India is set to witness a high-voltage monsoon session of Parliament as the government and opposition prepare for a major political showdown. Ahead of the session, the government convened an all-party meeting to discuss the legislative agenda, but the meeting witnessed tension after opposition parties staged a symbolic walkout. The opposition protested against the invitation extended to rebel Trinamool Congress MPs, whose recognition as members of the NCPI is still pending before the Lok Sabha Speaker. Several opposition parties, including the Congress, DMK, Samajwadi Party, JMM, Shiv Sena UBT and others, joined the protest.

Parliament Monsoon Session begins amid Opposition protest over Rebel MPs

On Friday (July 5), Rashtriya Janata Dal president Lalu Prasad claimed that the Narendra Modi-led NDA government would fall within a month. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) was quick to dismiss RJD supremo's assertions as 'hallucinations'.

On Friday (July 5), Rashtriya Janata Dal president Lalu Prasad claimed that the Narendra Modi-led NDA government would fall within a month. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) was quick to dismiss RJD supremo's assertions as 'hallucinations'. During a celebration commemorating his party's 28th founding anniversary, Prasad declared that the Modi government was ineffective and that it would topple as soon as August. “I appeal to all party workers to be ready, as elections can happen anytime. The Modi government is weak (kamzor). It can fall at any time. It can fall in August,” the RJD leader said. Union Minister Nityanand Rai reacted to Prasad's statements, stating, "Lalu Prasad Yadav is daydreaming. By making Narendra Modi the PM for the third time, people have shown that the country will move forward only under his leadership. Similarly, under PM Modi and Nitish Kumar's leadership, Bihar will continue to move forward." The Union Minister added, "Bihar will not accept the RJD and the INDI alliance that had destroyed the state." Also read: Modi celebrates ‘phenomenal progress’ as India’s defence output hits record ₹1.27 trillion Meanwhile, Bihar Deputy CM Samrat Choudhary suggested that Lalu Prasad should take some rest. "He (Lalu Prasad Yadav) is a former Bihar CM, I would advise him to take some rest. The BJP alone has 240 seats (in Lok Sabha). He (Lalu), however, has won just four seats," Choudhary said. Despite setbacks, the RJD has expanded its seats and vote share in recent elections, Lalu Yadav said, urging party workers to become ready for any political developments. "For quite some time, we have been the single largest party in the Bihar assembly," Lalu Prasad Yadav said. Recalling his term and accomplishments, which included the 1990 arrest of Lal Krishna Advani, Prasad said, "Unlike many others, we have never compromised on ideology." (With inputs from agencies)

RJD supremo Lalu Prasad Yadav predicts Modi government’s fall by August; BJP calls it ‘daydreaming’

Seven-term parliamentarian Bhartruhari Mahtab was on June 20 appointed pro tem Speaker of the Lok Sabha, Parliamentary Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju said. He said Mahtab, a BJP member from Cuttack, was appointed as pro tem Speaker by President Droupadi Murmu under Article 95(1) of the Constitution to perform the duties of the Lok Sabha presiding officer till the election of the Speaker.

Seven-term parliamentarian Bhartruhari Mahtab was on June 20 appointed pro tem Speaker of the Lok Sabha, Parliamentary Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju said. He said Mahtab, a BJP member from Cuttack, was appointed as pro tem Speaker by President Droupadi Murmu under Article 95(1) of the Constitution to perform the duties of the Lok Sabha presiding officer till the election of the Speaker. The newly elected members of the 18th Lok Sabha will make oath or affirmation before the pro-tem Speaker, who will be assisted by a panel of chairpersons comprising Congress leader K. Suresh, DMK leader T. R. Baalu, BJP members Radha Mohan Singh and Faggan Singh Kulaste and TMC leader Sudip Bandyopadyay. Also read: PM Modi indicates early restoration of statehood on his two-day visit to Jammu and Kashmir BJP fields Bhartruhari Mahtab as its candidate from the Cuttack Lok Sabha seat. Mathab quit the BJD ahead of the Lok Sabha elections to join the BJP. The first session of the 18th Lok Sabha will begin on June 24. The newly elected members will take oath/affirmation on June 24-25. The election of the Speaker is scheduled to take place on June 26. (With inputs from agencies)

Veteran parliamentarian Bhartruhari Mahtab named pro tem Speaker for Lok Sabha's 18th session

Sébastien Farcis, a French journalist, alleged on Thursday that the Union Ministry of Home Affairs had refused to renew his permit, forcing him to leave India and preventing him from covering the general elections in 2024.

Sébastien Farcis, a French journalist, alleged on Thursday that the Union Ministry of Home Affairs had refused to renew his permit, forcing him to leave India and preventing him from covering the general elections in 2024. He is the second French journalist to make such a claim in four months. “On 17th June, I was forced to leave India, a country where I had lived and worked as a journalist for 13 years, as a South Asia correspondent for Radio France Internationale, Radio France, Libération and the Swiss and Belgian public radios,” Farcis posted on X on Thursday. According to Farcis, the MHA notified him on March 7 that he would not be allowed to cover the general elections and declined to renew his journalist permit. “This appeared to me as an incomprehensible censorship,” he wrote, stating that he had been working in India as a journalist since 2011 and had obtained all the necessary visas and accreditations. “I have…never worked in restricted or protected areas without a permit. On several occasions, the MHA even granted me permits to report from border areas,” he said in a statement. “This denial comes as a worrying context of increasing restrictions on the work of foreign journalists: after Vanessa Dougnac, I am the second French journalist in four months to have to leave India under these conditions. At least five OCI foreign correspondents have been banned from working as journalists in less than two years,” he added. Also read: Indian farm worker in Italy dies after employer dumps him on roadside with severed arm After 23 years of working as a journalist in India, Dougnac was allegedly asked to leave on February 16. According to an Outlook report, she was also married to an Indian man and had a son. The MHA allegedly sent her a notice in January, charging her of penning "malicious" articles that undermined "the interests of the sovereignty and integrity of India." She said that the notification mandated her to answer why her OCI card should not be cancelled. According to a February report in media outlet Article 14, the NDA government canceled at least 102 OCI cards between 2014 and May 2023. OCI, a status created in 2005 under the Citizenship Act, of 1955, allows foreign citizens of Indian origin or foreigners married to Indian citizens, to enter India without a visa. It also allows them to reside, work and own property. MHA has not reacted to Sébastien Farcis' claims yet. (With inputs from agencies)

