The congressional committee looking into the January 6 assault on the US Capitol Hill put out a damning indictment of Donald Trump on Thursday, insisting that he should be held legally responsible for a shameful breach&nbsp;of his presidential duties. The panel, comprised of seven Democrats and two Republicans who had also voted for Trump's impeachment following the bloody uprising, is holding its eighth public hearing into the Capitol incident. As per an AFP report, at the televised finish of a series of public hearings on the attack, committee chairman Bennie Thompson claimed Trump "recklessly blazed a path of lawlessness and corruption" as he worked to invalidate the results of the 2020 US election.

Watch |&nbsp;Jan 6 riots committee aims to detail what Trump did during the 187 minutes in the oval office

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Thompson, who had tested positive for COVID-19, addressed the committee virtually, and said there needed to be "accountability" for what he called an assault on democracy.

According to Thompson, "the select committee has told a story of a president who did everything in his power to overturn an election." He broke his oath, lied, and used intimidation.

"He lied, he bullied, he betrayed his oath."

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"He tried to destroy our democratic institutions," said Thompson adding, "there needs to be accountability... all the way up to the Oval Office."

Several White House employees have also revealed that the former president watched the attack unfold on television for about three hours in a private dining room. Republican committee member Adam Kinzinger shared snippets of their testimony on Twitter.

Also read |&nbsp;​​​​​​​<a href="https://www.wionews.com/photos/johnson-to-earn-more-after-being-ousted-here-are-some-heads-of-states-their-salaries-while-in-office-after-498475">Johnson to earn more after being ousted. Here are some heads of States, their salaries while in office &amp; after</a>

Lawmakers are looking into Trump's conduct that day.&nbsp;From his fiery speech to his supporters outside the White House, in which he claimed the upcoming election in November 2020 was rigged, to the point when he told the rioters they were "very special" but needed to go home.

AFP reports that a&nbsp;damning revelation by the chief lawyer for the White House Pat Cipollone disclosed to the committee that the president was even urged by advisers to release a statement ordering people out of the Capitol.

"I think I was pretty clear there needed to be an immediate and forceful response statement, public statement that people need to leave the Capitol."

Further hearings into the horrific assault, according to committee members, will take place in September.

(With inputs from agencies)

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The congressional committee looking into the January 6 assault on the US Capitol Hill put out a damning indictment of Donald Trump on Thursday, insisting that he should be held legally responsible for a shameful breach of his presidential duties.

The congressional committee looking into the January 6 assault on the US Capitol Hill put out a damning indictment of Donald Trump on Thursday, insisting that he should be held legally responsible for a shameful breach of his presidential duties. The panel, comprised of seven Democrats and two Republicans who had also voted for Trump's impeachment following the bloody uprising, is holding its eighth public hearing into the Capitol incident. As per an AFP report, at the televised finish of a series of public hearings on the attack, committee chairman Bennie Thompson claimed Trump "recklessly blazed a path of lawlessness and corruption" as he worked to invalidate the results of the 2020 US election. Watch | Jan 6 riots committee aims to detail what Trump did during the 187 minutes in the oval office Thompson, who had tested positive for COVID-19, addressed the committee virtually, and said there needed to be "accountability" for what he called an assault on democracy. According to Thompson, "the select committee has told a story of a president who did everything in his power to overturn an election." He broke his oath, lied, and used intimidation. "He lied, he bullied, he betrayed his oath." Also read | 1 in 5 Americans believe violence is justified to serve political ends, says survey "He tried to destroy our democratic institutions," said Thompson adding, "there needs to be accountability... all the way up to the Oval Office." Several White House employees have also revealed that the former president watched the attack unfold on television for about three hours in a private dining room. Republican committee member Adam Kinzinger shared snippets of their testimony on Twitter. Also read | Johnson to earn more after being ousted. Here are some heads of States, their salaries while in office & after Lawmakers are looking into Trump's conduct that day. From his fiery speech to his supporters outside the White House, in which he claimed the upcoming election in November 2020 was rigged, to the point when he told the rioters they were "very special" but needed to go home. AFP reports that a damning revelation by the chief lawyer for the White House Pat Cipollone disclosed to the committee that the president was even urged by advisers to release a statement ordering people out of the Capitol. "I think I was pretty clear there needed to be an immediate and forceful response statement, public statement that people need to leave the Capitol." Further hearings into the horrific assault, according to committee members, will take place in September. (With inputs from agencies) Watch WION LIVE HERE: You can now write for wionews.com and be a part of the community. Share your stories and opinions with us here.

'He lied, he bullied, he betrayed his oath', Jan 6 committee says Trump needs to be held accountable

Barbara F Walter, who is a political science professor at the University of California at San Diego, said that the United States is closer to "civil war than any of us would like to believe".&nbsp;

Walter's remark appeared to be quite alarming for a democratic country that recently hosted the 'Summit of Democracy' with an aim to strengthen democracy and defend against authoritarianism globally.&nbsp;

Is American democracy in crisis?

Walter, who serves on a CIA advisory panel called the Political Instability Task Force, has given an analytical opinion of the US politics&nbsp;in a book, "How Civil Wars Start," which will be out in January.&nbsp;

However, a report has been published by The Washington Post, detailing what Walter has assessed about the country's political situation and how it might pan out in the near future.&nbsp;

ALSO READ | <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/white-house-reacts-after-joe-manchin-says-he-wont-vote-for-joe-bidens-build-back-better-bill-438390">White House reacts after Joe Manchin says he won't vote for Joe Biden's Build Back Better bill</a>

The Post mentioned that Walter has studied conflicts in Syria, Lebanon, Northern Ireland, Sri Lanka, the Philippines, Rwanda, Angola, Nicaragua during her career.&nbsp;

It is understood that the Political Instability Task Force monitors countries around the world and speculates over a possibility of political instability.&nbsp;

"We are closer to civil war than any of us would like to believe. No one wants to believe that their beloved democracy is in decline, or headed toward war," Walter wrote in the to-be-published book, as quoted by The Washington Post.&nbsp;

Weighing in on the political situation of America, Walter said that "if you were an analyst in a foreign country looking at events in America — the same way you'd look at events in Ukraine or the Ivory Coast or Venezuela — you would go down a checklist, assessing each of the conditions that make civil war likely."

