect their local representative, then it is advantage opposition, as BJP has most MPs and will have to bear the brunt of non-performance of some of them.&nbsp;

Modi’s persona has helped BJP attain a simple majority on its own, in 2014, a feat accomplished after 30 years.&nbsp;

The Centre for Study of Developing Societies (CSDS) carried out a National Election Study 2014, which asked respondents, “While voting some people give importance to the local candidate, others to the state-level leadership of the party and some others to the prime ministerial candidate. How would you describe yourself?”&nbsp;

About 28 per cent voters gave importance to PM candidate and 26 per cent to the local candidate. The PM candidate was the topmost issue. What is this percentage likely to be in 2019, will determine the end results.&nbsp;

Modi’s popularity is still intact and this is even acknowledged by his detractors.&nbsp;

A middle-aged Uber driver in Delhi tells me he has a voter ID in Aligarh. He voted and believes that BJP is winning from there. The vote is not for the candidate, but for Modi.

From relatives in Bihar to voters in Bhubaneswar to cab drivers in Shimla, most people believe Modi is the panacea of most ills: from taking on poverty to teaching Pakistan a lesson. They also believe that while state governments could be different, at the Centre there is only Modi who can deliver the goods. &nbsp;&nbsp;

On Facebook live of Lallan Top, a popular online news portal, whose reporters are travelling through the length and breadth of Uttar Pradesh, many people on camera have been heard saying, “If there was no Modi, the BJP candidates would have lost their security deposits.”

These elections are turning out to be a vote either for Modi or against Modi. Whatever seats BJP and its allies get will be primarily because of him. The party realises this and that is why it has coined slogans like ‘Modi hai to mumkin hai’, ‘Phir ek baar Modi sarkar’. Everybody, obviously, is eagerly waiting for May 23. That clearly is the D-Day.&nbsp;

&nbsp;(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the&nbsp;<a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-the-prime-minister-as-president-2748978">original article)</a>

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)&nbsp;

 
&nbsp;

Six out of seven phases are over for Lok Sabha elections, 2019. The fate of candidates in 90 per cent of the Parliament strength has been sealed. Ground feedback, journalists and commentators differ in opinions on who is leading at the end of Phase six.