'Country where I had lived and worked...': French journalist claims he was 'forced' to leave India

Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) leader Chirag Paswan, clinched all five Lok Sabha seats on which his party fought in Bihar, as part of the NDA alliance. He was awarded with a cabinet birth at the oath taking ceremony of Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Sunday (June 9).

According to reports, Chirag Paswan had been offered ministerial posts&nbsp;in the first and second NDA governments too, however, then the LJP decided that the post should be taken up by his father and party chief Ram Vilas Paswan.

Paswan won the Lok Sabha election&nbsp;from Bihar's Hajipur seat from which his father had clinched victory nine times.

The Lok Sabha Elections 2024 has become a milestone in the political journey of Chirag Paswan who started as a politically oblivious man and looked upon his stalwart father for guidance.

<h2>Beginning of a political journey</h2>

In 2020, a feud began in the family of Paswan soon after Ram Vilas Paswan's death. Both Chirag Paswan and his uncle Pashupati Kumar Paras claimed the political legacy of the veteran leader.

The clashes came to an end&nbsp;with a&nbsp;split in the LJP as Chirag’s uncle Pashupati Kumar Paras walked out of the party and took four of the six LJP MPs with him and&nbsp;joined the Modi government.&nbsp;

Chirag during this period&nbsp;was in a&nbsp;difficult situation,&nbsp;as he was no more a part of the&nbsp;NDA alliance and&nbsp;had also lost the party symbol as it went to the Paras faction.&nbsp;

He also took the challenging decision of going alone in the 2020 Bihar Assembly elections,&nbsp;before the split which eventually impacted the numbers of JD (U) as the ruling party came down to 43 seats from 70 seats in 2015.

Even after the split and distance from the NDA, Chirag reiterated his loyalty to Narendra Modi.&nbsp;

The direction of political winds changed after PM Modi sent a touching letter to Chirag on the first death anniversary of Ram Vilas Pasawn. This opened his doors to NDA and he was back in alliance in 2023.

<h2>Chirag Paswan scores 5/5 in battle of Bihar</h2>

Before the 2024 General Elections, Chirag Paswan was seen by the BJP as their best player to secure Paswan votes in the state of Bihar which is deep-rooted in caste politics.

The plan worked very well for NDA as the Chirag Paswan-led Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) clinched a win on all five seats in Bihar.&nbsp;

In this coalition government of NDA, the allies have been playing a crucial role in strengthening the government and Paswan is one among those important allies.

(With inputs from agencies)

Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) leader Chirag Paswan, clinched all five Lok Sabha seats on which his party fought in Bihar, as part of the NDA alliance. He was awarded with a cabinet birth at the oath taking ceremony of Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Sunday (June 9).

Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) leader Chirag Paswan, clinched all five Lok Sabha seats on which his party fought in Bihar, as part of the NDA alliance. He was awarded with a cabinet birth at the oath taking ceremony of Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Sunday (June 9). According to reports, Chirag Paswan had been offered ministerial posts in the first and second NDA governments too, however, then the LJP decided that the post should be taken up by his father and party chief Ram Vilas Paswan. Paswan won the Lok Sabha election from Bihar's Hajipur seat from which his father had clinched victory nine times. The Lok Sabha Elections 2024 has become a milestone in the political journey of Chirag Paswan who started as a politically oblivious man and looked upon his stalwart father for guidance. Beginning of a political journey In 2020, a feud began in the family of Paswan soon after Ram Vilas Paswan's death. Both Chirag Paswan and his uncle Pashupati Kumar Paras claimed the political legacy of the veteran leader. The clashes came to an end with a split in the LJP as Chirag’s uncle Pashupati Kumar Paras walked out of the party and took four of the six LJP MPs with him and joined the Modi government. Chirag during this period was in a difficult situation, as he was no more a part of the NDA alliance and had also lost the party symbol as it went to the Paras faction. He also took the challenging decision of going alone in the 2020 Bihar Assembly elections, before the split which eventually impacted the numbers of JD (U) as the ruling party came down to 43 seats from 70 seats in 2015. Even after the split and distance from the NDA, Chirag reiterated his loyalty to Narendra Modi. The direction of political winds changed after PM Modi sent a touching letter to Chirag on the first death anniversary of Ram Vilas Pasawn. This opened his doors to NDA and he was back in alliance in 2023. Chirag Paswan scores 5/5 in battle of Bihar Before the 2024 General Elections, Chirag Paswan was seen by the BJP as their best player to secure Paswan votes in the state of Bihar which is deep-rooted in caste politics. The plan worked very well for NDA as the Chirag Paswan-led Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) clinched a win on all five seats in Bihar. In this coalition government of NDA, the allies have been playing a crucial role in strengthening the government and Paswan is one among those important allies. (With inputs from agencies)

Modi 3.0: Chirag Paswan, NDA's trump card in battle of Bihar, clinches ministerial berth at Centre

The Indian government two years ago announced an ambitious $1.2 trillion mega project called Gati Shakti (Hindi for strength of speed) or National Master Plan for multi-modal connectivity plan.