"And what you would find is that the United States, a democracy founded more than two centuries ago, has entered very dangerous territory," she added.&nbsp;

ALSO READ | <a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/in-memo-us-air-force-gives-green-signal-to-gender-pronouns-use-for-internal-communication-438165">In memo, US Air Force gives green signal to gender pronouns’ use for internal communication</a>

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The CIA actually has a Task Force designed to try to predict where and when political instability and conflict is likely to break out around the world. It's just not legally allowed to look at the U.S. That means we are blind to the risk factors that are rapidly emerging here. <a href="https://t.co/86UMVwhi3C">pic.twitter.com/86UMVwhi3C</a>
— Barbara F Walter (@bfwalter) <a href="https://twitter.com/bfwalter/status/1463667263832211457?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">November 25, 2021</a></blockquote>
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We know why democracies decline and ethnic factions emerge. We also know it can be driven by extremists with their own political agendas. Whether these extremists succeed depends on whether we, the American people, challenge them or not. <a href="https://t.co/L9TmIk6pGC">https://t.co/L9TmIk6pGC</a> <a href="https://t.co/Y0qn1v5Jn8">pic.twitter.com/Y0qn1v5Jn8</a>
— Barbara F Walter (@bfwalter) <a href="https://twitter.com/bfwalter/status/1470823914951655425?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">December 14, 2021</a></blockquote>
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If we talk about US politics, the past two-three years have been topsy-turvy — a phase when the administration also changed as Joe Biden was sworn in as 46th US president.&nbsp;

The election was chaotic as former President Donald Trump multiple times claimed that there were some discrepancies in the counting of votes.&nbsp;

On January 6, the deadly attack on the US Capitol also turned out to be a black chapter in the political history of the US.&nbsp;

As mentioned by Walter, the US is now an "anocracy," somewhere between a democracy and an autocratic state.&nbsp;

Barbara F Walter, who is a political science professor at the University of California at San Diego, said that the United States is closer to "civil war than any of us would like to believe".

Barbara F Walter, who is a political science professor at the University of California at San Diego, said that the United States is closer to "civil war than any of us would like to believe". Walter's remark appeared to be quite alarming for a democratic country that recently hosted the 'Summit of Democracy' with an aim to strengthen democracy and defend against authoritarianism globally. Is American democracy in crisis? Walter, who serves on a CIA advisory panel called the Political Instability Task Force, has given an analytical opinion of the US politics in a book, "How Civil Wars Start," which will be out in January. However, a report has been published by The Washington Post, detailing what Walter has assessed about the country's political situation and how it might pan out in the near future. ALSO READ | White House reacts after Joe Manchin says he won't vote for Joe Biden's Build Back Better bill The Post mentioned that Walter has studied conflicts in Syria, Lebanon, Northern Ireland, Sri Lanka, the Philippines, Rwanda, Angola, Nicaragua during her career. It is understood that the Political Instability Task Force monitors countries around the world and speculates over a possibility of political instability. "We are closer to civil war than any of us would like to believe. No one wants to believe that their beloved democracy is in decline, or headed toward war," Walter wrote in the to-be-published book, as quoted by The Washington Post. Weighing in on the political situation of America, Walter said that "if you were an analyst in a foreign country looking at events in America — the same way you'd look at events in Ukraine or the Ivory Coast or Venezuela — you would go down a checklist, assessing each of the conditions that make civil war likely." "And what you would find is that the United States, a democracy founded more than two centuries ago, has entered very dangerous territory," she added. ALSO READ | In memo, US Air Force gives green signal to gender pronouns’ use for internal communication The CIA actually has a Task Force designed to try to predict where and when political instability and conflict is likely to break out around the world. It's just not legally allowed to look at the U.S. That means we are blind to the risk factors that are rapidly emerging here. pic.twitter.com/86UMVwhi3C — Barbara F Walter (@bfwalter) November 25, 2021 × We know why democracies decline and ethnic factions emerge. We also know it can be driven by extremists with their own political agendas. Whether these extremists succeed depends on whether we, the American people, challenge them or not. https://t.co/L9TmIk6pGC pic.twitter.com/Y0qn1v5Jn8 — Barbara F Walter (@bfwalter) December 14, 2021 × If we talk about US politics, the past two-three years have been topsy-turvy — a phase when the administration also changed as Joe Biden was sworn in as 46th US president. The election was chaotic as former President Donald Trump multiple times claimed that there were some discrepancies in the counting of votes. On January 6, the deadly attack on the US Capitol also turned out to be a black chapter in the political history of the US. As mentioned by Walter, the US is now an "anocracy," somewhere between a democracy and an autocratic state.

Is United States on the cusp of a civil war? Member of CIA panel thinks so

Two days after Christmas last year, Richard P. Donoghue, a top Justice Department official in the waning days of the Trump administration, saw an unknown number appear on his phone.

Donoghue had spent weeks fielding calls, emails and in-person requests from President Donald Trump and his allies, all of whom asked the Justice Department to declare, falsely, that the election was corrupt. The lame-duck president had surrounded himself with a crew of unscrupulous lawyers, conspiracy theorists, even the chief executive of MyPillow — and they were stoking his election lies.

Trump had been handing out Donoghue’s cellphone number so that people could pass on rumors of election fraud. Who could be calling him now?

