Taiwan’s main opposition party, once a widely feared political force, now parades through the streets in a pink pickup truck decked out with pig’s ears and a snout. It brings life-size pig models to rallies. On the floor of the island’s legislature, its members recently flung pig intestines at rival lawmakers.

The garishly porcine displays by the party, the Kuomintang, are meant to highlight one of its pet issues, the importation of American pork containing a controversial additive. But in the eyes of critics, the antics signal the identity crisis that the party, once Asia’s wealthiest, now faces.

Many see it as out of touch with modern Taiwanese life. Even worse, they see its traditional emphasis on smooth relations with mainland China as dangerously outdated, as the Communist Party under Xi Jinping takes a harder line against the island that Beijing claims as its own.

The Kuomintang has suffered lopsided electoral defeats at the hands of voters like Chen Yu-chieh, a 27-year-old website designer. “The Kuomintang’s mindset is more conservative,” Chen said. “I don’t think I’ll vote for the Kuomintang in the next few years, unless they make drastic changes.”

Party leaders have acknowledged the problem and vowed an overhaul. They have espoused democratic values and human rights, promised to recruit younger members and better engage the public, and sought to distance the party from Beijing.

“The Kuomintang needs to keep up with the times and needs to modernize,” said Johnny Chiang, who was elected as the party’s leader last March after pledging to rejuvenate it, in an interview in Taipei. At 48 years old, Chiang is one of the youngest leaders in the party’s history.

Whether the party succeeds could have profound implications for the future of Taiwan, as well as for Beijing and Washington.

Founded in 1894, the Kuomintang governed China for years before it was defeated by Mao’s communists, and it fled to Taiwan, where it ruled with an iron fist and came down hard against anyone suspected of being a communist. In recent decades, the party has emerged as a balancing force in the island’s delicate relationship with Beijing. Communist leaders until recently saw the Kuomintang as their preferred dialogue partner on the island, linked by their belief in a shared Chinese identity.

But the Kuomintang lost power in 2016 — for only the second time since direct presidential elections began in 1996 — as voters chose President Tsai Ing-wen, who is skeptical of closer ties with Beijing. The Kuomintang’s power has been eroding overall ever since.

In Washington, where attitudes have hardened against China’s Communist Party, Tsai has won strong support. In Beijing, the party is indicating that it is losing patience.

Xi has yet to send a congratulatory letter to Chiang, the Kuomintang’s new leader, after his election. The snub was a break with a practice that had been customary since 2005, and it suggested to some observers that the Communist Party was wary of Chiang’s coolness toward Beijing.

Dialogue between the Communist Party and the Kuomintang has also slowed. In September, a Chinese state broadcaster mocked a planned visit to the mainland by a delegation from the Kuomintang as a “petition for peace,” painting the party as conciliatory. The Kuomintang canceled the visit.

The chill between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party could inject further instability into already tense ties between Taipei and Beijing. Beijing’s threats to forcibly bring the island back into its fold have escalated since Tsai won reelection last year. Analysts in the mainland have warned that Beijing may resort to war if the Kuomintang is unable to reclaim power or if the Communist Party feels it no longer has a dialogue partner on the island.

The threat of war between the two sides has quickly become a flash point in relations between China and the United States. During the Trump administration, Washington drew Beijing’s anger by allowing high-profile visits and stepping up arms sales to Taiwan. The Biden administration has signaled its intent to continue showing support for the island, and Beijing has responded with fiery rhetoric and military activities.

In the longer term, the Kuomintang is at a crossroads. Looming over the party is the question of how it will navigate the issue of Taiwan’s sovereignty.

Most of the island’s 23 million people find the concept of unification with the mainland unappealing, and many are increasingly wary of Beijing’s intentions. The Kuomintang’s loss in last year’s presidential election was in part because its candidate had pushed to restore closer relations with the mainland.

Two months later, after Chiang was elected to lead the party, he sought to play down the importance of the so-called 1992 Consensus, an unwritten agreement that is the bedrock of ties between the Kuomintang and Beijing. That concept, in the view of the Kuomintang, holds that there is only one China, which includes Taiwan, but that each side may interpret it in its own way. But Chiang’s move quickly exposed a rift in the leadership as Kuomintang elders shot down his proposal, saying it would drastically hurt ties with Beijing.