The Indian government two years ago announced an ambitious $1.2 trillion mega project called Gati Shakti (Hindi for strength of speed) or National Master Plan for multi-modal connectivity plan. Now, under the project, the government is set to create a digital platform that will combine 16 ministries across different verticals so that infrastructure projects do not get entangled in bureaucratic mess and red tapism. Under the new portal, the private and government companies as well as investors will have a one-stop solution for the design and approval of projects while figuring out the costs without much difficulty. It is estimated that one in four infrastructure projects in India exceed their estimated budget while half of the projects get delayed. According to Amrit Lal Meena, special secretary of logistics in the ministry of commerce and industry, of the 1,300 projects, Gati Shakti’s portal currently oversees, almost 40 per cent were delayed due to issues related to land acquisition, forest, and environment clearances, resulting in cost overruns. “The mission is to implement projects without time overrun and cost overrun. Global companies choosing India as their manufacturing center is the objective.” said Meena regarding the objective of the new portal. As reported by WION, Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman during the budget speech, earlier this year unveiled India at 100 plan while elaborating on PM Gati Shakti programme to accelerate growth. Read more: India Union Budget 2022: PM Gati Shakti plan highlights The plan involves seven engines namely: Railways, roads, airports, ports, mass transport, waterways, and logistics infrastructure. The minister also informed that 100 PM Gati Shakti cargo terminals will be developed during the next three years. Under the scheme 400 new generation, Vande Bharat trains with better efficiency will be brought in the next three years. Ever since PM Modi came to power, he has been focusing on making India a hub of infrastructure projects. To ensure that the benefits of the trillion-dollar project are visible on the ground, PM Modi in a speech batted for decentralisation of the programme. He said that states can come up with their own master plans along lines of the PM Gati Shakti National Master Plan. “This would expedite the implementation of the Mission. Parallelly, they should work to use technology for enhancing ‘ease of living’ of the common man,” the PM was quoted as saying in the statement. (With inputs from agencies) WATCH WION LIVE HERE:

India's ambitious infra push: A digital platform that combines 16 ministries

"Religion must be restricted to spheres which legitimately appear in the religion, and the rest of life must be regulated, unified and modified in such a manner that we may evolve, as early as possible a strong and consolidated nation. Our first problem and the most important one is to produce national unity in this country. We think we have got national unity but there are many factors -and important factors - which still offer serious danger to our national consolidation, and it is very necessary that the whole of our life, so far as it is restricted to secular spheres, must be unified in such a way that as early as possible, we may be able to say, "Well, we are not merely a nation because we say so, but also in effect, by the way, we live, by our personal law, we are a strong and consolidated nation"- These were the words of &nbsp;K.M.Munshi, a distinguished member of Constituent Assembly of India and a leader who campaigned for eliminating caste-based discrimination, promoted women’s education and widow remarriages while addressing the Constituent Assembly debate on the issue of Uniform Civil Code.

According to the Directive Principles of the State Policy in the Constitution of India, “The State shall endeavour to secure for the citizens a uniform civil code throughout the territory of India.”

It was the vision of leaders like Munshi, Hansa Mehta, Alladi Krishnaswami Ayyar, Rajkumari Amrit Kaur and Dr BR Ambedkar who keeping in mind the intricacies, variation and dimension of our nation saw the Uniform Civil Code as part of the state’s responsibility’ to establish a single Indian identity instead of multiple religious identities.

The Constituent Assembly sat for the first time on December 9, 1946 and completed its task of framing the Indian Constitution in 2 years and 11 months. The Constituent Assembly had 11 sessions and sat for a total of 165 days. On November 26, the Constituent Assembly adopted the Constitution of India which came into force on January 26, 1950.

Uniform Civil Code was debated on December 23, 1948, wherein the Muslim members opposed it and moved amendments to keep personal laws out of the Constitution’s scope and introduce a provision that operationalised the Uniform Civil Code (UCC) only with the prior assent of the community.

In their opinion, the Uniform Civil Code violated freedom of religion and would create disharmony within the Muslim community and will be an interference in personal law without the approval of religious communities.

Members in favour argued that the UCC was important to uphold the unity of the country and the Constitution’s secular credentials.

Alladi Krishnaswami Aiyar was of the opinion that differential systems contribute to the differences among peoples of India. He said that by not having Uniform Civil Code we were departing from the goal where we wanted the whole of India to be welded and united together as a single nation. His assertion was that without uniformity in civil code, this country will be kept up always as a series of competing communities.

KM Munshi pointed out that even if this clause (Uniform Civil Code) is not put in, it did not mean that Parliament in future would have no right to enact a Uniform Civil Code and stated that Article 19, accepted by the House unanimously, permitted legislation covering secular activities. “The whole object of this Article is that as and when the Parliament thinks proper or rather when the majority in the Parliament thinks proper an attempt may be made to unify the personal law of the country.”

On the question of it being tyrannical, Munshi pointed out, ‘’Nowhere in advanced Muslim countries the personal laws of minorities has been recognised as so sacrosanct as to prevent the enactment of a Civil Code. Take for instance Turkey or Egypt, no minority in these countries is permitted to have such rights. Munshi further said that when you want to consolidate a community, you have to take into consideration the benefit which may accrue to the whole community and not to the customs of a part of it. It is not, therefore, correct to say that such an act is the tyranny of the majority. If you will look at the countries in Europe which have a Civil Code, everyone who goes there from any part of the world has to submit to the Civil Code. It is not felt to be tyrannical to the minority. 
 