It turned out to be a member of Congress: Rep. Scott Perry, R-Pa., who began pressing the president’s case. Perry said he had compiled a dossier of voter fraud allegations that the department needed to vet. Jeffrey Clark, a Justice Department lawyer who had found favor with Trump, could “do something” about the president’s claims, Perry said, even if others in the department would not.

The message was delivered by an obscure lawmaker who was doing Trump’s bidding. Justice Department officials viewed it as outrageous political pressure from a White House that had become consumed by conspiracy theories.

It was also one example of how a half-dozen right-wing members of Congress became key foot soldiers in Trump’s effort to overturn the election, according to dozens of interviews and a review of hundreds of pages of congressional testimony about the attack on the Capitol on Jan. 6.

The lawmakers — all of them members of the ultraconservative House Freedom Caucus — worked closely with the White House chief of staff, Mark Meadows, whose central role in Trump’s efforts to overturn a democratic election is coming into focus as the congressional investigation into Jan. 6 gains traction.

There was Rep. Jim Jordan of Ohio, the pugnacious former wrestler who bolstered his national profile by defending Trump on cable television; Rep. Andy Biggs of Arizona, whose political ascent was padded by a $10 million sweepstakes win; and Rep. Paul Gosar, an Arizona dentist who trafficked in conspiracy theories and spoke at a white nationalist rally.

They were joined by Rep. Louie Gohmert of Texas, who was known for fiery speeches delivered to an empty House chamber and unsuccessfully sued Vice President Mike Pence over his refusal to interfere in the election certification; and Rep. Mo Brooks of Alabama, a lawyer who rode the Tea Party wave to Congress and was later sued by a Democratic congressman for inciting the Jan. 6 riot.

Perry, a former Army helicopter pilot who is close to Jordan and Meadows, acted as a de facto sergeant. He coordinated many of the efforts to keep Trump in office, including a plan to replace the acting attorney general with a more compliant official. His colleagues call him General Perry.

Meadows, a former congressman from North Carolina who co-founded the Freedom Caucus in 2015, knew the six lawmakers well. His role as Trump’s right-hand man helped to remarkably empower the group in the president’s final, chaotic weeks in office.

Congressional Republicans have fought the Jan. 6 committee’s investigation at every turn, but it is increasingly clear that Trump relied on the lawmakers to help his attempts to retain power. When Justice Department officials said they could not find evidence of widespread fraud, Trump was unconcerned: “Just say that the election was corrupt + leave the rest to me and the R. Congressmen,” he said, according to Donoghue’s notes of the call.

November

On Nov. 9, two days after The Associated Press called the race for Biden, crisis meetings were underway at Trump campaign headquarters in Arlington, Virginia.

Perry and Jordan huddled with senior White House officials, including Meadows; Stephen Miller, a top Trump adviser; Bill Stepien, the campaign manager; and Kayleigh McEnany, the White House press secretary.

According to two people familiar with the meetings, which have not been previously reported, the group settled on a strategy that would become a blueprint for Trump’s supporters in Congress: Hammer home the idea that the election was tainted, announce legal actions being taken by the campaign, and bolster the case with allegations of fraud.

Gosar embraced the fraud claims so closely that his chief of staff, Tom Van Flein, rushed to an airplane hangar parking lot in Phoenix after a conspiracy theory began circulating that a suspicious jet carrying ballots from South Korea was about to land, perhaps in a bid to steal the election from Trump, according to court documents filed by one of the participants. The claim turned out to be baseless.

December

On Dec. 1, 2020, Attorney General William Barr said publicly what he knew to be true: The Justice Department had found no evidence of widespread election fraud. Biden was the lawful winner.

The attorney general’s declaration seemed only to energize the six lawmakers. Gohmert suggested that the FBI in Washington could not be trusted to investigate election fraud. Biggs said that Trump’s allies needed “the imprimatur, quite frankly of the DOJ,” to win their lawsuits claiming fraud.

They turned their attention to Jan. 6, when Pence was to officially certify Biden’s victory. Jordan, asked if the president should concede, replied, “No way.”

On Dec. 21, Trump met with members of the Freedom Caucus to discuss their plans. Jordan, Gosar, Biggs, Brooks and Meadows were there.

“This sedition will be stopped,” Gosar wrote on Twitter.

January

On Jan. 5, Jordan was still pushing. That day, he forwarded Meadows a text message he had received from a lawyer and former Pentagon inspector general outlining a legal strategy to overturn the election.

“On January 6, 2021, Vice President Mike Pence, as President of the Senate, should call out all the electoral votes that he believes are unconstitutional as no electoral votes at all — in accordance with guidance from founding father Alexander Hamilton and judicial precedence,” the text read.

On Jan. 6, Washington was overcast and breezy as thousands of people gathered at the Ellipse to hear Trump and his allies spread a lie that has become a rallying cry in the months since: that the election was stolen.

Brooks, wearing body armor, took the stage in the morning, saying he was speaking at the behest of the White House. The crowd began to swell.

“Today is the day American patriots start taking down names and kicking ass,” Brooks said. “Are you willing to do what it takes to fight for America?”

Trump approached the dais soon after. “We will never give up,” Trump said. “We will never concede.”

Roaring their approval, many in the crowd began the walk down Pennsylvania Avenue toward the Capitol, where the certification proceeding was underway. Amped up by the speakers at the rally, the crowd taunted the officers who guarded the Capitol and pushed toward the building’s staircases and entry points, eventually breaching security along the perimeter just after 1 p.m.

By this point, the six lawmakers were inside the Capitol, ready to protest the certification. Gosar was speaking at 2:16 p.m. when security forces entered the chamber because rioters were in the building.

As the melee erupted, Sen. Mitt Romney, R-Utah, yelled to his colleagues who were planning to challenge the election: “This is what you’ve gotten, guys.”