Chiang now emphasizes that being a citizen of the Republic of China, as Taiwan is formally known, does not mean one may not also identify as being Taiwanese. Around two-thirds of Taiwanese — and 83% of Taiwanese between the ages of 18 and 29 — don’t identify as Chinese, according to a Pew Research survey released last year.

“We can’t deny where people are born,” Chiang said. “But just because you are ‘naturally Taiwanese’ doesn’t mean you necessarily have to be ‘naturally pro-independence.’”

To sell that message, the Kuomintang will need to win over its biggest skeptics: Taiwan’s youth.

Under Chiang, the Kuomintang in recent months has initiated a revamp. The party launched an online merchandise store and a new app, and it is ramping up its social media presence.

But it’s not clear whether the campaign will be enough to shift the popular perception of the party as a club of fusty, old-school elites.

On a recent morning in the southern city of Kaohsiung, around 50 college students gathered in a room at a lakeside resort for a three-day camp focused on recruiting younger members. Some participants were Kuomintang members and others had signed up to learn more about the party.

The students listened as a Kuomintang politician offered advice on social media strategy. “So you may have seen that on ‘IG’ there’s a marketing tool that’s pretty successful,” Lo Chih-chiang, the politician, said to the rapt audience, referring to Instagram. “You can write some great words on a photo and use that to tell a story.”

After the session, the students continued the conversation over a meal of sautéed vegetables, braised fish and yellow watermelon. Yang Tzung-fan, 24, a graduate student who joined the Kuomintang last year over the objections of her parents, said she was drawn to what she described as the party’s honest leadership as well as to its commitment to preserving Chinese culture.

Although many young Taiwanese, including some of the party’s supporters, are skeptical of unifying with China, Yang said that in her view, the prospect was not as scary as some made it out to be. “In a way, we are all one big family. There’s no need to distinguish from each other.”

But until the old guard of the Kuomintang agrees to move aside, Yang said, it will be difficult for the party to make any headway with the youth.

“They have to solve their internal problems, and then let young people participate in politics more,” she said. “They have to change the image that the Kuomintang is full of old male politicians.”

Taiwan’s main opposition party, once a widely feared political force, now parades through the streets in a pink pickup truck decked out with pig’s ears and a snout.