The point, however, is this, whether we are going to consolidate and unify our personal law in such a way that the way of life of the whole country may in course of time be unified and secular. If, however, the religious practices in the past have been so construed as to cover the whole field of life, we have reached a point when we must put our foot down and say that these matters are not a religion, they are purely matters for secular legislation. This is what is emphasised by this article.”

BR Ambedkar made a &nbsp;point that it will not be the first time that Muslims will be governed by a law other than their own. He said, “My honourable friends have forgotten, that, apart from the North-West Frontier Province, up till 1937 in the rest of India, in various parts, such as the United Provinces, the Central Provinces and Bombay, the Muslims to a large extent were governed by the Hindu Law in the matter of succession”.

Hansa Mehta, the member of the Fundamental rights sub-committee, the advisory committee and the provincial constitutional committee, made a significant contribution to the Constituent Assembly debates in trying to make the Uniform Civil Code (UCC) a justiciable part of the constitution. According to her, personal laws were dividing the nation. “It is therefore very essential if we want to build up one nation to have one Civil Code.”

She opined that last rulers (British) created religious and communal minorities in order to help their policy of divide and rule and that policy led to the partition of this country. She said, “We do not want any more partitions. What do the minorities want? What can be their claims? The Constitution guarantees equal protection of the law, equality of status, equality of opportunity; the Constitution guarantees religious rights. What more can the Minorities ask for? If they want privileges, that is not in the spirit of democracy. They cannot ask for privileges”. 
 
(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)&nbsp;

"Religion must be restricted to spheres which legitimately appear in the religion, and the rest of life must be regulated, unified and modified in such a manner that we may evolve, as early as possible a strong and consolidated nation.

"Religion must be restricted to spheres which legitimately appear in the religion, and the rest of life must be regulated, unified and modified in such a manner that we may evolve, as early as possible a strong and consolidated nation. Our first problem and the most important one is to produce national unity in this country. We think we have got national unity but there are many factors -and important factors - which still offer serious danger to our national consolidation, and it is very necessary that the whole of our life, so far as it is restricted to secular spheres, must be unified in such a way that as early as possible, we may be able to say, "Well, we are not merely a nation because we say so, but also in effect, by the way, we live, by our personal law, we are a strong and consolidated nation"- These were the words of K.M.Munshi, a distinguished member of Constituent Assembly of India and a leader who campaigned for eliminating caste-based discrimination, promoted women’s education and widow remarriages while addressing the Constituent Assembly debate on the issue of Uniform Civil Code. According to the Directive Principles of the State Policy in the Constitution of India, “The State shall endeavour to secure for the citizens a uniform civil code throughout the territory of India.” It was the vision of leaders like Munshi, Hansa Mehta, Alladi Krishnaswami Ayyar, Rajkumari Amrit Kaur and Dr BR Ambedkar who keeping in mind the intricacies, variation and dimension of our nation saw the Uniform Civil Code as part of the state’s responsibility’ to establish a single Indian identity instead of multiple religious identities. The Constituent Assembly sat for the first time on December 9, 1946 and completed its task of framing the Indian Constitution in 2 years and 11 months. The Constituent Assembly had 11 sessions and sat for a total of 165 days. On November 26, the Constituent Assembly adopted the Constitution of India which came into force on January 26, 1950. Uniform Civil Code was debated on December 23, 1948, wherein the Muslim members opposed it and moved amendments to keep personal laws out of the Constitution’s scope and introduce a provision that operationalised the Uniform Civil Code (UCC) only with the prior assent of the community. In their opinion, the Uniform Civil Code violated freedom of religion and would create disharmony within the Muslim community and will be an interference in personal law without the approval of religious communities. Members in favour argued that the UCC was important to uphold the unity of the country and the Constitution’s secular credentials. Alladi Krishnaswami Aiyar was of the opinion that differential systems contribute to the differences among peoples of India. He said that by not having Uniform Civil Code we were departing from the goal where we wanted the whole of India to be welded and united together as a single nation. His assertion was that without uniformity in civil code, this country will be kept up always as a series of competing communities. KM Munshi pointed out that even if this clause (Uniform Civil Code) is not put in, it did not mean that Parliament in future would have no right to enact a Uniform Civil Code and stated that Article 19, accepted by the House unanimously, permitted legislation covering secular activities. “The whole object of this Article is that as and when the Parliament thinks proper or rather when the majority in the Parliament thinks proper an attempt may be made to unify the personal law of the country.” On the question of it being tyrannical, Munshi pointed out, ‘’Nowhere in advanced Muslim countries the personal laws of minorities has been recognised as so sacrosanct as to prevent the enactment of a Civil Code. Take for instance Turkey or Egypt, no minority in these countries is permitted to have such rights. Munshi further said that when you want to consolidate a community, you have to take into consideration the benefit which may accrue to the whole community and not to the customs of a part of it. It is not, therefore, correct to say that such an act is the tyranny of the majority. If you will look at the countries in Europe which have a Civil Code, everyone who goes there from any part of the world has to submit to the Civil Code. It is not felt to be tyrannical to the minority. The point, however, is this, whether we are going to consolidate and unify our personal law in such a way that the way of life of the whole country may in course of time be unified and secular. If, however, the religious practices in the past have been so construed as to cover the whole field of life, we have reached a point when we must put our foot down and say that these matters are not a religion, they are purely matters for secular legislation. This is what is emphasised by this article.” BR Ambedkar made a point that it will not be the first time that Muslims will be governed by a law other than their own. He said, “My honourable friends have forgotten, that, apart from the North-West Frontier Province, up till 1937 in the rest of India, in various parts, such as the United Provinces, the Central Provinces and Bombay, the Muslims to a large extent were governed by the Hindu Law in the matter of succession”. Hansa Mehta, the member of the Fundamental rights sub-committee, the advisory committee and the provincial constitutional committee, made a significant contribution to the Constituent Assembly debates in trying to make the Uniform Civil Code (UCC) a justiciable part of the constitution. According to her, personal laws were dividing the nation. “It is therefore very essential if we want to build up one nation to have one Civil Code.” She opined that last rulers (British) created religious and communal minorities in order to help their policy of divide and rule and that policy led to the partition of this country. She said, “We do not want any more partitions. What do the minorities want? What can be their claims? The Constitution guarantees equal protection of the law, equality of status, equality of opportunity; the Constitution guarantees religious rights. What more can the Minorities ask for? If they want privileges, that is not in the spirit of democracy. They cannot ask for privileges”. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Time to honour commitment on Uniform Civil Code