Six out of seven phases are over for Lok Sabha elections, 2019. The fate of candidates in 90 per cent of the Parliament strength has been sealed. Ground feedback, journalists and commentators differ in opinions on who is leading at the end of Phase six. Some opinions are also coloured by their respective ideologies. Many experts claim there is a significant undercurrent, but are hesitant to call out the election outcome. The Indian voter is smart and is likely to have the last laugh on May 23, the day of the results. While this election is being touted as wave-less, the 2014 verdict was clear from the onset. UPA-2, reeling under scams and a mega onslaught by Narendra Modi, was predicted to lose. A year ago (in 2018), 2019 elections was a done deal. Rahul and Congress were preparing for 2024. A setback in Karnataka and losses in three Hindi heartland states put the BJP on the back foot. Most opinion polls predicted a hung assembly in December 2018 and January 2019. Then in the aftermath of Pulwama and air strike 2.0, NDA’s fortunes revived. The last of the polls showed NDA a few seats short of majority in April 2019. The fortunes of alliances have been swinging like a pendulum with NDA clearly ahead of others. While the BJP-led alliance is aiming to get to a majority, UPA and others are aiming to beat the NDA. Many factors affect the voting behaviour of an individual. For some voters, issues are very important while for others, leadership matters; there are also those who back a particular candidate, caste, performance of government, ideology and whether he/she is a beneficiary of government scheme or not, among other motivating factors. Also, it may not just be one factor but a combination of factors that affects voting behaviour. Unemployment, corruption, price rise, farm distress and development are subjects, which feature regularly in the top 5 issues across elections in India. While during the 2014 elections, price rise and corruption were the top 2 issues, in 2009 it was unemployment and price rise. Issues alone may not be the sole determinant of election outcomes. As I travel across the country in my profession as a political consultant, many people ask me who will win the 2019 elections. For me the biggest question of 2019 election is, when one goes to vote, is he/she voting to elect a Prime Minister or elect a Member of Parliament? In India, elections are increasingly becoming a presidential style. If more and more people go out and vote to elect a PM, BJP has the advantage. If more and more people go out and vote to elect their local representative, then it is advantage opposition, as BJP has most MPs and will have to bear the brunt of non-performance of some of them. Modi’s persona has helped BJP attain a simple majority on its own, in 2014, a feat accomplished after 30 years. The Centre for Study of Developing Societies (CSDS) carried out a National Election Study 2014, which asked respondents, “While voting some people give importance to the local candidate, others to the state-level leadership of the party and some others to the prime ministerial candidate. How would you describe yourself?” About 28 per cent voters gave importance to PM candidate and 26 per cent to the local candidate. The PM candidate was the topmost issue. What is this percentage likely to be in 2019, will determine the end results. Modi’s popularity is still intact and this is even acknowledged by his detractors. A middle-aged Uber driver in Delhi tells me he has a voter ID in Aligarh. He voted and believes that BJP is winning from there. The vote is not for the candidate, but for Modi. From relatives in Bihar to voters in Bhubaneswar to cab drivers in Shimla, most people believe Modi is the panacea of most ills: from taking on poverty to teaching Pakistan a lesson. They also believe that while state governments could be different, at the Centre there is only Modi who can deliver the goods. On Facebook live of Lallan Top, a popular online news portal, whose reporters are travelling through the length and breadth of Uttar Pradesh, many people on camera have been heard saying, “If there was no Modi, the BJP candidates would have lost their security deposits.” These elections are turning out to be a vote either for Modi or against Modi. Whatever seats BJP and its allies get will be primarily because of him. The party realises this and that is why it has coined slogans like ‘Modi hai to mumkin hai’, ‘Phir ek baar Modi sarkar’. Everybody, obviously, is eagerly waiting for May 23. That clearly is the D-Day. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL.)

Narendra Modi’s popularity is still intact and this is even acknowledged by his detractors

&nbsp;

Rahul Gandhi on Tuesday took a dig out at Prime Minister Narendra Modi over his 'cloud-radar' remark, questioning him that whether all aircraft will disappear from the radar whenever it rains in India.

"Narendra Modi told officers and Air Chief of Air Force that 'it will be beneficial as radar will not be able to track aircraft in bad weather'.&nbsp;Narendra Modi ji, whenever it rains in India, do all the aircraft disappear from the radar?" Rahul said at a public rally Madhya Pradesh.

In a recent TV interview, Modi had said that a rainy was a better pick for Balakot strikes as the clouds could help IAF fighter jets evade detection by the Pakistani radar during the operation.

Raking up the issues of GST and demonetisation, Rahul claimed that the move by BJP "destroyed" the country's economy and snatched the jobs of 27,000 youth in 24 hours.

"Unemployment is at a 45-year high. When demonetisation and Gabbar Singh Tax came, the economy of our country got destroyed. About 27,000 youth lost their jobs in 24 hours," the Congress president said.

Commenting on the Mandsaur police firing case, in which six farmers had died in June 2017, Rahul alleged, "In Mandsaur, farmers were shot. They were crying for help. Modi ji had promised that he would be there for them.&nbsp;But when farmers were attacked he was nowhere to be seen."

Continuing his tirade against BJP, Rahul accused the ruling party of backtracking from their promise of assisting the farmers and instead waiving off crores of loans of businessmen like Anil Ambani and Nirav Modi.

"In Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh, farmers requested you (Modi) to waive off their loans. But you said no. You said that I will waive off loans of thieves like Anil Ambani, Nirav Modi, Lalit Modi and Vijay Mallya," he said.

Rahul said that the promise of farm loan waiver was Modi's 'mann ki baat' and not of Congress.

"It was neither mine nor Kamal Nath's 'mann ki baat'. The farm loan waiver was Prime Minister's 'mann ki baat'. When a farmer is not able to repay a loan of Rs 20,000 crore to the bank, he is put behind bars. Is this correct? Nirav Modi took Rs 35,000 crore and fled to London. But he is not in jail. Not even Vijay Mallya and Lalit Modi," the Congress president said.