Taiwan’s main opposition party, once a widely feared political force, now parades through the streets in a pink pickup truck decked out with pig’s ears and a snout. It brings life-size pig models to rallies. On the floor of the island’s legislature, its members recently flung pig intestines at rival lawmakers. The garishly porcine displays by the party, the Kuomintang, are meant to highlight one of its pet issues, the importation of American pork containing a controversial additive. But in the eyes of critics, the antics signal the identity crisis that the party, once Asia’s wealthiest, now faces. Many see it as out of touch with modern Taiwanese life. Even worse, they see its traditional emphasis on smooth relations with mainland China as dangerously outdated, as the Communist Party under Xi Jinping takes a harder line against the island that Beijing claims as its own. The Kuomintang has suffered lopsided electoral defeats at the hands of voters like Chen Yu-chieh, a 27-year-old website designer. “The Kuomintang’s mindset is more conservative,” Chen said. “I don’t think I’ll vote for the Kuomintang in the next few years, unless they make drastic changes.” Party leaders have acknowledged the problem and vowed an overhaul. They have espoused democratic values and human rights, promised to recruit younger members and better engage the public, and sought to distance the party from Beijing. “The Kuomintang needs to keep up with the times and needs to modernize,” said Johnny Chiang, who was elected as the party’s leader last March after pledging to rejuvenate it, in an interview in Taipei. At 48 years old, Chiang is one of the youngest leaders in the party’s history. Whether the party succeeds could have profound implications for the future of Taiwan, as well as for Beijing and Washington. Founded in 1894, the Kuomintang governed China for years before it was defeated by Mao’s communists, and it fled to Taiwan, where it ruled with an iron fist and came down hard against anyone suspected of being a communist. In recent decades, the party has emerged as a balancing force in the island’s delicate relationship with Beijing. Communist leaders until recently saw the Kuomintang as their preferred dialogue partner on the island, linked by their belief in a shared Chinese identity. But the Kuomintang lost power in 2016 — for only the second time since direct presidential elections began in 1996 — as voters chose President Tsai Ing-wen, who is skeptical of closer ties with Beijing. The Kuomintang’s power has been eroding overall ever since. In Washington, where attitudes have hardened against China’s Communist Party, Tsai has won strong support. In Beijing, the party is indicating that it is losing patience. Xi has yet to send a congratulatory letter to Chiang, the Kuomintang’s new leader, after his election. The snub was a break with a practice that had been customary since 2005, and it suggested to some observers that the Communist Party was wary of Chiang’s coolness toward Beijing. Dialogue between the Communist Party and the Kuomintang has also slowed. In September, a Chinese state broadcaster mocked a planned visit to the mainland by a delegation from the Kuomintang as a “petition for peace,” painting the party as conciliatory. The Kuomintang canceled the visit. The chill between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party could inject further instability into already tense ties between Taipei and Beijing. Beijing’s threats to forcibly bring the island back into its fold have escalated since Tsai won reelection last year. Analysts in the mainland have warned that Beijing may resort to war if the Kuomintang is unable to reclaim power or if the Communist Party feels it no longer has a dialogue partner on the island. The threat of war between the two sides has quickly become a flash point in relations between China and the United States. During the Trump administration, Washington drew Beijing’s anger by allowing high-profile visits and stepping up arms sales to Taiwan. The Biden administration has signaled its intent to continue showing support for the island, and Beijing has responded with fiery rhetoric and military activities. In the longer term, the Kuomintang is at a crossroads. Looming over the party is the question of how it will navigate the issue of Taiwan’s sovereignty. Most of the island’s 23 million people find the concept of unification with the mainland unappealing, and many are increasingly wary of Beijing’s intentions. The Kuomintang’s loss in last year’s presidential election was in part because its candidate had pushed to restore closer relations with the mainland. Two months later, after Chiang was elected to lead the party, he sought to play down the importance of the so-called 1992 Consensus, an unwritten agreement that is the bedrock of ties between the Kuomintang and Beijing. That concept, in the view of the Kuomintang, holds that there is only one China, which includes Taiwan, but that each side may interpret it in its own way. But Chiang’s move quickly exposed a rift in the leadership as Kuomintang elders shot down his proposal, saying it would drastically hurt ties with Beijing. Chiang now emphasizes that being a citizen of the Republic of China, as Taiwan is formally known, does not mean one may not also identify as being Taiwanese. Around two-thirds of Taiwanese — and 83% of Taiwanese between the ages of 18 and 29 — don’t identify as Chinese, according to a Pew Research survey released last year. “We can’t deny where people are born,” Chiang said. “But just because you are ‘naturally Taiwanese’ doesn’t mean you necessarily have to be ‘naturally pro-independence.’” To sell that message, the Kuomintang will need to win over its biggest skeptics: Taiwan’s youth. Under Chiang, the Kuomintang in recent months has initiated a revamp. The party launched an online merchandise store and a new app, and it is ramping up its social media presence. But it’s not clear whether the campaign will be enough to shift the popular perception of the party as a club of fusty, old-school elites. On a recent morning in the southern city of Kaohsiung, around 50 college students gathered in a room at a lakeside resort for a three-day camp focused on recruiting younger members. Some participants were Kuomintang members and others had signed up to learn more about the party. The students listened as a Kuomintang politician offered advice on social media strategy. “So you may have seen that on ‘IG’ there’s a marketing tool that’s pretty successful,” Lo Chih-chiang, the politician, said to the rapt audience, referring to Instagram. “You can write some great words on a photo and use that to tell a story.” After the session, the students continued the conversation over a meal of sautéed vegetables, braised fish and yellow watermelon. Yang Tzung-fan, 24, a graduate student who joined the Kuomintang last year over the objections of her parents, said she was drawn to what she described as the party’s honest leadership as well as to its commitment to preserving Chinese culture. Although many young Taiwanese, including some of the party’s supporters, are skeptical of unifying with China, Yang said that in her view, the prospect was not as scary as some made it out to be. “In a way, we are all one big family. There’s no need to distinguish from each other.” But until the old guard of the Kuomintang agrees to move aside, Yang said, it will be difficult for the party to make any headway with the youth. “They have to solve their internal problems, and then let young people participate in politics more,” she said. “They have to change the image that the Kuomintang is full of old male politicians.”