Populism of&nbsp;late has acquired a bad meaning globally. Populism is being associated with majoritarian politics which does not respect the minority and treats smaller communities with disrespect.

It has also come to represent unitary, uniform and homogenous idea of a nation which does not accommodate ethnicities, regional languages and ideological aspirations of small communities.&nbsp;

Populism instead of being understood as a critique of the previous arrangement of power internationally is being demonised as a religion of illiterate people who believe in half-baked truths.

The attitude is self-defeating. It only creates a sense of disdain without any concerted effort to understand what propels communities merge small differences of culture, community, and language to achieve big goals.&nbsp;

The first thing which populism does is to break the politics of political correctness. The sham of what can and what cannot be addressed in public is broken in the public domain. In India, it related to matter of faith, worship, civil code, Article 370 and anxiety of being overrun by immigrants.

Populism in politics also reflects social disconnect with the system of power and not with individuals. A populist government coming to power does not reflect a mere change of power. It leads to change in the way people are governed and policies are made and implemented. It is for this reason Narendra Modi’s government is populist in nature and Vajpayee despite being a popular politician, did not lead a populist government. His government did not change the intellectual consensus on national issues. A populist government comes to power when people at large want change to be reflected not only through decisions but also through the process of decision-making.

It is for this reason, what is construed by many as singular, authoritarian or undemocratic is seen by people as decisive, strong and path-breaking. And thus, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has received unending support from people across India on the abrogation of Article 370. It has not just created a new normal in the Valley but also changed the way Indians approach the Kashmir issue permanently.

Populist governments can become reactionary but in a democratic system, they help channel deep anxieties and frustration felt by common men and women in the context of decision making. It is for this reason, populism has seeped into many countries in Europe. Populist politics is challenging limits of European integration which has been born as a consequence of the disastrous World War II. Indian populism is also challenging the political consensus born immediately after the partition.&nbsp;

The old power order is only trying it grasp fundamental shift in Indian political order through the prism of constitutional morality. Constitutions are a reflection of social morality. Laws are supposed to meet the requirements of the social order. The only thing permanent in the Constitution are human values. The values like liberty, fraternity and equality are eternal in nature. To see populism as a counterpoint to fundamental values is&nbsp;wrong. Populist politics, populist movements or popular participation have always changed the course of history or impacted the future of the existing power relations in a country. India is also undergoing similar changes. Indian populism is not anti-minority. It represents deep anxiety within the majority community which wants to express its cultural and religious history of the land in an unapologetic way.&nbsp;

Patriotism or nationalism is an important input in modern nation-state but nowhere it can exist in a vacuum. It is for this reason, the constitution begins with the word, India i.e.- Bharat. European and American populism may rest on anti-immigrant feeling but Indian populism rests on new political consensus emerging from a new middle class.

It is also a result of decades of social reformation within Hinduism which has worked to bridge caste cleavage for a desire to have a new pan-Indian Hindu identity. The old liberal politics was&nbsp;based on the division of Hindu society in different communities. It also conceived tribal and Dalit communities as different from caste Hindu communities. This imagination of Hindus as different communities is losing ground to reform movements that wanted a pan- Indian Hindu identity. To understand it as majoritarianism is an intellectual folly. Hinduism does not have a text and it has the ability to redefine itself. It has done so many times in the past. The changes today represent a fundamental shift in&nbsp;Indian society and reflect&nbsp;the consolidation of pan-Hindu opinion on NRC and Article 370.

It is not communal in nature. It is the acknowledgment of the fact that a pan-Hindu opinion can exist, which can be independent of caste and community values.&nbsp;

It is this shift that has provided major thrust for Indian populism which is also a result of many other factors like the desire for strong leadership and settling certain issues that have plagued India since independence.&nbsp;

This assertion should not be mistaken for aggression. Lawlessness should be mistaken for concerted effort. It is a reflection&nbsp;of a new consensus. The Opposition feels that economic woes may help to reverse the tide. This may not be enough as Congress too came back to power a number of times despite slow growth rates in the 50s and 60s.&nbsp;

Populist politics rest on hope and the desired future. It can also become impatient and sometimes violent to achieve the desired end.&nbsp;

To understand populism as an aberration is an intellectual disservice. Modi is a popular leader and his government is populist in nature. The Opposition can only counter it&nbsp;by creating an ideological narrative that is not divisive&nbsp;in nature or based on decisions that emanate from the Supreme Court.&nbsp;

The answer to populism cannot be restricted to arguments in the halls of universities. The answer to populism will need to come after understanding what made the people react the way they did and why.&nbsp;

It will require intense engagement with people on the ground which also includes faith, religion and culture in the discussion. In its absence,&nbsp;the current wave of populism will reign supreme, unless and until disturbed by grave external (war) or internal (economy) issues.

Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)&nbsp;

Populism of late has acquired a bad meaning globally. Populism is being associated with majoritarian politics which does not respect the minority and treats smaller communities with disrespect.

Populism of late has acquired a bad meaning globally. Populism is being associated with majoritarian politics which does not respect the minority and treats smaller communities with disrespect. It has also come to represent unitary, uniform and homogenous idea of a nation which does not accommodate ethnicities, regional languages and ideological aspirations of small communities. Populism instead of being understood as a critique of the previous arrangement of power internationally is being demonised as a religion of illiterate people who believe in half-baked truths. The attitude is self-defeating. It only creates a sense of disdain without any concerted effort to understand what propels communities merge small differences of culture, community, and language to achieve big goals. The first thing which populism does is to break the politics of political correctness. The sham of what can and what cannot be addressed in public is broken in the public domain. In India, it related to matter of faith, worship, civil code, Article 370 and anxiety of being overrun by immigrants. Populism in politics also reflects social disconnect with the system of power and not with individuals. A populist government coming to power does not reflect a mere change of power. It leads to change in the way people are governed and policies are made and implemented. It is for this reason Narendra Modi’s government is populist in nature and Vajpayee despite being a popular politician, did not lead a populist government. His government did not change the intellectual consensus on national issues. A populist government comes to power when people at large want change to be reflected not only through decisions but also through the process of decision-making. It is for this reason, what is construed by many as singular, authoritarian or undemocratic is seen by people as decisive, strong and path-breaking. And thus, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has received unending support from people across India on the abrogation of Article 370. It has not just created a new normal in the Valley but also changed the way Indians approach the Kashmir issue permanently. Populist governments can become reactionary but in a democratic system, they help channel deep anxieties and frustration felt by common men and women in the context of decision making. It is for this reason, populism has seeped into many countries in Europe. Populist politics is challenging limits of European integration which has been born as a consequence of the disastrous World War II. Indian populism is also challenging the political consensus born immediately after the partition. The old power order is only trying it grasp fundamental shift in Indian political order through the prism of constitutional morality. Constitutions are a reflection of social morality. Laws are supposed to meet the requirements of the social order. The only thing permanent in the Constitution are human values. The values like liberty, fraternity and equality are eternal in nature. To see populism as a counterpoint to fundamental values is wrong. Populist politics, populist movements or popular participation have always changed the course of history or impacted the future of the existing power relations in a country. India is also undergoing similar changes. Indian populism is not anti-minority. It represents deep anxiety within the majority community which wants to express its cultural and religious history of the land in an unapologetic way. Patriotism or nationalism is an important input in modern nation-state but nowhere it can exist in a vacuum. It is for this reason, the constitution begins with the word, India i.e.- Bharat. European and American populism may rest on anti-immigrant feeling but Indian populism rests on new political consensus emerging from a new middle class. It is also a result of decades of social reformation within Hinduism which has worked to bridge caste cleavage for a desire to have a new pan-Indian Hindu identity. The old liberal politics was based on the division of Hindu society in different communities. It also conceived tribal and Dalit communities as different from caste Hindu communities. This imagination of Hindus as different communities is losing ground to reform movements that wanted a pan- Indian Hindu identity. To understand it as majoritarianism is an intellectual folly. Hinduism does not have a text and it has the ability to redefine itself. It has done so many times in the past. The changes today represent a fundamental shift in Indian society and reflect the consolidation of pan-Hindu opinion on NRC and Article 370. It is not communal in nature. It is the acknowledgment of the fact that a pan-Hindu opinion can exist, which can be independent of caste and community values. It is this shift that has provided major thrust for Indian populism which is also a result of many other factors like the desire for strong leadership and settling certain issues that have plagued India since independence. This assertion should not be mistaken for aggression. Lawlessness should be mistaken for concerted effort. It is a reflection of a new consensus. The Opposition feels that economic woes may help to reverse the tide. This may not be enough as Congress too came back to power a number of times despite slow growth rates in the 50s and 60s. Populist politics rest on hope and the desired future. It can also become impatient and sometimes violent to achieve the desired end. To understand populism as an aberration is an intellectual disservice. Modi is a popular leader and his government is populist in nature. The Opposition can only counter it by creating an ideological narrative that is not divisive in nature or based on decisions that emanate from the Supreme Court. The answer to populism cannot be restricted to arguments in the halls of universities. The answer to populism will need to come after understanding what made the people react the way they did and why. It will require intense engagement with people on the ground which also includes faith, religion and culture in the discussion. In its absence, the current wave of populism will reign supreme, unless and until disturbed by grave external (war) or internal (economy) issues. Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

Understanding populism and Narendra Modi's 2019 mandate

“Don’t find fault, find a remedy”, said Henry Ford famously. This quote exemplifies the visionary, problem-solving leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who chose to bring in the biggest indirect tax reform in post-independent India by implementing the GST.

The Manmohan Singh government sat lazily on the Kelkar committee recommendations for almost 10 years. The obnoxious attempt by Modi baiters to compare GST execution in India, with say, Singapore, is futile.

Within a year of implementing GST, Singapore witnessed skyrocketing inflation at 8.4 per cent, whereas the average retail inflation in India has consistently been below 4 per cent in the post-GST era.