Rahul said that the Congress' NYAY scheme will not only help the poor, but&nbsp;will jumpstart the country's economy.

"Economists told me that without NYAY, economy cannot be back on track. They told me that it is not an option, you have to do it. So, I pushed forward this scheme which will ensure that every poor family will get Rs 3,60,000 in their bank accounts in five years," he further said.

Eight Lok Sabha seats in Madhya Pradesh will go to polls on May 19, which is the last phase of general elections. Counting of votes will take place on May 23.

&nbsp;

Rahul Gandhi on Tuesday took a dig out at Prime Minister Narendra Modi over his 'cloud-radar' remark, questioning him that whether all aircraft will disappear from the radar whenever it rains in India.

Rahul Gandhi on Tuesday took a dig out at Prime Minister Narendra Modi over his 'cloud-radar' remark, questioning him that whether all aircraft will disappear from the radar whenever it rains in India. "Narendra Modi told officers and Air Chief of Air Force that 'it will be beneficial as radar will not be able to track aircraft in bad weather'. Narendra Modi ji, whenever it rains in India, do all the aircraft disappear from the radar?" Rahul said at a public rally Madhya Pradesh. In a recent TV interview, Modi had said that a rainy was a better pick for Balakot strikes as the clouds could help IAF fighter jets evade detection by the Pakistani radar during the operation. Raking up the issues of GST and demonetisation, Rahul claimed that the move by BJP "destroyed" the country's economy and snatched the jobs of 27,000 youth in 24 hours. "Unemployment is at a 45-year high. When demonetisation and Gabbar Singh Tax came, the economy of our country got destroyed. About 27,000 youth lost their jobs in 24 hours," the Congress president said. Commenting on the Mandsaur police firing case, in which six farmers had died in June 2017, Rahul alleged, "In Mandsaur, farmers were shot. They were crying for help. Modi ji had promised that he would be there for them. But when farmers were attacked he was nowhere to be seen." Continuing his tirade against BJP, Rahul accused the ruling party of backtracking from their promise of assisting the farmers and instead waiving off crores of loans of businessmen like Anil Ambani and Nirav Modi. "In Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh, farmers requested you (Modi) to waive off their loans. But you said no. You said that I will waive off loans of thieves like Anil Ambani, Nirav Modi, Lalit Modi and Vijay Mallya," he said. Rahul said that the promise of farm loan waiver was Modi's 'mann ki baat' and not of Congress. "It was neither mine nor Kamal Nath's 'mann ki baat'. The farm loan waiver was Prime Minister's 'mann ki baat'. When a farmer is not able to repay a loan of Rs 20,000 crore to the bank, he is put behind bars. Is this correct? Nirav Modi took Rs 35,000 crore and fled to London. But he is not in jail. Not even Vijay Mallya and Lalit Modi," the Congress president said. Rahul said that the Congress' NYAY scheme will not only help the poor, but will jumpstart the country's economy. "Economists told me that without NYAY, economy cannot be back on track. They told me that it is not an option, you have to do it. So, I pushed forward this scheme which will ensure that every poor family will get Rs 3,60,000 in their bank accounts in five years," he further said. Eight Lok Sabha seats in Madhya Pradesh will go to polls on May 19, which is the last phase of general elections. Counting of votes will take place on May 23.

Will rain make aircraft disappear in India: Rahul Gandhi's dig at PM Modi

This segment offers you with all the latest updates on campaigns for the last phase of India general elections.

India general elections wrap: PM Modi's campaign blitz

India Election Watch; 13th May, 2019

Watch BSP Chief Mayawati's distasteful appeal from women of our nation. Watch this video to know more.

India Election Watch: Mayawati's Distasteful Appeal

BJP President Amit Shah denied for doing rally in West bengal by authorities. BJP has accused Mamata Banerjee of threatning Democracy. Watch this video to know more.

India Election Watch: Tug of War in West Bengal

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