When Jordan tried to help Rep. Liz Cheney, R-Wyo., move to safety, she smacked his hand away, according to a congressional aide briefed on the exchange.

“Get away from me,” she told him. “You fucking did this."

A spokesman for Jordan disputed parts of the account, saying that Cheney did not curse at the congressman or slap him.

The back-and-forth was reported earlier by Washington Post reporters Carol Leonnig and Philip Rucker in their book “I Alone Can Fix It.”

The Aftermath

Perry was recently elected leader of the Freedom Caucus, elevating him to an influential leadership post as Republicans could regain control of the House in 2022. The stolen election claim is now a litmus test for the party, with Trump and his allies working to oust those who refuse to back it.

All six lawmakers are poised to be key supporters should Trump maintain his political clout before the midterm and general elections. Brooks is running for Senate in Alabama, and Gohmert is running for Texas attorney general.Some, like Jordan, are in line to become committee chairs if Republicans take back the House.

In many ways, they have tried to rewrite history. Several of the men have argued that the Jan. 6 attack was akin to a tourist visit to the Capitol. Gosar cast the attackers as “peaceful patriots across the country." A Pew research poll found that nearly two-thirds of Republicans said their party should not accept elected officials who criticize Trump.

Still, the House select committee investigating the Capitol attack appears to be picking up steam, voting this week to recommend that Meadows be charged with criminal contempt of Congress.

Rep. Bennie Thompson, D-Miss. and the chairman of the committee, said the panel would follow the facts wherever they led, including to members of Congress.

“Nobody,” he said, “is off-limits.”

Two days after Christmas last year, Richard P. Donoghue, a top Justice Department official in the waning days of the Trump administration, saw an unknown number appear on his phone.

Two days after Christmas last year, Richard P. Donoghue, a top Justice Department official in the waning days of the Trump administration, saw an unknown number appear on his phone. Donoghue had spent weeks fielding calls, emails and in-person requests from President Donald Trump and his allies, all of whom asked the Justice Department to declare, falsely, that the election was corrupt. The lame-duck president had surrounded himself with a crew of unscrupulous lawyers, conspiracy theorists, even the chief executive of MyPillow — and they were stoking his election lies. Trump had been handing out Donoghue’s cellphone number so that people could pass on rumors of election fraud. Who could be calling him now? It turned out to be a member of Congress: Rep. Scott Perry, R-Pa., who began pressing the president’s case. Perry said he had compiled a dossier of voter fraud allegations that the department needed to vet. Jeffrey Clark, a Justice Department lawyer who had found favor with Trump, could “do something” about the president’s claims, Perry said, even if others in the department would not. The message was delivered by an obscure lawmaker who was doing Trump’s bidding. Justice Department officials viewed it as outrageous political pressure from a White House that had become consumed by conspiracy theories. It was also one example of how a half-dozen right-wing members of Congress became key foot soldiers in Trump’s effort to overturn the election, according to dozens of interviews and a review of hundreds of pages of congressional testimony about the attack on the Capitol on Jan. 6. The lawmakers — all of them members of the ultraconservative House Freedom Caucus — worked closely with the White House chief of staff, Mark Meadows, whose central role in Trump’s efforts to overturn a democratic election is coming into focus as the congressional investigation into Jan. 6 gains traction. There was Rep. Jim Jordan of Ohio, the pugnacious former wrestler who bolstered his national profile by defending Trump on cable television; Rep. Andy Biggs of Arizona, whose political ascent was padded by a $10 million sweepstakes win; and Rep. Paul Gosar, an Arizona dentist who trafficked in conspiracy theories and spoke at a white nationalist rally. They were joined by Rep. Louie Gohmert of Texas, who was known for fiery speeches delivered to an empty House chamber and unsuccessfully sued Vice President Mike Pence over his refusal to interfere in the election certification; and Rep. Mo Brooks of Alabama, a lawyer who rode the Tea Party wave to Congress and was later sued by a Democratic congressman for inciting the Jan. 6 riot. Perry, a former Army helicopter pilot who is close to Jordan and Meadows, acted as a de facto sergeant. He coordinated many of the efforts to keep Trump in office, including a plan to replace the acting attorney general with a more compliant official. His colleagues call him General Perry. Meadows, a former congressman from North Carolina who co-founded the Freedom Caucus in 2015, knew the six lawmakers well. His role as Trump’s right-hand man helped to remarkably empower the group in the president’s final, chaotic weeks in office. Congressional Republicans have fought the Jan. 6 committee’s investigation at every turn, but it is increasingly clear that Trump relied on the lawmakers to help his attempts to retain power. When Justice Department officials said they could not find evidence of widespread fraud, Trump was unconcerned: “Just say that the election was corrupt + leave the rest to me and the R. Congressmen,” he said, according to Donoghue’s notes of the