Post the path-breaking GST, 1,186 goods comprising 97.69 per cent of the 1,214 goods that are widely used and were earlier taxed at almost 28-31 per cent, are now taxed at just 18 per cent or even lower.

In the last 100 days of Modi’s second term, landmark steps were taken that showcased Modinomics at its best. The decision to cut Employees’ State Insurance Act (ESIC) contribution from 6.5 per cent to 4 per cent, which will benefit 3.6 crore employees and 12.85 lakh employers, the step to develop 17 iconic tourist sites as world-famous tourist spots were among them. 
 
Also, the decision to set up 75 new government medical colleges by 2021 to boost medical education, aim to give scholarships in next five years to 5 crore underprivileged students of which 50 per cent are girls, under the “Go Tribal” scheme, removing “angel tax” to boost start-ups, Rs 6,000 per annum income support, which will benefit over 5 crore small and marginal farmers under the PM Kisan Samman Nidhi Yojana having been the turning points. 
 
Other schemes include a monthly pension of Rs 3,000 to small traders and shopkeepers in the unorganised sector after they attain 60 years of age under the PM Shram Yogi MandhanYojana, reducing corporate tax rate to 25 per cent for MSMEs with a turnover up to Rs 400 crore, bill to repeal 58 archaic laws including outdated labour laws and more importantly, passing the Code on Wages Bill 2019, which will benefit over 500 million workers across the country.&nbsp;

Manmohanomics had abdicated all responsibilities to more than 70 GOMs and EGOMs that ruled by proxy as part of Sonia Gandhi’s kitchen cabinet between 2004-2014, compromising both the legitimacy and the credibility of the Prime Minister’s office.

In sharp contrast, good governance under Narendra Modi has taken a whole new dimension with 30 new bills being cleared in the just-concluded monsoon session of the Parliament.

India moving up by a good 65 places at rank 77 in the World Bank’s global Ease of Doing Business (EODB) rankings in the first four years of Modi’s first term is a case in point.&nbsp;

Apart from this, be it launching Rupay cards in Abu Dhabi and Bhutan or powering the India story at G20, G7, SCO, BRICS or more recently at the Eastern Economic Forum in Vladivostok, Modinomics has mastered the subtle art of marrying international diplomacy, soft power and economic linkages. Besides the world’s biggest healthcare scheme like Ayushman Bharat covering over 17,000 hospitals — which have till date benef Undoubtedly, if there is one scheme that has revolutionalised the lives of millions of women, it is the Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana (PMUY) with the number of beneficiaries touching the 8-crore mark recently.&nbsp;

The gas sector is an excellent example of Modi government’s governance motto of “Reform, Perform, Transform”. What a pity that despite ruling India for the better part of the last 70 plus years, neither the Congress, nor its family retainers did anything to strengthen the gas ecosystem or to reduce India’s dependence on traditional fuel sources. Realising the vulnerabilities of India’s fuel economy, the Modi government put in place various initiatives to empower India’s gas based-economy, including plans to set up 5,000 compressed bio-gas plants by 2022-23, to convert agri-waste into bio-CNG.

All these efforts will help fulfil India’s global commitment of reducing emission intensity by 33-35 per cent and producing minimum 40 per cent electricity from non-conventional sources by 2030.

By early 2019, the Modi government had achieved all of these — electrification of over 2.5 crore households under the Saubhagya Yojana; over 1.9 lakh km of roads built under the Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana, vaccination of well over 3.28 crore people under the Indradhanush scheme, building 9.56 crore toilets under the Swachh Bharat Abhiyaan, commissioning of over 33 crore LED bulbs that saved over Rs 17,000 crore; making 5,36,724 villages Open Defecation Free (ODF); distribution of over Rs 5.37 lakh crore via DBT to the rural and urban poor; covering 5,441 schools under Atal Tinkering Labs; due recognition to 14,706 start-ups; 23.66 lakh registered users under the Swayam scheme; benefits to 2.38 crore pensioners under the Jeevan Pramaan scheme and 1.24 crore people under the Atal Pension Yojana; extending paid maternity leave from 12 weeks to 26 weeks for pregnant women.&nbsp;

It has also established over 13,000 Kaushal Vikas Kendras; disbursed over Rs 35,000 crore to Indian armed forces and veterans under the One Rank One Pension (OROP) scheme; extended accident insurance to over 13.98 crore people under Pradhan Mantri Suraksha BimaYojana (PMSBY), life cover to over 5.47 crore Indians under the Pradhan Mantri Jeevan Jyoti Bima Yojana (PMJJBY) and insurance to over 14.39 crore farmers under the Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojana ( PMFBY); distributed over 17.17 crore Soil Health Cards (SHCs); distributed over Rs. 1.69 lakh crore as subsidies via Aadhaar; over 1.35 crore farmers covered under e-NAM for better pricing of farm produce, set up of over 3.8 lakh Common Service Centres (CSCs), versus just 84,000 that existed in 2014. The government also opened over 36 crore Jan Dhan accounts, of which more than 50 per cent&nbsp;belong to women, to ensure universal financial inclusion. Modinomics is endearingly Glocal-Global in its approach without losing its local flavour and that is precisely what makes it so relevant in contemporary times.&nbsp;

(This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the <a href="https://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/column-modinomics-cogently-unplugged-2790290">original article</a>)

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)&nbsp; 
&nbsp;

“Don’t find fault, find a remedy”, said Henry Ford famously. This quote exemplifies the visionary, problem-solving leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who chose to bring in the biggest indirect tax reform in post-independent India by implementing the GST.