With pig parades and youth camps, Taiwan’s ailing Kuomintang tries a revamp

Taiwan's President <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/taiwan-election-voting-begins-in-polls-closely-watched-by-china-273500">Tsai Ing-wen</a> is seeking a second term against the main challenger <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/taiwan-election-2020-china-friendly-han-kuo-yu-challenges-president-tsai-ing-wen-273288">Han Kuo-yu</a> in Saturday's elections.

Watch:&nbsp;Who will win Taiwan's Election?

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Tsai hails from the independence-leaning <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/huge-rival-rallies-on-final-day-before-taiwan-votes-273463">Democratic Progressive Party</a> (DPP) and has been campaigning on a platform of defending Taiwan's sovereignty against threats from Beijing.

Han is from the mainland-friendly <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/taiwans-china-friendly-presidential-hopeful-faces-backlash-in-divided-south-273096">Kuomintang party</a> (KMT) and is pushing for warmer relations with Taiwan's giant authoritarian neighbour.

Here are profiles of the candidates:

Tsai Ing-wen&nbsp;

<img alt="Taiwan President Tsai Ing-wen waves after voting at a polling station in Chunghe district, New Taipei City" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="b60fa591-af76-42fb-a603-c6d18d1baf44" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/Untitled%20design%20%2814%29_8.jpg" /> 
[ Taiwan President, Tsai Ing-wen waves after voting at a polling station in Chunghe district, New Taipei City (Courtesy: AFP) ]

Tsai made history in 2016 when she became Taiwan's first female leader in a landslide election victory, as the public grew wary of the KMT's perceived cosiness with Beijing over the previous eight years.

But it has been far from smooth sailing since the 63-year-old took the helm.

Beijing rebuffed her calls for talks and instead set about isolating <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/taiwan-to-vote-in-shadow-of-china-pressure-hong-kong-protests-272816">Taiwan</a> because Tsai refuses to acknowledge the idea that the island is part of a "one China".

It cut off official communication, ramped up military and economic pressure, froze Taiwan out of major international bodies and poached seven of the island's dwindling diplomatic allies.

On the domestic front, her government's push for a controversial reform agenda, most notably pension cuts and legalising gay marriage, saw her approval ratings dive.

But in the past year, her fortunes have rebounded, going from below 20 points behind at her nadir to significantly ahead of Han.

<img alt="Taiwan's President Tsai Ing-wen gestures to supporters as she campaigns in the Banqiao" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="e7591998-6cc1-4122-a879-499be8eccc8b" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/Untitled%20design%20%2817%29_5.jpg" /> 
[ Taiwan's President Tsai Ing-wen from the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) gestures to supporters as she campaigns in the Banqiao (Courtesy: AFP)&nbsp;]

Analysts say bellicose threats from Beijing and ongoing massive protests in <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/taiwan-election-2020-china-friendly-han-kuo-yu-challenges-president-tsai-ing-wen-273288">Hong Kong</a> have helped fuel her resurgence as voters fret about the shadow cast by communist China, which views Taiwan as its own territory and has vowed to seize it one day.

Her push to legalise gay marriage, while divisive, also reinvigorated her youth base.

Born into a wealthy family, Tsai was an academic and a trade negotiator before she entered politics.

Soft-spoken and mild-mannered, she has frequently had to battle misogynistic insults in a political culture where male veterans have historically dominated.

She lost her first presidential bid in 2012, but stayed the course and won increased support from within her own party and the public ahead of her 2016 victory.

Her 2020 campaign has remained largely gaffe-free as she pushes the idea that the DPP will stand up to China and maintain Taiwan's position as one of Asia's most progressive democracies.