call. November On Nov. 9, two days after The Associated Press called the race for Biden, crisis meetings were underway at Trump campaign headquarters in Arlington, Virginia. Perry and Jordan huddled with senior White House officials, including Meadows; Stephen Miller, a top Trump adviser; Bill Stepien, the campaign manager; and Kayleigh McEnany, the White House press secretary. According to two people familiar with the meetings, which have not been previously reported, the group settled on a strategy that would become a blueprint for Trump’s supporters in Congress: Hammer home the idea that the election was tainted, announce legal actions being taken by the campaign, and bolster the case with allegations of fraud. Gosar embraced the fraud claims so closely that his chief of staff, Tom Van Flein, rushed to an airplane hangar parking lot in Phoenix after a conspiracy theory began circulating that a suspicious jet carrying ballots from South Korea was about to land, perhaps in a bid to steal the election from Trump, according to court documents filed by one of the participants. The claim turned out to be baseless. December On Dec. 1, 2020, Attorney General William Barr said publicly what he knew to be true: The Justice Department had found no evidence of widespread election fraud. Biden was the lawful winner. The attorney general’s declaration seemed only to energize the six lawmakers. Gohmert suggested that the FBI in Washington could not be trusted to investigate election fraud. Biggs said that Trump’s allies needed “the imprimatur, quite frankly of the DOJ,” to win their lawsuits claiming fraud. They turned their attention to Jan. 6, when Pence was to officially certify Biden’s victory. Jordan, asked if the president should concede, replied, “No way.” On Dec. 21, Trump met with members of the Freedom Caucus to discuss their plans. Jordan, Gosar, Biggs, Brooks and Meadows were there. “This sedition will be stopped,” Gosar wrote on Twitter. January On Jan. 5, Jordan was still pushing. That day, he forwarded Meadows a text message he had received from a lawyer and former Pentagon inspector general outlining a legal strategy to overturn the election. “On January 6, 2021, Vice President Mike Pence, as President of the Senate, should call out all the electoral votes that he believes are unconstitutional as no electoral votes at all — in accordance with guidance from founding father Alexander Hamilton and judicial precedence,” the text read. On Jan. 6, Washington was overcast and breezy as thousands of people gathered at the Ellipse to hear Trump and his allies spread a lie that has become a rallying cry in the months since: that the election was stolen. Brooks, wearing body armor, took the stage in the morning, saying he was speaking at the behest of the White House. The crowd began to swell. “Today is the day American patriots start taking down names and kicking ass,” Brooks said. “Are you willing to do what it takes to fight for America?” Trump approached the dais soon after. “We will never give up,” Trump said. “We will never concede.” Roaring their approval, many in the crowd began the walk down Pennsylvania Avenue toward the Capitol, where the certification proceeding was underway. Amped up by the speakers at the rally, the crowd taunted the officers who guarded the Capitol and pushed toward the building’s staircases and entry points, eventually breaching security along the perimeter just after 1 p.m. By this point, the six lawmakers were inside the Capitol, ready to protest the certification. Gosar was speaking at 2:16 p.m. when security forces entered the chamber because rioters were in the building. As the melee erupted, Sen. Mitt Romney, R-Utah, yelled to his colleagues who were planning to challenge the election: “This is what you’ve gotten, guys.” When Jordan tried to help Rep. Liz Cheney, R-Wyo., move to safety, she smacked his hand away, according to a congressional aide briefed on the exchange. “Get away from me,” she told him. “You fucking did this." A spokesman for Jordan disputed parts of the account, saying that Cheney did not curse at the congressman or slap him. The back-and-forth was reported earlier by Washington Post reporters Carol Leonnig and Philip Rucker in their book “I Alone Can Fix It.” The Aftermath Perry was recently elected leader of the Freedom Caucus, elevating him to an influential leadership post as Republicans could regain control of the House in 2022. The stolen election claim is now a litmus test for the party, with Trump and his allies working to oust those who refuse to back it. All six lawmakers are poised to be key supporters should Trump maintain his political clout before the midterm and general elections. Brooks is running for Senate in Alabama, and Gohmert is running for Texas attorney general.Some, like Jordan, are in line to become committee chairs if Republicans take back the House. In many ways, they have tried to rewrite history. Several of the men have argued that the Jan. 6 attack was akin to a tourist visit to the Capitol. Gosar cast the attackers as “peaceful patriots across the country." A Pew research poll found that nearly two-thirds of Republicans said their party should not accept elected officials who criticize Trump. Still, the House select committee investigating the Capitol attack appears to be picking up steam, voting this week to recommend that Meadows be charged with criminal contempt of Congress. Rep. Bennie Thompson, D-Miss. and the chairman of the committee, said the panel would follow the facts wherever they led, including to members of Congress. “Nobody,” he said, “is off-limits.”