“Don’t find fault, find a remedy”, said Henry Ford famously. This quote exemplifies the visionary, problem-solving leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who chose to bring in the biggest indirect tax reform in post-independent India by implementing the GST. The Manmohan Singh government sat lazily on the Kelkar committee recommendations for almost 10 years. The obnoxious attempt by Modi baiters to compare GST execution in India, with say, Singapore, is futile. Within a year of implementing GST, Singapore witnessed skyrocketing inflation at 8.4 per cent, whereas the average retail inflation in India has consistently been below 4 per cent in the post-GST era. Post the path-breaking GST, 1,186 goods comprising 97.69 per cent of the 1,214 goods that are widely used and were earlier taxed at almost 28-31 per cent, are now taxed at just 18 per cent or even lower. In the last 100 days of Modi’s second term, landmark steps were taken that showcased Modinomics at its best. The decision to cut Employees’ State Insurance Act (ESIC) contribution from 6.5 per cent to 4 per cent, which will benefit 3.6 crore employees and 12.85 lakh employers, the step to develop 17 iconic tourist sites as world-famous tourist spots were among them. Also, the decision to set up 75 new government medical colleges by 2021 to boost medical education, aim to give scholarships in next five years to 5 crore underprivileged students of which 50 per cent are girls, under the “Go Tribal” scheme, removing “angel tax” to boost start-ups, Rs 6,000 per annum income support, which will benefit over 5 crore small and marginal farmers under the PM Kisan Samman Nidhi Yojana having been the turning points. Other schemes include a monthly pension of Rs 3,000 to small traders and shopkeepers in the unorganised sector after they attain 60 years of age under the PM Shram Yogi MandhanYojana, reducing corporate tax rate to 25 per cent for MSMEs with a turnover up to Rs 400 crore, bill to repeal 58 archaic laws including outdated labour laws and more importantly, passing the Code on Wages Bill 2019, which will benefit over 500 million workers across the country. Manmohanomics had abdicated all responsibilities to more than 70 GOMs and EGOMs that ruled by proxy as part of Sonia Gandhi’s kitchen cabinet between 2004-2014, compromising both the legitimacy and the credibility of the Prime Minister’s office. In sharp contrast, good governance under Narendra Modi has taken a whole new dimension with 30 new bills being cleared in the just-concluded monsoon session of the Parliament. India moving up by a good 65 places at rank 77 in the World Bank’s global Ease of Doing Business (EODB) rankings in the first four years of Modi’s first term is a case in point. Apart from this, be it launching Rupay cards in Abu Dhabi and Bhutan or powering the India story at G20, G7, SCO, BRICS or more recently at the Eastern Economic Forum in Vladivostok, Modinomics has mastered the subtle art of marrying international diplomacy, soft power and economic linkages. Besides the world’s biggest healthcare scheme like Ayushman Bharat covering over 17,000 hospitals — which have till date benef Undoubtedly, if there is one scheme that has revolutionalised the lives of millions of women, it is the Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana (PMUY) with the number of beneficiaries touching the 8-crore mark recently. The gas sector is an excellent example of Modi government’s governance motto of “Reform, Perform, Transform”. What a pity that despite ruling India for the better part of the last 70 plus years, neither the Congress, nor its family retainers did anything to strengthen the gas ecosystem or to reduce India’s dependence on traditional fuel sources. Realising the vulnerabilities of India’s fuel economy, the Modi government put in place various initiatives to empower India’s gas based-economy, including plans to set up 5,000 compressed bio-gas plants by 2022-23, to convert agri-waste into bio-CNG. All these efforts will help fulfil India’s global commitment of reducing emission intensity by 33-35 per cent and producing minimum 40 per cent electricity from non-conventional sources by 2030. By early 2019, the Modi government had achieved all of these — electrification of over 2.5 crore households under the Saubhagya Yojana; over 1.9 lakh km of roads built under the Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana, vaccination of well over 3.28 crore people under the Indradhanush scheme, building 9.56 crore toilets under the Swachh Bharat Abhiyaan, commissioning of over 33 crore LED bulbs that saved over Rs 17,000 crore; making 5,36,724 villages Open Defecation Free (ODF); distribution of over Rs 5.37 lakh crore via DBT to the rural and urban poor; covering 5,441 schools under Atal Tinkering Labs; due recognition to 14,706 start-ups; 23.66 lakh registered users under the Swayam scheme; benefits to 2.38 crore pensioners under the Jeevan Pramaan scheme and 1.24 crore people under the Atal Pension Yojana; extending paid maternity leave from 12 weeks to 26 weeks for pregnant women. It has also established over 13,000 Kaushal Vikas Kendras; disbursed over Rs 35,000 crore to Indian armed forces and veterans under the One Rank One Pension (OROP) scheme; extended accident insurance to over 13.98 crore people under Pradhan Mantri Suraksha BimaYojana (PMSBY), life cover to over 5.47 crore Indians under the Pradhan Mantri Jeevan Jyoti Bima Yojana (PMJJBY) and insurance to over 14.39 crore farmers under the Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojana ( PMFBY); distributed over 17.17 crore Soil Health Cards (SHCs); distributed over Rs. 1.69 lakh crore as subsidies via Aadhaar; over 1.35 crore farmers covered under e-NAM for better pricing of farm produce, set up of over 3.8 lakh Common Service Centres (CSCs), versus just 84,000 that existed in 2014. The government also opened over 36 crore Jan Dhan accounts, of which more than 50 per cent belong to women, to ensure universal financial inclusion. Modinomics is endearingly Glocal-Global in its approach without losing its local flavour and that is precisely what makes it so relevant in contemporary times. (This article was originally published on The DNA. Read the original article) (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)

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