While the economy has fared well during her tenure even in the midst of the global trade war, it is the main attack point for her opponents who accuse the DPP of needlessly antagonising China and leaving Taiwan struggling as a result.

Han Kuo-yu

<img alt="Han Kuo-Yu, presidential candidate for Taiwan, casts his ballot as he votes at Linyuan District in Kaohsiung" data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="c4fba2a3-1aa9-4662-a1d6-e817ba380ddb" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/Untitled%20design%20%2813%29_5.jpg" /> 
[ Han Kuo-Yu, presidential candidate for Taiwan, casts his ballot as he votes at Linyuan District in Kaohsiung (Courtesy: AFP)&nbsp;]

Han Kuo-yu fits the current zeitgeist for populist outsiders who shake up the old political establishment.

In the past two years, the 62-year-old has journeyed from relative obscurity to KMT presidential candidate, backed by a fervent base of supporters that local media have dubbed the "Han tide".

But he has struggled to maintain his stellar rise since winning his party's primary.

Written off by many KMT bigwigs, Han shot to political stardom in 2018 when he swept the mayoralty of Kaohsiung, a city in the south of Taiwan that had long been a DPP heartland.

He then saw off challenges by billionaire Foxconn founder Terry Gou and other veteran politicians to seize the primary.

Han has projected a plain-talking "everyman" image, using his modest upbringing and experience of unemployment to appeal to grassroots voters.

He has shown a knack for using the criticism to his advantage. When a spokesman for Tsai dismissed Han as something of a country bumpkin by calling him an "earthen steamed bun", he responded by presiding over a steamed bun cooking competition. &nbsp;

<img alt="Han Kuo-Yu, Taiwan’s presidential candidate prays for the victims killed during a helicopter crash during campaign rally in Tainan " data-entity-type="file" data-entity-uuid="65d94af8-1666-4280-b756-ec7d827627e1" src="//cdn.wionews.com/sites/default/files/inline-images/Untitled%20design%20%2816%29_5.jpg" /> 
[&nbsp;Han Kuo-Yu, Taiwan’s presidential candidate prays for the victims killed during a helicopter crash during a campaign rally in Tainan&nbsp;(Courtesy: AFP)&nbsp;]

Han has described January's vote as a choice between "peace or crisis" with China, campaigning on the slogan "Taiwan safe, people rich" with promises to restore warmer ties with Beijing and boost the economy.

That message appeals to many, especially those whose businesses rely on the much larger mainland economy.

But it has left Han vulnerable to criticism that he is too friendly towards <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/huge-rival-rallies-on-final-day-before-taiwan-votes-273463">Beijing</a>, especially after he met senior Chinese officials during a trip to the mainland last year.

Han's plain-talking has also resulted in gaffes on the campaign trail as well as accusations that he is a "runaway mayor" who promised to bring jobs and investment to <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/taiwan-polls-millions-cast-votes-in-a-closely-watched-presidential-and-parliamentary-election-273580">Kaohsiung</a> only to run for president instead.

He remains significantly behind in most polls.&nbsp;

But Han has often been written off in the past, only to prove his detractors wrong once the votes are cast.&nbsp;

Taiwan's President Tsai Ing-wen is seeking a second term against the main challenger Han Kuo-yu in Saturday's elections. Watch: Who will win Taiwan's Election? × Tsai hails from the independence-leaning Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and has been campaigning on a platform of defending Taiwan's sovereignty against threats from Beijing.