Meadows and the band of loyalists: How they fought to keep Trump in power

The House select committee that is conducting an investigation about the Capitol attack has voted to recommend criminal prosecution for former US president Donald Trump’s chief of staff Mark Meadows.<o:p></o:p>

This decision has been taken as Meadows denied cooperating and testifying in the January 06 investigation. The group decided to put the matter to vote before bringing this issue forward in front of the full House of Representatives, which may approve the citation by Tuesday.

<o:p>Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/donald-trump-would-have-won-if-us-election-were-held-today-poll-434920">Donald Trump would have won if US election were held today: Poll</a></o:p>

Meadows had earlier handed over his records to the investigators. However, soon after he stopped answering any questions related to the investigation, which made it a case of noncompliance and uncooperative behaviour.<o:p></o:p>

“It comes down to this,” Bennie Thompson, the chair of the select committee, said in an opening statement. “Mr Meadows started by doing the right thing: cooperating. He handed over records that he didn’t try to shield behind some excuse. But in an investigation like ours, that’s just a first step.<o:p></o:p>

“When the records raise questions – as these most certainly do – you have to come in and answer those questions. And when it was time for him to follow the law, come in, and testify on those questions, he changed his mind and told us to pound sand. He didn’t even show up.”

<o:p>Also read |&nbsp;<a href="https://www.wionews.com/world/trumps-blasts-disloyal-and-ungrateful-netanyahu-for-congratulating-biden-after-presidential-polls-436098">Trumps blasts ‘disloyal and ungrateful’ Netanyahu for congratulating Biden after presidential polls</a></o:p>

His noncompliant behaviour has forced the committee to take this action against him. Although Meadows started by providing records on his own, he quickly started going in an uncooperative zone after that, which made it difficult for the committee to continue the investigation.<o:p></o:p>

Among the over 9,000 documents handed over by Meadows, authorities found a powerpoint presentation titled “Election Fraud, Foreign Interference and Options for 6 JAN”. As per this, Trump was supposed to declare a national security emergency which would have, according to him, brought him back to the White House.<o:p></o:p>

Several text messages such as Trump’s son saying “we need an Oval Office address” to stop the Capitol attack, to lawmakers saying “Yesterday was a terrible day. We tried everything we could in our objection to the 6 states. I’m sorry nothing worked.”<o:p></o:p>

However, now, Meadows has decided to not answer any questions as he heard that the committee had subpoenaed his personal phone records.<o:p></o:p>

“Mr Meadows has shown his willingness to talk about issues related to the select committee’s investigation across a variety of media platforms – anywhere, it seems, except to the select committee,” the panel said in the contempt report.<o:p></o:p>

The House select committee that is conducting an investigation about the Capitol attack has voted to recommend criminal prosecution for former US president Donald Trump’s chief of staff Mark Meadows.

The House select committee that is conducting an investigation about the Capitol attack has voted to recommend criminal prosecution for former US president Donald Trump’s chief of staff Mark Meadows. This decision has been taken as Meadows denied cooperating and testifying in the January 06 investigation. The group decided to put the matter to vote before bringing this issue forward in front of the full House of Representatives, which may approve the citation by Tuesday. Also read | Donald Trump would have won if US election were held today: Poll Meadows had earlier handed over his records to the investigators. However, soon after he stopped answering any questions related to the investigation, which made it a case of noncompliance and uncooperative behaviour. “It comes down to this,” Bennie Thompson, the chair of the select committee, said in an opening statement. “Mr Meadows started by doing the right thing: cooperating. He handed over records that he didn’t try to shield behind some excuse. But in an investigation like ours, that’s just a first step. “When the records raise questions – as these most certainly do – you have to come in and answer those questions. And when it was time for him to follow the law, come in, and testify on those questions, he changed his mind and told us to pound sand. He didn’t even show up.” Also read | Trumps blasts ‘disloyal and ungrateful’ Netanyahu for congratulating Biden after presidential polls His noncompliant behaviour has forced the committee to take this action against him. Although Meadows started by providing records on his own, he quickly started going in an uncooperative zone after that, which made it difficult for the committee to continue the investigation. Among the over 9,000 documents handed over by Meadows, authorities found a powerpoint presentation titled “Election Fraud, Foreign Interference and Options for 6 JAN”. As per this, Trump was supposed to declare a national security emergency which would have, according to him, brought him back to the White House. Several text messages such as Trump’s son saying “we need an Oval Office address” to stop the Capitol attack, to lawmakers saying “Yesterday was a terrible day. We tried everything we could in our objection to the 6 states. I’m sorry nothing worked.” However, now, Meadows has decided to not answer any questions as he heard that the committee had subpoenaed his personal phone records. “Mr Meadows has shown his willingness to talk about issues related to the select committee’s investigation across a variety of media platforms – anywhere, it seems, except to the select committee,” the panel said in the contempt report.

Trump's former aide, Mark Meadows, recommended for criminal prosecution by Jan 6 committee

Fewer than 100 right-wing demonstrators, sharply outnumbered by an overwhelming police presence and even by reporters, gathered at the foot of the Capitol on Saturday to denounce what they called the mistreatment of “political prisoners” who had stormed the building on&nbsp;January&nbsp;6.

The peaceful gathering was the first significant right-wing protest since the Jan. 6 riot, and though even the organizers lamented the sparse turnout, the scene showed how the Capitol assault continues to reverberate eight months later.

Where only movable metal barriers stood between a mob and the Capitol on Jan. 6, layers of newly erected fence and dump trucks lined end to end guarded the building.

Mounted police, absent eight months ago, now stood at the ready. Riot shields were stacked at Capitol entrances, and law enforcement from the capital region, including the Virginia State Police and the police departments for Fairfax County in Virginia and Prince George’s County in Maryland, arrived with armored cars. One hundred National Guard troops from the District of Columbia were also on alert.

The few scuffles on the outskirts of the rally were quickly squelched. The Capitol Police said on Twitter that they had arrested a few people at the event, including a man who had a gun and was charged with unlawful activities.

Rally organizers blamed the poor attendance on the show of force.

“Shame on the people and the system who put fear in the hearts of American citizens not to come out,” Cara Castronuova, a founder of Citizens Against Political Persecution and a self-described celebrity fitness professional, told the crowd.

There had been early indications that the event would be a shadow of the Jan. 6 protest, which was well organized by a variety of groups, featured an array of far-right personalities and included an appearance by President Donald Trump. This time, one of the groups behind the Jan. 6 event, the Proud Boys, had warned people away, and neither Trump nor any sitting members of Congress chose to attend.

The event on Saturday was used as a platform for men who hope to be the next generation of Republican politicians. They included Joe Kent, a former member of the Special Forces who is challenging Rep.

Jaime Herrera Beutler, R-Wash., in part because she voted to impeach Trump. Another speaker, Mike Collins, is a small-business owner in Georgia seeking to replace Rep. Jody Hice, a pro-Trump politician who is forgoing reelection to challenge Brad Raffensperger, Georgia’s Republican secretary of state who refused Trump’s entreaties to tamper with the state’s vote count.

“We have political prisoners here,” Collins said. “The facts are clear: We’ve got nonviolent misdemeanor offenders that are currently being held with no bond, no access to lawyers, and sometimes in solitary confinement.”

Kent took up the same theme: “It’s banana republic stuff when political prisoners are arrested and denied due process,” he told the crowd, comparing the treatment of Jan. 6 rioters to what he had seen the U.S. military do in Iraq. He added, “This is a slippery slope and we are on it right now.”

The narrative spun from the podium was largely untrue or exaggerated. About 15% of those arrested so far in connection with the Jan. 6 riot have been denied bail and remain in pretrial custody — much lower than the overall federal pretrial detention rate of 75%. Moreover, all of those being detained on charges related to Jan. 6 are facing serious charges like assault or obstruction of Congress; none have been accused of only misdemeanors.