Taiwan's President Tsai Ing-wen is seeking a second term against the main challenger Han Kuo-yu in Saturday's elections. Watch: Who will win Taiwan's Election? × Tsai hails from the independence-leaning Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and has been campaigning on a platform of defending Taiwan's sovereignty against threats from Beijing. Han is from the mainland-friendly Kuomintang party (KMT) and is pushing for warmer relations with Taiwan's giant authoritarian neighbour. Here are profiles of the candidates: Tsai Ing-wen [ Taiwan President, Tsai Ing-wen waves after voting at a polling station in Chunghe district, New Taipei City (Courtesy: AFP) ] Tsai made history in 2016 when she became Taiwan's first female leader in a landslide election victory, as the public grew wary of the KMT's perceived cosiness with Beijing over the previous eight years. But it has been far from smooth sailing since the 63-year-old took the helm. Beijing rebuffed her calls for talks and instead set about isolating Taiwan because Tsai refuses to acknowledge the idea that the island is part of a "one China". It cut off official communication, ramped up military and economic pressure, froze Taiwan out of major international bodies and poached seven of the island's dwindling diplomatic allies. On the domestic front, her government's push for a controversial reform agenda, most notably pension cuts and legalising gay marriage, saw her approval ratings dive. But in the past year, her fortunes have rebounded, going from below 20 points behind at her nadir to significantly ahead of Han. [ Taiwan's President Tsai Ing-wen from the ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) gestures to supporters as she campaigns in the Banqiao (Courtesy: AFP) ] Analysts say bellicose threats from Beijing and ongoing massive protests in Hong Kong have helped fuel her resurgence as voters fret about the shadow cast by communist China, which views Taiwan as its own territory and has vowed to seize it one day. Her push to legalise gay marriage, while divisive, also reinvigorated her youth base. Born into a wealthy family, Tsai was an academic and a trade negotiator before she entered politics. Soft-spoken and mild-mannered, she has frequently had to battle misogynistic insults in a political culture where male veterans have historically dominated. She lost her first presidential bid in 2012, but stayed the course and won increased support from within her own party and the public ahead of her 2016 victory. Her 2020 campaign has remained largely gaffe-free as she pushes the idea that the DPP will stand up to China and maintain Taiwan's position as one of Asia's most progressive democracies. While the economy has fared well during her tenure even in the midst of the global trade war, it is the main attack point for her opponents who accuse the DPP of needlessly antagonising China and leaving Taiwan struggling as a result. Han Kuo-yu [ Han Kuo-Yu, presidential candidate for Taiwan, casts his ballot as he votes at Linyuan District in Kaohsiung (Courtesy: AFP) ] Han Kuo-yu fits the current zeitgeist for populist outsiders who shake up the old political establishment. In the past two years, the 62-year-old has journeyed from relative obscurity to KMT presidential candidate, backed by a fervent base of supporters that local media have dubbed the "Han tide". But he has struggled to maintain his stellar rise since winning his party's primary. Written off by many KMT bigwigs, Han shot to political stardom in 2018 when he swept the mayoralty of Kaohsiung, a city in the south of Taiwan that had long been a DPP heartland. He then saw off challenges by billionaire Foxconn founder Terry Gou and other veteran politicians to seize the primary. Han has projected a plain-talking "everyman" image, using his modest upbringing and experience of unemployment to appeal to grassroots voters. He has shown a knack for using the criticism to his advantage. When a spokesman for Tsai dismissed Han as something of a country bumpkin by calling him an "earthen steamed bun", he responded by presiding over a steamed bun cooking competition. [ Han Kuo-Yu, Taiwan’s presidential candidate prays for the victims killed during a helicopter crash during a campaign rally in Tainan (Courtesy: AFP) ] Han has described January's vote as a choice between "peace or crisis" with China, campaigning on the slogan "Taiwan safe, people rich" with promises to restore warmer ties with Beijing and boost the economy. That message appeals to many, especially those whose businesses rely on the much larger mainland economy. But it has left Han vulnerable to criticism that he is too friendly towards Beijing, especially after he met senior Chinese officials during a trip to the mainland last year. Han's plain-talking has also resulted in gaffes on the campaign trail as well as accusations that he is a "runaway mayor" who promised to bring jobs and investment to Kaohsiung only to run for president instead. He remains significantly behind in most polls. But Han has often been written off in the past, only to prove his detractors wrong once the votes are cast.

Tsai versus Han: Taiwan's top two presidential candidates

A populist mayor who can command huge crowds and wants closer ties with China has thrown his hat in the ring to stand as a candidate in Taiwan's upcoming presidential elections.