Far from jailing everyone, in fact, judges have granted bail to numerous defendants accused of violent attacks on the police or of belonging to extremist groups like the Proud Boys or the Oath Keepers militia.

There is also no evidence to back the charges, repeated from the podium Saturday, that authorities have imposed harsh conditions on Jan. 6 defendants because of their political beliefs. There was a recent 23-hour lockdown at the District of Columbia jail, but a jail spokesperson said it was enforced throughout the facility to curb the spread of the coronavirus and not imposed solely on Capitol defendants. It has been lifted, she added.

But Saturday’s rally was not about facts.

“When we take back the House and we take back the Senate in ’22, we are going to lay it out. We are going to have a congressional hearing. We’re going to subpoena witnesses, subpoena evidence and we’ll show there was widespread voter fraud,” Kent said, even as he acknowledged that for half of the country, his charges were part of “the Big Lie.”

The rally was organized by Matt Braynard, a former Trump campaign operative, and his organization, Look Ahead America. Braynard opened the event joking that he hoped “everyone got their wrists measured” for handcuffs, even as he asked the crowd to be respectful of the police.

He condemned far-right activists who had declared the event a “false flag” operation meant to help law enforcement track pro-Trump rioters, and as he spoke, channels on the encrypted messaging app Telegram frequented by such activists continued to accuse him of working on the police’s behalf.

“Nobody should be there,” wrote one person, while someone else called the participants “Craigslist actors.”

Bob Lyons, 70, a former Marine, came to the rally from Buffalo, New York. He said he was not disappointed by the turnout: “If one person showed up, it would mean that one person cared.”

“But if you look at this crowd,” he continued, motioning toward a scene dominated by reporters, not protesters, “there’s a lot of people that care.”

His wife, Ruth Lyons, 67, aired a familiar complaint from conservatives, arguing that the police had done little to stop or arrest racial justice protesters or left-wing agitators who committed violence in Portland, Oregon, and other cities, and that those who had been arrested were not being prosecuted with the same vigour as those involved in Jan. 6.

The government has tried to rebut such claims, arguing in court that there was no comparison between the protests last year prompted by the murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis and the storming of the Capitol.

While prosecutors acknowledged that those arrested during weeks of unrest at the Portland federal courthouse had committed “serious offenses,” they insisted that the rioters in Washington were involved in “a singular and chilling event” that threatened not only the Capitol but also “democracy itself.”

Ruth Lyons was unconvinced by such arguments.

“When you look at Portland and see what Black Lives Matter and other people got away with, the burning and the looting, they just looked the other way,” she said of the authorities.

“It’s un-American. It depends which side you’re on whether you get prosecuted or not,” she added.

Ricky Roy, 60, a T-shirt vendor selling pro-Trump merchandise on Third Street in front of the rally site, said he had been to every Trump event since the election and this was by far his worst day for sales.

“This was the smallest out of all of them,” he said. He said he sold more than $3,000 worth of merchandise Jan. 6. On Saturday, his sales totalled around $200.

Braynard and other organizers planned to hold about 20 additional events in state Capitols or other cities next Saturday, but a few were scheduled to coincide with the gathering in Washington.

In Seattle, a group of about 20 protesters stood in the rain under a white tent erected opposite the federal courthouse. In Charlotte, North Carolina, about a dozen people picketed across the street from the U.S. courthouse.

Philip Adkins, 66, wearing a gray T-shirt saying “We the People” in the same cursive lettering as the Constitution, said prosecutions were being decided on political grounds.

“If you are a Republican conservative Trump supporter, then you might as well hang it up because they are going to come after you hammer and tongs,” he said. “If you are a Democrat, they let you out of jail.”

In one sense, the rally in Washington was a success for the organizers and supporters of the defendants from the Jan 6. attack. When any attendee began speaking out in the crowd, a half dozen reporters swarmed with microphones in hand.

“We have a Bill of Rights and they’re not being adhered to right now,” Craig Stewart, a 26- year-old from Virginia who helped organize the event, said. “There’s a Constitution and a Bill of Rights and what’s happening to these prisoners is ridiculous.”

Asked what the goal of the rally was, Stewart was clear: “Get coverage.”

Fewer than 100 right-wing demonstrators, sharply outnumbered by an overwhelming police presence and even by reporters, gathered at the foot of the Capitol on Saturday to denounce what they called the mistreatment of “political prisoners” who had stormed the building on January 6.