Han Kuo-yu, who seized the mayoralty of southern Kaohsiung city from the ruling party in a shock victory last year, was among five candidates announced on Monday by the opposition Kuomintang (KMT) party for its primary election.

Confirmation of Han's entry shakes up an opposition list that had until now been dominated by Taiwan's richest man, Foxconn billionaire Terry Gou.

Taiwan goes to the polls in January and the race will be dominated by its relationship with China.

Gou and Han are seen as the two front-runners in the KMT primary, which will conclude on July 16.&nbsp;

Under current president Tsai Ing-wen, relations with Beijing have soured because she and her ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) refuse to recognise the idea that Taiwan is part of<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/resolutely-oppose-one-country-two-systems-taiwan-president-tsai-on-xis-china-reunification-plan-187906"> "one China".</a>

Since her election, Beijing has cut official communications, ramped up military exercises, poached diplomatic allies and ratcheted up economic pressure on the island.

The KMT is pushing for much warmer ties with Beijing - a stance that appeals among older voters but rattles the nerves of much younger Taiwanese.

Han shot to political stardom after ending the DPP's 20-year rule in its traditional stronghold Kaohsiung during local elections last November, with media describing his rising popularity as the "Han tide".&nbsp;

Earlier this month, tens of thousands of supporters gathered in Taipei for a rally that was seen as a show of strength before announcing his run.

Supporters see him as a plain-talking maverick and political outsider who has shaken up the staid politics of the KMT -&nbsp;but detractors are unnerved by how favourably he speaks of China.&nbsp;

The 61-year-old took the unusual step of meeting with the head of China's Taiwan Affairs Office and Hong Kong's chief Carrie Lam, among other Chinese officials, during a trip to the mainland in March.

Observers say the KMT race is largely between Han and Gou, who has been actively campaigning since announcing in April that he has secured the backing of a local Sea Goddess for his presidential bid.

Gou, 69, has vowed to balance Taiwan's relationship with both the United States and China, but his huge factories in China have led to concerns about possible conflicts of interest.

A populist mayor who can command huge crowds and wants closer ties with China has thrown his hat in the ring to stand as a candidate in Taiwan's upcoming presidential elections.

A populist mayor who can command huge crowds and wants closer ties with China has thrown his hat in the ring to stand as a candidate in Taiwan's upcoming presidential elections. Han Kuo-yu, who seized the mayoralty of southern Kaohsiung city from the ruling party in a shock victory last year, was among five candidates announced on Monday by the opposition Kuomintang (KMT) party for its primary election. Confirmation of Han's entry shakes up an opposition list that had until now been dominated by Taiwan's richest man, Foxconn billionaire Terry Gou. Taiwan goes to the polls in January and the race will be dominated by its relationship with China. Gou and Han are seen as the two front-runners in the KMT primary, which will conclude on July 16. Under current president Tsai Ing-wen, relations with Beijing have soured because she and her ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) refuse to recognise the idea that Taiwan is part of "one China". Since her election, Beijing has cut official communications, ramped up military exercises, poached diplomatic allies and ratcheted up economic pressure on the island. The KMT is pushing for much warmer ties with Beijing - a stance that appeals among older voters but rattles the nerves of much younger Taiwanese. Han shot to political stardom after ending the DPP's 20-year rule in its traditional stronghold Kaohsiung during local elections last November, with media describing his rising popularity as the "Han tide". Earlier this month, tens of thousands of supporters gathered in Taipei for a rally that was seen as a show of strength before announcing his run. Supporters see him as a plain-talking maverick and political outsider who has shaken up the staid politics of the KMT - but detractors are unnerved by how favourably he speaks of China. The 61-year-old took the unusual step of meeting with the head of China's Taiwan Affairs Office and Hong Kong's chief Carrie Lam, among other Chinese officials, during a trip to the mainland in March. Observers say the KMT race is largely between Han and Gou, who has been actively campaigning since announcing in April that he has secured the backing of a local Sea Goddess for his presidential bid. Gou, 69, has vowed to balance Taiwan's relationship with both the United States and China, but his huge factories in China have led to concerns about possible conflicts of interest.

Populist China-friendly mayor to run for Taiwan president