Fewer than 100 right-wing demonstrators, sharply outnumbered by an overwhelming police presence and even by reporters, gathered at the foot of the Capitol on Saturday to denounce what they called the mistreatment of “political prisoners” who had stormed the building on January 6. The peaceful gathering was the first significant right-wing protest since the Jan. 6 riot, and though even the organizers lamented the sparse turnout, the scene showed how the Capitol assault continues to reverberate eight months later. Where only movable metal barriers stood between a mob and the Capitol on Jan. 6, layers of newly erected fence and dump trucks lined end to end guarded the building. Mounted police, absent eight months ago, now stood at the ready. Riot shields were stacked at Capitol entrances, and law enforcement from the capital region, including the Virginia State Police and the police departments for Fairfax County in Virginia and Prince George’s County in Maryland, arrived with armored cars. One hundred National Guard troops from the District of Columbia were also on alert. The few scuffles on the outskirts of the rally were quickly squelched. The Capitol Police said on Twitter that they had arrested a few people at the event, including a man who had a gun and was charged with unlawful activities. Rally organizers blamed the poor attendance on the show of force. “Shame on the people and the system who put fear in the hearts of American citizens not to come out,” Cara Castronuova, a founder of Citizens Against Political Persecution and a self-described celebrity fitness professional, told the crowd. There had been early indications that the event would be a shadow of the Jan. 6 protest, which was well organized by a variety of groups, featured an array of far-right personalities and included an appearance by President Donald Trump. This time, one of the groups behind the Jan. 6 event, the Proud Boys, had warned people away, and neither Trump nor any sitting members of Congress chose to attend. The event on Saturday was used as a platform for men who hope to be the next generation of Republican politicians. They included Joe Kent, a former member of the Special Forces who is challenging Rep. Jaime Herrera Beutler, R-Wash., in part because she voted to impeach Trump. Another speaker, Mike Collins, is a small-business owner in Georgia seeking to replace Rep. Jody Hice, a pro-Trump politician who is forgoing reelection to challenge Brad Raffensperger, Georgia’s Republican secretary of state who refused Trump’s entreaties to tamper with the state’s vote count. “We have political prisoners here,” Collins said. “The facts are clear: We’ve got nonviolent misdemeanor offenders that are currently being held with no bond, no access to lawyers, and sometimes in solitary confinement.” Kent took up the same theme: “It’s banana republic stuff when political prisoners are arrested and denied due process,” he told the crowd, comparing the treatment of Jan. 6 rioters to what he had seen the U.S. military do in Iraq. He added, “This is a slippery slope and we are on it right now.” The narrative spun from the podium was largely untrue or exaggerated. About 15% of those arrested so far in connection with the Jan. 6 riot have been denied bail and remain in pretrial custody — much lower than the overall federal pretrial detention rate of 75%. Moreover, all of those being detained on charges related to Jan. 6 are facing serious charges like assault or obstruction of Congress; none have been accused of only misdemeanors. Far from jailing everyone, in fact, judges have granted bail to numerous defendants accused of violent attacks on the police or of belonging to extremist groups like the Proud Boys or the Oath Keepers militia. There is also no evidence to back the charges, repeated from the podium Saturday, that authorities have imposed harsh conditions on Jan. 6 defendants because of their political beliefs. There was a recent 23-hour lockdown at the District of Columbia jail, but a jail spokesperson said it was enforced throughout the facility to curb the spread of the coronavirus and not imposed solely on Capitol defendants. It has been lifted, she added. But Saturday’s rally was not about facts. “When we take back the House and we take back the Senate in ’22, we are going to lay it out. We are going to have a congressional hearing. We’re going to subpoena witnesses, subpoena evidence and we’ll show there was widespread voter fraud,” Kent said, even as he acknowledged that for half of the country, his charges were part of “the Big Lie.” The rally was organized by Matt Braynard, a former Trump campaign operative, and his organization, Look Ahead America. Braynard opened the event joking that he hoped “everyone got their wrists measured” for handcuffs, even as he asked the crowd to be respectful of the police. He condemned far-right activists who had declared the event a “false flag” operation meant to help law enforcement track pro-Trump rioters, and as he spoke, channels on the encrypted messaging app Telegram frequented by such activists continued to accuse him of working on the police’s behalf. “Nobody should be there,” wrote one person, while someone else called the participants “Craigslist actors.” Bob Lyons, 70, a former Marine, came to the rally from Buffalo, New York. He said he was not disappointed by the turnout: “If one person showed up, it would mean that one person cared.” “But if you look at this crowd,” he continued, motioning toward a scene dominated by reporters, not protesters, “there’s a lot of people that care.” His wife, Ruth Lyons, 67, aired a familiar complaint from conservatives, arguing that the police had done little to stop or arrest racial justice protesters or left-wing agitators who committed violence in Portland, Oregon, and other cities, and that those who had been arrested were not being prosecuted with the same vigour as those involved in Jan. 6. The government has tried to rebut such claims, arguing in court that there was no comparison between the protests last year prompted by the murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis and the storming of the Capitol. While prosecutors acknowledged that those arrested during weeks of unrest at the Portland federal courthouse had committed “serious offenses,” they insisted that the rioters in Washington were involved in “a singular and chilling event” that threatened not only the Capitol but also “democracy itself.” Ruth Lyons was unconvinced by such arguments. “When you look at Portland and see what Black Lives Matter and other people got away with, the burning and the looting, they just looked the other way,” she said of the authorities. “It’s un-American. It depends which side you’re on whether you get prosecuted or not,” she added. Ricky Roy, 60, a T-shirt vendor selling pro-Trump merchandise on Third Street in front of the rally site, said he had been to every Trump event since the election and this was by far his worst day for sales. “This was the smallest out of all of them,” he said. He said he sold more than $3,000 worth of merchandise Jan. 6. On Saturday, his sales totalled around $200. Braynard and other organizers planned to hold about 20 additional events in state Capitols or other cities next Saturday, but a few were scheduled to coincide with the gathering in Washington. In Seattle, a group of about 20 protesters stood in the rain under a white tent erected opposite the federal courthouse. In Charlotte, North Carolina, about a dozen people picketed across the street from the U.S. courthouse. Philip Adkins, 66, wearing a gray T-shirt saying “We the People” in the same cursive lettering as the Constitution, said prosecutions were being decided on political grounds. “If you are a Republican conservative Trump supporter, then you might as well hang it up because they are going to come after you hammer and tongs,” he said. “If you are a Democrat, they let you out of jail.” In one sense, the rally in Washington was a success for the organizers and supporters of the defendants from the Jan 6. attack. When any attendee began speaking out in the crowd, a half dozen reporters swarmed with microphones in hand. “We have a Bill of Rights and they’re not being adhered to right now,” Craig Stewart, a 26- year-old from Virginia who helped organize the event, said. “There’s a Constitution and a Bill of Rights and what’s happening to these prisoners is ridiculous.” Asked what the goal of the rally was, Stewart was clear: “Get coverage.”

Sparse right-wing protest of January 6 arrests draws huge police response